PACIFIC LINGUISTICS

S eJt..te.6 V - No. 3 4

A GENERATIVE APPROACH TO THE PHONOLOGY OF BAHASA INDONESIA

by

Hans Lapoliwa

(MATERIALS IN LANGUAGES OF INDONESIA, NO. 3) W.A.L. Stokhof, Series Editor

Department of Linguistics

Research School of Pacific Studies

THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY

Lapoliwa, H. A generative approach to the phonology of Bahasa Indonesia. D-34, vi + 160 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1981. DOI:10.15144/PL-D34.cover ©1981 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. PACIFIC LINGUISTICS is issued through the L�ng u��t�Q C��Qle 06

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EDITORIAL ADVISERS: B. Bender, University of Hawaii K.A. MCElhanon, University of Texas D. Bradley, University of Melbourne H. MCKaughan, University of Hawaii A. Capell, University of Sydney P. Muhlhausler, Linacre College, Oxford S. Elbert, University of Hawaii G.N. O'Grady, University of Victoria, K. Franklin, Summer Institute of B.C. Linguistics A.K. Pawley, University of Hawaii W.W. Glover, Summer Institute of K. Pike, University of Michigan; Summer Linguistics Institute of Linguistics G. Grace, University of Hawaii E.C. Po lome , University of Texas M.A.K. Halliday, University of Sydney G. Sankoff, Universite de Montreal A. Healey, Summer Institute of W.A.L. Stokhof, National Center for Linguistics Language Development, Jakarta; L. Hercus, Australian National University University of Leiden N.D. Liem, University of Hawaii J.W.M. verhaar, University of Indonesia, J. Lynch, University of Papua New Guinea Jakarta

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Copyright 0 The Author First published 1981

The editors are indebted to the Australian National University for help in the production of this series . This publication was made possible by an initial grant from the Hunter Douglas Fund .

National Library of Australia Card Number and ISBN 85883 245 3. 0 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1

1.1. 'BAHASA INDONESIA' 1

1.2. THE AIM AND SCOPE OF THE STUDY 4

1.3. THE DATA: MATERIALS AND INFORMANTS 5

1.4. TRANSCRIPTIONS, NOTATIONAL CONVENTIONS, AND ABBREVIATIONS 7

1.4.1. Transcriptions 7

1.4.2. Notational Conventions 8

1.4.3. Abbreviations 8

CHAPTER 2: THE RELATIONSHIP OF THE UNDERLYING REPRESENTATION TO THE PHON ETIC REALISATION 11

2.1. CONSONANTS 12

2.1.1. The Consonant System in Indigenous Words 14

2.1.1.1. The Underlying Consonant Ip l 15

2.1.1.2. The Underlying Consonant Ibl 16

2.1.1.3. The Underlying Consonant It I 16

2.1.1.4. The Underlying Consonant Id l 17 2.1.1.5. The Underlying Consonant Ikl 18

2.1.1.6. The Underlying Consonant 191 19

2.1.1.7. The Underlying Consonant lsi 19

2.1.1.8. The Underlying (Consonant) Glide Ihl 20

2.1.1.9. The Underlying Consonant IC! 21

2.1.1.10. The Underlying Consonant /JI 21 2.1.1.11. The Underlying Consonant Im l 22

2.1.1.12. The Underlying Consonant In l 22

2.1.1.13. The Underlying Consonant Ifl l 23

2.1.1.14. The Underlying Consonant IQ I 23

iii iv

Page

2.1.1.15. The Underlying Consonant 24 111 2.1.1.16. The Underlying Consonant Irl 24

2.1.1.17. The Underlying Glides Iwl and Iyl 25

2.1.2. Loan Consonants 25

2.2. VOWELS 28

2.2.1. The Underlying Vowel /il 29

2.2.2. The Underlying Vowel lal 30

2.2.3. The Underlying Vowel luI 30

2.2.4. The Underlying Vowel 30 101 2.2.5. The Underlying Vowels leI and lal 31

2.3. THE CHARACTERISATION OF SEGMENTS IN TERMS OF DISTINCTIVE FEATURES 35

CHAPTER 3: POSITIVE CONDITIONS 39

3.1. LEXICAL STEMS 40

3. 2 . AFFIXES 43

3.3. EXAMPLES OF UNDERLYING FORMS OF TYPICAL WORDS 46

3.4. A NOTE ON WORD ANALYSES 52

CHAPTER 4: MORPHEME STRUCTURE CONDITIONS 57

4.1. SEQUENTIAL 'IF-THEN CONDITIONS' 59

4.1.1. Sequence of Consonants 59

4.1.2. Sequence of Vowels 65

4.1.3. Final Segments 72

4.2. SEGMENTAL 'IF-THEN CONDITIONS' 74

4.2.1. Consonants 74

4.2.2. Vowels and Glides 76

4.3. SUMMARY OF 'MORPHEME STRUCTURE CONDITIONS' (MSCs) 77

CHAPTER 5: PHONOLOGICAL RULES 83

5.1. CONSONANT DEGEMINATION AND TRILL DELETION 84

5.1.1. Consonant Degemination 84

5.1.2. Trill Deletion 86

5.2. GLOTTAL STOP INSERTION, AND GLOTTAL STOP REALISATION OF Ikl 87

5.2.1. Glottal Stop Insertion 87

5.2.2. Glottal Stop Realisation of Ikl 88 5.3. DELETION OF Ih/, SYLLABLE REDUCTION, VOICING OF Ihl AND PLACE ADJUSTMENT OF Ihl 90 5.3.1. Deletion of Ihl 90

5.3.2. Syllable Reduction 93

5.3.3. Voicing of Ihl 96 v

Page

5.3.4. Place Adjustment of Ihl 97

5.4. NATURALISATION RULES 98

5.4.1. Naturalisation of IfI 98

5.4.2. Naturalisation of Izl 100

5.4.3. Naturalisation of lsi 101

5.4.4. Naturalisation of Ixl 102

5.5. NASAL ASSIMILATION, SCHWA INSERTION AND CONSONANT DELETION (COALESCENCE) 103

5.5.1. Imanl Before Stems 104 5.5.2. Imanl Int�rmediate Between Ipal and Stems 112

5.6. VOWEL: LAXING, RETRACTION, DELETION, NASALISATION; LOWERING AND COALESCENCE 114

5.6.1. Vowel Laxing 114

5.6.2. Vowel Retraction 115 5.6.3. 116 Schwa Deletion , 5.6.4. Vowel Nasalisation 118

5.6.5. Vowel Lowering 119

5.6.6. Vowel Coalescence 120

5.7. GLIDE INSERTION AND DESYLLABICATION 121

5.7.1. Glide Insertion 121

5.7.2. Desyllabication 122

5.8. VOWEL DISSIMILATION 123

5.9. LOANWORD ENDINGS 126

5.10. STRESS PLACEMENT 127

5.11. SUMMARY OF P-RULES 131

CHAPTER 6: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 143

BIBLIOGRAPHY 147 Lapoliwa, H. A generative approach to the phonology of Bahasa Indonesia. D-34, vi + 160 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1981. DOI:10.15144/PL-D34.cover ©1981 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. CRAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

This study is a transformational generative account of the phonology of 'Bahasa Indonesia' , the national and official language of the Repub­ lic of Indone sia. Each of the subsequent chapters begins with intro­ ductory remarks on a number of points, such as theoretical issues on certain aspects of phonology, the model of description adopted , the obj ective and organisation of the chapter concerned , etc . Therefore this introductory chapter present s only a brief account of each of the following : (a) 'Bahasa Indonesia ' (b) the aim and scope of the study (c) the data - mat erials and informant s (d) transcriptions, notational conv entions, and abbreviat ions

1.1. 'BA HASA INDONESIA' l The term 'Bahasa Indonesia ' meaning 'Indonesian language, was first introduc ed by the Second All Indonesia Youth Congress in Jakarta. In their appeal for the unity of various regional youth organisat ions, so as to make their independence movement stronger and more effective , the delegates to the congress passed a resolution on 28 October 1928 . This resolut ion , known as Sumpah Pemuda (Youth Pledge ) called for loyalty to one fatherland namely 'Fat herland Indonesia ', to one nat ion namely 'Indonesia ' and to one language namely 'Bahasa Indonesia '. By virt ue of this resolution, Malay, the language of eastern Sumatra and the nearby islands (and of the Malay peninsula of Malaysia as well) , was adopted and christened 'Bahasa Indonesia ' (hereinafter abbreviated BI) , and was concomitantly promoted to nat ional language status . The

l The word bahasa itself is derived from Sanskrit bhasa 'language'.

1

Lapoliwa, H. A generative approach to the phonology of Bahasa Indonesia. D-34, vi + 160 pages. Pacific Linguistics, The Australian National University, 1981. DOI:10.15144/PL-D34.1 ©1981 Pacific Linguistics and/or the author(s). Online edition licensed 2015 CC BY-SA 4.0, with permission of PL. A sealang.net/CRCL initiative. 2

adoption of Malay as the national language of Indonesia under the new name caused no problem mainly because Malay had been used as a lingua franca throughout the archipelago long before the colonial period began in the early year s of the 17th century. Moreover , there was no other regional language competing for the national language status. As a matter of fact , sinc e October 1928 BI has served as a powerful leverage for nat ional unity and as a main means of int er-ethnic and inter­ cultural corr�unication in Indone sia . Soon after Indonesia proclaimed her independence on 17 August 1945, BI was const itutionally made the official language of the Republic of 1 Indonesia. Thence.BI ha s become a language by means of which maj or governmental affairs are carried out , a language of instruction at all levels of Indonesian schools, except , of course , in fore ign language classes at secondary schools and universities, as well as in foreign language department s of universit ies or college s where the foreign lan­ guage taught is used instead (cf. Halim 1974 :8) . However, in regions where BI is considerably different from the local languages, BI is not used as the medium of instruction unt il the third or the fourth grade of elementary schools. It must be noted however that for mo st speaker s, BI is their second language . Indonesia is a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural country. 2 Its population, estimated to number over 130 million people by the end of 1977 consists of hundreds of ethnic groups, and subsequent ly almost each one of them has its own language or dialect . According to some scholars, there are about 400 languages (including dialects) throughout the country (cf. Halim 1975; Ro sidi 1975, etc. ). Genet ically, these languages (including Malay , and thus BI) belong to the Indonesian group , and together with the languages of Madagascar , Formosa and the 3 Philippines constitute the Indonesian sub-family of what is currently

l It is stated in the Undang-Undang (1945 Constitution) Chapter Art icle 36 that "Bahasa Negara adalah BahasaVa6� Indone 1945sia" (The State language is BahasaXV, Indone sia) . 2 �'he figure is a rough estimate made on the basis of approximately 2 per cent popu­ la.t ion rate per year of 120.1 million of the 1971 population census (cf. Iskandar 1975: 5). 3 Since the term 'Indonesian' has been used to refer to one of the sub-families of the Austronesian family as well as to the languages of the Indonesian archipelago , it is desirable to use the term BI to refer exclusively to the national and official lan­ guage of Indonesia, and let the term Malay refer to the language of eastern Sumatra ani the nearby islands only (cf. Halim 1974 :9ff) . 3

l known as the Austronesian fa mily. Apart from Malay, whic h is the basis of BI, Javanese anq Sundanese need mention in relation to the development of BI. Javane se , the language spoken in central and east Java by about half of the populat ion of the who le archipelago , ha s probably been the most influential local language in the development of BI, partly because the maj ority of the national leaders are speakers of Javanese and partly because many works in Javanese or about Javane se (including it s liter­ ature and culture ) have gained wide readership both in the country and abroad . The second most influential local language in the development of BI, for similar reasons ment ioned above , is probab ly Sundanese , a language spoken by the maj ority of the native inhabitant s of we st Java. It must be noted however that the importance of the regional languages in the development of BI is limited to the enrichment of it s vocabulary. Grammar and pronunciation influences are unacceptable in the sense that they are re garded as bad usage . As we shall see later in Chapter 4, the impact of the influence of the regional languages (especially Javanese and Sundanese) on the phono logy of BI is marked by the exis­ tence of a number of morpheme st ructures in BI which are , phonotactic­ ally, uncommon with respect to the structures of Malay it ems , such as the occurrence of schwa in the final syllable as in ganteng [gantaQ] 'handsome ', the occurrence of a front mid vowel in the penultimate syllable in words who se final syllable contains a high vowel as in bendi [bendi] 'a gig ', etc . The existence of those 'uncommon ' morpheme structures is partially at tributable to the influence of foreign lan­ guages. Among foreign languages which play a significant role in the devel­ opment of BI, particularly in the enrichment of it s vocabulary, Arabic, Dutch and English merit ment ion . Arabic has a remarkable influence mainly through the Moslem religion, the religion of the vast maj ority of the people , while Dut ch and English display their influence through modern sciences, tec hnology and culture as we ll as through contacts with the west ern world it self. The impact of such influence on the phonology of BI is marked, in ad dition to the existence of the 'uncommon ' morpheme structures ment ioned above , by the ac ceptance· or recognition of some speech sounds and sound comb inations which exis t neither in Malay nor in the regional languages, such as the fricat ives /f/ (e.g. l Traditionally the Indonesian languages are grouped under the Malayo-Polynesian family, a term introduc ed by von Humboldt , who owed it, to some extent , to Forster ( see Fraser 1892:344-345).K.W. For a further account of the term 'Austronesian', the reader is referred to Brandstetter 1916:v, Halim 1974 :9 the references therein. and 4

in faham 'comprehend, ideology ', veto 'veto ', etc.), Izl (e.g. in zaman 'era ', zat 'sub stance ', etc.), lsi (e.g. in syah 'legal ', syarat 're­ qu irements ', etc .) and Ixl (e.g. in khas 'typical', khusus 'specific ', etc.), consonant clusters in word -init ial position as in praktek 'practice ', struktur 'structure ', etc . (See furt her discussion of these phenomena in Sections 2.2., 3.1. and 5.4. For the correspondences between phonological symbols and ort hographic symbols, see section 1.4. ) Observation of the speech form of B1 shows that the language is far from uniform. This can easily be understood because the geographical and linguistic background of the speakers is far from homogeneous. The type of BI described in this study is of what may be termed 'St andard Pronunciation', a kind of speech form (pronunciat ion) which is usually used by educat ed people and considered appropriate to use in places like schools, on radio and television, in offices, etc. The 'Standard l Pronunciation ' variet y is geographically least marked .

1.2. THE AIM AND SCOPE OF THE STUDY

The aim of this study is twofold . One goal is to present an intro­ duction to the phonological grammar of BI. It is an introduction because it does not account for all phonological aspects of BI and it is limited to one type of speech variety of BI . It is also an intro ­ duction in the sense that this study is an attempt to provide a gener­ 2 ative account of the phonology of BI. The other - primary - goal is to present a phonological description of BI wit hin a transformat ional generat ive framework . More specifically, this study is concerned with three main problems, name ly: (1) the rep­ re sentation of BI morpheme s both on the phonological and phonetic level ; (2) the stat ement of the well-formedness of BI morpheme s and segment s; and (3) the formulation of rules which correctly account for the phonetic form (in this case 'Standard Pronunc iation') of all ut terances in BI and at the same time adequately capture phonological generalisat ions of t he language . The framework adopted in the present descript ion is basically that of Chomsky and Halle as described in their monumental work The Sound Pa..t.teJtn 06 Eng.ii.6h (1968) . In dealing with the problem of the well­ formedness of morphemes however , the model used departs from Chomsky l Ideally 'Standard Pronunciation' is geographically unmarked (cf. Abercrombie 1956: 44 ) . 2 Halim (1974:7) points out that the least explored part of BI grammar is its phonology. This is part icularly true with respect to the use of a generative approach. 5

and Halle's in that regularities observed in BI morpheme s and segment s are , fo llowing Stanley (1967), stated in terms of conditions rather than in terms of rules ( cf. Chomsky and Halle 1968:171) . The scope of the present description is limited to the word-level phonology. Int onat ion and syntactically-mot ivated stress are not dis­ cussed. To deal wit h these aspects would certainly result in another study. This st udy consists of six chapters including the Introduction. Chapter 2 is devoted to the discussion of segment s and fe atures which are necessary for the representation of morphemes . Chapter 3 deals with the statement of the well-formedness of lexical and grammatical morphemes as well as morpheme combinations in terms of positive cond i­ tions. The positive condit ions apply only to the phonological ( under­ lying) form of morpheme s in BI. In Chapter 4 the quest ion of the mor­ pheme we ll-formedness is taken up again. While Chapter 3 is concerned mainly with the canonical shapes of morpheme s on the phonological level , Chapter 4 is princ ipally concerned wit h phono logical regularities ( or phonological redundancies) observed in the underlying represent at ion of morphemes and segment s. The ob served regularities are stated in terms of 'If-Then ' conditions. The se conditions are called 'Morpheme Structure ' conditions . Chapt er 5 is concerned with the formulat ion of phonological rules proper ( also called phonet ic realisat ion rules) . The main function of these rules is to account for variat ions in shape that morphemes undergo in various environment s. Finally, Chapter 6 presents the summary of the study and a number of conc luding remarks drawn from the ana lyses made in the earlier chapt er s.

1.3. THE DATA: MATERIALS AND INFORMANTS

As noted above ( cf. Section 1.1.), the variety of BI described in this study is that of 'Standard Pronunciat ion ' which is defined as a kind of speech form of BI which is usually used by educated speakers and geographical ly is least marked . Although the writer is an 'educated speaker ' of BI, his pronunciat ion is not by any means free from the influence of hi s first language ( i.e. Mori, one of the languages spoken in Central Sulawesi } . To minimise the regional fe atures, the writer has had recour se to the speech of other educat ed speaker s. For this purpose, two sets of material s are used. The first set , the primar y data, is the recordings of 180 words ( including phrases) , 50 simple sentences and a dialogue of 40 sent ences long . The recordings were made in the phonetic laboratory of the Phonet ics and Linguistic s Department , School of Or iental and African 6

Studies, University of London . To avoid unnecessary mi stake s or dis­ tort ions, the text of the language materials was given to every inform­ ant a few days before the recording of his or her reading was carried out . The informant s, five people altogether (inc luding the wr iter) , are Indonesians in their 30s and 40s. Three of them, all men , are post­ graduate student s at the University of London . They come from differ­ ent part s of Indonesia - Central Java, North Sumatra and Central Sulawesi. The other two , husband and wife, are emp loyed by the uni­ versity. Both of them come from West Sumatra . In addition to the above materials, the writer also used another set of materials (secondary data) as a further check on his pronunciat ion . These materials consist of about 150 words (including phrases) , 250 l sentences and a conversat ion of 40 sentences long . These secondary materials are on a ready-made tape available in the language laboratory of the School of Orient al and African Studies, University of London . Information about the speaker s involved in the recording s is not avail­ able . As far as can be judged from the recordings, there are four of them , two ladies and two men. The statement s about the features of BI 'Standard Pronunciat ion ' are derived mainly from the primary data on the basis of the feat ures common to the informant s. The sec ondary data are occasionally consulted when the wr iter is in doubt about a certain aspect . Alt hough the st at ement s are based on the analysis of a body of ut terances (corpus) , this study is by no mean s a corpus-restricted de scription of BI phonology . Many items used to illustrat e certain point s in the course of the study are supplied by the writer eit her from his own knowledge of the language or from other sources such as dictionaries, grammar books, etc ., especially in dealing with the problems of the representat ion and well-formedne ss of morphemes. This procedure is just i fiable because the main difference be tween BI 'Standard Pronunciation ' and the regional varieties of the language lies, as far as generat ive phonology is concerned, in the system of phonetic realisation rules. Crystal (1969:8) wr ites

To go beyond the corpus is envisaged from the very outset , as ult imately one want s to make statement s about the language system as a whole - or , to put it in current generat ive terms , about the underlying 'c ompetence' which linguistic performanc e is supposed to reflect ...

l The materials were originally prepared for foreigner s learning BI ( cf. Johns 1975: Chapter 13). 7

1.4. TRANSCR IPTIONS, NOTATIONAL CONVENTIONS, AND ABBREVIATIONS

1.4.1. TRANS CR IPTIONS

In this study, there are three kinds of transcriptions used for the represent at ion of BI items - orthographic , phonological (systemat ic phonemic ) and phonetic transcript ions . A sample BI item may be given in orthographic and/or phonological , and/or phonetic form . Orthographic forms of BI items are in bold print . Phonological and phonetic forms are wr itten between slashes (/ /) and square brackets ([ J) respec­ tively. The relationships bet ween phonological forms and the corresponding phonetic forms are described in Chapter 2. The relat ionships between phonological forms and the corresponding orthographic forms can be described by showing the correspondences between (systemat ic ) phoneme s and graphemes (i.e. minimal dist inctive unit s of the orthography) in BI as follows :

Systematic Phoneme Grapheme Example Iii libul i b u 'mother '

lui u Isatul - satu 'one ' I e I ==--=--=--==--- e lenakl - enak 'de�iaious ' lal lamasl - emas 'go �d '

Itokol - toko 'shop ' 101 0 lal a lapal - apa 'what ' Iyl y layahl - ayah ' fa ther '

Iwl w Ikawanl - kawan 'friend ' Ihl h Iharil - ha r i 'day ' I P/ � p lapal - apa 'what ' b /Jawapl - jawab 'answer '

Ibl I b u kaI - buka 'to open '

ItI Itutupl - tutup 'to a�ose '

� - : labatl abad 'aentury '

Idl Idudukl - duduk 'to sit ' Ik/ � Ikua tl - kua t 'strong ' : Igudekl - gudeg , spiaed riae ' Igl Ig ul al - gula ' sugar ' I f I -=====-==== f, p Itarafl - taraf,tarap 'phase ' v Ifetol - veto 'veto '

lsi s Isayal - saya 'I' I zl z,s lazasl - azas,asas 'prinaip �e ' -=::::::::::::: j Izamanl - jaman , zaman 'era ' lsi sy,s I�ahl - syah,sah '�ega�' 8

Systematic Phoneme Grapheme Example

Ix/ � kh Ixasl - khas 'typical' g laxenl - agen , agen t, agency ' IC/ c Icuci l - cuci 'to wash' !jl j laJarl - a j a r , to teach ' III /laril - a r i 'to run ' 1 1 I rl r Irumahl - rumah , house ' Iml m Imudal - muda 'young ' Inl n linil - ini 'this ' Ipl ny Ibapakl - banyak 'many,much ' IrJI ng lorarJI - orang 'pers on'

1.4.2. NOTATIONAL CONVENTI ONS

For reference, lists of sample items in each chapter are numbered consecut ively beginning with the number of the chapter , similar to those of the sections of the chapt er . Numbers referring to examples are different from numb ers re ferring to sections in that they are always enclosed between bracket s. The following are notat ional conventions used in this study:

[J 'square brac ket s' enc lose phonetic items / / 'slashes, slant lines' enc lose phonologic al items o phrase boundary + grammat ical morpheme boundary ++ lex ical morpheme boundary, word boundary + 'rewritten as'

+ 'derived from' , 'analysed into ' 'agree with' , 'must be', 'go together with ' � * 'reconstructed or hypothet ical form' , 'unacceptable form ' 'zero ' o

1.4.3 . ABBREVIATIONS

Ant Ant erior BI 'Bahasa Indonesia ' ('Indonesian (language) ') C Consonant Cons Consonantal Cont Continuant Cor Coronal IPA Internat ional Phonetic Alphabet MSC Morpheme Structure Condit ion NP Noun Phrase 9

P-rule ' Phonological rule - proper ' Son Sonorant Syll Syllabic V Vowel VP Verb Phrase

CHAPTER 2

THE RELATIONSHIP OF THE UNDERLYING REPRESENTATION TO THE PHONETIC REALISATION

According to Harms (1968:12 ),

The primary aims of generative phonology are to provide a phonemic representation of morpheme s and a series of ordered rules that , together with informat io n about boundary phenomena (junctur es), (l) adequat ely express the phonological gener­ alizations of the language and (2) at the same time determine the phonetic form of all utterances in the language .

In the lit erature , the term underlying representation (or phonological represent ation) is more frequent ly used by generative phonology writer s 1 to mean phonemic representat ion. Similarly, the te rm underlying (or phonological) segment is preferred rather than the term phoneme . The notion of underlying (phonologica l) form of a morpheme has been asso ciated with 'abstractness ' and this has been taken most ly to mean that the underlying form represent s one or more phonet ic forms of the morpheme in question. In practice, the un derlying form chosen for a certain morpheme is usually ident ical wit h one of the occurring phonetic 2 forms of the morpheme . This however is not always the case . The linguist may postulate an underlying form for a morpheme which does not occur phonetically in any environment. Yet the postulated underlying form usually consist s of element s (segment s) which are phonetically

l In fact the term 'underlying (phonological ) representation' in generative phonology is similar to the term 'morphophonemic representation' rather than 'phonemic represen­ tation' in structural linguistics. This term (morphophonemic ) is avoided however because it implie s that there is a phonemic level of representation between phono­ logical (lexical) and phonetic representation (cf. Chomsky and Halle 1968 :11; Chomsky 1964 :69; 1966:76-81 , et c. ). 2 This is the main reason why many generative phonologist s have the view that the phonological forms of morphemes must be fUlly specified in terms of phonetic features (e.g. Stanley 1967; Ander son 1974, especially Chapter 3, etc.). This view is adopted in this study .

11 12

possible in the language . This is to say that the underlying segment s po stulated for the underlying representation are not simply abstract segment s in an arbitrary formula but rat her , they are in tended to have an expl icit phonetic int erpretation (cf. Ander son 1974:47) . In this chapter we are going to examine and determine what segment s are necessary for the underlying representat ion of BI morphemes and their phonet ic realisation . Sections 2. 1. and 2.2. deal with consonants and vowels respectively. Section 2.3. pre sent s the feature composit ion of the segment s set up in the first two se ctions.

2. 1. CONSONANTS

Most works on the phonology of BI recognise that BI makes use of 23 consonant sounds. These consonant sounds are usually represented by the symbols: [p, b, t, d, k, 7, f, 5, Z, $, x, h, c, J, m, n, g, )1, I), r, wJ and [yJ . (The symbols [5], [c J, [J J and [yJ are equivalent to 1, IPA symbols [9 J, [t9J , [d� J and [jJ respectively .) The se consonants may fu rther be characterised in general phonetic terms by means of the following chart :

CHART 1

Place of Artic ulation Manner of iculat ion �ntal/ (Alve o-) Labial Velar Glottal Art Alveolar Palatal

1. Plosives (vl) p t k 7 (Vd) b d g 2. Fricatives (vl) (f) 5 m (x) h (vd) ( z) 3. Affricates (vl) c (vd) J 4. Nasals (vd) m n )1 I) 5. lateral (vd) 1 6. Trill (vd) r 7. Approx:!mants (vd) w y ( sEmivowels)

(Note : vl = vo :1celess; = voiced) vd

Note that the symbols enclosed between brac ket s in the above chart do not occur in nat ive BI (Malay) it ems . They have been int roduced into the sound system of BI mainly through Arabic borrowing . 13

The maj ority of the works on the phonology of BI mentioned above claim that the 23 consonant sound s are linguist ically significant in the sense that they are capab le of different iat ing the meanings of words and, ac cordingly, each of them qualifie s for the label phoneme (see e.g. Halim 1974 : 175-176; also Halim 1972:153-154 ; Wolff 1971:9 ; Macdonald and Dardjowidj oj o 1967 :1-21, etc.). Some scholars however posit 22 consonant phonemes only instead of 23. They claim that the glottal stop ([?J) does not constitute a pho­ neme but rather it is only an allophone of the phoneme /k/, whose distribution is phonologically definable, that is it occurs in word­ final po sition, while [kJ (the ot her allophone of the phoneme /k/) occurs in word-initial and word-medial positions (see e.g. Panitia Edjaan Lembaga Bahasa dan Kesusasteraan (The Spelling Committee of the Institute of Language and Literature ) 1966:5-7; Johns 197 5:8-17, etc .) As far as classical phoneme theory is concerned, one has to take the first position because the two consonant sounds ([kJ and [?J ) do contrast in a few pairs of lexical items, such as:

(2.1) pak [pakJ 'paakage ' vs pak [pa?J 'father, sir ' bak [bakJ 'trough' vs bak [ba?J 'like, as ' sukun [sukonJ 'breadfrui t' vs suun [su?onJ 'riae noodle ' sakat [sakatJ 'parasitia plant ' vs saat [sa?atJ 'moment, time '

Note however that the first two items listed on the left in the above examples are loanwords . In general, one can say that the velar stop ([kJ ) occurs in word-fina l po sition only in loanwords . It will be seen lat er that loan it ems, part icularly those that contain foreign sound s (i.e. sounds whic h do not occur in nat ive BI items) , have also been the main source of difficulties in setting forth under lying consonants and und erlying represent at ion of morphemes. The difficulties arise because the foreign sounds tend to be substituted by some other sounds whic h occur in native BI items, and accordingly , most loan items tend to have two or more phonetic alt ernant s each. One fundament al concept ion in generat ive phonology is that each morpheme has one and only one base form in the underlying repre sentation , ideally one of the occurring phonetic forms , from which all ot her vari­ l ant s that occur in different environment s are to be derived by rules. The choice of a certain phonetic form rather than the others as the underlying representat ion of a morpheme must necessarily be made on a pr incipled basis to the extent that such choice has a simplifying effect on the grammar of the language in que stion . l cf. Chomsky and Halle 1968 :9-12, 164-166; Ander son 1974:43,47 ; Schane 1973 :74-83; Hyman 1975:80-82 , etc . 14

Halim (1974) in his brief generative treatment of the segmental l phonology of BI po stulated all the 23 consonant s as un derlying segment s. The nature and purpose of his descript ion (which was originally int en­ ded as an appendix of his Ph.D. thesis entit led 'Intonation in Relat ion to Syntax in Bahasa Indonesia ') allow him to be free from the task of pr oviding some justificat ion for the po stulat ion of those under lying consonant segments apart from a phonemic inventory . Nor does he suggest any procedure or criterion for the choice of a part icular phonetic al­ ternant as the underlying form of a morpheme in the case of loan items that have two or more phonet ic variant s each. Let us now return to the main que stion. What consonant segment s do we need to po stulate as underlying consonant s for the phonological descript ion of BI , so that the descript ion capture s maximum general­ isat ions of the language? To put it in a different way , do all the 23 con sonant segment s have to be postulat ed as underlying segments in order to achieve the best result? the same result can be obtained with If less underlying segment s, it is surely desirable to po stulate less seg­ ment s for the underlying represent at ion. As ha s been ment ioned earlier in this se ction, the pr oblems faced in setting up underlying consonant segment s revolve around loan items and foreign sounds which the loan items have brought along into the sound system of the language . For this part icular reason , the discussion in the paragraphs to follow will make a distinct ion between indigenous sounds (i.e. sounds which occur in nat ive BI wo rds ) and loan sounds. Spec ifically, the fricatives [f , 5, z, xJ will be discussed separat ely from the remaining 19 consonant s. The four fricat ive s ([f , 5, z, xJ ), which are loan sounds, will be discussed after the 19 consonant s.

2.1.1. THE CONSONANT SYSTEM IN INVIGENOUS WORVS

As ha s already been indicated in Chart 1 above , the 19 consonant sounds which occur in nat ive BI (Malay) words consist of seven plosives (stops ) ([p, b, t, d, k, ?J ), two fricat ives ([5 , hJ ), two africates g, ([�, JJ ), four nasals ([m, n, I) J ), two liquids - one lateral and one fl, trill - ([1, rJ ), and two semivowels or glides ([w, yJ ). Functionally, the 19 consonant sounds can be classified into 18 dis­ tinctive sound unit s known as phonemes. These 18 consonant phonemes

l This is the only generative treatment of BI phonology to my knowledge . The descrip­ tion however is not detailed enough for it is limited to the level of format ive and it account s for six processes only, i.e. vowel nasalisation, schwa deletion, vowel laxing, voicing of /h, ?/, deletion of /h/ and nasal-obstruent assimilation. 15

are all postulated as underlying consonant segments and written between slashes (I I) in informal representation of morphemes. They are Ip, b, t, d, k, g, s, h, c, J, m, n, p, I), r, wi and Iy /. Note that symbols I, and names used for the underlying ( phonological ) consonant segment s ar e similar to those of the phonet ic representation. Before we examine the relationships between the underlying segment s with regard to each other ( i.e. their distinctive re lation) and between the underlying consonant s and their respective phonetic realisation, it is necessary to make a short remark on the nature of the description . The analysis made is mainly on the level of morpheme . Processes that involve underlying segment s across morpheme boundaries, su ch as con­ sonant delet ion, etc. are however taken into account . In order to establish the ident ity of a phoneme ( i.e. its intrinsic identity whic h shows that it is different from the other phonemes) a separate minimal pair for every opposed phoneme is given.

2. 1. 1.1. The Underlying Consonant /p/

This underlying consonant may occur in morpheme initial , medial and final positions . Its ident ity and distinctive function can be estab­ lished by the following comparison :

(2.2) a. p/b: /paku/ [paku] 'nail' - /baku/ [baku] 'raw material ' b. pit : /panah/ [panah] 'arr ow' - /t anah/ [t anah] 'land, soil '

c. p/d: /apa/ [apa] 'what ' - /ada/ [ada] 'exist ' d. p/k: /paral)/ [paral)] 'knife ' - /karal)/ [karal)] 'rocks ' e. p/g: - /garal)/ [garal)] 'grim ' f. pis: - /saral)/ [saral)] 'nest ' g. p/h: /lapar/ [lapar] 'hungry ' - /lahar/ [lahar] 'lava '

h. pic: /kupil)/ [kUPLI)]1 'ear ' - /kucil)/ [kUCLI)] 'oat '

plj: /padi/ [padi] 'rice ' - Ijadi/ [jadi] 'become ' 1. j. p/m: /palu/ [palu] 'hammer ' - /malu/ [malu] 'shy ' k. pin: /padi/ [padi] 'rice ' - /nadi/ [nadi] 'pulse ' 1. p/p: /paman/ [paman] 'uncle ' - /paman/ [paman] 'hea lthy ' m. p/I): /sadap/ [sadap] 'de licious ' - /sadal)/ [sadal)] 'medium '

n. p/l: /puas/ [puas] 'satisfied' - /luas/ [luas] 'wide ' o. p/r: /puas/ [puas] 'satisfi ed' - /ruas/ [ruasJ 'joint ' p. p/w: /lipat / [lipat ] 'fold ' - /liwat / [liwat ] 'to pass ' q. ply : /sapa/ [sapa] 'greet ' - /say a/ [say a] 'I' The underlying consonant /p/ is phonet ically realised as [p] and produced with lower lip and upper lip as active and passive articulators respectively and without the vibration of the vocal cords . In final position [p] is pronounc ed without any plosion . But when /p/ occurs aft er the pr efix /m an/ 'active voic e verb pr efix' (i.e. when /p/ is a stem-initial element ) then it will be phonetically realised as [�], suc h as: Iman + pukull [mamukol ] 'to beat' , Iman pakayl [mamakay] 'to use, to wear ', etc . (see Section 5 .5. for a further discussion of this phenomenon) . + 2. 1. 1.2 . The Underlying Consonant Ibl

This underlying con sonant may occur in morpheme initial and medial positions only . Its ident ity and distinctive functions can be estab­ lished by the fo llowing comparison:

(2.3) a. b/p: (see 2.2:a) b. bi t: li bul [ibu] 'mo ther ' - li tul [itu] 'tha t' c. bid: la bul [abu] 'ash ' - la dul [adu] 'to clash ' d. b/k: - la kul [aku] 'I ' e. big : Ibi lal [bila] 'when ' - Ig ila l [g ila ] 'arazy ' f. b/s: - /silal [sila] 'prinaiple ' g. b/h: Ibi la!)1 [bil a!)] 'teH' - Ihila !)1 [hi la!)] 'lost'

h. b/e: Ibara!)1 [bara!)] 'goods ' - Icara!)1 [eara!)] 'twig ' b/J : - /Jara!)1 [lara!)] 'rare ' 1. j. b/m: Ibuatl [buat] 'do, make ' - Imua tl [muat] 'to load ' k. bin: Ibaikl [baL?] 'good ' - InaLkl [nai?] 'go up ' 1. b/p: Iba tal [bata] 'briak ' - Ipatal [pata] 'real, alear ' m. b/!): Iberil [bari] 'give ' - I!)eril [!)ar i] 'to shudder ' n. b/l: Ibuasl [buas] 'wild' - Iluasl [luas] 'wide ' o. blr: - Iruasl [ruas] 'joint' p. b/w: Il ibatl [libat] 'involve ' - /liwa tl [liwat] 'to pass '

q. b/y : I abul [Iabu] 'pumpkin ' - / ayul [Iayu] 'wi thered ' I I The underlying consonant Ibl is phonetically realised as [b] produced with lower lip and upper lip as active and pa ssive art iculators respec­ tively and the vocal cords are in vibration.

2.1. 1.3. The Underlying Consonant It I

This underlying consonant may occur in morpheme initial , medial and final po sitions. Its ident ity and dist inctive function can be estab­ lished by the following comparisons .

(2.4) a. tip: see (2. 2:b) b. t/b: see (2.3:b) c. tid : Itual [tua] 'old ' - Idual [dua] 'two ' d. t/k: Isatul [satu] 'one ' - Isakul [saku] 'poake t' 17

e. t/g : - Isagul [sagu] 'palm- like tree ' f. tis: la ta pi [atapJ 'roof ' - la sapl [asapJ 'smoke ' g. t/h: Itaril [tariJ 'dance ' - Iharil [hariJ 'day ' h. tic: - lea r i I [ear i J 'to look for ' i. t/J : /J a r i I [Ja r i J 'finger ' j. tim: - Imar il [mariJ 'come on ' k. tin: Ima tal [mata] 'eye ' - Imanal [mana] 'where, which ' 1. tip : I tamanl [tamanJ 'park ' · - Ipamanl [paman] 'heal thy ' m. til): Ibutal [butaJ 'blind ' - Ibul)al [bul)a] 'flower ' n. t/1 : Itual)l [tual)] 'pour ' - Ilual)l [lual)J 'spare (time) '

o. tlr: Itual)l [tual)] 'pour ' - Irual)l [r ual)J 'room ' p. t/w: la tasl [atasJ 'top, on ' - lawasl [awasJ 'be careful '

q. t/y : Ibatul [batu] 'stone ' - Ibayul [bayu] 'wind '

The underlying consonant ItI is bas ically realised as [tJ on the phonetic level. This consonant is a voiceless unaspirated ap ico-dental (or apico-dent i alveolar ) sound. In final position , it is pronounced without any plosion . Some speakers, under the influence of their regional language, use a retroflexed [tJ but this variant is considered non-standard . The underlying consonant ItI can be realised as [0J on the phonetic level, i.e. when it is a stem-initial consonant and occurs after the prefix /man/, such as: Iman + ta ril [manariJ 'to dan ce '. Iman + tul isl [manul isJ 'to write ', etc . (See a further discussion of this phenomenon in Sect ion 5.5.)

2. 1.1.4. The Underlying Consonant /d/

This underlying consonant may occur in morpheme initial and medial positions only. Its ident ity and distinctive function can be est ab­ lished by the following comparisons :

(2.5) a. dip: see (2.2:c) b. d/b: see (2.3:c) c. d/t: see (2.4:c)

d. d/k: Idudal [dudaJ 'widower ' - Idukal [dukaJ 'sad ' e. dig : - Idugal [duga] 'guess ' f. dis: Idukal [dukaJ 'sad' - Isukal [ s u ka] 'to like ' g. d/h: Ida r i I [dariJ 'from ' - Iharil [ha r i J 'day ' h. die : - lea ril [eari] 'to look for ' i. d/J: - /Jar il [JariJ 'finger ' j. dim: Idaril [dariJ 'from ' - Imari l [mariJ 'come on ' k. din: Idadal [dadaJ 'chest ' - Idanal [danaJ 'funds ' 18

l. dIp: Isud il [su di] 'witting ' - Isupil [supi] 'quie t' m. d/!): Isudutl [sudot] 'corner ' - Isul}utl [SU!)ot] 'grumb te ' n. d/ 1 : I dar i I [da r i] , from ' - I a r i I [Ia r i] 'ru n ' I o. dlr: Ida"dal [dada] 'chest ' - Idaral [dara] 'young woman ' p. d/w: /lada!)1 [Ia da!)] 'fietd ' - Ilawa!)1 [Iawa!)] 'gate, door '

q. d/y: Idadal [dada] 'chest ' - Idayal [daya] 'power '

The underlying consonant Idl is phonetically realised as Cd]. This consonant is a voiced apico-dental (or apico-denti alveolar) sound . Again , this sound is often retroflexed by some speakers. Such realisa­ tion however is considered non-standard .

2.1.1.5. The Underlying Consonant /k/

This underlying consonant may occur in morpheme initial , medial and final po sitions . Its ident ity and dist inctive function can be estab­ lished by the following comparisons :

(2.6) a. kIp: see (2.2:d) b. k/b: see (2.3:d) c. kIt : see (2.4:d) d. kId : see (2.5:d) e. k/g : la karl [a ka r] 'root' - I ag a r I [agar] 'in order ' f. k/s: Ikukul [kuku] 'nait ' - /sukul [suku] 'ethnic group ' g. k/h: la rakl [ara?] 'to process ' - la ra hI [arah] 'direction ' h. k/c: Iku ra!)1 [ku ra!)] 'tess ' - le ura!)1 [cura!)] 'to cheat ' k/J : - /jura!)1 [Jura!) ] 'gorge ' 1. j . kIm : Ikatal [ka ta] 'word' - Imatal [ma ta] 'eyes ' k. kIn : /pakakl [paka?] 'deaf ' - Ipakanl [pakanJ 'week ' l . kIp : I ka tal [ka t a J 'word ' - Ipatal [pataJ 'reat, ctear ' m. k/!): la kanl [akan] 'witt ' - la !)an/ [alla n] 'thought ' n. klI: Ilakul [Iaku] 'sotd ' - I a I ul [I a I u J 'past ' I o. klr: Ikayal [kayaJ 'rich ' - I rayal [rayaJ 'targe ' p. k/w: Ikatakl [kata?J 'frog ' - Iwatakl [wata?J 'character ' - q. klr: Ibakarl [bakarJ 'burn ' Ibayarl [bay arJ 'to pay '

The underlying consonant Ikl is basically realised as a voiceless velar stop ([kJ ) in morpheme init ial and medial positions, and as a (voiceless) glottal stop ([?J) in morpheme final position. (See a further discussion of the distribution of these sounds in Section 5.2.) When Ikl is a stem-initial segment and it occurs after the prefix /man/, then it will be phonet ically realised as [0J , such as: Iman ka ta + + kanl [ma!)atakanJ 'to tett, say ', Iman + ka sihl [ma!)as ihJ 'to give ', etc . (See Section 5. 5. for a further discussion of this phenomenon .) 19

2.1.1.6. The Underlying Consonant Igl

This underlying consonant may occur in morpheme initial and medial positions only. It s ident ity and distinctive function can be estab­ lished by the following comparisons :

(2.7) a. g/p: see (2.2 :e) b. g/b: see (2.3:e) c. It : see (2.4:e) 9 d. g/d : see (2.5:e) e. g/k: see (2.6:e) f. g/s: Iragal [ragaJ 'body ' - Irasal [rasaJ 'feeling ' g. g/ h: Ibaganl [baganJ 'design ' - Ibahanl [bahan] 'materia l' h. g/c: lagarl [agarJ 'in or der ' - la carl [aca r J 'pickle ' i. g/J : lag arl [agarJ 'in or der ' - la Jarl [aJarJ 'teach ' j. g/m: Inagal [nagaJ 'dragon ' - Inamal [namaJ 'name ' k. gin: Ig iatl [giatJ 'diligent ' - Iniatl [niatJ 'intention' l. g/p: Igarisl [gar �sJ ' line ' - Ipar isl [pansJ 'nearly ' m. gil): Itagahl [ tagah] 'for bid' - Ital)ahl [tal) ahJ 'half' n. g/1 : Ilagul [Iagu] 'song ' - l1 alul [ a I uJ 'pa st ' I o. glr: 11ag i I [ lag i ] 'again ' - /1aril [Ia r i J 'run ' p. g/w: Iragal [ rag a J 'body ' - Irawal [rawaJ 'swamp ' q. g/y: - Irayal [rayaJ 'large '

The underlying consonant Igl is phonetically realised as a voic ed velar stop ([gJ).

2.1.1.7. The Underlying Consonant l si

This underlying consonant may occur in morpheme initial, medial and final position . Its ident ity and distinctive function can be estab­ lished by the following comparisons :

(2.8) a. sip: see (2.2:f) b. sib: see (2.3:f) c. slt: see (2.4:f) d. sid : see (2.5:f) e. slk: see (2.6:f) f. s Ig : see (2.7:f) g. s/h: Isaril [sar iJ ' essence ' - I ha r i I [ha r i J 'day ' h. slc: - Icaril [cariJ 'to look for ' i. s/J : - /Jaril [jariJ 'finger ' j. s/m: - Ima r i I [mariJ 'c ome on ' k. sin : Ika sall [kasa lJ 'ann oyed' - Ikanall [ka nalJ 'familiar ' l. sip : - Ikapa ll [kapa lJ 'elastic ' m. s/l): Iluasl [luasJ 'wide ' - Ilual)l [I ual) ] 'spare (time) ' n. s/1 : lawasl [awasJ 'careful' - lawa ll [awalJ 'beginning ' 20

o. sir: Iluasl [luasJ 'wide ' - /luarl [luarJ 'outside ' p. s/w : Idesal [desaJ 'village / - Idewal [dewaJ 'god' q. sly : Isar)1 [sar)J 'the ' - ly ar)1 [ya!)J 'which '

The underlying consonant ls i is basically real ised as a vo iceless lamino alveolar fricat ive sound ([sJ). But when the underlying ls i is a stem-initial consonant and occurs after the prefix /man/ then it will be phonetically realised as [0J, such as : Iman sapul [mapapuJ 'to + sweep ', Iman sisirl [mapisirJ 'to comb ', etc . (See a furt her dis­ + cussion of this phenomenon in Sect ion 5.5.)

2. 1. 1 .8. The Underlying (Consonant ) Glide Ihl

This underlying gl ide may occur in morpheme initial , medial and final posit ions . Its ident ity and dist inctive function can be estab­ lished by the following comparisons :

(2.9) a. hlp : see (2.2:g) b. h/b: see (2.3:g) c. hi t : see (2.4:g) d. hid : see (2.5:g) e. h/k: see (2.6:g) f. h/g : see (2.7:g) g. hi 5: see (2.8:g) h. hie: I ha r i I [ha r i J 'day / - I �a ri I [�ariJ 'to look for / i. h!j: - !jar il [JariJ 'finger ' j. him: - Imaril [ma r i J /c ome on / k. h/n: Ituahl [tuahJ / luck / - Ituanl [tuanJ /mas ter / l. hlp: Ihawal [hawaJ 'air / - Ipawal [pawa J / soul / m. hi!): Ibuahl [buahJ / fr ui t / - Ibuar)1 [buar)J 'to th row / n. hi - Ibuall [bu alJ 'b oast/ I: o. hir: Idahil [dah iJ 'forehead / - Ida r i I [dariJ 'from / p. h/w: Itahanl [tahaTJ 'detain / - Itawanl [tawanJ / cap ture / q. h/y: Ilaharl [laharJ 'lava / - /layarl [laya rJ / sail /

The underlying glide Ihl is basically realised as a voiceless glottal fricat ive sound ([hJ). When Ihl occurs in intervocalic posit ion, it tend s to be phonetically realised as a voiced glottal fricat ive sound ([hJ). The underlying Ihl can be phonetically realised as [0J when it oc curs in morpheme final position, such as Irumahl [rumah, rumaJ 'house ', Isudahl [sudah, sudaJ 'finished ', etc., or when it occurs between two non-id entical vowels in verbs and adj ectives , such as II ihatl [I ihat, liatJ 'to see', Ipahitl [pa hLt, pa LtJ 'bi tte r /, etc . (See a further discussion of the zero realisation of Ihl in Section 5.3 .) 21

2. 1. 1. 9. The Underlying Consonant /�/

This underlying consonant may occur in morpheme initial and medial posit ions only. Its ident ity and distinctive function can be estab­ lished by the following comparisons :

(2.10) a. Clp : see (2.2:h) b. Clb: see (2.3:h) c. Cit: see (2.4:h) d. Ud : see (2.5:h) e. U k: see (2.6:h) f. Ug : see (2.7:h) g. Cis: see (2.8:h) h. Clh: see (2.9:h) i. Clj : I ac a r I [aea r] 'pic kle ' - laj arl [ajar] , teach ' j. elm: Ici ntal [cinta] , love ' - Imintal [minta] 'ask (for) , k. U n: Ikuc ir)1 [ kUCLr)] 'eat ' - Ikun ir)1 [ kun LQ] 'yellow' l. Up : Isucil [su ci] 'holy ' - Isupil [su pi] 'quie t' m. Ur): Ipacatl [paea t] 'dismiss' Ipar)atl [par)at] 'stew ' n. Cll : leo bal [coba] 'try ' - Ilobal [loba] 'greedy ' o. Clr : Icucil [cuei] 'wash ' - Icuril [eu ri] 'ste al ' p. c/w: Ibacal [baca] 'read ' - Ibawal [bawa] 'bring ' q. Uy: I ka c a I [ka c a] 'gla ss ' - Ikayal [kava] 'ri ch'

The underlying consonant Icl is phonetically realised as a voiceless

lamino alveolo-palatal affricate ([c] ( = IPA [tQ])).

2. 1. 1.10. The Underlying Consonant /3/

This underlying con sonant may occur in morpheme initial and medial positions only. Its ident ity and dist inctive function can be estab­ lished by the fo llowing comparisons :

(2.11) a. J/p: see (2.2:i) b. Jib : see (2.3:i) c. J It: see (2.4:i) d. lid : see (2.5:1) e. J/k: see (2.6:i) Jig : see (2.7:i) f. g. J/s: see (2.8:i) h. J/h: see (2.9:i) i. J/e: see (2.10:i) j. Jim: lJ aril [Jari] 'finger ' - Imaril [mari] 'come on ' k. J/n: lJ adil [Jad i ] 'become ' - Inad il [nadi] 'pulse ' l. J/p : IpuJal [puJa] 'adore ' - Ipupal [puJ1a] 'possess ' m. J I IhaJatl [haJat] , de sire ' - Ihar)atl [har)at] 'warm ' r): n. JIl: /jari I [Jari] 'finger ' - 11 ar i I [ 1 a r i J 'run ' o. J I r: IJasal [Jasa] 'service ' - Irasal [rasa] 'feel' p. J/w: Isajal [saJa] 'just ' - Isawal [sawa] 'python' q. J/y: - Isayal [saya] 'I' The underlying consonant IJI is phonetically realised as a voiced

lamino alveolo-palatal affricate ([J] ( = IPA [d¥])). 22

2. 1.1 .11. The Underly ing Consonant Iml

This underlying consonant may occur in morpheme init ial , medial and final positions . Its ident ity and distinctive function can estab­ be lished by the following comparisons :

(2.12) a. m/p: see (2.2:j ) b. m/b : see (2.3:j ) c. mlt: see (2.4:j) d. mid: see (2.5:j) e. m/k: see (2.6:j) f. mig: see (2.7:j) g. m/s : see (2.8:j ) h. m/h: see (2.9:j ) i. m/c: see (2.10:j) j. m/J : see (2.1 1:j) k. min: Isamal [sama] 'same ' - Isanal [sana] 'there ' l. m/p: Ihamal Chama] 'disease ' - Ihapal Chapa] 'only ' m. mil) : Igaraml [garam ] , sa lt' - Igar al)l [garal) ] 'fierce ' n. ml Imalul [malu ] 'shy ' - I a lui Llalu] 'pas t' I: I o. m/r: Ima sal [masa] 'period ' - Irasal [rasa] 'feel' p. m/w: lamanl [aman] 'safe ' - lawanl [aw an] 'cloud ' q. m/y: Isamal [sama] 'same ' - Isayal [saya] 'I' The under lying consonant Iml is phonetically realised as a vo iced bilabial nasal sound ([m ]).

2. 1. 1. 12. The Und erlyi ng Consonant Inl

This underlying consonant may occur in morpheme init ial , medial and final positions . It s ident it y and distinctive function can be estab­ lished by the following comparisons :

(2.13) a. nip: see (2.2:k) nib: see (2.3:k) b. c. nit: see (2.4:k) d. n/d : see (2.5:k) e. nlk: see (2. 6:k) f. n/g : see (2.7:k) g. n/s: see (2.8:k) h. nih : see (2.9:k) i. n/c: see (2.10:k) j . n!j: see (2.11:k) k. n/m: see (2.1 2:k) l. nip: Ikanal)l [kanal)] 'recall ' - Ikapal)l [kapal)] 'full (stomach) , m. n/f): la sinl [as Ln] , salty' - la sif)1 [aSLf)] 'strange ' n. nil : Inamal [nama] 'name ' - Ilamal [lama ] 'long (time) , o. n/r: la kanl [akan] 'wil l' - I a ka r I [akar] 'root' p. n/w: Idenal [dena] 'design ' - Idewal [dewa] 'god ' q. n/y: Isanal [sana] 'there ' - Isayal [saya] 'I'

The underlying consonant Inl is basically realised on the phonetic level as a voiced apico dental ( or ap ico dent i-alveolar) nasal sound ([n ]). The underlying Inl in the prefix Imanl is phonetically realised as a voiced bilabial nasal ([m]) before bilabial plosives suc h as 1m an + 23

bacal [mambacaJ 'to read ', Iman pil ih l [mamil ih J 'to choos e ', etc. ; + as a voiced lamino alveolo-palatal nasal ([pJ) before laminal fr icat ives and affricates such as Iman sapul [mapapuJ 'to sweep ', Iman ca ril + + [mapcariJ 'to Zook for', et c .; as a vo iced dorso velar nasal ([8 J) before velar and glottal obstruents and befor e vowels such as Iman + ga8gul [ma8ga8 guJ 'to disturb ', Iman hukuml [ma8 hukomJ 'to punish ', + Iman aJarl [ma8 aJarJ 'to teach ', etc .; and as [�J before sonorant + consonant s such as Iman mintal [mamintaJ 'to ask for', Iman ih atl + + 1 [maliatJ 'to see ', Iman + wakil il [mawakil iJ 'to represent ', etc. + (See a further discussion of this phenomenon in Section 5.5.)

2.1. 1.13. The Underlying Con sonant /p/

This under lying consonant may occur in morpheme initial and medial positions only . Its identity and dist inctive function can be estab­ lished by the following comparisons :

(2.1 4) a. pIp: see (2.2:1) b. p/b: see (2.3:1) c. pI t: see (2.4:1) d. p/d : see (2.5:1) e. see (2.6:1) f. pIg : see (2.7:1) p/k: I g. pIs : see (2.8:1) h. p/h: see (2.9:1) i. pIc: see (2.10:1) j . plJ : see (2.11:1) k. p/m : see (2.12:1) l. pIn: see (2.1 3:1) m. p/8 : Iparil [pariJ 'pain ' - 18aril [ 8 ariJ ' shudder ' n. p/1 : Ipiurl [pierJ 'coconut ' - /liurl [ ie r J ' saZiva ' 1 o. pIr: Ipawal [pawaJ 'soul.' - Irawal [rawaJ 'swamp ' p. p/w : Ihapal Chapa] 'onZy ' - Ihawal [ hawaJ 'air ' q. ply: la r-aml [apamJ 'weave ' - la yaml [ayam] 'fowZ '

The underlying consonant Ipl is phonetically realised as a voiced lamino alveolo-palatal nasal sound ([p]).

2.1.1.14 . The Underl ying Con sonant / 8/

This underlying cons'onant may occur in morpheme initial, medial and final positions. It s ident it y and distinctive function can be estab- lished by the following comparisons :

(2.15) a. 8 /p: see (2.2:m) b. 8 /b : see (2.3:m) c. 8 /t: see (2.4:m) d. 8 /d : see (2.5:m) e. 8 /k: see (2.6:m) f. 8 /g : see (2.7:m) g. 8 /5: see (2.8:m) h. 8 /h: see (2.9:m) i. 8 /c: see (2.10:m) j. 81J: see (2.11:m) k. 81m : see (2.1 2:m) i. 8 /n : see (2.13:m) m. 8 /p: see (2.14 :m) 24

n. 1) 1 Itolol)l [to bl)J 'help ' - Itololl [toblJ 'stupid' I: o. 1) 1 r : Ihal)usl [hal)osJ 'burnt ' - Iharusl [harosJ 'must '

p. I) /w: Ital)anl [tal)anJ 'arms ' - Itawanl [tawanJ 'to capture '

q. I) /y: Ihal)atl [hal)atJ , warm ' - I hay a t I [ha y atJ ' l i fe '

The underlying consonant II)I is phonet ically realised as a voiced dorso ve lar nasal sound ([I)J).

2. 1.1.15. The Underlyi ng Consonant II I

This underlying consonant may occur in morpheme initial, medial and final positions . Its identity and dist inctive function can be estab­ lished by the fo llowing comparisons :

(2.16) a. lip: see (2.2:n) b. lib: see (2.3:n) c. It: see (2.4:n) d. lid: see (2.5:n) I e. Ilk: see (2.6:n) f. I/g: see (2.7:n) g. I Is: see (2.8:n) h. I/h: see (2.9:n) i. Ie : see (2.10:n) j . I/J : see (2.11:n) I k. 11m: see (2.12:n) l. I In: see (2.13:n) m. I Ifl: see (2.14:n) n. III) : see (2.15:n)

o. I I r: I t a I i I [ta J 'rope ' - Itaril [ta r i J 'dance ' I i p. I/w: Ibillal [balaJ 'troop ' - Ibawal [bawaJ 'carry ' q. I/y: Ilalul [ I a I u J 'past ' - Ilayul [layuJ 'withered'

The underlying consonant III is phonet ically realised as a voiced alveolar frictionless lateral sound ( [ J) . I

2. 1.1.16. The Underlying Consonant Irl

This underlying consonant may occur in morpheme initial , medial and final posit ions. It s ident ity and dist inctive function can be estab- lished by the following comparisons :

(2.17) a. rip: see (2.2:0) b. rib : see (2.3:0) c. r/t: see (2.4:0) d. rid : see (2.5:0) e. r/k: see (2.6:0) f. rig : see (2.7:0) g. r Is: see (2.8:0) h. r I h: see (2.9:0) i. ric: see (2.10:0) j . r/J : see (2.11:0) k. rim : see (2.12:0) l. r In: see (2.13:0) m. r/fl : see (2.14:0) n. r/l): see (2.15:0) o. r I I: see (2.16:0) p. r/w: Imerahl [merahJ 'red ' - Imewahl [mewahJ ' luxurious '

q. r/y: Isaral)l [saral)J 'nest ' - Isayal)l [sayal)J 'to love ' 25

The underlying consonant /r/ is basically realised on the phonetic level as a voiced apico alveolar trill ([r J). The underlying /r/ in the prefixes /bar/ ('stative/adj ectival verb prefix '), /tar/ ('adverb/ superlative forming prefix ') and /par/ ('causat ive forming prefix ') is phonetically realised as [0J when the prefixes are added to stems beginning with /r/, such as : /bar + rapat / [barapatJ 'to have mee ting ', /tar + ramay/ [taramayJ 'the m08t arowde d (p"laae ) ', /par + randah/ [parandahJ 'to "lower ', etc .; or when they are added to a stem who se first syllab le contains a schwa followed by a trill such as /bar + karJa/ [bakarJaJ 'to work', /tar + par<:: aya/ [taparcayaJ 'the m08t tr u8 ted person', /par + tarnak + ani [patarnakanJ 'ranah ', etc . The underlying /r/ in the prefix /bar/ is phonet ically realised as [IJ (a voiced alveolar lateral consonant ) when the prefix /bar/ is added to the item (stem) /aJar/ 'to te aah '. Thus the underlying form /bar + aJar/ 'to 8tudy ' (semant ically is to teach oneself) is phonetically realised as [balaJarJ. This exceptional item ha s to be fully spec ified in the lexicon. (See a further discussion of this phenomenon in Section 5.1. )

2.1.1.17. The Underlying Glides /w/ and /y/

Both of these underlying glides may occur in morpheme initial, medial and final posit ions. We saw in the comparisons given above that each of them contrasts with the 16 underlying con sonants discussed above . Therefore it is sufficient to oppose them to each other to show that each of them has different ident ity and dist inctive function. The se two glides are contrastive as shown by the pairs : /rawa/ [rawaJ '8wamp ' vs /raya/ [rayaJ '"large '; /bawal)/ [bawal)J 'oni on' vs /bayal)/ [bayal)J '8hadow'; /rantaw/ [rantawJ 'over8ea8 ' vs /rantay/ [rantayJ 'a ha in ', etc . The underlying glide /w/ is phonet ically realised as a voiced labio­ velar glide ([w J). The underlying glide /y/ is phonetically realised as a voiced lamino palatal glide ([yJ ( = IPA [j J)).

2.1. 2. LOAN CONSONANTS

As ha s already been indicated in Chart 1, there are four loan con­ sonant sounds whic h have been introduc ed into the sound system of BI through loanwords. They are , all fricat ives, [f ], [s ], [zJ , and [xJ. Eac h of these sounds is usually in free variat ion with a certain 'native ' sound in most loanwords such as (2.18). 26

(2.18) 1. pabrik [pa br,?, fabn?] 'manufactuI'e ' hapal [hapal, haf al] 'to memorise ' tarap [tarap, taraf] 'phase '

2. syah, sah [sah, sah] ''lega'l ' asyik, as ik [as'?, aSl ?] 'absorbed ' masyhur , mashur [mashor , ma shor] 'famous'

3. zaman, jaman [Jaman, sam an, zaman] 'era, period ' zat [sat, za t] 'substance ' asas, azas Casas, azas] 'princip'le '

4. akhir, aki r [aklr, ah,r, aX lr] 'end' khabar, kabar [kabar, habar, xabar] 'news ' ikhlas, iklas [iklas, ihlas, ixlas] 'sincere '

5. wa gon, wahon [wag�n, wah�n , wax�n] 'wagon ' agen [agen , ahen, axen] 'agent, agency ' biologi [biologi, biolohi, bioloxi] 'bio'logy '

From the above examples we see that [f] and [p], [5] and [5], [z] and [J] or [5], and [x] and [k] or [g] or [h] are in free variat ion in the speech community as a whole, and to some extent , in the speech of an individual speaker in the sense that he may use a loan sound with cer­ tain loanwords but substitutes a nat ive sound for the loan sound in other loanwords . This phenomenon of free variability between a foreign and a native sound is not absolutely true in all cases. There are certain loan items, part icularly items cont aining the labial fricat ive ([f]) recently borrowed who se foreign char acteristics are preserved to some degree partly because they may be in conflict (i.e. they appear to form minimal pairs) with items that already exist (cf. 2.19) and part ly because they are special voc abulary items used by educ at ed people who happen to be familiar with the source language (s) (cf. 2.20) .

(2.19)la. vak [fa k] , schoo 'l subject ' b. pak [pa k] 'package '

2a. fakta [fakta, pakta] 'facts ' b. pakta [pakta] 'pact '

3a. vas [fas] 'vase ' b. pas [pas] 'precise, fi t'

4a. sarap, saraf [saraf, sa rap] 'nerve ' b. sarap [sarap] 'garbage '

5a . zen i [zeni, seni] '(army ) engineers ' b. sen i [san i] 'art ' 27

6a. zamzam [zam zam , jamjamJ 'holy wa ter ' b. jam jam [Jam jam] 'watches'

7a. syarat [sarat, sarat] 'requirements ' b. sarat [saratJ '(fu lly) loaded '

8a. khas [xas , ka s, has] 'typical ' b. kas [kas] 'safe , money supply '

Notice that each of the a-items in the above examples forms some sort of minimal pair with the b-it ems in the correspond ing number . The existence of those pairs (although they may sometimes appear ident ical on the phonet ic level) has been made the basis for recognising the loan sound s as constitut ing different phonemes. Notice, furt hermore, that [f] in the following examples (2.20) is hardly ever to my knowledge replaced with [p].

(2.20) fasilitas [fa silit as] 'facili ties ' federasi [fadarasi] 'federation ' fakultas [fakult as] 'facu lty' faktor [fakt�r1 'fac tor' fanatik [fanat i?] 'fanatic ' variasi [fariasi] 'variation' veto [feto] 've to' visa [fisa] 'visa ' vital [fital] 'vi taZ ' va luta [faluta] 'currency '

Examples (2.18) suggest that we do not need to postulate the loan consonant s as underlying segments because we can always choose one of the naturalised (phonet ic ) forms as the underlying represent at ion for each of those loan items and account for the foreign (phonetic) alter­ nant s by rules. This procedure , although it saves a few symbols , has some apparent disadvant ages. Firstly, we cannot make a real general statement about the realisat ion of those loan items because some of the loan items require the obligatory application of phonetic realisat ion rules, some loan items require the optional application of certain realisation rules and some loan items do not require the application of certain realisat ion rules at all . For example , if we take /p/ as the underlying form of [f], then we need a phonet ic realisation rule to convert the plosive into a fricative . This rule applies optionally to items like those given in (2.18:1; 2.19:2a,4a) , it applies obligatorily to items like those given in (2.20), but it does not app ly at all to items like those given in (2.19:1b,2b,3b) although they are also loan items . Therefore we have to mark in the lexicon whether a certain loan 28

item has to undergo , may or may not undergo a cert ain phonetic realisa­ tion rule. Sec ondly , we will not always in su ch cases be able to have different underlying representations for different morphemes (cf. 2.19). Con­ sequently, forms like those in (2.19) have to be indexed and marked along with the indices whether they must , or may , or may not undergo a certain phonetic realisation rule. Obviou sly, this saving of symbols does not make the grammar simple . On the contrary , it comp licates and obscures the lexicon . Now we are left with the second alternative namely to postulate those loan consonant s as underlying segment s in addit ion to the 18 consonant s occurring in native BI items discussed in the previous sub-section . The advantage of this proc edure is obvious. We can then generalise the process of the substitution of the loan sounds without complicat ing and obscuring too much the lexicon part of the grammar . The postulat ion of the four foreign sounds as underlying consonants ha s not however solved all problems concerning loan items . The fact that certain items may not undergo certain realisat ion rules (e.g. items like those given in (2.20) which are not liable to the rule that convert s a labial fricat ive into the corre sponding stop) make s it impo ssible to avoid the use of diacritic features (see also Section 5.4.).

2. 2. VOWELS

Mo st works dealing with the sound system of BI claim that there are six vowel phonemes in BI (see, e.g. Alisj ahbana 1951: 12-15; Halim 1974 : 169-173; also Halim 1972 :154; Johns 1975 :2-7; Kahler 1956:34; Mac donald and Dardj owidj ojo 1967 :21-30; Panitia Edjaan Lembaga Bahasa da n l Kesusasteraan 1966 :8; Wolff 1965 :5, etc.). The six vowel phonemes are usually represent ed by the symbols : Ii , e, a, a, ul and These 101 . vowels can further be characterised in general phonetic terms by means of the following chart :

l Halim (1914: 169ff) reports that Samsuri (1960) and Dardjowidjoj o (1966), who are both Javanese speaker s, posit eight vowel s for BI under the influence of Javanese which recognises eight vowel phonemes , i.e. three front vowel s (/i ,I,e/ ), two central vowels (/a,a/) and three back vowels (/u,o,o/) . It will be clear later that [IJ and [oJ are respectively the non-tense versions of Iii and (see Section 5.6. ). 101 29

CHART 2

Unrounded Rounded

Front Central Back

High i u

Mid e a 0 Low a

The above six vowels are all postulat ed as underlying vowel segments in the present descript ion . In the subsequent paragraphs we are going to examine the relat ionships between the underlying vowels with regard to each other (i.e. their distinctive relation) and between the under­ lying vowels and their respective phonet ic realisat ions. Since the vowels lei and lal never form minimal pair s (at least not within the range of nat ive BI items ) in which they can be contrasted, the dis­ cussion of these two underlying vowels will come last . The order of the discussion of the underlying vowels below has no significanc e what ­ soever . It will be seen from the comparisons given below that lal is never stressed. This means that items containing lal will not const i­ tute absolute minimal pairs with items containing ot her vowe ls . The fact s that high vowels Iii an d lui may become non-syllabic (cf. Section 5.7. ) makes it necessary to contrast the high vowels with the corres­ ponding glide s Iyl and Iwl respectively.

2.2 .1. THE UNDER LYING VOWEL Iii

This underlying vowel may oc cur in morpheme initial, medial and final positions . Its ident ity and distinct ive function can be estab­ lished by the fo llowing comparisons:

(2.21) a. i/a: Ii ka nl [ikan] 'fish ' - lakanl [a ka n] 'wil l' i lu: Ig i I al [g i I a] 'mad ' - Igulal [gula] 'sugar ' b. c. i/o: Ikital [kita] 'we (inc 1. ) , - Ikotal [ko.ta] , town, city ' d. i Ie: Ib i I al [b i a] 'when ' - Ibelal [bela] 'defend ' I e. i/a: Ikiral [kira] 'think ' - Ika ral [kara] 'monkey ' f. i Iy: lial [ a] 'he, she ' - Iya I [ya] 'yes ' i The underlying vowel Iii is basically realised as a voiced high front unrounded oral vowel ([i]) on the phonetic level. In final closed syllable (i.e. syllable ending in a consonant ), the underlying vowel Iii is phonetically realised as a non-tense high front unrounded vowel ([i]) (cf. Section 5. 6 .). Somet ime s the underlying Iii may also be realised 30

phonet ically as a vo iced palatal glide ([y]) in certain environment s such as Isur i al [sur i a, surya] 'the sun ', Iiur anl [iuran , yuran] 'con­ tribution (money)', etc . (cf. Section 5.7.).

2.2.2. THE UNVERLYING VOWEL lal

This underlying vowel may occur in morpheme initial , medial and final positions. Its ident ity and dist inctive function can be estab­ lished by the following comparisons :

(2.22) a. al i : see (2.2l:a) b. a/u: Ibatal [ba ta] 'brick ' - Ibatul [batu] 'stone ' c. a/o: I ka t a I [kata] 'word ' - Ikotal [kota] , town, city ' d. ale: lanakl [ana?] 'child ' - lenakl [ena?] 'de licious ' e. ala: Isaraf)1 [sa raf)] 'nest ' - Isaraf)1 [saraf)] 'attack '

The underlying vowel lal is phonetically realised as a voic ed central low unrounded oral vowe l ([a]).

2. 2. 3 . THE UNVERLYING VOWEL lui

This underlying vowel may occur in morpheme initial , medial and final positions . Its ident ity and dist inctive funct ion can be estab­ lished by the following comparisons :

(2.23) a. ul i : see (2.2l:b) b. u/a : see (2.22:b) c. u/o : Ipulal [pula] 'also ' - Ipolal [pola] 'pattern ' d. u/e: Itundal [tunda ] 'postpone ' - Itendal [tenda] 'tent ' e. u/a: lulaf)1 [ulaf)] 'repeat ' - lalaf)1 [alaf)] 'hawk ' f. u/w: I ka u 1 I [kaol] 'promise ' - Ikawu ll [kawol] 'tinder '

The underlying lui is basically realised as a voiced high back rounded oral vowel ([u]) on the phonetic level . In a final closed syllable, the underlying lui is phonet ically realised as [o] , a lax version of [u] (cf. Section 5. 6 .). Somet imes the underlying lui is al so realised as [w] in certain environment s such as luaf)1 [uaf), waf)] 'money ', Ikuitansil [kui tansi, kw itansi] 'receipt ', etc . (cf. Section

5.7 . ) .

2. 2. 4. THE UNVER LYING VOWEL 101

This und er lying vowel may occur in morpheme initial , medial and , final positions . Its ident ity and distinctive function can be estab­ lished by the following comparisons : ,------

31

(2.2 4) a. ol i: see (2.2 1:cl b. o/a: see (2.22:c) c. o/u: see C2.23:c) d. ole: Ibolal [bolaJ 'ball ' - Ibelal [bela] 'defend ' e. o/a : I rodal [rodaJ 'whee l ' - Iradal [radaJ 'stop (rain) ,

The underlying is basically realised as a voiced mid back 101 rounded oral vowel ([oJ) on the phonetic level . In a final closed syllable, the underlying is phonet ically realised as [oJ , a lax 101 version of [oJ (cf. Section 5.6.).

2.2.5. THE UNDERLYING VOWE LS /e/ AND /a/

The underlying vowel lei may occur in morpheme initial, medial and final posit ions. It is basically realised as a voic ed mid front un­ rounded oral vowel ([eJ) on the phonetic level . In a final closed syllable, the underlying lei is phonet ically realised as [EJ, a lax version of [eJ (cf. Section 5.6.). The underlying vowel lal may occur in morpheme initial and medial positions only in native BI (Malay) items . It is phonetically realised as a voiced central mid oral vowe l ([a J). Sometimes the underlying lal is phonetically realised as [0J in certain environment s such as lamasl [amas, masJ 'gold ', Ikaranal [karana, ka rnaJ 'because ', etc . (cf. Sect ion 5.6. ). The fact that lei can be realised as raJ on the phonetic level re­ quires some just ificat ion for the postulat ion of lal. Phonologically, lal behaves differently from the other five vowels in some respect s. Firstly, the schwa doe s not occur in morpheme final syl lable except in a small number of recently borrowed items suc h as (2 . 25) :

(2.25) ruwet (Javanese) [ruwatJ 'complicated' ganteng (Javanese) [gantaf)J 'handsome ' banter (Javanese) [bantarJ 'quick ' tante (Dutc h) [tantaJ 'aunt ' sistem (English/Dut ch) [sistamJ 'system '

Many speaker s however tend to use [eJ (or [EJ - the lax version of [eJ ) instead , partly because native Malay (BI) items do not contain schwa in the final syllable and part ly because many regional languages do not recognise the schwa at all . Secondly, the schwa is usually unstres sab le while the other vowe ls are potent ially stressable. In general, st ress falls on the penultimate syllable of words . But when the vowel of the penultimate syllable is a schwa , the stre ss is shift ed to the ultima in bisyllabic words and 32

also in polysyllabic words when the syllables before the penult also contain [a] as in (2.26:1), or to the ante penultimate syllab le in poly­ syllabic words provided that the vowel of the ant e penult is not a schwa as in (2.26:2) below . (See a furt her discussion of this phenomenon in Section 5.9.).

(2.26)la. emas Camas] 'gold' b. seteru [sataru] 'enemy ' terang [taraQ] 'light ' tente ra [tantara] 'soldier ' sed ih [sad rh] 'sad' sedekah [sadakah] 'alm ' ber i [bad] 'give ' keledai [kaladay] 'donkey ' penuh [panuh] 'full ' selesai [salasay] 'finishe d'

2. cer i tera [carrtara, carrtra] 'story ' putera [putara , putra] 'son, boy ' sutera [sutara, sutra] 'silk' samudera [samudara, samudra] 'ocean ' mantera [mantara , mantra] 'magic words '

Notice that [a] in examples (2.26:2) above can be deleted on the phon­ etic level. In fact, schwa tends to be deleted in casual speech. (See a further discussion of this schwa deletion in Section 5.6.) A problem arises when we compare the phonological behaviour of [a] with that of [e] . The front mid vowel ([e]) usually occurs only in the penult and ult ima in polysyllabic items. The oc currence of [e] in syllables other than the penult or ultima in polysyllabic items (i.e. in unstressed position) is limited to a number of loan items such as (2.2 7):

(2. 27) Desember [desember] 'December ' republik [republik] 'republic ' demokras i [demokras i] 'democracy ' sertipikat [sertipikat] 'certificate '

It must be noted however that many speakers tend to realise the un­ stressed mid front vowel in the above examples as [a] on the phonetic level. This tendency is also observed in words derived from stems con­ taining the front mid vowel as in (2.28) :

(2.28)la. bebas [bebas] 'free ' b. kebebasan [kababasan] 'freedom '

2a. merdeka [mardeka] 'independent' b. kemerdekaan [kamardaka7an] 'independence'

3a . desa [desa] 'village ' b. pedesaan [padasa7an] 'village areas ' 33

No te that the a-items in the above examples are stems and the b-items are derivat ives . Note, furthermore, that stress in the above deriva­ tives is shifted with respect to the stress assigned to the stems . Up to this point we might wish to regard the schwa ([aJ) simply as an allophonic realisation of lei because its distribution seems to be phonologically definable, i.e. it occurs in a non-final unstre ssed posit ion , an environment where [eJ does not occur. (Items cited in (2.25) and (2.27) can be accounted for by assigning the diacritic feature loan in the lexicon.) This kind of solution apparently intro­ duces a new problem. Unless a constraint or a set of constraint s exist which show that the two vowel sounds ([eJ and [aJ) are mut ua lly exclu­ sive in terms of vowels that may precede or follow each of them , stress mu st be held responsible for the distribution of those vowels. In other words, stress has to be regarded as having dist inctive function in the sense that it is lexically idiosyncratic and therefore unpredictable . Examples (2.29) below may suc cinctly demonstrate that by and large stress is predictable in BI. In general, one can say that stress in BI falls on the penultimate syllable of words . This is clearly shown by items b and c below.

(2.29)la. bodoh [b6dohJ 'stupi d' b. kebodohan [kabod6hanJ 'stupidity ' c. kebodohanm u [kabodohanmuJ 'your stupidity '

2a . pendek [p�ndE?J 'short ' b. memendekkan [mamandekanJ 'to shorten ' c. memendekkannya [mamandakanpaJ 'to shor ten it'

3a. bela [belaJ 'to defend ' b. pembelaan [pambala?anJ 'defenae, aat of de fending ' c. pem bel aanku [pambala?ankuJ 'my defenae '

4a. terang [tara!)J 'light, bright ' b. d i terangkan [d i tara!)kanJ 'to be exp lained ' c. diterangkannya [ditara!)kanpaJ 'to be explained by him '

5a. ber i [badJ 'to give ' b. pemberian [pamoarfanJ 'gift ' c. pemberianmu [pambadanmuJ 'your gift '

6a. cer i tera [carftaraJ 'story ' b. ceri terakan [caritarakanJ 'to te ll. a story ' c. diceri terakannya [dicar i tarakanpa] 'it was told by him '

Altho ugh the penultimate syllable of the last three st ems (2.29:4a,5a, 6a 1 is not stressed, the placement of stress in words derived from the stems (cf. 2.29:4b,c;5b,c;6b,c) is on the penultimate syllable of the derivatives. Therefore, there are good reasons for not regarding st ress a phoneme in BI. This means that the distribut ions of [eJ and [aJ cannot be regarded as being conditioned by stress, but rat her the other l way round . In order to just ify the int erpretation of schwa as the allophone of lei, we must therefore rely on the exis,tence of a const raint or a set of constraint s (i.e. morpheme structure c9nditions) which can be he ld responsible for the dist ributions of these vowels (IeJ and [aJ). It has been pointed out earlier that [eJ and [aJ are mut ually exclusive in morpheme final syllable, and to a degree in morpheme initial and medial syllables (syllables other than the penult) in polysyllabic items . In the penultimate syllable , the two vowels ([eJ and IaJ) are also in com­ plementary distribution in certain environment s in indigenou s items . The vowel [eJ may occur in the penultimate syllable when the ultima contains a mid vowel as in (2.30:1), and the vowel [aJ when the ult ima cont ains a high vowel as in (2.30:2).

(2.30) 1. besok [beso?J 'tomorrow ' pendek [pende?J 'short ' belok [be1o?] 'to turn ' benteng [benteQJ 'fort ' elok [elo?J 'nice ' leher [leherJ 'neck ' tempo [tempoJ 'time ' nenek [nene?J 'grandmo ther '

2. bel um [balomJ 'not yet ' sed ih [sadihJ 'sad ' terus [tarosJ 'continue ' penting [pantLQJ 'impor tant ' seteru [sataruJ 'enemy ' lebih [labih J 'more ' cenderung [candaroQJ 'tend' sering [sa rLQJ 'often '

However, both vowels ([eJ and [aJ) may occur in the penultimate syllable when the ultima contains a low vowel ([aJ) suc h as (2.3 1) .

(2.3 1) a. bela [bela J 'defend' b. belah [balahJ 'cut Lengthwise ' rela [relaJ 'wiL Ling ' reda [radaJ 'stop (rain) ' enak [ena?J 'deLicious ' enam [anamJ 'six ' bendera [banderaJ 'fLag ' setelah [satal ahJ 'after '

l The fact that stressed vowels are relat ively longer compared with unstressed vowels might make us postulate an addit ional vowel in the underlying representation of items which are stressed on the final syllable on the phonetic level by doubling the stressed vowel. For example, the item terang [taraQJ 'Light ', ber i [bariJ give ', etc . (cf. 2.29:4a,5a) will have the underlying forms IteraaQI and Iberi il respectively.'to This would then account for the occurrence of IaJ rather than [eJ in the first syllable of the items (assuming that they are both the alternant s of le/l bec ause the stress could be viewed as occurring on the penult rather than on the ultima . To yield the correct phonetic forms of those items we would need a rule that would convert the two-identical vowel sequences into single vowels. Thi s sort of rule does not seem to be phonologic­ ally motivated . As we shall see later , a sequence of two identical vowels is usually broken up by a glottal stop insertion rather than by degeminat ion . 35

Without taking into account minimal pairs whic h exist through borrowing, such as pen ing [pan L Q] 'dizzy ' (BI ) vs pen ing [penLQ] 'anima Z Zicence batch' (Dutc h) , teras [taras] 'pi th' (BI) vs teras [teras] 'terrace ' (Dutch/Engl ish) , etc. , examples (2.31) above succinctly show that the two vowels ([e] and [a] ) have to be postulated as two different under­ lying vowels in the phonological representation .

2. 3. THE CHARACTER ISAT ION OF SEGM ENTS IN TERMS OF DISTINCT IVE FEATURES

In generat ive phonology , the description on the phonologic al and phonetic levels as well as the rules that convert phonological repres­ entations into phonet ic representat ions are in terms of distinctive features. The dist inctive features are "the minimal element s of which phonetic , lexical, and phonological transcriptions are composed, by combinat ion and concatenat ion" (Chomsky and Halle 1968:64) . Thus the fundamental unit of a phonological description is the dist inctive feature. The phoneme (defined as a bundle of distinctive features) has no independ ent linguistic status (see e.g. Chomsky 19 :69; Fischer­ J�rgensen 1975:218, et c .). The alphabetic symbols which are used to repr esent sound segment s (phonemes or allophone s) are regarded as nothing more than practical ad hoc abbreviat ions for feature bundles (cf. Chomsky and Halle 1968 :64; Halle (1962)1964 :336, etc.). Halle « 1962)1964 : 335-338) ha s convinc ingly shown that rules are frequently formulated much better in terms of distinctive featur es to the ext ent that general rules can be expressed mor e simply than less general rules. This is not the case with rules formulated in terms of alphabetic symbols. The problem is to select an appropr iate set of features from the currently available features which will be capable of describing the systematic phonet ics, of differentiating lexical items, and of defining natural classes, that is, those segment s which as a group undergo similar phonological processes (cf. Schane 1973 :25,35). In the pr esent description, the features chosen are basically from those proposed by Chomsky and Halle (1968) . They propose 22 features which they claim to be univer sal and can be used as a framework for describing sound segment s of any language . For BI only 13 features are used to characterise the sound segment s discussed in the last two sec­ tions. The 13 features consist of (1) three major class features (consonantal, syllabic , sonorant ), (2) seven cavity features (coronal, ant erior , high , low, back, round , nasal ), (3) two manner of articulation featur es (continuant , tense), and (4) one source feature (voice). Of t.he 13 features, only 12 have classificatory function. One feature (i.e. tense) is relevant only to the description (representation) on the phonetic level. 36

The feature syst em described in The Sound Patt e�n 06 Eng i�� h (Chomsky and Hal le 1968) has been crit icised on various points and therefore it cannot be regarded as definitive (see e.g. Ladefoged 1971, Fant 1973, et c.). In the pr esent descript ion , the segment s [hJ and [1J are classi­ fied , following Lad efog e d (1971), as non-sonorant glides ([-Consonant , -Syllabic , -Sonorant J). (Note that Chom sky and Halle treated these two segment s as sonorant glides .) The feature syllabic , described by Chomsky and Halle (1968:354 ) as a feature "which would characterize all segment s constituting a syllable pea k" , is used here in place of the feature vocalic of their feature syst em . The feature continuant in Chomsky and Halle 's feature system divides sounds into two groups on the basis of the blockage of air flow in the vowel tract . They write "In the production of continuant sounds, the primary co nstric tion in the vowel tract is not narrowed to the point where the air flow past the constriction is blocked; in st ops the air flow through the mout h is effectively blocked ." According to this definition , liquids (lateral and trill) are cont inuant sounds because the air flow through the mouth is not effectively blocked in the pro­ duction of the sounds. To keep them apart one need s the feature later­ ality. From the simplic ity point of view, this laterality feature is too cost ly for the phonology of BI because it ha s no purpose other than to keep III and Irl dist inct . For this reason , the tr ill liquid (/r/) is classified, following Jakobson , Fant and Halle (1962), as a non­ l cont inuant (or interrupted) consonant . Table 1 below shows the distinctive feature composition of BI segment s. The table (or matrix) indicates which set of feature values the alpha­ bet ic symbols used in the informal repr esentat ion may be re ferred to. Features which are not relevant to certain segments are left blank . Notice that the feature tense and segments [1J, [LJ, [EJ, [oJ and [oJ are enclosed between bracket s to indicate that they have no classifica­ tory function and therefore they are not relevant to the description on the phonological level .

l In Jakobson and Halle ( 1956: 41-42 ) the bi nary oppo sition interrupted vs continuant is replaced by abrupt VB continuant . 37

TABLE

b m t d n r 5 J'l .c J k (7) f z � x i (L) e (e:) a a U (0) (0) p 1 9 I) Y w 0 Consonantal + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + - + + + + - Syllabic ------+ + + + + + + + + + Sonorant - - + - - + + + - + - - - - + - + + - - - - + + + + + + + + + + Coronal - - - + + + + + + ------+ - - - Anterior + + + + + + + + + ------+ + - - - High ------+ + + + + + - + + - - + + + + - - - - + +

Low ------+ ------+ - - Back ------+ + + + - + - - - + - - + + + + + + -+ ---- ++++ Round Nasal - - + - - + - - - + - - - - + -

Cont inuant ------++------++++++ Voice -++-++++-+-+-++ - ++-+--+ + + + ++++ + + (Tense) +-+- --+- +-

Note that in the above tab le, affricates and plosives are not differ­ ent iated in terms of a maj or class feature. In the Chomsky-Halle syst em , these two sound classes are dist inguished by release feat ures. Afri­ cates are [+Delayed release] and plosives are [-Delayed release]. Since in BI affricates (leI and IJ/) are both palatal and plosive s are all non-palatal sounds, the place features coronal, anterior and back are enough to keep the two sound classes distinct .

------_.-

CHAPTER 3

POSITIVE COND ITIONS

The concept of 'Posit ive Condit ions ' within a generat ive phonology framework wa s first suggested by Stanley (1967), who introduced the idea (along with the ideas of 'If-Then Conditions ' and 'Negative Con­ ditions ') to express the canonical shapes of underlying forms of morph­ emes. In their description of the phonology of Akan, Schachter and Fromkin (1968) state general constraints on the syllable structure of Akan in terms of 'Positive Conditions ' (cf. Hyman 1975 : 110-112; Brown 1972 :55, etc.). Brown (1972) in her description of the phonology of Lumasaaba uses 'Positive Condit ions ' to state sequential constraint s on the sequence of phonological elements (consonant s and vowels) within phonological words and lexical entries, and on the sequence of segment s in the phonetic realisation within a phonological tone . In the present description, 'Posit ive Conditions ' are used to capture the canonical shapes of underlying forms or morpheme s (embodying possible morpheme s) in The canonical shapes render information about the B1 . general constraint s on the sequence of segment s (consonant and vowels) in the phonological represent at ion of words and lexical entries. To some degree, the general constraint s also hold true in the phonetic l realisation within phonological words . By a 'phonological word ' is meant the maximum unit within whic h assimilat ion and syllabificat ion processes may occur . In many instances, phonological words are co­ extensive with grammat ical words, i.e. units or rorms resulting from combining stem morphemes (lexical format ives) with affix morphemes (grammatical format ives). The notion of 'phonological word' may be somewhat uneasily related to the traditional definit ion of the term

l Consonant clusters may occur in word-initial position on the phonet ic level but not on the phonological level .

39 40

'word ' which tends to rest on criteria such as 'isolability ', 'unin­ l terruptability' , 'cohesiveness ', etc . Words (in the sense of comb inations of morphemes) in BI are construc­ ted by means of affixat ion and/or reduplicat ion . There are however morphemes that never take any affixes or undergo reduplication, such as dengan [dal)an] 'with', ket ika [kat ika] 'when ', di [di] 'at, in, on ', ke [ka] 'to' , dan [dan] 'and ', etc . As far as their structural patterns are concerned, they are similar either to those of stem morphemes or to those of affix morphemes. Thus the canonical forms of words (i.e. morpheme combinat ions) and lexical entries can also be captured by stat ing the canonical shapes of stem and affix morphemes. This chapter consist s of four sections . The first section deals with positive con ditions that express permitted sequences of phonological segment s within lexical stems. The se cond section de als with positive conditions that express permitted sequenc es of phonological segment s within affixes. The third section presents examples of underlying forms of typical words, i.e. words constructed by means of affixation and/or reduplication . The fourth section pr esent s the analysis of typical nouns which are account ed for in an ad hoc way in earlier studies of BI. In stat ing permitted sequences of phonological segment s within mor­ phemes or words, the following symbols wi ll be used :

+ formative boundary, ++ word boundary C [-Syllabic ] (i.e. consonant s and glides) V [+Syllabic] (i.e. vowels)

3.1. LEXICAL STEMS

Hartmann and Stork (1972:219) define the term stem as "That which is left of a word when all inflexional - affixes have been removed. The st em of a word is the form usually listed in dictionaries ." A stem which is ultimately irreducible is called a lexical stem or root (see Mat thews 1974 :40,73) . A lexical st em consist s of one morpheme only; hence the term simple stem is often used to refer to a lexical stem as opposed to a complex ste m (i.e. a stem which consist s of one root and one or more affixes) or a compound stem (i.e. a stem which consist s of, at least , two roots) . Note that in tersecting parenthe ses in the following formula are used to indicate that at least one of the it ems (element s) between the

l cf. Lyons 1968 :199,205 ; also Matthews 19 74:20-24 and the references cited therein; Brown 1972 :31, etc . 41

parent heses is ob l igatory . And if a morpheme is gr eater in length than that characterised in the sequential stat ement , the condit ions within bracket R must reapply. The canonical shapes of lexical stems in BI can be formulated as follows :

++ ( e )( V ( e ( e )) V ( e R «e)v ( e ))R ) ++

This formula st ates that :

(a) a lexical stem consists minimally of ev or VV

(b) the maximum sequence of e is ee, and this ee sequence may occur only in medial posit ion

(c) the maximum sequence of V is VV

(d) the lexic al stem (if polysyllabic) may begin with ev , evv, evev, eveev, vv, vev , or veev

(e) a lexical stem may end either in e or V

Theoretically, there are 42 different types of morpheme st ructure that can be derived from the above formula without reapplying conditions within bracket R . However , the corpus (cf. Section 1.3.), being limited in nature, fails to contain items that exemplify all the 42 possible morpheme st ructures. The unexemplified structures are either per ipheral (i.e. having a very low frequenc y of occurrences in actual morphemes) or are simply conceivable morpheme structures in that they conform to the gener al constraints enumerated above without any actual items existing in the language which exemplify them . This is particularly true with polysyllabic structures (i.e. structur es which contain three or more Vs each) which have two consonant clusters . They are exemp li­ fied only by loan items such as industri /industari/ [industriJ 'indus­ try ' (Dutch/English) , intensif /intansif/ [intans �f. intans �pJ 'inten­ sive ' (Dutch/English) , semoahyang /sambahyaQ/ [sambahyaQ] 'to say a prayer ' (Arabic ), etc. whose structures are veeveevev, veeveeve and eveeveeve respectively. Lexical stems with the monosyllabic structure s ev and eve also belong to the peripheral type . The st ructure ev for instance, is exemplified only by one lexical stem to my knowledge , viz . /yu/ [yuJ 'shark '. This item may take cert ain affixes like /lah/ 'emphat ic suffix '. /kah/ 'int errogat ive suffix '. /bar/ 'adj ectiviser prefix ', etc . In addition, the item, being a noun , can be pluralised by reduplicat ing it . It is generally agreed by scholars of Austronesian linguistics that the maj orit y of lexical stems in Austrone sian languages (thus , also in 42

l BI) are bisyllabic (i.e. containing two Vs each) . This claim is supported by the data . A samp le of 202 stems of 256 words (i.e. units or forms consist ing of lexical st ems plus affixes and/or reduplication} found in the dat a (cf. Section 1.3.) shows that 189 it ems (93.1 per cent ) are bisyllabic , and of the remaining 13 items, 12 items (6.4 per cent ) are trisyllabic , and one item (0.5 per cent ) is monosyllabic . Structurally, the 189 items can be grouped into 11 types and the 12 trisyllabic items into five types. The distribut ion of the 189 items over the 11 types of structure shows a considerable range of dispersal . The structure eveve for example is exemplified by 90 items (lexical st em s ), while the structure VV is exemplified only by one lexical stem, viz . /ia/ Cia] 'he, she '. (As a matter of fact , this is the only morpheme in BI that I am aware of having the structure VV. ) Thus in short , within the bisyllabic group itself there is a wide range of frequency of occurrences or use of st ructures in the language . It must be noted however that the 17 types of structure (one mono­ syllabic , 11 bisyllabic and five trisyllabic ) which appear in the 202 stems of the 256 sample word s ment ioned above do not necessarily imply that they are all more common than those which happen not to be exem­ plified in the sample. Nor do es the number of items exemp lifying each of those structures necessarily correspond to the proportion of actual morphemes in BI . The structures VV and eve for example , are exemplified by one lexical st em each, viz . /ia/ Cia] 'he, she ' and /zam/ [zam, sam, Jam] (a bound root appearing in the form zamzam 'holy water (from Mecca 's sacred we ll) '). The structure eve however has a higher fre­ quency of occurrences than the structure VV does. In the data (cf. Section 1.3.) there are nine more items of the eve structure which may take affixes and/or undergo reduplication. They are (1) /sah/ [sah , �ah.] 'legal ' (e.g. /man+sah+kan/ [mal)asahkan , mal)sahkan] 'to legalise '), (2) /hak/ [hak, ha?] (e.g. /bar+hak/ [barhak, barha?] 'to have right '), (3) /bak/ [bak] 'trough ' (e.g. /bak+ra/ [bakra] 'the trough '), (4) /rak/ [rak, ra?] 'she lf' (e.g. /rak+rak/ [rakrak, ra?ra?] 'shelves '), (5) /pak/ [pak] 'package ' (e.g. /di+pak/ [dipak] 'to be packed '), (6) /tik/ [uk] 'to type ' (e.g. /man+t ik/ [mal)at Lk] 'to do typing '), (7) /teh/ [teh] 'tea ' (e.g. /teh+mu/ [tehmu] 'your tea'), (8) /Jam/ [Jam] 'watch ' (e.g. /bar+Jam/ [barJam] 'to wear a (wrist) watch ') and (9) /zai/ [zat, sat, Jat] 'substance ' (e.g. /zat+ra/ [zatra , satra, Jatpa] 'its substance '). Finally, it is necessary to point out that the cond itions enumerat ed above , especially the condit ions on con sonant sequenc es hold true mainly l See e.g. Halim 1974 : 181ff and the references cited therein. 43

within nat ive BI it ems . There ar e quite a number of recently borrowed items (lexical st em s) which do not meet the conditions enumerated above in the sense that none of their phonet ic alternant s conform to those conditions. Some of the loan item s contain consonan,t clusters occur­ ring in morpheme-init ial position such as kl inik [kl inLk] 'aUnia ' (Dut ch/Engl ish) , praktek [prakte:k] 'praatiae ' (English/Dutch) , transpor [transp�r] 'transport ' (English/Dutch) , etc. , and some contain sequences of three or more consonant s such as struktur [struktor] 'struature ' (Engl ish/Dutch) , instruks i [in struksi] 'instruation ' (Dutc h/English) , inspektur [inspektor] 'inspeator ' (Dutc h/English) , etc. The se items have to be represented in such a way on the phonological level so that they conform to the general conditions enumerated above . Inadmissible sequences (consonant clusters) will be broken up by inserting a schwa . Thus clusters in morpheme-initial position will be broken up by inser­ ting a schwa immed iately after the first consonant , and consonant clusters cont aining three or four con sonant s in morpheme-medial position will be broken up by inserting a schwa between the second and the third consonant s. Accordingly, the loan items cited above will be phono­ logically represented as (3.1) below:

(3.1) kl inik: /kel inik/ [kl inik] 'aUnia ' praktek: /paraktek/ [prakte:k] 'praatiae ' struktur: /satruktur/ [struktor] 'struature ' instruksi : /insatruks i/ [instruksi] 'instruation ' i nspektu r: / i n sapektu r/ [in spektor] 'inspeator '

(See a further discussion of these loanwords in Section 5.6.)

3.2 . AFFIXES

The canonical shapes of affixes in BI can be formulated as follows :

+ (C)V(C(V» +

The formula st ates that :

(a) an affix consists minimally of V

(b) the maximum sequence of C is C

(c) the maximum sequence of V is V

(d) an affix may end either in C or V

BI make s use of 23 (phonological) affixes for inflectional and deri- vat ional purposes. The function and meaning of an affix depend largely upon the st em to which it is attached . Take for instance the prefix /bar-/ . With verb stems, the pr efix /bar-/ is inflectional (i.e. it 44

simply marks the syntact ical function of the stems without changing the grammatical class or category of the stems) denot ing intransitive verbs as in (3.2); with noun st ems , it is der ivat ional (i.e. it changes the grammatical class of the stems from noun int o verb or adj ective ) who se meaning may differ from stem to stem as in examples (3.3) below.

(3.2) /ber-/ verb stem /ber + pepil [b<:>rpepi] 'to sing ' (intr. ) /b

The correspond ing transit ive forms of those verbs are , respectively : /men+pap i+kan/ [mepap ikan] 'to sing a song ', /men+per+tenkar+kan [mempertal)karkan] 'to qu arrel (upon) ', /men+per+kelahi+kan/ [mamperkel aikan] 'to fight (on some thing) ', /men+dandan+i/ [menda ndani] 'to beautify ', /men+sembup i +kan/ [mapambup i kan] 'to hide (some thing) '.

(3.3) /ber-/ noun stem /ber + sapeda/ [bersepeda] 'to go by BICYCLE ' /ber + foto/ [barfoto] 'to have one 's PICTURE ta ken ' /bar + +lu mpur/ [barl umpor] 'to be MUDDY ' /ber + ai r/ [bara Lr] 'to be WATERY ' /bar + kata/ [barkata] 'to say WORDS '

A detailed account of the function and meaning of these 23 affixes would entail the discussion of synt ax and this is certainly beyond the scope of this study . Suffice it to point out here that in BI, whose vocabulary is relat ively smaller compared with modern European languages, affixation is a very significant phenomenon in word const ruction . As a result , most (lexical) stems can take a number of affixes. Examp les (3. 4) below may succinctly illustrate this ph enomenon . All of the word s given below have the same root (lexical stem) viz . /buat/ 'do, make ' .

(3.4)1. /ber + BUAT/ [barbuat] 'to ac t' /di + BUAT/ [di buat] 'to be made/done by ' /man + BUAT/ [mambuat] 'to make, to do ' /tar + BUAT/ [tarbuat] 'to be made of, managed to do ' /BUAT + kan/ [buatkan] 'make 80mething for somebody ' /BUAT + lah/ [buatlah] 'do (it) plea8e ' /BUAT + ani [buatan] 'produc t' 45

2. Ipa + man + BUATI [pambuat] 'maker ' Ipa + man + BUAT + ani [pambuatan] 'the ma king. production ' Ipar + BUAT + an + pal [parbuatanpa] 'his de eds '

Table 2 below shows the types of structure and the types of affixes (prefixes, suffixes and infixes) in BI .

TABLE 2

Structure Prefix Suffix Infix Total

l. ev di,ka,ku, kU,mu ,pa 8 pa,sa 2. eve bar ,man , kah ,'k an, lah, 9 par ,tar pun,wan 3. evev wat i 1 i 4. V i 1 5. ve an a I,am , a r 4

Total 9 11 3 23

It must be pointed out however that some of the forms (affixes) listed in Table 2 above represent two or more morphemes each. The form Ilahl for examp le can be an 'emp hat ic suffix ' as in Ikamu+lah makanl [kamu lah makan] 'You who shouZd eat ', or a 'mild imperative forming suffix' as in Ikamu makan+lahl [kamu makanlah] '(You) eat pZease ', etc . It mu st also be pointed out , furthermore, that the forms given in Tab le 2 above are phonological (und erlying) forms of affixes (morphemes) and therefore preclude allomorphs . As to the operative function of these affixes, one can state briefly that they differ in their pr oductivity. Some affixes such as Imanl 'active voice verb prefix ', Id il 'passive voice verb prefix ', Ibarl 'intransit ive/stat ive verb forming prefix', Ikanl 'transitive verb forming suffix ', Iii 'transitive verb forming suffix ' , 1 etc . are capable of combining with a large number of items, and some can comb ine only wit h a handful of items . The cases in point are Iwanl 'male human noun forming suffix ', Iwat il 'female human noun forming suffix' and the infixes - I-aI-I, I-am-I and I-ar-I. Note that these infixes are no longer used productively in cont emporary BI. The oc currence of these infixes in mo dern BI is limited to a number of long-established items or phrases such as tel unjuk [taluPJo?] 'forefinger ' ( + I-all + ItupJukl [tuPJO?] 'to point '), gemuruh [gamu ruh] 'thundering ' ( + I-ami + Iguruhl l The suffix Ikanl is different synt actically from the suffix Iii in that Ikanl may have an indirect object while Iii can only have a direct object . 46

[guruh] 'thunder '), teral i [taral i] 'lattice ' (+ I-ar-I + Ital il [tal i] 'rope '), kemuning [kamun iQ] 'yel low ' (+ I-am-I IkuniQI [kuniQ] + 'yellow '), kelelawar [kalalawa r] 'bat ' (+ I-al -I + Ikalawarl [kalawar] 'bat '), etc. Although- these infixes can still be ident ified in a num­ ber of long-established words and phrases, they show no clear pattern of meaning and fun ction. It is therefore just ifiab le to treat the forms consist ing of lexical stems and infixes cited above and the like as 'lexicalised ' items . (See also Tables 4a-c for furt her information on the productivity of these affixes .)

3. 3. EXAMPLES OF UNDERLYING FORMS OF TYPICAL WO RDS

It has been stated above for the purpose of the pr esent de scription that a 'phonological word '_ is the maximum unit within whic h assimilat ion and syllabif icat ion processes may occur. A phonological word may further be characterised by st ress placement which, generally, occurs on the penultimate syllable of the word . This section , while exemplifying a number of (underlying ) structures of lexical stems captured by the formula set up in Section 3.1. , present s examples of underlying forms of typical phonological words, that is words whi ch structurally consist of stems plus affixes and/or duplicat ion of stems . It ha s been point ed out in Section 3.1. that in the data there are 256 phonological words construc ted out of 202 lexical stems . It ha s also been stated that the 202 lexical stems exemplify 17 different types of str ucture. Let us examine the distribution of the 202 lexical stems over the 17 types of structure . Lexical st ems in the following examples are capitalised . a) 90 st ems are of the structure CVCVC ([-Syll, +Syll, -Syll, +Syll, -Syll]) as in (3.5 ) :

(3.5)1. IBODOH + il [bodohi. bodoi] 'to outwit, to fo ol someone ' 2. IT ITEL + flal [titelfla] 'his/her/its title ' 3. Ika + BEBAS + anI [kabebasan . kababasan] 'freedom ' 4. Iman + RAMAY + kanl [maramaykan] 'to cel ebrate ' 5. Ipa + man + DID IK anI [pand idikan] 'education ' + b) 39 stems are of the structure CVCV ([-Syll, +Syll, -Syll, +Syll ]) as in (3.6) below :

(3.6)1. IDURI anI [dur ian] 'a thorny fruit ' + 2. Iman GULA il [maQgulai] 'to sugar ' + + 3. Iman + T<3MU + kanl [manamukan] 'to di scover ' 4. Ipa + DESA + anI [padesa?an. padasa?an] 'village area ' 5. Ipa + man TAR II [panari] 'dancer ' + 47

c) 17 stems are of the structure CVCCVC ([-Syll, +Syll, -Syll, -Syll, +Syll, -Syll]) as in (3.7) below :

(3.7)1. Isa + BaRSIHI [sabars ih] 'as clean (as) ' 2. Itar + PANOAYI [tarpanday] 'the cleverest ' 3. Iman + P I NOAH + kanl [mam i ndahkan] 'to remove ' 4. Ika + BANJ IR + ani [kabapJ iran] 'to be flooded' 5. Id i + par + TU..NJUK + kanl [dipartup}ukan] 'to be shown ' d) 13 st ems are of the structure CVVC ([-Syll, +Syll, +Syll, -Syll]) as in (3.8) below :

( 3 .8)1. Isa + LUASI [saluas] 'as big as ' 2. IBUAT + ani [buatan] 'product, trade ma rk ' 3. Ika + BA I K + ani [kaba ikan] 'kindness ' 4. Iman + par + BAlK + il [mamparbaiki] 'to repair ' 5. I a + man + MUAY + ani [pam uayan] 'expansion ' p e) 8 stems are of the structure VCCVC ([+Syll, -Syll, -Syll, +Syll, -Syll]) as in (3.9) below :

(3.9)1. IA�GUK + ani [al)g ukan] 'nod' 2. Ibar + .3M PATI [barampa t] 'in (by) four ' 3. Idi + AM B IL + pal [diam bilpa] 'taken by him/her ' 4. Ika + INOAH + ani [kaindahan] 'beauty ' 5. IUNOA� + undal)l [undal) undal)] 'law, regu lation ' f) 7 stems are of the structure VCVC ([+Syll, -Syll, +Syll, -Syll]) as (3.10) below : in (3.10)1. Iman+AJARI [mal)a}arJ 'to teach' 2. IAOI K+mul [adikmu] 'your (younger) brother/sister ' 3. Itar+I�ATI [taril)at] 'to remember (incidentally) ' 4. Isa+ORAI:jI [sao rafl] 'a person ' 5 . I A I R + a I [ax i r p a. a h i r p a. a k i r p a] , the end, at las t ' X P g) 6 stems are of the structure CVC CV ([-Syll, +Syll, -Syll, -Syll, +Syll]) as in (3.11) below :

(3.11)1. Iman+GA�GUI [mal)gal)gu] 'to disturb ' 2. Ibar+HaNT II [barhanti] 'to stop ' 3. Id i+T.3RKAI [d i tarka] 'to be guessed' 4. Ibar+KaRJAI [bakar}a] 'to work ' 5. Idi+saRTA+ il [disartai] 'to be accompanied ' 48

h) 5 stems are of the structure vev ([+Sy11, -Sy11, +Sy11]):

(3.12)1. /men+ISI/ [mel)isi] 'to fi H' 2. /ADA+lah/ [adalah] 'tha t/it is ' 3. /IBU+pa/ [ibupa] 'hi s/heY' matheY" 4. /APA+kah/ [apakah] 'is it, what ' 5. /AKU+pun/ [akupon] too ' 'I i) 5 stems are of the structure evvev ([-Sy11, +Syll, +Syll , -Syll, +Syll]) .

(3.13)1. /SUAM I+pa/ [suamipaJ 'heY' husband ' 2. /SUARA+pa/ [suarara] 'heY'/his voice ' 3. /se+SUATU/ [sesua tu] 'somet hing ' 4. /S I APA+kah/ [siapakah] 'who ' 5. /B I ASA+pa/ [biasapa] 'usuaHy ' j) 3 stems are of the structure eveevev ([-Syll , +Syl1, -Sy1l, -Syll, +Syll, -Syl1 , +Syl1] ) - see (3.14:1), 2 st ems are of the structure veevev ([+Syll, -Syll, -Syl1, +Syll, -Sy1l , +Syl1]) - see (3.14:2) , 2 stems are of the structure evevev ([-Syll , +Syl1, -Syll , +Syll, -Syll, +Syll]) - see (3.14:3), 1 stem is of the struc ture VV ([+Syl1 , +Syll]) - see (3.14:4), 1 stem is of the structure vve ([+Syll, +Syl1 , -Syll]) - see (3.14:5), 1 stem is of the structure veev ([+Syll, -Syl1, -Syll, +Syll]) - see (3.14:6), 1 stem is of the structure eveveve ([-Syll , +Syll, -Syl1, +Syl1, -Syll, +Sy1l, -Syl1] ) - see (3.14:7), and 1 stem is of the structure eve ([-Sy1l, +Syl1, -Sy1l]) - see (3.14:8) .

(3.14)la. /SdND IRI+ an/ [sendirian] 'alone ' b. /ke+M<3RDEKA+an/ [kemerdeka?an] 'independence ' c. /TdRTAWA+kan/ [ter tawakan] 'to laugh at ' 2a. /IST<3RI +pa/ [ister ipa] 'his wife ' b. /ANTARA+pa/ [antarapa] 'among atheY's ' 3a. /ber+K<3LAH I/ [berkelai, berkelahi] 'to fight ' b. /B<3RAPA+ kah/ [berapakah] 'how many/muc h' 4. /IA+lah/ [ialah] 'he/she/i t is ' 5. /A I R+pa/ [airpa] 'the wateY" 6. /ber+ART I/ [berarti] 'to mean, meaningful ' 7. /NEGATI F+ra/ [negatifpa , negatippa] 'the (film) negative ' 8. /ZAM+zam/ [zamzam , samsam, JamJam] 'holy wateY"

The structures of the 202 lexical stems present ed above can be summar ised as follows : 49

3 TABLE

Number of Reference to Structure Percentage items Examples

Monosyllabic : 1. eve 1 0.5 (3.14:8) Bisyllabic : 2. eveve 90 44 (3.5) 3. evev 39 19.3 (3.6) 4. eve eve 17 8.4 (3.7) 5. evve 13 6.4 (3.8) 6. veeve 9 4.4 (3.9) 7. veve 7 3.5 (3.10) 8. eveev 6 3 (3.11) 9. vev 5 2.5 (3.12 ) 10. vv 1 0.5 (3.14:4) vve 1 0.5 (3.14:5) II. 12. veev 1 0.5 (3.14:6) Trisyllabic : 13. evvev 5 2. 5 (3.13 ) 14. eveevev 3 1.5 (3.14:1) 15. veevev 2 1 (3.14:2) 16. evevev 2 1 (3.14:3) 17 . eveveve 1 0.5 (3.14:7)

202 100

The central point in this section so far ha s been to exemp lify the underlying structures of the 202 lexical stems which, by virtue of affixat ion and/or reduplication, make up 256 phonological words . The increase in the number of words compared wit h the number of lexical st ems indicates that certain lexical stems take different affixe s and/or undergo reduplicat ion . The following tables (4a,4b,4c) show the occurrence of affixes and/or reduplication in the 256 phonological words. Note that the numbering of affixes of the same type occurring in succession is from left to right . Thus the prefixes Iman -I and Ipar-I, and the suffixes I-kanl and I-pal in the word mempertimbangkannya Iman+par +timbaQ+kan+pal [mampartimbaQkanpa] 'to consider it' for examp le , are identified as Prefix 1, Prefix 2, Suffix 1 and Suffix 2 respectively. Table 4a below shows the occurrence of prefixes and reduplication (RED) in 114 words which do not take any suffixes.

L 50

4a TABLE

Prefix 2 Prefix 1 0 man par RED Total

0 - - - 8 8

ba r 13 - - 5 18

d i 7 - 1 - 8 ka 1 - - - 1 man 35 - 4 6 45

pa 2 5 - - 7 par 2 - - - 2

sa 15 - - - 15

tar 10 - -- 10

Total 85 5 4 19 114

Table 4b below shows the occurrence of suffixe s in 124 words . Each word has a suffix with or without a prefix or reduplicat ion (RED) .

4b TABLE

Suffix Prefix , Total RED an i ka h kan ku lah mu pa pun

0 15 3 2 3 1 9 1 35 2 71

bar 2 - - - - 2 - - - 4

di - 1 - 2 - - - 1 - 4

ka 25 ------25

man - 3 - 9 - - - - - 12

pa 1 ------1

par - 2 - - - 2 - - - 4

RED 3 ------3

Total 46 9 2 14 1 13 1 36 2 124

Table 4c below shows the occurrence of affixes and reduplication (RED ) in 18 words - the remaining sample words, which cannot be captured in tables 4a and 4b above . Dots are used to indicate tha.t the prefix on the left applies together with the items (affixes or reduplication) on the top of the columns of the number s. The numbers themselves show the frequency of the oc currences of the affixes on the top of the columns toget her with the prefixes on the left . 51

4c TABLE

Prefix 2 Suffix (1 ,2)

Prefix 1 man par RED an kan pa Total

bar ...... 1 .....1 1

d i · . . . ..4 ••.....••...••....4 4

ka · ...... 1 ...... 1 1

man · . . . ..3 ...... 3 3

• •••••4 ••••••••••••••••••4 4

...... 1 . ...1 1

pa .4.•...•...... 4 4

Total : 18

Tables 4b and 4c above show that prefixes may co-occur with most suffixes in BI . In fact , some prefixes always function together sim­ ultaneously with certain suffixes in the construct ion of certain types of words. This kind of pairs of prefix and suffix may be referred to as 'simultaneou s affixes ' (simu1fix). The mo st productive pairs are Ika ... anI 'abstract noun forming simu1fix', Ipa ... anI 'noun forming simu1fix ', Ipar ... anI 'noun forming simu1fix ' and Ipar ... kanl 'causat ive transitive verb forming simu1fix '. The simu1fix Ika ... anI may be added to adj ective stems (cf. 3.5:2, 3.8:3, 3.9:4, 3.14:1b) and to certain noun stems (cf. 3.7:4) . The simulfix Ipa ... anI may be added to certain verb stems (cf. 3.5:5, 3.8:5) and to certain noun 1 st ems (cf. 3.6:4). The simu1fix Ipar ... anI may be added to certain st em s such as persekolahan [parsako lahan] 'school system ' (+ Isakolahl [sakolah] 'school ' Ipar ... anI), perusahaan [parusaha?an] 'enterprise ma tters ' (+ lusahal [usaha] 'enterprise, effort ' Ipar ... anI), etc . + and to certain verb stems such as per temuan [partamuan] 'meeting ' (+ Itam ul [tamu] 'me+ et ' Ipar ... anI), pertengka ran [parta8 karan] 'a + quarrel' (+ Ita 8 ka rl [ ta8 kar] 'to quarre l' Ipar ... anI, etc . The + simu1fix Ipar ... kanl may be added to certain noun stems such as persoa lkan [parsoalkan] 'to raise question on ' (+ Isoa ll [so al] 'ques­ tion ' Ipar ... kan/), perhatikan [parhatikan] 'to pay attention to ' (+ Ihat il [hati] 'heart ' Ipar ... kan/) , etc., and to certain verb + stems such as pertunj ukkan [mampartuplukan] 'to show ' (+ Ituplukl [tuplo?]+ 'to show, point ' + Ipar ... kan/), perdengarkan [parda8 arkan] l Not e howev er that the examples (3.5:5, 3.8:5) both have Imanl in the underlying rep­ resentation. 52

'to play (music) fo r others to listen to ' (+ /daC)ar/ [daC)a r] 'to listen ' + /par ... kan/, etc . Table 4c shows furt hermore, that certain words may ha ve three affixes (i.e. two prefixes and one suffix or one prefix and two suffixes) each. There are in fact a number of words that have more than three affixes each such as pend id ikannyalah [pandidikanpa lah] 'it is his/her educa ­ tion ' (+ /pa+man+DIDIK+an+pa+lah/), dipertunjukkannyalah [d ipartupJukanpa lah] 'then it was shown by him/her ' (+ /d i +par+TUNJUK+ kan+pa+ lah/) , etc .

3.4. A NOTE ON WORD ANALYSIS

It will have been not iced in the examp les given in Sect ion 3.3. above that the pr efix /man/ postulated in the underlying representation of a certain type of wo rds - words containing the prefix /pa/ with or without the suffix /an/, such as penar i 'dancer ' (cf. 3. 6:5), pend idikan 'edu­ cation ' (cf. 3.5:5), pemua ian 'expansion, extension ' (cf. 3.8:5), etc . is phonetically realised either as a nasal or 'zero ' dependin g upon the sound that immediately follows it . The nasal realisat ion of the /man/ pr efix occurs when it is immediately followed by an obstruent or vowel, and the 'zero ' realisation occurs when it is immediately followed by the other types of sound s - nasals, liquids and semi-vowels. Works on BI that I am aware of so far make no postulat ion of the prefix /man/ in the analysis of words of the type cited above . The common practice among scholars working on BI is to analyse the three

words above as peN + tari, peN + didik + an and peN + mua i + an respec­ tively, then to describe how the morpheme (prefix) peN- ha s several allomorphs whic h are phonologically definable. The nasal segment (N) in the prefix peN- is homorganic with stops, fricat ives or vowe ls following it , and it become s 'zero ' before the other types of sounds. It will soon become clear that this sort of analysis is not phonologic­ ally plausible . It fails to account for the pair s of words in (3.15) below where the pr efix pe- in a-items and the pr efix peN- in b-items both have the same function , i.e. to form an agent noun from a verb stem . Note that the a-it e ms in the following examples usually treated as exceptions to the na sal assimilation process described above . (The analysis given below is based on the surface structure of the words.)

(3.15)la. pekerja [pakarJa] 'a worker ' ( + pe+kerja 'to work ') b. pengerja [pal)arJa] 'the executor of a job/p lan ' (+ peN+ke rj a 'to work ') 2a. peserta [pasarta] 'a participant ' ( + pe+serta 'to participate, 'to accompany ') 53

b. penyerta [paparta] 'the company ' (+ peN+serta 'to participate, to accompany ') 3a. pesuruh [pasuruh] 'a janitor ' (+ pe+suruh 'to order, to send somebody to ') b. penyuruh [papuruh] 'the person who ordered/sent someone ' ( + peN+suruh 'to order/send body (to) ') 4a. pet inju [pat ipJu] 'a boxer ' ( + pe+t inju 'to fi st ') b. pen inju [pan ipJu] 'the person who punched (someone )' (+ peN+t inju 'to fi st ')

5a. pedagang [padagal)] 'a trader/businessman ' ( + pe+dagang 'to trade ' ) b. pendagang [pandagal)] 'the person who sold goods ' (+ peN+dagang 'to trade ')

To regard pe- and peN- in the above examples as two different pre­ fixes (morphemes ) will be against the intuitive knowledge of the native speakers about their language , especially the knowledge of words that the generative phonologist seeks to describe . Most nat ive speakers of BI will feel that the difference in me aning in each of the above pairs of words (nouns ) is not much subj ect to the prefixes pe- and peN- but rather to the type of verb s that each of those pairs is associat ed with . The a-items (i.e. items with the prefix pe-) in examples (3.15) above are usually associated with verbs consisting of verb stems plus /bar-/ 'stat ive/adj ectival verb prefix ' (e.g. 3.15:1a,2a,4a,5a) or verb stems plus /d i-/ 'passive voice verb pre fix ' (e.g. 3.15:3a) . The b-items (i.e. items with the prefix peN-) on the other hand , are usually associ­ ated with verbs consisting of verb stems plus /man-/ 'active voice (transitive ) verb prefix ' with or without the prefix /-kan/ or /i/ (both are transitive verb forming suffixes ). Thu s when a native speaker of BI is asked to differentiate for example the pair pekerja or pengerja (cf. 3.15:1a,lb), he is likely to de fine those items by saying, more or less, that pekerja 'worker ' has something to do with (a person who ) bekerja '(to) work ' (+ /bar/ /karJa/ 'to work ') and pengerja 'the execu tor of a job/plan ' has some thing to do with (a person who ) mengerj akan '(to) execute/do (something) ' (+ /man/ + /karJa/ 'to work/ do (root)'. In a similar way+, he will differentiate pesuruh 'a janitor ' (cf. 3.15:3a) from penyuruh 'the person who ordered or sent someone ' (cf. 3.15:3b) by saying that pesuruh has some thing to do with (a person who is) disuruh 'be ordered/sent ' ( + /d i/ + /suruh/ 'to order/send

(to) ' ) , and penyuruh has some thing to do with (a person who ) menyuruh '(to) order/send someone ' (+ /man/ + /suruh/ 'to order/send someone '). 54

The problem related to the ( surface ) prefixes pe- and peN- in the above examples (3.15) in which both perf orm the same function, can be solved by establishing two different structural patterns in the under­ lying representat ion . The two types of items illustrated by examples (3.15) above can be repre sented , re spectively, by the phrase markers ( structures ) ( a ) and ( b ) in (3.16) below .

(3.16)a. NP b. NP

P�P pr�vp

pr�v I I I pe-I I STEM pe- meN- STEM (lpa/) (lpa/) (lman/)

Note however that the structure ( a ) above represents items ( nouns ) which are usually associated with verb s containing /bar-/ or /d i-/, but since those prefixes never appear on the surface forms one finds no particular need to postulate them in the underlying repre sentat ion . On the other hand , the structure ( b ) repre sents items ( nouns ) which are usually associated with verbs containing the prefix /man/, and although the prefix does not always appear on the surface forms , the 'zero ' realisa­ tion of the pre fix , as we saw early in this section , is phonologically definable . In a similar way one can account for the pairs of items in (3.17 ) below which are closely related to the pairs given (3.15) above . The a-items in the following examples are constructed by adding /par ... ani 'noun forming simulfix ' to ( verb ) stems , and the b-items are construc­ ted by adding /pa ... ani 'noun forming simulfix ' to verbs beginning with ( postulated ) /man/. Like in ex amples (3.15), the a-items in the following examples are associated with verbs beginning with the prefix /bar/, and the b-items are associated with verbs beginning with the prefix /man/.

(3.17)la. pekerjaan [pakarJa?anJ 'work, occupation ' ( + /karJa/ 'to work ' ( root ) /par ... ani) b. pengerjaan [pal)arJa?anJ 'the execution of a job/plan ' ( + (/man/) /karJa/ 'to work ' /pa ... ani) 2a. pesertaan [pasarta?anJ +'parti cipation ' ( + /sarta/ 'to parti­ cipate/accompany ' ( root ) /par ... ani) b. penyertaan [paparta?anJ+ 'the act of accompan+ ying ' ( + (/man/) + /sarta/ 'to accompany ' + /pa ... ani) + 55

3a . *persuruhan b. penyuruhan [pafluruhan] 'the act of ordering/sending someone '

( + (/man/) + /suruh/ 'to order/send ' /pa . .. ani) 4a. perti nj uan [partiflJuan] 'matters re lated to boxing ' /t i flJU/ 'to fi s t' (root ) + /par ... ani) b. pen injuan [pan iflJuan] 'the act of punching ' ( + (lman/) /t iflJU/ 'to fi st ' + /pa ... ani) Sa . perdagangan [pardaga�an] 'matters re lated to trades '

( + /daga�/ 'to trade ' (root ) + /par ... ani) b. pendagangan [pandaganan] 'the act of trading/se l ling goods ' ( + (/man/) + /daga�/ 'to trade ' + /pa . . ani)

Not�ce that the prefix /par/ in examples (3.17:1a,2a) above is phonet­ ically realised as Cpa] because it occurs before a syllab le , containing -er (cf. Section 5.1) . Notice furthermore , that the form *persuryhan is not acceptable . Nor is the form *bersuruh. The fact that there is no verb *bersuruh in BI with which the form *persuruhan can be associ­ ated does not necessarily mean that the prefix /bar/ needs to be post­ ulated in the underlying representation of words of the a-type in the above examples. The que stion whether a certain stem can have the sim­ ulfix /par ... ani cannot be solved by the postulation of /bar/ in the underlying repre sentat ion of those items because it has yet to be decided whether the stem in question can be prefixed with /bar/ or not . In other words , the affixation of stems with /par ... ani or /bar/ depends largely upon the type of stems . The two types of words illustrated by examples (3.17) above can be repre sented on the phonological level by the structure s (a) and (b) l respectively .

(3.18)a. NP b. NP � pr nx Prefix VP Suffix r pr EM pe!1Pr- STEM -an pe-I meAN- STEM -anI (lpar/) (lan/) (lpa/) (lman/) (lan/)

Thi s chapter , especially the last section , has been devoted to the discussion of the morphology of BI . Its relevance to the phonology of BI however is undoubtedly significant . Moreover , since the greater part

l Note however that Ipa . .. ani can be added to a number of noun stems where /man/ is not postulated in the underlying representation ( cf. 3.6:4). 56

of a phonological description is concerned with words , it is desirable to deal with morphological processes that are relevant to the clarity of the phonological description of the language in question . In the current generative grammar framework , the discussion of morphological processes ( if any ) will appear piecemeal in the syntactic and phonological component s of the grammar . The framework de scribed by Chomsky (1965), which has been widely accepted by linguists, appar­ ently gives no room for the discussion of derivational morphology in the grammar. It is claimed that derived nominals are entered directly into the underlying structure from the lexicon like other formatives or morphemes without describing the processes of their format ion . ( In the 1957 version of the generative theory , this type of noun is derived by trans formation rules - thus the processes of derivat ion are accounted for . ) While the generative linguist seeks to describe the competence or the tacit knowledge of words and the rules that govern the manner in which morphemes are put togethe� to yield those words , the current gen­ erat ive framework lacks me chanisms for the treatment of the morphological aspects. The inappropriate treatment of morphology in the current generat ive framework has led some linguists ( e.g. Halle 1973) to propose a 'word format ion ' component within a generative framework , where morphology can be dealt with in its own right . The discussion of stems , affixe s and some word constructions in this chapter will probably give a partial answer to the proposed 'word format ion ' component . CHAPTER 4

MORPHEME STRUCTURE COND ITIONS

Although the notion of 'redundancy ' has long been recognised in phonological analysis (for example in an inventory of phoneme s of a language where 'redundant features' are in a way held re sponsible for the existence of variant s or allophones) , the concept of 'phonological redundancy' has gained considerable significance in the theoretical framework of generat ive phonology . It has developed along with the concept of simplicity - a concept which forms part of generat ive theory . Thus Chomsky (1962 :233) writes

... we mu st apparently do what any scientist does when faced with the task of constructing a theory to account for par­ ticular subject matter -- namely , try various ways and choose the simplest that can be found .

Simplicity has been made a basis or criterion for judging the re lat ive me rits of two or more com peting descriptions of a particular language . The essential claim in generative grammar is th at the simplicity me tric (also called 'evaluation procedure ' in the literature ) must be part of or built into the theory . Chomsky (1962:245) goes on to say

An important part of this theory will be a procedure of evaluat ion that will permit choice between alternative proposed grammars for particular languages.

In practice , the simplicity metric has been associated , if not l equated, with the number of features required to capture a generalisa­ tion . A description with fewer features is said to be simpler, more l Many generative phonologists however have questioned the validity of feature counting as the only basis for the evaluation of descriptions because it fails to capture the degree of naturalne ss of sound classes so that , very often , what seems simpler (i.e. a class of sounds that requires fewer features to specify) is less natural , and what seems less simple is phonologically more natural (cf. Chen 1973 :226 ; Hyman 1975 : 139- 142).

57 58

natural (thus more general) and more favoured than the one that utilises more feature s. It is therefore de sirable , Halle (1962 :340) recommended , that " ... we must omit feature s in all dictionary repre sentations , when­ ever these can be introduced by a rule that is less costly than the saving it effects" . The se omissible feature s are redundant in the sense that they can be predicted from other (phonological and grammat ical ) features. Rules stat ing these redundancies are variously called 'morpheme structure rules (MSRs )' (Halle 1959), 'morpheme structure conditions (MSCs )' (Stanley 1967), 'lexical redundancy rules ' (Chomsky and Halle 1968 ), etc . The existence of the various terminologies not only shows that writers on generative phonology have devoted consider­ able attention to the redundancy aspect in phonology , but also indicates that generat ive phono logist s have not reached any agreement on the type of framework for dealing with the phonological redundancies . The approach adopted in the present description is that proposed by Stanley (1967 ). After discussing a number of problems inherent in MSRs approach, such as the problem in choosing one feature over the other , the status of blank feature , etc ., Stanley (1967 ) proposed that MSRs be replaced with morpheme structure conditions (MSCs ). He pointed out that MSRs are basically static 'in that they do not convert one level of repre sen­ tation into another , but rather simp ly state redundancies on the phono­ logical level . Quite to the contrary , phonological rules proper (P_ rules) convert phonological representations into phonetic ones . Thus , Stanley drew a crucial dist inction between a constraint on a given leve l of representation and a rule that convert s one leve l of repre sentation into another . Once we take seriously the notion that a grammar contains rules as well as representat ions , there is no reason to require that phonological repre sentations should contain specifications only for all unpredictable (non-redundant ) features, so long as the grammar as a whole allows us to determine what features are commutable and hence un­ predictable (non-redundant ) and what feat ures are dependent and hence predictable (redundant ). In such terms , Stanley proposed that underlying (phonological ) rep­ resentations , like phonetic repre sentations , should be fully specified for all features. An additional set of morpheme structure conditions or constraints then provides, for any given la nguage , a specification of the range of possible segments and morphemes , including dependencies that may exist feature values. The morpheme structure conditions (MSCs) capture two kinds of redundancies - sequential and segmental redundan­ cies. 59

The formal requirements for MSCs are :

( i ) they may not change feature values ( ii ) they are unordered ( iii ) they operate within, and not across , morpheme boundaries

In the pre sent description MSCs are numbered for convenience of ref­ erence and discussion of similar aspects. The numbers do not imply any ordering in application . They are unordered because they may not change feature values . The MSCs are expressed in terms of 'If-Then conditions '. Each pair of 'If-Then conditions ' states that if a particular condition obtains in a certain environment , then some other condition must also be met . This chapter is organised into three sections . The first section deals with sequent ial conditions within BI morpheme s; the second section deals with segmental conditions , and the third section presents the summary of conditions formulated in the first two sections .

4.1. SEQUENTIAL 'IF-THEN CONDITIONS '

Sequential 'If-Then Conditions ' state predictable ( redundant ) feature s resulting from the constraints on the sequences of phonological seg­ ment s within morphemes. The conditions formulated below are based mainly on the constraint s or conditions that hold with nat ive BI ( Malay ) items . However , some regularities in the sequences of phonological segments observed in borrowed items are also taken into account to the extent that the items have been naturalised in the sense that they no longer sound foreign and that they conform to the general constraints ( positive conditions ) stated in Section 3.1. Greek letters a, in the following conditions ( and also in P-rules B, y in Chapter 5) stand for the plus and minus values of feature s, and they indicate agreement of values in different parts of a condition ( or rule ) .

4.1. 1. SEQUENCE OF CONSONANTS

It has been pointed out in Section 3.1. that BI allows only two con­ sonants to occur in a sequence within native items , and such sequences can only occur in word-medial position . BI imposes further re strictions on the types of consonant s that may occur in a sequence . To find out the re strictions that BI systemat ically exhibits on the sequences of segments in the underlying form of morphemes , let us first examine con­ sonant sequences found in the data ( cf. Section 1.3.) then formalise the regularities observed on those sequences . 6.0

Of the first two hundred morpheme s containing consonant sequences found in the data, 142 items (71 per cent ) have sequences of nasals plus obstruents (cf. 4.1), 25 items (12.5 per cent ) have sequences of the trill /r/ plus other consonant s (cf. 4.2) and 33 items (16.5 per cent ) contain various kinds of consonant sequences (cf. 4.3). Although the sample is small in number , it sufficiently reflects the constraint s that BI systemat ically imposes on consonant sequences . The following examples (4.1) show the summary of the sequences of nasals and obstruents in 142 items in the sample .

(4.1) Sequence Percentage Examples la o m-p 10.5 /ampat/ [ampat] , foul' ' /p impin/ [pimpLn] 'to lead ' b. m-b 11 /amb i 1/ [amb Ll] 'to take ' /gambar/ [gambar] 'picture ' 2a. n-t 16 .5 /untuk/ [unto?] , for ' /ganti/ [ganti] , to change ' b. n-d 11 /i ndah/ [indah] 'beautiful ' /pendek/ [pendE:?] , short '

v 3a. r-c 2 /larcar/ [larcar] 'fluent ' /kurc i/ [kurci] 'key ' b. r-J 3 /JarJ i/ [JarJ i] 'promise ' /barJ ir/ [barJ Lr] 'flood ' 4a. I)-k 7 /al)kaw/ [al)kaw] 'you ' /mul)kin/ [mUl)kLn] 'possible ' b. I)-g 8 /al)guk/ [al)go?] 'to nod ' It i I)gi/ [t i I)gi ] 'tall' 5a. n-s 1.5 /i nsaf/ [insaf, insap] 'realise ' /lansul)/ [lansol)] , direct (ly) , b. I)-S 0.5 /bal)sa/ [bal)sa] 'nation '

The above examples show that when a nasal and an obstruent occur in a sequence, the two consonant s are generally homorganic (cf. 4.1:1-5a) . This general rule however does not apply to items such as /bal)sa/ [bal)sa] 'nation ' (cf. 4.1:5b), /bal)sal/ [bal)sa l] 'ha ll ', /tal)si/ [tal)s i] 'bar­ rack ', /p il)san/ [pil)san] 'fainted ', /baf)sat/ [bal)sat] 'rascal ', etc . In other words, the sequence nasal plus /s/ cannot be predicted because it can be either /-ns-/ (cf. 4.1:5a) or /-I)S-/ in phonologically non­ definable environment s. Excluding the sequence nasal plus /s/, the regularity observed in (4.1) above can be formulated as fo llows : 61

(1) If fCons cons liNasal -Son J [-Cont] 1 } Then Ant Ant SCor SCor �Back] �Back]

The condition states that if the first consonant of a sequence of two consonant s is specified as a nasal ([+Consonant , +Nasal]) and the second as a non-sonorant , non-continuant consonant ([+Consonant , -Sonorant , -Continuant ]) - thus excluding nasal , trill, lateral and fricat ive consonant s - then the two consonant s will agree on the features anterior , coronal and back . (Note that the condition or rule simp ly states we ll-formedne ss of morphemes containing sequences of nasals and non-sonorant , non-continuant consonant s; it does not imply a blank­ filling notion .) The following examples (4.2) show the occurrence of the sequence trill plus other consonant s in 25 items in the sample .

(4.2) Sequence Percentage Examples 1. r-b 2 /kar baw/ [ karbaw] 'buffal.o ' /korban/ [korban] 'victim ' 2. r-d 1 /mardeka/ [mardeka] 'independent' /mardu/ [ mardu] 'nice (of voice) ' 3 · r-g 1 /ha rga/ [ harga] 'price ' /parg i / [parg i] 'to go ' 4. r-J 0.5 /karJa/ [karja] 'to work ' 5. r-m 0.5 /parmata/ [parma ta] 'jewel.' 6. r-n 2.5 /wa rna/ [warna] 'col.our ' /pur nama/ [pu rnama ] 'ful.l. moon ' 7. r 0.5 /par1u/ [par1u] 'to need ' -1 8. r-t 2.5 /a rti/ [arti] 'meaning ' /sarta/ [sarta] 'to accompany ' 9. r-k 1 /tarka/ [tarka ] 'to guess ' /parka ra/ [parka ra] 'matters ' 10. r-s 1 /barsih/ [barsih] 'cl.ean ' /kursi/ [kursi] 'chair ' 11 . r-c 0.5 /parcaya/ [parcaya] 'to be l.ieve '

The above examples show that /r/ may precede almost any type of conson­ ants . This can easily be understood because , as we saw in Section 3.2., 62

BI has three pre fixes ending in /r/ (i.e. /bar/, /par/ and /tar/) which can be added to stems beginning with any consonant s or vowels . A further examinat ion of BI words shows that of the voiced conson­ ant s, only nasals, trill and , to some degree , lateral may occur as the first element of con sonant sequences irrespective of whether the second element is a voiced or voiceless consonant . The occurrence of the lateral as the first element of consonant sequences is limited to loan­ words , such as /ka lbu/ [kalbu] 'heart ' (Arabic ), /a l pa/ [alpa] 'absent ' (Dut ch), /a ltar/ [altar] 'attar ' (Dutch/English), /a lkohol/ [alkoh�l ] 'atcohot' (Dutc h/English) , etc . Other voiced consonant s may also occur as the first element of consonant sequences but the second element must also be a voiced consonant (see the discussion of examples (4.3) below) . The constraint s discussed above can be formalised as follows : (2) If fCons fCons G-Voice l.:-Voice ! J J Then [ +Son]

The condition (rule ) states that if the second segment of a sequence of two consonant s is a voiceless consonant ([+Consonant , -Voice] ) and the first segment is a vo iced consonant , then it must be a sonorant sound ([+Consonant , +Voice , +Sonorant ]) - i.e. a nasal or trill or lat­ eral . Examples (4.3) below show the summary of the various kinds of con­ sonant sequences occurring in 33 items in the sample .

(4.3) Sequence Percentage Examples 1. 5 - t 3 /istari/ [istari] 'wife ' /pas ti/ [pasti] 'definite ' 5 -I 0.5 /a sl i / [asl i] 'genuine ' 2. k-t 2 /wa ktu/ [waktu] 'time ' /dokter/ [doktEr] 'doctor ' k-s 1 /paksa/ [paksa] 'to force ' /Iaksana/ [Iaksana] 'tike ' k-d 0.5 /dakd ik/ [dakd Lk] 'frightened' k-n 1 /Iaknat/ [Ia?nat] 'punishment ' /makna/ [ma?na] 'imp tication ' k-I 0.5 /takluk/ [ta?lo?] 'surrender ' k-r 0.5 /akrap/ [akrap] 'in timate ' k-z 0.5 /takzim/ [ta?z Lm, ta?sLm] 'respect ' 3. p-t 1 /saptu/ [saptu] 'Sa turday ' /saptember/ [saptembEr] 'September ' 63

Sequence Percentage Examples 4. h-t 0.5 /saJahtara/ [saJahtara] 'prosperous ' h-k 0.5 /bahkan/ [bahkan] 'even ' (conj ) h-� 0.5 /dah�at/ [dahsat, dah�at] 'enormous' h-b 0.5 /sahbandar/ [sahbandar] 'port officia l. ' h-l 0.5 /ah 1 i / [a h Ii] 'expert ' h-y 0.5 /sambahyal)/ [sambahyal)] 'pray ' h-w 0.5 /bahwa/ [bahwa] 'that ' (conj ) 5. s-h 0.5 /mashur/ [masher] 'famous ' 6. m-r 0.5 /zamrut/ [zamret, Jamret] 'emeratd ' m-l 0.5 /J umlah/ [Jumlah] 'total., amount' 7. l-m 0.5 /i lmu/ [ilmu] 'science, knowtedge ' 8. b-r 0.5 /februa ri/ [fabruari, pabruari] , February '

The first five groups of the above consonant sequences (4.3:1-5 ) show that when the first element (consonant ) of a sequence of two consonant s is voiceless, then the second element can be either a voiced or a voice­ less consonant . They show no part icular reg ularity which can be intro­ duced by a rule . The last three groups (4.3:6-8 ) on the other hand , show that the first and the second elements of those consonant sequences agree on the feature voice . They also suggest that the second element of a sequence of two consonants mu st be a voiced sonorant consonant when the first element is a voiced consonant . This is true with consonant sequences whose first element is a non-sonorant voiced consonant as in (4.4) below .

(4.4) /fabruari/ [fabruari . pabruari] 'February ' (cf. 4.3:8) /kod rat/ [kodrat] 'nature, destiny ' /ag raria/ [agraria] 'agricutture ' /h iJrah/ [hiJrah] 'to evacuate ' /tablet / [tablEt] 'tabtet ' /s ignal/ [sign al] 'signal. '

Note however that the palatal and velar nasals /p/ and /1)/ respectively never follow immediately voiced consonant s. Note furthermore , that mo st , if not all , of the items appearing in (4.3) and (4.4) above are loanwords. The constraint on the sequence of two voiced consonant s discussed above can be formulated as follows : 64

(3) If Cons [+Cons ] +Voice [-Son Then J VOiCe +Son1 [-High ]

The condition states that if the first element of a sequence of two consonants is specified as a non-sonorant voiced consonant ([+Consonant , +Voice, -Sonorant ]), then the second must be a non-high sonorant con­ sonant ([+Consonant , +Voice, +Sonorant , -High]). The feature specifi­ cation [-High ] blocks the nasals Ipl and I�/. In (4.3) above , we find no consonant sequence whose first element is lei . This is not because of the limitedness of the sample . The sequence lei plus other consonant s does not occur on the phonological leve l of repre sentat ion in BI . Condition (3) above on the other hand states that the sequence IJ/ plus non-back sonorant consonants is admissible . The following condition predicts the occurrence of IJI and blocks , in a way , the occurrence of lei as the first element of consonant sequences .

(4) If +Cons [+Cons ] -Son -Cont -Ant -Cor -Back � Then [+Voice] f±Voicel li s on J The condition states that if the first element of a sequence of two consonant s is an affricate ([+Consonant , -Sonorant , -Continuant , -Anterior, -Coronal, -Back] ) then it must be voiced (/J /) , and the second will be a voiced sonorant consonant ([+Consonant , +Voice, +Sonorant ]). Examples (4.3:4) above show that of the three phonological glides postulated in Section 2.1. only Ihl occurs as the first element of con­ sonant sequences . Again , this not because of the limitedness of the sample . The bilabial and palatal glides (/wl and /y/ respectively) never occur as the first element of consonant sequences in BI . This constraint can be formalised as follows : 65

(5) If i- Consl i- sylll l.:- SyllJ l.:-ConsJ � � Then VOiCe [ +Voice] +Low [+Cont ]

The condition states that if the first segment of a sequence of two non-syllabic segments is specified as a glide then it mu st be the voice­ less glottal fricat ive /h/ ([-Consonant , -Syllabic , -Voice, +Low , +Continuant ]). And if the second segment is further specified as a glide then it must be voiced ( i.e. /w/ or /y/) . The second part of the condition blocks the occurrence of h-h which is inadmissible . ( In fact, BI does not allow sequences of two identical consonants or glides. )

4. 1.2. SEQUENCES OF VOWELS

In Section 2.2. six vowels were posited for the representation of morpheme s on the phonological level. And in Section 3.1. we saw that BI allows only two vowels at the maximum to occur in a sequence within morpheme s. Theoretically, there are 36 possible vowel sequences . A further examination of B1 morpheme s however, shows that some of the possible sequences ( e.g. sequences containing the central mid vowel /a/) do not occur at all , and some ( e.g. sequences containing a front or back mid vowel, sequences of two identical vowels, etc . ) occur only in a handful of ( mo stly non-Malay ) items . In the data there are 53 morphemes containing 11 different vowel sequences . The following examples (4.5) show the types of vowel se­ quences occurring in the 53 items found in the data.

(4.5) Sequence Percentage Examples 1. i-a 24.5 /d ia/ [ dia] 'he, she ' / tiap/ [ tiap] 'every, each ' i-u 1.9 /t i up/ [tiop] 'to blow ' i-o 1.9 /rad io/ [rad io] 'radio ' 2. u-a 32 /tua/ [tua] 'old ' /buah/ [buah] 'fruit' u-e 1.9 /kue/ [kue] 'cake ' u-u 1.9 /suun/ [su?on] 'rice noodle ' 3. a-i 13.2 /ba ik/ [ba L?] 'good ' /a ir/ [a Lr] 'water ' a-u 9.4 /mau/ [ mau] 'to want ' /Jauh/ [Jauh] 'far ' 66

Sequence Percentage Examples a-e 1.9 /daerah/ [daerah] 'region ' a-a 7.6 /saat/ [sa?at] 'time, moment ' /maaf/ [ma?af) ma ?ap] 'sorry ' 4. o-a 3.8 /doa/ [doa , do?a] 'prayer ' /soa l/ [so al , so?al] 'question '

The above examples sugge st that the common vowel sequences in BI are those of high and low vowels (u-a , i-a) and of low and high vowe ls (a-i , a-u). Other common vowel sequences which are not shown by examples (4.5) above are sequences of two non-identical high vowe ls (i-u, u-i) as in (4.6) below .

(4.6)1. It i u p/ [tiop] 'to blow ' (cf. 4.5:1) /c i um/ [ciom] 'to kiss, to smell ' /s iul/ [s i 01 ] 'to whistle ' /1 i uri [1 ior] 'saliva ' /r i uh/ [riuh] 'noisy ' 2. /du it/ [du�t, duw�t] 'money ' /ku i 1/ [ku�l] 'temple ' /bu ih/ [buih] 'foam ' /puil)/ [pu�l)] , debris ' /Juita/ [juita, Juwi ta ] 'lovely'

The other occurring sequences are not common in the sense that they are exemplified only by a very small number of items each , and most of these items are loans . The vowe l sequence a-a for example which appears to have a re lative ly high frequency of occurrence (7.6 per cent ) in the data, occurs only in a few Arabic borrowed words . (As a mat ter of fact , all two-identical vowel sequences - a-a , u-u , i-i , e-e and - occur 0-0 in loanwords only , and of the five sequences , only a-a has a relatively high frequency of occurrence while the others occur only in one or two items each , such as u-u in /suun/ [su ?on ] 'riae noodle ' (Chinese?), i - i in /f iil/ [fj?�l , pi?il] 'aharaater ' (Arabic), e-e in /cameeh/ [came :h, came?eh] 'to belittle ' (Sundane se ), and in /camooh/ [camo:h, 0-0 camo?oh] 'to moak at ' (Minang), etc .) rules (conditions ) are to capture true 'linguistically significant If generalisations ', those facts must be taken into account . For this reason , some MSCs set up below are marked NATIVE to indicate that they hold true mainly with nat ive BI items . Examples (4.5:1-2 ) and (4.6) show that a high vowel may be followed by a low vowel or by another high vowel . Sequences of high and mid vowels occur only in a few loanwords such as i-e in /h ieraki/ [hieraki] 'hierarchy ' (Dutch/English) , i-o in /b ioskop/ [bioskop] 'movies ' (Dut67ch / English), /k i os/ [ki�s] 'kiosk ' (Dutc h/English) , u-e in / kue/ [kue, kuwe] 'cake ' (Chinese?), /duel/ [dUEl] 'dual ' (Dutch/English) , etc . The constraint on vowe ls that may follow a high vowel in nat ive BI items discussed above can be stated as follows :

If -cons con +Syll �+Syll +High J (6) [] Then [+10W! J { } G::�::> Condition : NATIVE BI J

The condition states that if the first vowel of a sequence of two vowels is a high vowel ([-Consonant , +Syllabic , +High]), then the second will be either a low vowel (i.e. /a/ - [-Consonant , +Syllabic , +Low] ) or a high vowel; the first and the second (high) vowels must have re­ versed specifications for the feature back . The condition excludes the sequences i-e, i-i , u-e, and u-u which occur in loan items only . Examples (4.5:3) above show that /a/ may be immediately followed by a high vowel (/i/ or lui), or by a mid vowel (/e /) . The vowel /a/ may also be immediately followed by /0/ as in /laos/ [la�s] 'ginger ', /kaok/ [ka�?] 'to shout ', etc . Items containing the sequences a-e and a-o are very few in number . The constraint on the vowels that may immediately follow /a/ can be stated as follows :

If cons con +Syll +Syll (6) �+Low � [-Low � Then Back+ �aRound J The condition states that if the first vowe l of a sequence of two vowels is specified as a low vowe l ([-Consonant , +Syllabic , +Low] ) and the second vowel is a non-low vowel, then it must be a round back vowel (i.e. /u/ or /0/) or a front non-round vowe l (i.e. /i/ or lei ). The condition blocks the occurrence of /e/ which has the feature specifica­ tions [+Back, -Round]. Examp�es (4.5:4) show the occurrence of the sequence o-a . This vowel sequence occurs only in a few loan items . The items /doa/ and /soa l/ given in (4.5:4) above are both Arabic borrowed words . Vowel seq uences 68

containing mid vowels are not common in nat ive BI words . Of the three phono logical mid vowels (lei, lal and 10/) posited in Chapter 2, only lei may occur as the first segment of a sequence of two vowels in native BI items . This vowel may immediately be followed by 101 only as in Ibeol [beo] 'parrot ', Ikeo!)1 [keo!)] 'snail ', Imeo!)1 [meo!)] 'miaow ', l etc . The above constraint can be stated as follows : (8) If con r-Consl +Syll G-SylJj -High [-Low l � Then [-Back] : J d �:Hig: h: l G J Condition : NATIVE BI

The condition (rule ) states that if the first vowel of a sequence of two vowels is a mid vowel then it must be lei ([-Consonant , +Syllabic , -High , -Low , -Back]), and the second will be a back rounded mid vowel ([-Consonant , +Syllabic , +Back, +Round , -High]). The condition excludes the sequences e- i, e-e , o- i, o-a and 0-0 which occur in a few loan items . In addition to the constraints on vowel sequences described above , BI also imposes constraints on the types of vowels that may occur in the last two syllables of morphemes . Since juxtaposed vowels that may occur in this environment have been captured by the last three conditions (rules), the following conditions are intended to capture constraints on the last two vowe ls of morphemes with one or two consonant s inter­ vening in between. The constraint s discussed below revolve around the distribut ion of mid vowels. The following examples (4.7) show that when the vowel of the final syllable of a morpheme is high (Iii or lui) , the vowel of the penulti­ mate syllable will be any vowel except the front and back mid vowels (lei and 10/).

(4.7)la. l i n il [ini] 'this ' Ip impinl [pimp�n] 'lead ' Itul isl [tul LS] 'write ' luJ il [uJi ] 'to test '

l There is one item wh ich contains the sequence e-a namely bea [bea] 'tax ' but this f'orm alternates with bia [bia] and therefore it is justifiable to take the latter as the underlying form of the morpheme . The former alternant can be accounted for by a lowering rule (see P-rule 2). b. /s i buk/ [sibo?] 'busy ' 69 /p intu/ [pintu] 'door ' /d uduk/ [dudo?] 'sit ' /tutup/ [tutop1 'shut ' 2a. /saril)/ [sarLI)] 'often ' /bal i/ [bal i] 'buy ' /labih/ [labih] 'more ' /sad ih/ [sadih] 'sad ' b. /sabut/ [sabot] 'mention ' /bantuk/ [banto?] 'shape ' /gamuk/ [gamo?] 'fat ' /ambun/ [ambon] 'dew ' 3a. / a pi/ [a pi] , fire ' /mati/ [mati] 'dead, die ' /ramp il)/ [rampLI)] 'sZim ' /nanti/ [nanti] 'later ' b. /abu/ [abu] 'dust, ash ' /takut/ [takot] 'afraid ' /al)guk/ [al)go?] 'nod ' /bantu/ [bantu] 'help '

It must be noted however that there are a few recent ly bor rowed items which deviate from the above condition , such as /seri/ [seri] 'series ' (Dutch/English) , /materi/ [materi] 'materials ' (Dut ch/English) , /bend i/ [be:ndi] 'gig ' (Sundanese ), /bolu / [bolu] 'pastry ' (Chinese?). The con­ straint illustrated by examples (4.7) above can be stated as follows : (9 ) If i-Consl [+Cons] ([+Cons] ) con' ([+Cons]) + l2-SyllJ +Syll �+High�

Then Hig! h -High +Back [-Round

Condition : NATIVE BI

The condition J(r ule ) states that if the last vowel of a morpheme is specified as a high vowel (/i/ or /u/ - [-Consonant , +Syllabic , +High]) then the second last vowel of the morpheme will be either a high vowel ([-Consonant , +Syllabic , +High]) or a non-high non-round back vowel

(i.e. /a/ - [-Consonant , +Syllabic , -High , +Back, -Round , +Low], or /a/ - [-Consonant , +Syllabic , -High , +Back, -Round , -Low]). The condition excludes loan items like /seri/, /materi/, /bend i/, etc . ment ioned above . 70 Examples below illustrate that /u/ never occurs in the penul­ timate syllable of morpheme s when the final syllable is /0/. /tonton/(4.8) [ to ton] 'to watch ' /bodoh/ [bodoh] 'stupid ' /obor/ [ bo ] 'torch ' (4.8)1. /besok/ [beso?]n 'tomorrow ' /bel)kok/ [bel)ko?] 'bent, curved ' /ekor/ [eko or]r 'tail ' 2.3. /Jabol/ [Jabol ] 'broken ' /baton/ [baton] 'concrete ' /batok/ [bato?] '(a kind of) fi sh ' /ba l ok/ [balo?] 'bar, block ' /Jago/ [Jago] 'cock, candi d ate ' /rampok/ [rampo?] 'to rob ' 4.5. /k ilo/ [ki lo] 'kilo ' /p ilo n/ [pi lon] 'innocent ' /s i l)kol)/ [sil)kol)] 'cassava '

It should be noted however that the last three groups of the above examples are not very common . The constraint illustrated by examples above can be stated as follows : If con +[Cons] ([+Cons]) cons(4.8) ([+Cons]) + +Syll +Syll [+H h] -High (10) [+Round] Then [-Bacrk]

The condition states that if the vowel of the last syllable of a morpheme is specified as a back mid vowel (/0/ - [-Consonant , +Syllabic , -High , +Round ]) and the second last vowel as a high vowel , then it must be /i/ ([-Consonant , +Syllabic , +High , -Back]). There is still another type of sequential constraint which can be accounted for here - constraints dealing with diphthongs . BI has three diphthongs , viz . lay/ Cay], law/ C aw] and /oy/ Coy] (equivalent to IPA [ai], [au] and [oi ] respectively ). A diphthong is different from a sequence of two vowels in that its two segment s belong to one syllable in the sense that they are utt ered with one pulse of stress (cf. Henderson Abercrombie Cat ford etc.), while the segments of a sequence of two vowels belong to two different syllables 1971in th:9e 2,sense128; th at they invo1967lve:60; two impulses1977 of :215-2stress16, in 71

excitation . In other words, a diphthong has the feature specifications [-Consonant , +Syllabic] [-Consonant , -Syllabic], while a sequence of two vowels has the feature specifications [-Consonant , +Syllabic] [-Consonant , +Syllabic ]. Distribut ionally, BI diphthongs occur only in morpheme final position as in (4.9) below .

(4.9)1. /panday/ [panday] 'clever ' /damay/ ldamay] 'peaceful ' /sampay/ [sampay] 'arrive, until ' /pantay/ [pantay] 'coast ' /surjay/ [surjay] 'river ' 2. /karbaw/ [karbaw] 'buffalo ' /kama raw/ [kama raw] 'dry season ' /danaw/ [danaw] 'lake '

/arjkaw/ [arjkaw] 'you( sg . ) ' /pu l aw/ [pulaw] 'island ' 3. /amboy/ [amboy] 'hey, wow ' (interj ) /sepoy/ [sepoy] 'breeze ' /sakoy/ [sakoy] 'a kind of wheat ' /koboy/ [koboy] 'cowboy ' /amoy/ [amoy ] 'girl (of Chinese descent) ,

The constraints on the type of vowels that may become the first element of a diphthong in BI can be stated as follows : (ll) If r-Consl cons liSyllJ -Syll �+Voice] � Then -Hig1 h [<-Round>] +Back <-Low> [<+Round>

The condition states that if the final segment of a morpheme is specified as a voiced glideJ ([-Consonant , -Syllabic , +Voice ]), and the second last segment as a vowel, then it must be /0/ ([-Consonant , +Syllabic , -Low , +Round ]) in which case the final glide must have the feature specificat ion [-Round ] (i.e. /y/, or /a/ ([-Consonant , +Sylla­ bic , -High , +Back , +Low] ). Note that there are three vowels which have the feature specificat ions [-High , +Back] , namely /a/, /0/ and /e/ . The vowel /e/ is blocked by the feature specificat ion [+Round]. 72 /oy/ very4. 1.3It .sm mustallFIN numbbeAL notedSEGMENer of howeverTS morpheme ths.at the diphthong occurs only in a It was pointed out in ChapterA 3 that morphemes in BI may end either thinat a vowelBI exh oribits a cons a numberonant . of constrfurtheraint exs aminon attheio nty peof BIof morphemesegments s thshatows may Exampoccurles in (4morp.10)heme/r/ illust-f. inalrate posit thation voiced. consonants that may occur in morpheme-f/anaminal / posit[anam]ion 'sareix ' limited to sonorant consonants other than the palatal/d alnasalaml [dalam] 'deep, inside ' Ipohon/ [poh:>n] 'tree ' (4.10)1. likan/ [ikan] 'fi sh ' /undal)/ [undal)] 'to invite ' /h i tul)/ [hitol)] 'to count ' /a sal/ [asal] 'origin ' /Jual/ [Jual] 'to seLL ' /batul/ [batol ] 'correct ' 2. /maha l/ [maha l] 'expensive ' /aka rl [akar] 'root ' /basar/ [basar] 'Large ' /ekor/ [ek:>r] 'taiL ' 3. /talur/ [talor] 'egg ' The constraints on the type of voiced consonants that may occur in morphemeformalis edfinal as fol positlowsio: n illustrated by examples (4.10) above can be (12 ) If G+Vconsoice� J + The Thencondi tio[+n Sonstates] that if the final segment of a morpheme is specified as voicedInl cons onant, then it must be a sonorant consonant. postulatedExamples in(4.1 Cha0:1)pter sh 2,ow only that threeof th maye four occur phono in logicalmorpheme nasal final co positnsonantions . faThect palatal, palatal nasal conso nantnevers do notoccu ocrs curin morphemein morpheme final final posit positionion. In. mayExamp occulesr (4.1in morpheme1) below shfinalow th posiat tiovoicelessn. consonants other than palatals /harap/ [harap] 'hope ' 73 /al)ka t/ [al)kat] 'lift ' /untuk/ [unto?] 'for ' (4.11)1. /asap/ [asap] 'smoke ' /ikat/ [ikat] 'to tie ' lad i k/ [ad �?] 'young sibling ' /taraf/ [taraf, tarap] 'phase ' /insaf/ [insaf, insap] 'to rea Lise ' /a tas/ [atas] 'atop ' 2. /bagus/ [bagos ] 'nioe ' /tox/ [tox , toh] 'yet ' The constraint on the distribution of palatal consonants illustrated by examples (4.10:1)! and (4.11) above can be stated as follows: (13) If r[+ Cons] + Then GaAntaBack J (/�/, /�/, /pfeature/)The, cospnditioecifican tstatesions eith thater mo [+rphemAnterie-for,inal -B ack]cons onant(i.e.s mudensttal haves/alv theolarse and labwhialsich ),have or the[-Ant featueriorer, 2.+Bacsp2.5.ecifk] ica (i.e.tions/a/ vela [-Anrsterior). Papat, -Baalsck ], do not satisIt fywas th estated condi tionin Sect (seeion also Conthditation (1does2)). not occur in morpheme­ final syll/saraablem/ in[sara natm]ive 'f righteBI (Malayning) ' items. The occurrence of /a/ in morpheme/ruwat/-final syllable[ruwat] , oompis li Lioatedmited to' loanwords, such as (4.12) below. /mar am/ [m r m] 'to oLose one 's eyes ' (4.12) /tanta/ [tanta] 'aunt ' (Javanese) /sendar/ [saenda ar] 'transmitter (J' avanese(J) avanese) (Dutch) (Dutch) The constraint oni- thel type of vowels that may occur in morpheme-final syllable in nativeG � BIJ items can be stated as follows: (14) If faCons ([+Cons]) + �Low J ConThendit ion : Back NATRoundIVE BI 74 lui 101

The Iiicondit leiion -states that if thelast vowel of a morpheme is spelalci­ orfied as- a [-non-lowConsonant vowe, l-L thow,en +Ba itck, wi ll+Round be a ])round or a backnon-rou vowelnd front(i.e. vowel whi(i.e.ch has thor e feature[-Con specificsonantat, -Lowions , [--BConsoack,nant -Round, -L]).ow, The+Ba ck,vowe -Roul nd] doesnat4. 2.iv note SEBI GMEmeet itNTALems the . 'I ThenF -THEN co nditioCONDITIOn. NS'The condition is only true with and Segdependmentalenc ies'If -Thenthat Coexistnditio betwnseen' spec featureify th evalu rangees. ofThey possible state segfeatumentsre meva4.ntlues2.1.. whCONichSON foANllTSow mechanically from otherfeat ures in the same seg­ t (15) TheIf n [+[-SyllCons] ] r S] All consonant�s in JBI are redundantly [-Syllabic]. (16) If Con� Then [+VSonoice] r l All sonorant l:-consonantJ s are redundantly [+Voice]. (17) If VoCo! nices AllThen voiceless [- coSonns] onants are redundantly [-Sonorant]. This condi­ tion reciprocatesG the Jsta tement made in (16). (18 ) If +Nconsasal! Then �+SoV0n1C All nasal cons-Cononantt Js are redundantly [+Voice, +Sonorant, -Continuant]. 75

[+ l G J � (19) If j-Consl Then l.:-ABackntrJ Any consonant withco the feature specification [+Back] will acquire the(20) reduIfndant feat[ureCons valu es [-Anterior, -Coronal]. +So�n J Then [-NasalAnt ] +V+Coroice +VoiNon-nace] . sal sonorant consonants are redundantly [+Anterior, +Coronal, (21) If [+Soncons ] Then [+CNontlsal +Cor+Ant The only segment+V withoiceJ the feature specifications/1/. [+Consonant, and+Sonorant trill , cons+Contonantinuants are] is[+ theConso lanantteral, +Sonoraalveolarnt , -Continuant(Note th].)at nasal (22) If [+Vconsoice] + p+Contl Then li--SonAntrJ co /z/. +ContTheinua onlynt , seg-Smentonor antwith] is the the feature alveolar spe cifrificacattiiveon [+Consonant, +Voice, 76 (23) If [cons] +Son� Then [++BacNasalk ] In/. (24)There If is only one[cons backJ sonorant consonant, viz. +Bac+Cont! k Then [-Voice] Ix/ . 4.+Co2ntThe.2.in uantonlyVOWE , segLS+Bac mentANVk] GL withisIVE theS the vo icelessfeature spfrecificativicae tions [+Consonant, (25) If l2-i-Cons� Jl Syll J Then l2-r+Vsooicen l (26)All Ifvowe ls are [redundantcons� ly [+Voice, +Sonorant]. +Syll+Low! Then [+BackHigh ] lal -Round +LowThe] isonly vowewhichl with redundant the featly ureacq uispecires thficatioe featurens [- vaConsoluesnant [-High, +Sy, llabic, +B(27)ack, If-Round ]. [cons� +High+Sy�ll Then �LaBackW ] aRound back round. catioHighns forvowe thlse arefeat redundantures lyand [- Low] and always have the same specifi­ 77 (28) If [cons� � f+Syll l l--Back J Then RLoowun d (29)Front If vowels are[ consredundant] ly [-Round, -LowJ. +Vo-Sylllice Then �+Higsnh] -Low+Cont (30)Vo icedIf glides are[cons redunda] ntly [+Sonorant, +High, -Low, +ContinuantJ. -S-VylloiceL Then [+Backs +Low+Cont J phoVonologicaliceless glideslevel, arethe redundantfeature/h/ sply ecif [-Sonoicationrant [+, +BacContk,inuant +LowJJ is. Onalso th e redundantlevel4. 3. ofSUMMARY rebecapre usesentatOF 'MthORPHEMEereion , isviz onlySTRUCTURE. one(cf. vo COND iceleSectITIOionss NSgl 5.3.' ide(M SCs).on ) the phonological This section presents the summary of conditions set up in the first twoprevious( 1) sect ionssect. ioNumbns.r ers of conditions are similar to those given in the If liCons J [cons] Nasal1 -Son� Then �Ant �-ContAnt yBacSCor kJ yBacSCor kJ 78 (2) If [can, � [+Cons] -Son+Voice I Then [+SoVOnlee ] (3) -High If [+Vcan,oice � [+Cons] Then -Son [VOlej +So-Highn J (4) If -S+Conson [+Cons] -C�nt-Ant -Cor� Then [+-BackVoice ] �VOice] [ +Son J C J (5) If -Sylcon� l <-Syll-Co� ns> Then [+LowVal ,,] [<+Voice>] +Cont � (6) If l-con, conJ +Syll+High +Syll J j Condition : Then { l[+Low] ] -aBac+Higk>h } NATIVE BI 79 (7) If �con� [con� +Low+Sy11 +Sy11-Low� Then �aRoundBack J (8) If [+Sy11con] G+Sconsy11J -High� Then . [--LowBack] tBaokI � Condition : +Round-High NATIVE BI (9) If GconsJ [+Cons] ([+Cons]) �con'� ([+Cons]) + +Sy! 11 ) +High+Sy11 Then -Higighh ] Condt:::�Jition : r NATIVE BI (10) If �con'� [+Cons] ([+Cons]) [con, ([+Co o>] ) + +Hig+Sy111 h -Hig+Sy11h Then [-Back] +RoundJ (11 ) If �conJ [con, ] + [+Sy11! +V-Sy11oice� Then +B_Highack [<-Round>] <+Round>-Low> J 80 G J (12) If cons� + Then [++VSonoice] (13) If [+Co� ns] + Then C aAnt J -aBack[ J (14) If con� ([+Cons]) + �-Low J Then ConditionBack : aRound NATIVE BI (15) If [+Co� ns] Then [-GSyllJ ] (16 ) If con� Then [++SoVoicen ] L J (17) If -Vconsoicef Then [-GSon] J (18 ) If +Nasa1cons� Then [+SonVOiO ] G-C�ntJ (19) If [+Backcon� Then -CorAnJ 81 (20) If [con, +So� n J Then [Ant-Nasal] If +V+Coroice (21) [con] +Cont+Son+ Then [NaM]+Ant If +Cor+Voice (22) �con+Voice' j +Co+ nt GAnt-SonJ ThenIf +Cor (23) [conJ +B+Soackt n ThenIf [-Voice] (24) +Cons +B+Coack+ nt ThenIf [-Voice] (25) �+Sylcons• lJ Then Gv+Sonoice J 82 (26) If [con'� +Sy• ll Then [Hig+Low h -Round+Back J (27 ) If [con� +Sy* ll Then �L+HigOW h (28 ) aBackaRound J If [CO"'J -Back+Syll* Then lRound-Low J (29) If [con, ] +V-Sylloice• Then [+Higson hl +Cont-Low (30) If [con, ] -Vo-SyLicell Then +Bsack f+Cont+Low J CHAPTER 5

PHONOLOGICAL RULES One fundamental conception in generative phonology is that each: morphemeatic phonemi shouldc) levelhave ofone reandpre onlysentat oneion form. All on vathriae phonotions logiin calshape (s whiystechm­ deriveda morpheme by unrudergles oesfrom in the vari sameous un envirderlyingonment (ps hoornolog contexicalts) areform to. Whbe ile morphemeof well-f ormedstructu morpre hemecondits andions seg(MmSentC'ss) onare thdee sigphonednological to specif levey thel inde range­ pendentlyare designed from to their specif enviy altronmenternationss, pho innological shape th ruleat morphemes propers undergo(P-rule s)in trvariouseated enviras theonment properts. iesIn ofsuch individual cases, the morpheme variationss, bu aret are no sh loownng erto languagefollow from in qugenestioerallyn (cf.valid An prdersoninciples 1974 of:50-51 the ).so undIn otherstructu worre dsof, the tiphoculanologicalr forms ru ofles individual proper (P morpheme-rules) ares but not rather intended with to the deal sou ndwith struc­ par­ tureThe and P-r soulesund prfunctopertionies in ofthe th efollo languagewing ways. : (ii)(i) theythey choperateange featuacrossre s,morpheme or delete bou, ndaorries insert , or coalesce segments (iii) rulesthey are have part to iallybe app orderedlied in inorder the , senseother wisethat thcere tainoutput pairs of theof Basicallyderivat, theio nordering will be rela incorrecttion gover formsns . the operation of a pair of ruofles the at ent a iretime set. ofIt hasP-ru noles direct in wh ichbearing some indepenon the ovedentrall ru lesorga (inisat.e. ion ruor lesliste whdich be requfore ireothers no pa. rtThicuus larrule order numb ersin theirin th eapp follolicawingtion ) parareagrap placedhs 83 84 dosta notted . neNorces sarilydo they in dicaindicatete order the rankrelat ofion rulesbetween in rulthees sense, un lessthat soa ruleduct ivewith th ana sma allrule numb wither doesa big notger nenumbcesersari beca'lyuse mean th the atru lesit areis more set pro­up onitems the onba whsisich of each aspe rulects( they) oper acatescount. for rather than on the number of wordThere level( are rul tweso , typesand ofb trP-ransulesform inat geneionalrat cyclicive ph onolrulesogy. , Thename wordly (a)level ruChomskyles somandet Miimellers also 1963 ca:3lled14, Fischphoneticer-J¢rg rulesensen in the1975 lit:245)erature deal with-see sege.g.­ mentcyclical asprulesects deal of withphonol prosodicogy on thaspe wordects oflev phoel,nolo and gyth one tr phraseansformat andio sen­nal ulatencetio nlev ofels th. e Theformer main ty peconcer of nrul ines this. The ch apterdiscussio howevn er,of rulesis the of form­the levlatterels onlytype . isAn lim attitedemp tto to acce dealnt withplacement the transrulesform on atthioe nalword cyclic and phrase rules beyothisnd is thenot phrasethe co ncerleveln wouldof the invoprelvesent thdescripte discussioion. n of syntaxBI ,. and dealTh withis ch aapter numb eris dividedof segmental into asp11 ectssections of the. Sectphonolionsogy one of throughSe nictneion gives5.15.1.0 deals theCONSONANT summarywith acDEGEM ofcent ruIN placemATlesIO Nset entAND up onTRin IL thethL eDELE wordfirstTIO lev N tenel , sectand ionsSectio. n 5.11 5.1. 1. CONSONANT VEGEMINATION It has been pointed out in SectBI ion 3.1. that the maximum sequence of statedconsona nts1n su withinbsectio morphemen ( 4.1.1.s thinat nois two CC) , identand thisical hasconson furtherants may been oc cur in Sincsuche seformquenatceive. s Thisstems constr and aintaffixe extsendsmay tobegin the withphonetic and endlevel in. con­ containsonants, sequenc there arees of forms two id(i.e.ent icalwords co nsoconstrnantucs teind bythe affundeixatrlyingion) whrepreichs­ entation. Specifically, the following(r-r) two-identical consonant sequences may(i) oc cuTher /bar/,onsequ thence e /pphono arof-/ twlogical o trills/ta levelr-/ of rerepresultsentationing from . the prefixing of or to st(kems-k) beg inning with a trill such (ii) Theas (5sequ.1:1)/-kan/,ence of /- twkah/o ve lar/-ku stops/ resulting from the suffix­ ingsuch of as (5.1:2) or to stems ending in a velar stop 85

(1-1) (5.1:3) (iii) ofThe /-selquenah/ toce ofstems two ending lateral ins a lateralres(multing -msuc) h asfrom the suffixing (iv) Thesuffixing(5. 1:sequ 4) ence of /-mu/of two tobila stebialms nasaendingls ain bi relabsultingial nasal fromsuch the as Not(5.1)1.ice th /baat r+theranaQ/ above [b two-aranaQident] 'ticalo swim con' sonant sequences are degeminated on the phonet/bar+raic tus/level. [b aratos ] 'hundreds ' /pa r+rumah+an/ [parumahan] 'housing system ' /par+randah/ [parandah] 'to tower ' /tar+rasa/ [tarasa ] 'to fe e t' /tar+ramay/ [taramay] 'the most crowded part ' 2. /nai k+kan/ [naikan ] 'to raise ' 'to show(adj somecte ivalthing) ' /tupjuk+kan/ [tupjukan ] /enak+kah/ [enakah ] 'is it de Ucious ' /ru sak+kah/ [rusakah] 'is it broken ' /bapak+ku/ [bapaku ] 'my fa ther ' /anak+ku/ [anaku ] 'my son/daughter ' 3. /ambi l+lah/ [am bi lah] 'take (it) ' /tiQga l+l ah/ [tiQga lah] 'stay (p tease)' Ijua l+lah/ [jualah] 'seH (it) ' /kaum+mu/ [kaumu ] 'your fo tk (group) ' /ayam+mu/ [ayamu ] 'your hen ' 4. /m inu m+mu/ [minumu ] 'your drink '

k-k 5.1:2) It must be ?-k,noted however, that in slow and libdeerate speech the two-inatedident.l icalIn th consoe casenant of sequethe ncessequence are lengthened(cf. ratherone th anmay degeven em­ hear thestop sequence, which is the i.e.common the refirstalis ativelaon r ofsto /k/p is in re morphemalisede asfinal a glo positttal ion. P-ruthisle: Dege reasonminat, theion rule set up below has to be regarded as an optional For ---- rule(1) . + �

1 The seq where C stands for any consonant segment and uenceFn r-rfor however a speci is ficalways bu ndpronoule ofnced features as a single [r]. 86

Theetically5.1 .2.rule TR reasaysILlisL thatVELETIONed asa asequence single ofconson two antident. ical consonants may be phon­ /r/ /bar/, /par/ /tar/. (5.1:1) r-r Here we are going to deal with the'deletion of the final in th[r]e prthefe ixessequence (resultanding from thWee saprefixingw in exam ofples those prefixesabove to that stems beginning with a trill) is phonetically realisr-red as a single gemiin normanationl spe ruleech, (P and-rule this 1) phenoset upme nonabove is. perfThe ectlyrule doescaptured not byind thicae tede­ wheor notthA er. the first segment (or the second) of the /r/sequ ence is deleted further examination of the phonetic shapes of those pref/baixesr/, /par/shows thfixesat /tarthere as / bei isng a deletedgood reaso rathern for th regardingan degemin [bthateda]e , finalwhenCpa] theyin eta]co mbthose ine withpre­ /bstemsar/, be /parginning/ with/tar/ a trill. That is, we may regardbe-, thpe-at te- and are, respectively, realisedbe asr-, per- ter-and before a trill. This fact has been reflectedbe- in, thpe-e orthograte- phic system in that stems beginningand with a aretrill re andspec astive ly spelt asand beandfore otherbefore sounbedsratus. In (be-rothera-tus) words ,'h undredsthe forms', perendah and(pe-r en-dah)are co'tnso ideredlower ',to beter theasa co(trree-ra-sa)ct forms 't o offe esylll' ables when words consisting of those pre­ fixes and stems beginning with a trill are divided into syllablbe-es, , pe­such as te- [ba], Cpa] eta])(adject ival) (cf. 5.1:1). and In additio(or n to the enviand ronment alsodiscu occussedr abbeovefore, thestems forms who se first syllable bekeconsrjaists /ba ofr+ka a corja/nso nant[bakarja plus] a't ocentral work ' mid vowel plus a trill as in (5.2)bese below.rta /bar+ sarta/ [basarta] 'together, participate ' beternak /bar+tarnak/ [batarna?] 'to ranch ' (5.2)1. pekerjaan /par+karja+an/ [pakarja?an ] 'work, occupation ' pesertaan /par+sarta+an/ [pasarta?an ] 'participation ' peternakan /par+tarnak+an/ [patarnakan ] 'ranch ' 2. tekarjakan /tar+karja+kan/ [takarjakan ] 'managed to do ' tesertakan /tar+sarta+kan/ [tasartakan ] 'included/sent uninten­ tionally ' 3. teterbangkan /tar+tarbaQ+kan/ [tatarbaQkan ] 'managed to fly something ' 87 1 withNot a iceconson thatant/r/ the . Altseco/bhoughar/,nd syll/pa P-ruleabler/ ofhas/tar/ the caabove ptured st emsin a alwayways th bege deletins ion P-rof ulethe : finalTrill deletiin on and before a trill, this phen­ omenon(2) is also accou/ nted , for by P-rule 2 below. [+Soncon, r-� CVa --- + [+Soncon, ] -C-Nasalont -N-Conasal X +Syll-Cons [+Soncon, ] C +Bac-Roundk -Cont-Nasal C /bar/, /par/ /tar/, X -Low where CV sta/r/,nds for the first two segments of the prefixes a and /r/ C for any consonant other than and for/ba anyr/, sequ/paencer/ of /tarsegment/ s The beruginningle state withs that a vowethe l final ([+Consonant, +Sonorant, -Nasal, -Contin(/uanta/ J) in the prefixes and is deleted before begstemsins begwithinning a co nswithonant a trillother, thoran be afore trill stems fol wholowedse byfirst a cesyllntralable mid vowea5. trill2. l GLO. TTAL- [-STOPConson INSEantRTION, +Sylla, ANDbic GL, OTTAL+Bac k,STOP -Round REALI, -LoSATwJION) andOF /kends/ in 5.2.1. GLOTTAL STOP INSERTION It has been pOinted out in Section 3.1. that BI allows only two alsovowels seen at thein sumaxbsectiimumon to 4.J. occu2.r thin ata seqsequenceuences within of two morpheme identicals. voweWe havels are(most possiblely) non-Malay although orig ([theyin?J). occuThisr kindonly ofin aseq smuencalles numb (i.e.er of seq ituencems esof of twcaseo ident, a gloticaltal vow stopels ) is notis per insertedmitted onbetw theene phone the twotic identlev(5.3elical). . In vowsuchels a. Th(5.is3)1. constr /saat/aint [sisa?at true] 'tnotime, only mome withint ' n morphemes but also across morph­ eme bounda/taat/ries as[t a?illatustrJ 'obedienated byt' th e following examples /maaf/ [ma?af, ma?ap] 'sorry ' 88 /naas/ [na?as ] 'unlucky day ' /suun/ [su?on ] 'rice noodle ' /ka+ampat/ [ka?ampat] 'the fourth ' /sa+ekor/ [se?ek:H ] 'one ' /di+isap/ [di?isap] 'to be smoked/sucked' 2. [di?ikat] 'to be tied ' /d i+ikat/ classifier) 'reading(animal ma teria l' /baca+an/ [baca?an ]

/sa+ekor/ Notsameice. thatThey theagree ju onlyxtaposed on thevowe featurels in s high , lowabov ande areround not (i.e. quite they the P-rubothThe lehave : pheGlottal nomethe nonfeature stop disc insertussedspeciionfica ab ovetions can [-beHig formh, ulated-Low, -Roundas folJ.lows : 0-----+- (3) [con'l/ -Cons -- -Cons -V-Sylloice aH+Sylighl (+) aHig+Syllh -Cont yRoundBLow yRBLowound -VoiceThe , rule-Co ntsaysinuant thatJ) mua glottalst be inserted stop ([?J betwhigh -een[-, Co twlownso onant voweroundls, -Sylla whi. chbic have, the Itsame should speci befi notedcations howe forver th eth atfeature in rapids speech, andvowel sequences butill5.2.2. ustrthis ated GLOkindTTA by of L exSTOP ampronuples REALnciation (5IS.3:2)ATION isare OFco nsof/k/tenid er reded uced'sub-sta intondard single'. vowels, It has been argued in subsection 2.1.1. that the glottal stop ([?J) is not necessary for th/k/e . representation of morphemes on the phonological lev(in elna. tiveIt andwas pointedsome /k/loa nout it themsat) is[?J occusimplyrring a phonet in morphemeic alter nantfinal ofposit the ion unthederlying realisat coionsonn ofant in moLetrphem us e nowfinal obser positve ionsome. exNotamplesice th coatnc eriteningms in each /garakgroup(n/ um[gberara?]) in 'tothe movefoll' owing examples (5.4) have the same stems. /garak+lah/ [gara?lah, garaklah] 'move it ' /garak+an/ [garakan ] 'movement ' (5.4)la. /sorak/ [sora?] 'to shout ' b. /sorak+ra/ [sora?ra , sorakra] 'the way he shouted ' 2a.c. /sorak+i/ [soraki ] 'to shout at (some one )' b.c. /ba ik/ [baj?] 'good ' 89 /bai k+lah/ [baj?lah, baiklah] 'aZZ right ' /ka+ba ik+an/ [kaba ikan ] 'kindness ' 3a. /pendek/ [pende? ] 'short ' b. /pendek+J1a/ [pande?J1a ] 'in short ' c. /ka+pendek+an/ [kapandekan ] 'abbreviation ' 4a. 'to sit ' /duduk/ [dudo? ] b. /duduk-kan/ [dudu?kan , dudukan ] 'to seat (someone)' c. 'to sit on (something) ' 5a.b. /duduk+i/ [duduki ] c. ([?J), [kJ The above examples([kJ) show that /k/ inste m final position (cf. a-items) is phonetically realised ask-k aglottal stop as aglottal [? stokJ p or asa[kJ. velar a velar sto psto p when whenit itisfol islo wedfoll byowed a byconso a nantvowe l (cf.(cf. b-ite c-1 itmsems) ).and Notice that the sequence (cf. 5.4:5b) may be realised/k/ as or (The lat[?Jter realisation has been captured by P-rule -degemina­ tion rule). /laknat/ [la?natJ 'curse ', /makna/ [ma?naJ 'imp lication, meaningIn ad',dit /yakion ntoi/ th[yea? environniJ 'nammentely',s discussed /rakyat/ above[ra?yatJ, 'peopmay lealso', be real(/k/ised as in morpheme medial position ina small numb[kJer oflo an iteIJaksa/ms suc [Jh akassa J 'judge ', /laksana/ [laksanaJ 'like ' /akrap/ [akrapJin morpheme-m'intimate ',edial lik l positim/ [iionkl LmJis usual'climately realised', as suchetc as . /k/ (adv), ([kJ) ([?J) etc.). The other type of exceptions to the /pak/regularity [pakJ ob s'packervedage in', a-it /rak/ems [rinakJ ex am'shpleself', (5.4) /1ak/ abov[lakJe, 'tiso thseae lreali', /fansatatikion / of[f thanaukJe unde rlying'fanatic ', as/ap aot velaik/ r[a stopotpLkJ rather'chemis tht',an a glottal stop in/k/ morpheme -final position in a number of loanwords, such as /k/ [?J. /k/ etc. /k/Items containing [kJin morpheme-medial[?J. position have to be marked '+P-rule 4' in the lexicon when is realised as /k/ theOn[?J the lexico othern when hand , itemsis realised ending in as haverat hetor bethan marked '-P-rule 4' in P-ruleThein : morphemefoGlottalllowing-f struleinalop reapositio(P-rulisatiole n.4) n ofacc /k/ount s for the realisation of as

(4 ) +Cons � -Cons / -S-Vylloice -V-Sylloice -Low+Back +B+Lowack ----++ (CVC+) where-Cont C stands for any -Conconst onant and V vor any vowel 90

The rule says that /k/ ([+Cons/k/ onant, -Syllabic, -Voice, +Back, -Low, +Contina uantJ) is phonetically realised as [?J ([-Consonant, -Syllabic, -Voice, +Back, +Low, -ContinuantJ) in/k/ morpheme -final position. And whenwith a morpconsonhemeant end, theing finalin /k/is may follo stillwed bybe pha onsuffixetically (CVC+ re) alisedbeginning as a5. glot3. talDELETIO stopN . OFThe /h/ rea, SYliLLABLEsation REDofUCT IOinN , thVOeICIN latterG OF envi/h/ ronmentAND PLACE is optionalADJUSTMENT. OF /h/ 5. 3.1. DELETION OF /h/

Speakers/h/ of BIte nd to drop the glottal fricative (/h/) in their prspeeonuncch, iationwithout, underthe risk certain of be ciingrcu mstaconsincderedes. Manyto be speakersusing su b-statend ndardto delete /lawhentih/ this[ 1 at i seg'tmentired oc' curs in morpheme final position as illus­ trated by/basah examp/ les[ ba 5(5 a .5)J 'w beetlow' . 3 . /leleh/ [ 1 e 1 e J 'to trickle, meZt' (5.5)1.4. /panuh/ 'full ' [ panu J 2. /kasih/ [ ka 5 i ] 'to give, to love ' J 5. /h/ conWh/-ksonantenah/ thes, abovthe efinal (stem) morphemeof thoses costembmsine te ndswith to suffixes be deleted beginning still withas illuin strated'i bynterr exaogativemples (5.6)suffix belo' andw. /-Notlahice/ 'ithmpater theative /emphatfinalseg icment forming /h/ suffix' inl1ati theh+kah/ following [lat ikaJexam pl'(arees alsoyou) tetirednds to?' be dropped in the same way as th/basahat of+kan/ the st[bemsas akancited] 'taboveo we t'. 3. l1eleh+kan/ [le lekan ] 'to trickZe something ' (5.6)1.4. /panuh+lah/ [panula] '(it was) fu l l' 2. /kasih+pa/ [kasipa] 'his/her love(causat' ive) 5. WhenI-ani the stems given in (5.5) above combine with suffixes/h/ beginning wior th vowels'(a bs(i.e.tract I-) i/noun 'tra formingnsitive/ca suffixusat'),ive/loca the finaltive formingof th suffose ixst' ems nay tend to be dropped still/h/, exce pt when the preceding vowel (i.e. the vowethe vowel ofl theimm ediatelylast syll ablefollo wingof the th este finam inl qu/h/esti (i.e.on) theis identvoweicall of withthe suffixmay optionally in questio ben) deleted. Thus bu t notin stein mexa finalmples posit (5.8)ion. in examples (5.7) /ka+LJT IH+an/ [kala tian] 'state of being tired ' 91 2. /m n+BASAH+ i/ [mambasa i] 'to wet (something) ' /LELEH+i/ [lelei ] 'to trickZ,e onto ' (5.7)1.4. /paNUH+i/ [panui ] 'to fu Z,fiZ, ' 3. /KAS I H+an/ [kasian] '(what a) pity ' /h/ 5. /ka+BASAH+a n/ [kabasahan ] 'state of being we t' The final/K AS IHof+i/ st [kemsa sihi in ] th'te o foz'ovellowing somebod examyples ' is never deleted. 3. lLaB IH+i/ [lab ihi ] 'to increase, give more ' (5.8)1. /ka+MARAH+an/ [kama rahan ] 'angriness ' 2. 'sadness ' 5.4. /ka+SUSAH+a n/ [kasusahan ] interApartvoc alicfrom /h/ the withinenvironm morphemeents ils lustratedalso tends by to exa bem plesdropped (5.7) when above it , veservesrbs and as theadj ectonsetives ofund theer thfinale fol sylllowingable coofnditio morphemens: s, especially in (i(i)i) VThel (pfinalreceding syll ablevowel doe) ands notV2 end(follo in winga liquid2 vowel or) aretrill not orident glideical; ; (iii) Vhigl muh stor abe /h/loa w lovoww elor . a high vowel and V must be respectively a /h/ Interv/u/ocalic /i/) , in the following exam/h/ples (5.9) may optionally be bedeletedlow on isth precedede phonetic by leva el.low voweNoticel (/a/) that andin thfole lowedfirst byfour a high items vowe l (i.e. /tahu/or [ tauand J 't oin knowthe ' last item is preceded by a high vowel (/i/) andIsahutl followed [s aotby ] a 'tlowo revowe spondl (/' a/). !Jahitl [Ja Lt] 'to sew ' (5.9)l.4. Ipahit/ [ pa 'bitter ' L t] 2.3. /l ihat/ [ 1 i at] 'to see ' When5. the(/ abovh/) e morphemes (stems) combine with affixes, the glottal fricative /ka+TAHUstill+an/ te[kndsatauY toan be] 'tdeletedo be discover as showned/known by exa' mples (5.10) below. /bar+SAHUT+an/ [barsautan ] 'to respond (reciprocaZ,z,y) ' /pa+man+J AH IT/ [papJa Lt] 'tai Z,or ' (5.10)1.4. /PAH I T+kah/ [paitka ] '(is it) bitter ' 2.3. /L I HAT+ lah/ [liatla] 'have a Z,ook ' 5. 92

/h/ At first sig(/htt/) one may be tempted to conclude that the deletion of alveolar5.9:1in) the sto abp ove stemsser vingis co nditas thionede coda by of th the presencee last syl oflab thele ofdent thal/ose Isahitl [sah�t] 'martyr ', Iwah itl [wah�t] 'one ', Itahulstems or [t byahu the] 'b absenceean cake of', any consonant in the final syllable (cf. /h/ rather than the fact that the above stems are either verbs or adj/h/ecti ves. Items like in these items is never/h/ etc droppel. cld.early Gen refuterallye suchspeaki cong,nclusion inter bevocaliccause knowleinItdge ahunlnouns, co [tntainingisaQn never] 'yea deletr ',in edItah the. il Therelast [tai syll] are'dirt ablehoweve', where Iparahulr three it tenouns[pndsarau toto] be 'boatmy '. dropped by most (5.9)speak ers using 's/h/tandard ' pr/u/onunc iation of BI. They are In examples we find no betw/h/een and /a/ (cf. condition iii). The/h/ absence of items containin/u/ g /a/ in that Itenviuhanlronment [tuh an]is fort'Godu­', coIlitousntaiuhakl ningin [luthe sucha sense?]h so'd undisthtri atse ctthquen',ere ce is. noThere verb are or a adjfewectiv nounse (tohowever my know whledgich e) contain occurring/h/ between and such as etc. The5.1 /h/1:1) segment in such items is never deletedThe un inderlyi BI 'Sngta ndardin Pronuthe ncfolloiatwingion'. exa mples is5.1 never1:2) deleted. because it(5.1 is1)1. pr-ced Isaedha tlby [s a ahmidat ] vowe'healtl (cf.hy ' or it occurs in morphemes ending in Idaha liqamluid [d, ahamtrill] 'toro cough(palat' al) glide (cf. Ilohal [loha ] 'to say morning prayer ' 2. l1ahirl [lah Lr] 'born ' Imahirl [mah Lr] 'fluent ' /Jahill [Ja h�l] 'ill-hearted, stupid ' Il ihayl [lihay] 'cunning '

(/tahun/ , Itahil Iparahu/) 5' Exc/h/ ludingwhich the mu thstree be nouns marke mentd '+ionedP-rule abovein the lexico(5.5)n, the anddelet (5.1ion0) aboveof canin bethe formenviulatedronment ass foilllloustrwsated: by examples through

l Some regional pronunc iations (e.g. South Sumatra accent - see Halim 1974 :178) also tend to drop /h/ in nouns like /dah i/ 'forehead ', Ibahul 'shoulder ', etc . 93

P-rule : Deletion of /h/ (5) -----� 0 / (optional)

[cons� - +Low-Syll ([::��� ]) +Cont l-Cl.Low Cl.High [Cl.HigCl.Lowh � ++ +S-ConsyllJ -Cons+SyllJ +Nasal> VeAdjrb Vwherea and C Vbsta arends diff /h/forerent any consonants and V for any vowels The/h/ rule says that ([-Consonant, -Syllabic, +Low, +Continuant]) may optionally be deleted in the following environments: /h/ (a) (in occursthe case in of morpheme stems) addedfinal positto it ionto rethgare extendlesst ofthat the th esuffix vow/h/segmentels ; is not, by the suffixation, surrounded by two identical (b) tiveoccus and/h/rs sebetwrveeens as tw tho e non-identonset ofica thel vowefinalls syllablein verbs ofand th eadj itec­ems whereto the the twsego mentvowels, have, re garthedle featuress of thspeirecif positicatiionons with[+High respect, 5.3. -Lin2. ownon-naSYLL] andABLE sal[-Hig REsonoVUCh, rantT+LoIO w]N co. nsonaThe ntalrule (ndoeon-syllas not bicapply) se togme itntemss. ending 5.3.1. /h/ is theClosely case relatedof interv toocalic the phe nomeDaser vingdiscu asssed the inonset subsectio of then second/h/ above ususyllallyable deletedof polysylla togetherbic withitems th(fe ormatprecedivesing). vowe Thisl underinter vthocalice fol lowingis conditions. lsi . (ii)(i) The vowe(polysyllal of thebic first) item syll containsable ofno thcle os/h/iteedm syllin qua/a/bleestio . n is vowAs ela re),sult there of are the quitedelet aion numb ofer interv of doubocaliclet s in BI,and that (thise wordspre(5.1ce whichding2) havebelo w.two phonetic forms each -full and reduced forms, such as 9( 4 1 /bahasa/ [bahasa], [basa] , language ' /cahaya/ [ cahaya ] , [caya ] 'light ' /sahaJa/ [sahaJ a], [saJa] 'just ' 5.2)l. /baharu/ [baharu ], [ bar u ] 'new ' 2. /dahulu/ [dahulu], [dulu] 'formerly, earlier ' 3. /dahina/ [da hina], [dina] 'miserable ' 7.4. /bahag ia/ [baha gia], [ba gia] 'happy ' 6.5. /rahasia/ [rahasia], [rasia] 'secret' 8. bahasa, cahaya , sahaja, baharu, dahulu, dahina, bahag ia, rahas ia, basa , caya , ThusTho�ajase , alongdoubba rulet , withdus lu,are the dial formsnaready, bag reflia ectedras inia the current writing system. and etcand . one alsoresp ectifindsv elformsy. to Theseek doub a bahasa/basaphonlet ologphenomenonically 'language plausibleis so' regular explanat thation it tosee itms. necesSome sarypairs to seem try to be reasonably explainable on historical libhngisiuistic 'language groun' ds. Thus thto e thepair fa ct that the variants are(c thef. 5.1prod2:ucts1) for of exa twomple diff, erentcan be deve ascrl­ibed Eaopmlientm 1974s of :th28-29e sa).me Sincesource thnamee sourcely Sanskrit item contains a sound sequence(see e. g. �hichrrade so doeme s monotdif ocicacurtions in Malayto it . (BI),In mak it ingis naturalsuch modifica that tiospeakersns, the of BI speakers seemed to be divided intobahasa two, groups, and subsequently, two/a/) directions of development happened to the[bh] sourc e item. The first direc­ tion or process needs four rules (not necessarily applied in the orde[sJr given here) to yield the form[sJ, viz. (1) vowel (in this case [aJ inser( = tio[an :J)rule to brea[aJ,k up the sequence because aspirated[ plos J ives do not occur in BI, (2) deretroflexion rule[a]. to change the retroflex intoIP Ath e lamino-alveointo larand (4) (3)vowe vowel loweringl shortening rule ruleto ch toange cha nge (derivedForms by the first rule above) intoRu les The process can be outlined as follo*bhwsi�i: *bahi�i *bahisi *bahasa bahasa ([bahasaJ) Schwa insertion VoDerweetroflexl shorteningion basa, (1) Vowel lowering [bhJ [bJThe second direction (process) requires three rules to yield the fJrmbeca use viBIz. does notdeaspir haveat aspiratedion rule to plosiv changees , th(2)e aspir deretatroflexed ion into 95

[sJ [sJ, (3) rule to change the retroflex [aJinto the [alaminoJ. -alveolar and vowel Formshortening rule to change Ruintoles The process may be out­ lined as*bh a�afoll ows. (The rules might not apply in the order given here.) *ba�a *basa basa ([basaJ) Deaspiration Deretroflexion cahaya/caya 'tight ' *chahyaVowe).l shorteningcahaya A similar(deriv explaed fromnat ionSanskrit will chahya also be true Thewith form the pair may be describedForm as developing from thRuroughles the following phases. (The rules mi*chahyaght not apply in the order given below.) *cahya *cah ya cahaya ([cahayaJ) Deaspiration cava Vowel (schwa) inser�hahyation And the form may be described asVowe devel loploweringing from through the foFormllowing phases. (Again, the rulesRules mi ght not apply in the order given belo*chahyaw.) *cahya cava ([cayaJ) Deaspiration /h(5.1/-de2)letion restHoweve ofr, the this pairs quas cii-tedhistorical in examp accleounts does abovnote andseem manyto explain others whichthe aresyll ablenot Sanskrit reduction bo procrrowedess it themsrough. We /h /-decouldlet perionhaps in assutheseme wordsthat occutherred muwachs by la analogyter, i.e. with after the th Sanskrite borrowing forms of thatthe nativSanskrite spea itekersms, ofand BI that beg anit wheto threerduce thisthewas syl thelables case of. polysyllabic items. It may bedou bted Another possible explanation, which seems moresah ajaacceptable 'just ' because5.1 2:3) Firstit acco, ununderts forthe both wide borrspreadowed te ndeand ncynat toive drBIop*saaj it/h/,emsa. mayspeakers run as of follo BI deletedws. theroug gloth talthe /hfricat/-deiveletio. n Forrulwsa exja. wouldam ple , becothe meite m Then, the(cf. two­ idesinglentical- vowevowel resultl sequeningce in could be (Ireducedn the case by a offu rtherforms rulecontaining into a 96 sequsuchences as *dau of lu,two *danon-identina (cf.ical 5.1 vowe2:5,6)ls deriveda rule de byleti theng /h the/-de firstletion vowe rulel voofwel those delet sequencion) escould would be besaid required to be subj.) ectThe vowetothe l defactgemi nationthat poly­ (or syllabicIn the itepresenms (st tedescms) riptionare less, thecommon syl lablein BI red. uction phenomenon dis­ cussedthere aboveisno separateis treate ruled as (oa r sipartngle ofphon a eticrule ) evthentat accin theounts sense for thatthe vowesyllabl shortenile reductiong/vowen isl videletewed ionas deascrisynch bedronic above process. In ratotherher wor thdsan , a the diachronic one. dahaga [dahaga] 'thir8 ty ', pahala [pahala] 'rewItard mu',st be noted however that there are a fewite ms6' which do not undepointrgedo theout absyl ovelable, such reduc asti on process although they meet the conditions P-rule : Syetcllable. The reducse itemstion must be marked '-P-rule in the lexicon. The(6) syllable reduction process may bev formulatedV) as follows. ++ C [cons] (optional) C V (C ++ 1 2 +Syll+Low3 +Low 5 6 7 8 9 10 ------� 1 2 0 0 5 6 7 8 9 �--Cont����4 � 10 Thewhere rule C saysstands th atfor the any vo welconso ofna ntsthe andfirst V forsyll anyable voweand lsthe onset of thefol lowingsecond co syllnditioablens of: a polysyllabic item may be deleted under the (a) The([-Cons voweonantl of , the+Sylla firstbic sy, +Lllableow]) of the item is /a/ (b) The([-Conso onsetnant of , the-Syllabi secondc, syll +Lowab, le+C ofont theinuant item]) is /h/ 5.(c)3. Thesy3. llable VOI(polysyllaCIN endsG OF bic in/h/ ) aiteco nsonm coantntains). no closed syllable (i.e. a Many speakers of BI tend to pronounce intervocalic /h/(5.1 (when3) it is notsect deletedions) with under vocal the cicordsrcu msinta vibratnces pOintedion, as outin exinam plesthe last two besub­low. 97

(5.13)1 . Ipohonl [poh:>n , p o n :> n 'tree ' l1e h e rl [leher, l e ner 'neck ' lahatl [ahat, anat] 'Sunday ' Is ihirl [sih�r, sinLr]] 'black magic ' Isuhul [su'hu , sunu ] 't] emperature ' Ikahandakl [kahanda?, kananda?] 'intention, wi ll ' 2. l1abih+il [lab ihi, labini ] 'to make more ' Ikas ih+il [ka sihi, kasini ] 'to love somebody ' Itambah+anl [tambahan , tambanan ] 'addition ' Ipar+rumah+anl [parumahan , paruman an ] 'housing '

/h/ (5.1 3) The voicingvoice of in intervocalic position(/ h/il) lustrated by examples above has no linguistic sig7 nificance whatsoever in the sense that thefunct featureion. Nor doesfor it theindicate glottal any fr paicarttiviceular speechhas novar ietiescontrast orive P-ruledialects.: Voi ciAccngordingly of /h/ , P-rule set up below has to be regarded as a low level rule with respect(optio tonal) the whole set of rules of BI phonology. ----� / -Cons [-Voice] [+Voice] V +Low-Syll (+) V /h/ +Cont The whererule Vsays sta ndsthat for any([ -Convowesolsnant , -Syllabic, +Low, +Continuant, -Voit5. 3.4.isice]) folloPLACE maywed beco AVJUSTMbyme a voicedgrammENT atOF icalin /h/ interv formatocalicive bou posindarytion (+)reg arordless not. of whether /h/ By definition, the underlying is [+Low] because it is a /h/glottal ocsoundcupies prod inuced neutral by lo weringposition the. bodyStud iesof thein ph toonenguetics below show th the atlev el dis­it H is ... liable to have its character modified by the con­ playsfig perfurectation co -artof theicul mouatiothn; withand th the e positvowelion that for follothe wsvowel it whregarichdless of whefollowsther the the vowe H beingl is [+ generallyLow] or [+asHigsumh].ed , Thusor at Sweet least wr preparites ed, while the H is being formed , the H naturally assume s the character of that vowel . 1 1971 : 1 54)

I This phonetic fact has made some phonologists object to the classification of /h/ as [+Low] (cf. Fant 1973:181). (Henderson, ed. 98

/h/ [ /h/ /a/. /h/ 'rhis means that the specification of as +Low] [ is true on the -�honethe tic seglevmentel onlybeco( mewhens [-theLow] . Moreoccurs spe becifforeically , theBefore glottal other frica­ vowels :?tiv-reule beco: Plmeaces [-adLowjust, ment+High] of be/h/fore high vowels and -Low, -High] before mid(8 ) vowfels.l This universali- l) phenomenon can be formulated as follows: l:-Low J -----+ l£xLow J fLOW] High High +Cont ClHig+Syllh /h/ [ -Syll -Cons The rule says that ( -Cons-Consonant , -Syllabic, +Cont/h/ inuant, +Low, --fo5.High4.llowing ])NATURAL beco vowemeISsl ATmu[-IOLowstN alsoRULES] before agree non-low on the vow featureels. highThe . segment and the 2.1.2., In subsection we sawIff, four /z/, non /s/-nat ive lxiBI , consonants posited as:Lnt underoducrlyeding into seg thement sos,und vi sysz. tem of BI throughand loanworwhidsch. haveEach been of th ese l,ounds tends to be substituted with2.1.2. so me other sound which occurs in natpondenceive BI be ittwemseen. theThis loa doesn so notunds mean and thatthe nat thereive issubstit one-to-oneutes. coIt rrehass­ beenl'epres pointedent two outor morein sub 'fsectoreioignn' soundsth, ator ath esi ngleother 'nwayat ivrounde' so, undone may this'foreig reasonn'2.1.2. so, undit bewilling be repr muechsented clearer by twoto accoor moreunt for'nat thivee ph' onologisounds. calFor prsect5.4.ocesses1.ion NATU involvingRALseISATIpara each0Ntely OF of . If thI e non-native consonants posited in sub­ /f/ a ([p]) The phonolog/f/ical consonant is usually realised phonetically as voiceless[p] bilabial stop in mostp, loanwor(5.1ds. 4)Many loan items containing the (5.1co4:1nso) nant (5have.14: 2)been well established to the extent withthat theyand no speltlonger with sound the or letterlook fore igsuchn, asi.e. they arebel owpr. onouNotncedice that it(5.1ems4)1. cited pik ini r /fikir/ [pandikLr. fikLr]are 'to borthinkrowed' from Arabic and Dutch (or Englispahamh) resp /fahectivam/el [py.aham . faham] 'to comprehend ' 99

pasal Ifasall [pasal , fasal ] 'chapter ' hapal Ihafall [hapal , hafal ] 'to memorise ' sipat Isi fatl [sipat, sifat] 'character ' tapsir Itafsirl [taps�r, tafs �r] 'to interpret' sarap, saraf Isarafl [sarap, saraf ] 'nerves ' tarap, taraf Itarafl [tarap, taraf] 'stage ' arip, arif larifl [ar�p, ar�f] 'wise, intelligent ' pabrik Ifabrikl [pabrL?, fabr Lk] 'manufac ture ' pakans i Ifakans i I [ pakans i, fakans i] 'vacation ' sopir Isof irl [sop �r, sof �r] 'driver ' 2. dipan Id i fanl [dipan , difan ] 'divan ' tarip Itarifl [tar�p, tar�f] 'tariff ' akt ip laktifl [aktLp, akt�f] 'active ' pas ip Ipas ifl [pas�p, pas �f] 'passive ' intens ip lintens ifl [in tens �p, intens �f] 'in tensive ' mo t ip, mo t if Imot ifl [mot �p, mot �f] 'motif ' poto, foto Ifotol [poto, foto] 'photo '

[p] [f] If I (5.15) theDe [f]unspitederlying the strongin extendencyamples to substbeitutelow is morefor co mmoninly loa realnwordiseds, ularyas itonems th ewh phichon areetic usedlevel. ma inly( This by is educated because people they are )who spec happenial tovocab­ be fami(5.15)liar vak with Ifak thel [fsoak]urce 's choollanguage subjs. ectIt' ems of this type are borrowed, mostly vitfromam Weinster Ifinta minlanguagel [fits ami.e.�n ] 'viEnglishtamin ' or Dutch. veto Ife tol [feto] 'veto ' visa Ifi sal [fisa] 'visa ' fakta Ifaktal [fakta ] 'facts ' faktor Ifaktorl [fakt�r] 'factor ' fanatik Ifanatikl [fanat �k] 'fanatic ' federas i Ifedaras i I [ fedaras i] 'federation ' voka l Ifokall [fokal ] 'vocal sounds (vowels) ' variasi Ifariasil [fariasi ] 'variation '

IfI Thespir natuantisraliatiosan tiopron cessof . (5.1Sincediscuss5) theed despir above antmayis atbe ioren ferredprocess to does as a notde­9' inapply the tole itxicoemsn. cited in those items must be marked '-P-rule 100

P-rule : Despirantisation (Naturalisation) of /f/ ( ) (9) [ +Continuant J ----+ [ -Continuant J / -----­optional +Cons+Ant -Cor ( [ J) -Voice The([ rule says that a voiceless labial fricative +ContinuaJ) nt, +Costo5.4.2.pnso nant-CoNATURAnti, +AntnuantLIeriorSATIO, +ConsoN, -CoOF ronnant/z/al , , +An-Vterioroice , may-Coron becoal,me a-V vooiceiceless. labial

([sJ) ([JJ). /z/ The underlying[sJ consonant(5.1 /z/6:1), may be phonetically real/z/is ed as a voice­ less lamino-alveolar fricat[JJ ive (5.1or6:2). a voice d alveolar-palatal affricaterealised as suchIn assome loanwordands, the in undsomeerlying others , is ismore more co mmonly co(5mm.1only6)1. reazasalis, edasas as lazaslsuch [aza ass, asas ] 'principThis lephe' nomenon has been reflectedjaz toat, some ja degreesat /Jaz inatl th e[J cuazrrentat, Jas wratiti] ng'bod sysy ' tem. ijazah, ijasah liJazahl [iJ azah , iJasah J 'dipl oma ' lazim, lasim l1aziml [laz tm, las tm] 'common ' jenazah , jenasah IJanazahl [Janazah , Janasah ] 'corpse ' 2. zaman , jaman Izamanl [zaman , Jaman ] 'era ' zabur, jabur Izaburl [zabor , Jabor ] 'psalm ' zamrud , jamrud Izamrutl [zamrot , Jamrot ] 'emerald ' zinah, jin ah Iz i nahl [zinah, Jinah] 'adul tery ' zakat, jakat Izakatl [zakat, Jakat ] 'money paid to mosque '

/ ( ) [jJ (5.16:1) [sJ (5.16:2) It must be noted however that th[zJe un, derlying z/ may also be realised but less commonly [sJas in examples and as [zJ in examples (5.16:1) above. To indicate which[jJ of the two 'native' sounds is more[zJ commonly(5.1 used6:2) as a substitute for one can /z/mark in th[sJe lexico[jJ n '+P-rule andlOa' '+whenP-rule lOisb' a whenmore commonis a sumorebst itutecommon for su bstituas tein for theas inph onetic leveabovel set. upThe berulelow hasthat toco nvbeerts regarded intoas an optorio nal ruleon . 101

P-rule : Naturalisation of (lO)a. [+VoiceJ -----� /[-z/Voi (oceJption / al) -Son+Cons +Cont+Ant ----- � -Ba+Corck b. [+CorAnt [-CorAnt / +ContJ -ContJ +Cons -Son+Voice The rule says that the underlying conso-Backnant /z/ ([+Consonant, -Sonoraically ntbe , re+Valisoiceed, as+Co nt[sJinuant ([+Conso, +Anterionant, r,-Sonor +Corantonal, -V, oice-Back, J)+Cont may inuantphonet­, -Cont+A5.4nteri.3.inuant orNATURA, +Co, -AronLInteriorSATIal, ON-Ba , OF-Cock J)ron oral [}J, -Back ([+ConsoJ). nant, -Sonorant, +Voice, /5/([sJ) laminTheo-alveo underllarying fri cocativnsonante(5.1 /5/7). onis theusual phlyon realisedetic leve asl by a movoicelessst speakers of(5.1 BI7). sahThis, syahstrong /sah/ tendency [sah, hassah ] also'l.eg beenal. ' reflected in the current writing sarsysattem, sya, sucrath as /sarat/ [sarat, sarat] 'requirements ' asik, asyik /asik/ [asL7, aSL7] 'to be absorbed in ' insaf, insap, insyaf /insaf/ [in sap, insaf, ipsaf] 'to real.ise ' masarakat , masyarakat /masarakat/ [masarakat, masarakat] 'society ' Items cited above are Arabic borrowed words. The naturalisation of /s/ cailln usbetrated formalis by edthe asabov foell owsexam: ples may be termed 'fronting' process and 102

P-rule : Fronting (Naturalisation) of

r- l -----� r+ l (ll ) l-AntrJ liAntrJ / /s/ (optional) Co Co -Voice +Cont-Back The rule says that the underlying+Cons /s/ ([+Consonant, -Voice, +ContinuaNATUnt, RALI-BacSAk,TIO -AntN OFerio Ixlr, -Coronal]) may phonetically be realised as5.4.4. [s] ([+Consonant, -Voice, +Continuant, -Back, +Anterior, +Coronal]).

([k]) (5.18:1). The underlying consonant /x/ may also be realised on the phon([etich]) alev el assuch vo icelessas glottalIn frsoicame t(5.1casive es,8:2).([h]) th e orunder a volyingiceless cons velaronant sto/x/p may(5.1 be8)1. phon khabaeticar ll/xyabar/ realis [xedabar as, ahab voar,iceless kabar] glot 'ntalews ' fricative or voiced veaklarhir sto/axpir /([g]) [axL asr, inah Lr, ak Lr] 'end ' khusus /xusus/ [xusos , husos , kusos ] 'special' khilaf /xi laf! [xilaf, hi lap, ki lap] 'to be wrong ' khas /xas/ [xas, has, kas ] 'typical ' ikhlas /ixlas/ [ixlas, ihlas, iklas] 'sincere ' makh luk /maxluk/ [maxlo?, mahlo?, maklo? ] 'human being ' teknik, tehn ik /texn ik/ [texn Lk, tehn Lk, tekn Lk] 'technique ' 2. biologi /bioloxi/ [bioloxi , biolohi, biologi ] 'biology ' s os iologi /sos ioloxi/ [sos ioloxi , sosiolohi , sosiologi ] 'sosiology ' geografi /xeografi/ [xeog r afi , heogr api , geograpi] wagon , wahon /waxon/ [wax�n , wah�n , wag�n ] reg lemen /rexl emen/ [rexlem£n, rehlem£n , reg lem£n ]

(5.18:1) (5.18:2)

Items cited in are Arabic borrowed words (except the last item[hJ which is a Dutch/Engl[kJish borrowed word), and5.1 th8:ose1) cited in[gJ are Dutch/English5.1 bor8:2).rowed words. The above examples show that[kJ /x/ may phonetically be realised as in all cases, or as in so(5.1me 8:cases2) (cf. and as in some other cases (cf. In other words, the rule convert[gJ ing [hJ)the applyingunderlying to consonitems antci ted/x/ in into (oran d[hJ) the mustli(5ke .1be, 8: andpr1)ev viceented versa from, the rulebe prev whientedch co nvfromerts applyi the ngund erlyinto itemsg conscitedonant in /x/ into and th(ore like. mustTo 103

/x/sol ve this problem, items cited/x/ in (5.18:1) and the like have to be bemarked marked '+ P-rule'+P-rule 12a 12b' and' inthose the cilexiconted in. (5.1Since8:2) th ande unde therl yinglike haveconso nantto P-rulemay: Naturaalso beli realisedsation of as/x/ on the phonetic level, P-rule 12 set up below has to be re----�garded as an (ooptptionionalal ) rule/ . (12) [+Cocon,nt � a. [-CoConsnt � +Hig-Voiceh +Hig-Voiceh b. [-ContCons � -Son-Syll +High+Voice +Back c. [+CoConsnt � -Hig-Voiceh /x/ [kJ The rule says that the underlying[9J consonant ([+Consonant, +Coicallntyin uantrealised, -Voi asce, +Hig([h,+Conso -Syllanantbic, -Co, -Sonornt[hJinua antnt, +Ba-VoickceJ), may+High be, phonet­ +High-Sylla, bic-Sylla, -Sbiconora, nt-Sonora, +BantckJ, ) +Baor ckJ) or([ +Consona([-Consnt, onant-Contin, uant+Cont, in+Voiuantce, , -V5.5oi. ceNASAL, -High ASS, -SyllaIMILATIObicN, +BackSCHWA J).IN SERThisTIO N ruleAND CONSON(P-ruleANT l2c DELET) mustION app ly before (CP-ruleOALESCEN 8. CE)

/man/ BI. In OneTab ofle the2 (s affixesee p.45), is/m we an/ saw 23'activ phonoe voicelogical verb forms prefix of affixes'. Here inwe prareocesses going tore lateddeal withto the a numberpre offix (mor, pholthat ogiis cal- itands phonephonologitic altercal) na­ tions in various environments and phonological change/mas n/it causes in weneig willhbour being conc morphemeerned withs or thsoundse form. ulaAs !suggeion ofsted three by thkindse heading of phono, herlogie cal goruesles into various account enviforronm theent alts erandnatio forns phono in shlogapeical th/mae changen/ s prefixit causes under­ in netwoig hbouringkinds of morphomorphemlogies orcal soundsenvironm. entFor s thisin wh purposeich , wemay need occu tor, ex amine 104

(1) man (2) /man/ 3.4.). name5.5'noun.1ly. forming/man// preBEFORE/ befixfore ' STEMand steS stemms, s and(cf. Section intermediate between /pa/ [ma] 5.20) , =mam]The /man/ prefix is phonetically realised as before5.2 1),stems be­[man] 5.22), ginning=map] with sonorant consonants and sonorant glides (cf. as before stems beginning with labial5.23) obstruents[maQ] (cf. as before stems beginning with dental/alveolar obstruents 5.(cf.24) . as palatalbe fricatfore stemsive co begnsinningonants with(cf. (palatal/mandan/) affas ricatebe, alveofore laster msand be­ ginning with vowels, velar and glottal obstruents (cf./ma kan+kah/In other wor=makadsnk, theah] final'eat? ',nasal /to losegQ+lahment/ in[t olotheQla h] 'hprefixe lp (p leasis phe)onolo', /tanagicallym+kan/ conany= ta ditionamkamodifnedn]icati .'p lanton(N otewhen (it) th atfol'. ) nasalslowed by in suffixestem finals, suc positih as on do not undergo outBe aboforeve , weth eex aminechange fus rtherthat occu the r alloin morphsstems foloflowing the /ma then/ prefixpref/mian/x, pointed we need to examine another phenomenon which is [maQtypical] to the prefix, :L.e. the tendency(5.1 among) BI speakers to insert a schwa immediately after the /man/ prefix when9 it combines with monosyllabic stems. In such a ascase in, extheam pl/maesn/ prefixbe wilowll . be Itrealised must be aspointed outon the howev pher,one ticthat level mono­ i3:5yl.1la9)bic /m an+pastems k/in [mBIaQapak are very - mam limitedak] 'to inpack num' ber, and most of them are loan ite/mmsan+t. ik/ [maQat�k - man �k] 'to type ' /man+sah+kan/ [maQasahkan - mapahkan ] 'to legalise ' /man+bel/ [maQabe l - mambe l] 'to ring a bell' /man+cat/ [maQacat - mapcat] 'to paint '

Iman+l ak/ [maf)alak - mal a k] 'to seal ' /man+cap/ [maf)acap - mapcap] 'to stamp ' /man+bom/ [maf)ab�m - mamb�m ] 'to bomb ' /man+rem/ [maf)arem - ma rem] 'to brake ' /man+las/ [maf)alas - ma la 'to we ld ' The phonetic forms[maf of)]), /man/ ins] th e first set of the above derivations are noident.ti Wecal see(i.e. fur thermorewhe, threasat thethose ste mwh ichinitial appear conso inna thntse seco/p/nd, /t/ set �_nand the/s/ first are deletedset. Th inis th mee ansseco thndat setthe ofsch thwae aboveinsert derivion ruatiole nsmust, but app notly 105 abovbeforee derivarulesti geneonsrat. ing the forms appearing in the second set/m ofan/ th e binesNot withice thmonoat thesyll abicschwa iteinsertms. ioItn neverprocess occu onlyrs whenoccu rsth whene prefix com­com­ bines with bisyllabic items. It never occurs when MENthe prefix combines with/msyllan/ab bisyl ic stemslabic coormb polysylline withMEN ab othicer ste prefixms. esNor. doeIn s thite occuschwar whendelet moniono­ P-rurulele set: up beinserlow (ationlso in other rules), the form is used rather than (13) 0because Sc----hwa +the form (option/ is [MEN]moreal) attractive. -Cons+Syll ++CVC++ -High-Low MEN = /man/ = -Round+Back /a/ where++CVC++ monosyllab'actic iveste msvoice/m an/ ver b prefix' and /man/ The rule says that ([-Consonant, +Syllabic, -High, -Low3.1., ) +Back, th-Roundat mono]) maysyl lab(5.2beic inserted0) st ems to be whitweench the and/m prefixmonoan/ syl canlabic be staddedems. [ma]are(Note limitedExamp toles those thatbe lowhave ill theustr strateuc tuthatre CVC -issee realSectioisedn as on the(5.2 ph0)1.onet /mican+ levmielnta/ when [ma miit ntcoa]mb ine'to s askwith (f or)stems' beginning with sonorant consonants/m andan+ma (skan/onora [mntama) glidkan ] es't. o eat ' /man+muay/ [mamuay ] 'to expand ' /man+nanti/ [mananti ] 'to wait (for) ' /man+n ilay/ [manilay] 'to evalua te ' /man+pap i/ [mapap i] 'to sing ' /man+pa la/ [mapa la] 'to blaze ' /man+QaQa/ [maQaQa ] 'to open one 's mouth ' /man+QaQgur/ [maQaQgor] 'to do nothing (jobless)' 2. /man+l ihat/ [mal iat] 'to see ' /man+lukis/ [malukLs] 'to paint (picture) ' /man+ladak/ [malad a?] 'to exp lode ' /man+rasa/ [marasa ] 'to fee l' /man+rusak/ [marusa?] 'to des troy ' /man+rakam/ [marakam ] 'to record ' 106

Iman+wakil+i/ [mawa kili] 'to represent ' Iman+waris+i/ [mawarisi] 'to inherit' Iman+wa rta+kanl [mawartakan ] 'to broadcas t' 3. Iman+yakin+kanl [mayakinkan] 'to convince ' Iman+yayasan+kanl [mayayasankan ] 'to turn into an institution '

/man/ [mam] [p] /p/ /f/ Exambefplesore (5.2stem1)s bebeginlowning show with that[p] labial obis strphouentneticalls. Noty reiceali thsedat stasem­ initial (derived from or -see 5.21:2,3a) is deleted[p] on the phon(see etic5.2 1:4)level. . NotPreicefix-i alsonitial that the steis notm-in deleteditial /f/ on inthe (5.2 phon1:3eticb) islevel not Iman+ba i I [mamba l i] 'to buy ' jeleted on the pho1 netic level because it is not realised as (cf. P-rule 9).Ima n+bacal [mambaca ] 'to read ' Iman+buatl [mambuat] 'to ma ke/do ' (5.21)1.2. Iman+pakayl [mamak ay ] 'to use, to wear ' Iman+p i i hi [ mam i 1 i h ] 'to choose, to vote ' 1 Iman+paksal [mamaksa ] 'to force ' Iman+f ikirl [mamikLr] 'to think ' Iman+f i hakl [mamiha?] 'to take side ' Iman+faham+ il [mama ham i] 'to comprehend ' 3a. Iman+fetol [mamfeto] 'to veto ' Iman+fitnahl [mamf itnah ] 'to slander ' Iman+formi l+kanl [mamformi lkan ] 'to make it forma l' 3b. Iman+par+basarl [mamparbasar] 'to enlarge ' Iman+par+t i i I [ mampart i i] 'to heighten ' 1)9 1)9 4. Iman+par+papJal)l [mamparpapJal)] 'to lengthen ' /man/ [man] /t/ Examples (5.22) below show that is phonetically/m realisedan/ as that thewhen under it[m lyinancomb] gines within/5/ ste stemsm-initial beginning positio withn dentin theal stofolpslowing. Not ice examples Iman+is dedapatlleted on [m theandap phonat ] etic'to get,level to. receive(Note th' at is also realised asIman+d idikbel fore[man did�in?] loa'to nwordseducate - ' see examples (5.25).) Iman+daki/ [mandaki] 'to climb (mountain) ' (5.22)1. Iman+dal)arl [mandal)ar] 'to hear, to listen ' Iman+tutupl [manutQP ] 'to close ' Iman+tu i 51 [manul L s] 'to write ' 1 Iman+tatapl [manatap] 'to settle' Iman+tontonl [manonton ] 'to wa tch ' ,------.------107 [map] Examwhenples it(5.2 comb3)ines below with show st emsthat be/man/ginning is withphone ticall(palataly [5]real) affricate ised as and alveolar//man+palatalJual/ [mfricaapJuativl]e co'tnsono senant' s. Notice that (derived from /5/ or/man+Jampu /5/) is deletedt/ [mapJa onmp theot ] phonet'to fe ictch lev' el. /man+Jaga/ [mapJaga ] 'to take care ' (5.23)la. /man+Jawap/ [mapJawap] 'to answer ' /man+cari/ [mapc ari ] 'to look for ' /man+curi/ [mapcuri ] 'to steal ' /man+cul ik/ [mapcul i?] 'to kidnap ' lb. 'to wash ' /man+cuc i/ [mapcuc i] /man+sapu/ [mapapu ] 'to sweep ' /man+s iksa/ [mapiksa ] 'to torture ' /man+seral)/ [maparal)] 'to attack ' 2. /man+suruh/ [mapuruh] 'to send/orde r someone ' /man+sa i r / [mapa i r] 'to compose a poem ' /man+sarat+kan/ [maparatkan , mapsaratkan ] 'to set up as requirements ' 3. /man+sah+kan/ [mapasahkan , mapahkan , mapsahkan ] 'to lega lise '

[mal)] Exampbeflesore [k](5st.2ems 4) belobeginningw show with that vow/maels,n/ isvelar phon andetic allyglottal realis obstreduent as s. Notice that/man+amb (dileriv/ [medal)amb from\l /k/] 't oro take/x/)' is deleted on the phonetic level of repr/man+uesentatiokur/ [mn.al)uk or ] 'to measure ' /man+ikat/ [mal)ikat ] 'to tie ' (5.24)1. /man+h ibur/ [mal)h ibor ] 'to entertain, to please ' /man+h i a 1)/ [mal)hilal) ] 'to disappear ' 1 /man+hukum/ [mal)hukom ] 'to punish ' 2. /man+ganti/ [ mal)gant i] 'to change ' /man+gangu/ [mal)gal)gu ] 'to dis turb ' /man+g igit/ [mal)g ig\t] 'to bite ' 3. /man+kas ih/ [mal) asih] 'to give ' /man+kata+kan/ [mal)atakan ] 'to say ' /man+kun il)/ [mal)un \l)] 'become yellow ' 4. /man+xabar+kan/ [mal)abarkan , mal)habarkan , mal)xabarkan ] 'to inform, to send message ' /man+xusus+kan/ [mal)ususkan , mal)hususkan , mal) xususkan ] 'to 5. specialise, to concentra te on a particular subject ' /man+xawatir+kan/ �al)awatirkan , mal)hawatirkan , mal)xawatirkan ] 'to worry ' 108The facts illustrated by examples (5.20) through (5.24) above can be summed up as fo llows :

(i) The final nasal segment in the prefix /man/ is deleted when the prefix combines with stems beginning with non-syllabic son­ orant segment s (i.e. trill , lateral and nasal consonant s and voiced glides - cf. P-rule 14a) .

(ii) The final nasal segments in the prefix /man/ becomes homorganic with stem-initial obstruents (cf. P-rule 14b), and stem-initial vowe ls (cf. P-rule 14c). But when the /man/ prefix occurs before stem-initial /5/, the final nasal in /man/ is phonetic­ ally realised as a palatal nasal ([p]) rather than as an alveolar nasal ([n]). This is true only when the stem-initial /5/ under­ goes deletion (coalescence ).

(iii ) The final nasal segment in the prefix /man/ and a stem-initial voiceless stop coalesce to a nasal which is homorganic with the stop in quest ion ; but when the prefix /man/ occurs before stem­ initial /5/, the fina l nasal in /man/ and the stem-initial /5/ become a palatal nasal ([p]).

It must be pointed out however that there is a strong tendency among 3peakers of BI to maintain stem-initial voiceless stops and the fric­ ative /5/ on the phonetic level in many loanwords such as :

(5.25) /man+TdRJdMAH+kan/ [mantarJamahkan ] 'trans late ' (Arabic) /man+KOORD NAS I / [manko?ord i nas i) 'to co-ordinate ' (English) I /man+PdRAKTEK+kan/ [mamparaktekan , mampraktekan ] 'to practise ' (English) /man+SUPS D / [mansups i d i] 'to subsidise ' (English/Dut ch) I I /man+SENSUS/ [mansensos ] 'to conduct a census ' (English)

The dissimilation involved in the realisation of the final nasal in o;he prefix /man/ as [p] when fused with stem-initial /5/ (cf. 5.23:2) ean be explained as follows . Since the final nasal segment in the prefix /man/ before stem-initial nasals , and stem-initial voiceless eonsonants following /man/ (except /�/) are subj ect to deletion (or eoalescence ), there are quite a number of derivations which are morpho­ logically ambiguous because they are homophonic which, in turn , can eause additional problems in learning such as (5.26) below .

(5.26)1. memadat [mamadat] - a. /man+PADAT/ 'to become solid ' b. /man+MADAT/ 'to smoke opium ' mamasak [mama sa?] - a. /man+PASAK/ 'to fix bolt ' b. /man+MASAK/ 'to cook ' 109

2. menobatkan [manobatkan ] - a. /man+TOBAT+kan/ 'to make someone repent' b. /man+NOBAT+kan/ 'to inaugurate ' mena lam [mana lam] - a. /man+TALAM/ 'to put in a tray ' b. /man+NALAM/ 'to write a poem ' mengukur [ma.l)ukor ] - a. /man+KU KUR/ 'to gra te ' b. /man+U KU R/ 'to measure ' mengeram [mal)aram] - a. /man+KdRAM/ 'to imprison ' 3. b. /man+dRAM/ 'to ha tch ' c. /man+�dRAM/ 'to grumb le ' 4. menyaring [maflarLI)]- a. /man+SARI�/ 'to sort out ' b. /man+)lARI �/ 'to become louder '

menya lang [maflalal)]- a. /man+SALAtj/ 'to stab ' b. /man+)lALA�/ 'to be wide open (eyes) ,

The learner will certainly have difficulty in knowing whether the stems of the above derivations begin with voiceless obstruents or the corres­ ponding homorganic nasals (or vowe ls in the case of the final nasal seg­ ment in Imanl is realised as a ve lar - [I)J). From a learning point of view, a derivation which involves more alternatives (or ambiguities) is more difficult to learn than the one with less alternatives. The dis­ similat ion which occurs when the final nasal segment in Imanl and stem­ initial lsi coalesce to a palatal nasal ([flJ) may serve the purpose of preventing the occurrence of derivations with alternatives between stem-initials In/, It I and lsi. But then , the learner has to face another kind of morphological ambiguity because both stem-initial Inl and lsi are phonetically realised as zero when preceded by the prefix Iman/. Speakers of BI minimise the learning problems by preserving stem-initial lei on the phonetic level when preceded by Iman/. This may explain the exceptional character of lei - the only voiceless (true ) consonant in native BI which does not undergo coalescence (or deletion) when preceded by the Imanl prefix. The phonetic variants of the final nasal segment in Imanl illustrated by examp les (5.20) through (5.26) above can be formulated as follows : 110

P-rule : Nasal deletion and assimilation

(14) cons a. I ME ----- + SY ' o +Nasal +Son +Ant [+Segj [+Cor l ----. b. aAnt I ME ----- + aAnt 8Cor 8Cor yBack yBack +Nasal -Syll +Cons -Son +Seg

v. -Ant I t1 E --- - + Ant -Cor -Cor +Back +Syll +Nasal - [-Cons +Cons

where ME = the first two segments of Imanl 'active voice

= J verb prefix ', Seg segment (i.e. consonant or glide )

The rule says that :

(a) the final nasal seg ment in the prefix Imanl is deleted before stem­ initial non-syllabic sonorant segments ([-Syllabic, +Sonorant , +Segment J ) ;

(b) the final nasal segment in the prefix Imanl become s homorganic with stem-initial ob struent segments ([-Syllabic , -Sonorant , +Segment J ) ;

(c) the final nasal segment in the prefix Imanl is phonetically real­ ised as a ve lar nasal ([+Consonant , +Nasal , +Back , -Coronal , -AnteriorJ) before stem-initial vowels ([-Consonant , +Syllabic , -Coronal , -AnteriorJ). Thus the . final nasal segment in Imanl may be regarded as homorganic with a stem-initial vowel to the degree that both are [-Anterior , -Coronal J.

Notice that stem-init ial voiceless consonants other than lei (and also loan sounds - [fJ, [5J, [xJ) in the above examples (cf. 5.21:2; 5.22:2; 5.23:2; 5.24:4) are deleted when preceded by Iman/. The de­ letion of stem-initial voiceless consonants also occurs in the second part of re duplicated forms as in (5.27:1) below .

(5.27)1. /man+pilih+p ilih/ [mami lih mi l ih] 'to be seZective ' /man+po to�+poto�/ [mamot�� mo t��] 'to cut repeatedZy ' III

/man+ta r i +ta r i / [ mana r i na r i] 'to dance (because of excitement) , /man+tul is+tul is/ [manulLs nul Ls] 'to write without any def- inite purpose ' /man+karaQ+karaQ/ [maQa raQ QaraQ ] 'to make up ' /man+ka ta+kata+i/ [maQata Qatai ] 'to speak itt about someone ' /man+sapu+sapu/ [marapu rapu ] 'to sweep (j ust for the sake of sweeping) , /man+s ia+s i a+kan/ [maria riakan ] 'to waste ' 2. /man+baca+baca/ [mambaca baca ] 'to read wi thout serious atten­ tion ' /man+dasak+dasak/ [mandasa? dasa?] 'to keep insisting ' /man+geleQ+geleQ+kan/ [mangeleQ geleQkan ] 'to shake one 's head (repeatedZy) , /man+cari+c ari/ [marcari cari] 'to keep searching ' /man+Jari t+Jarit/ [marJar Lt JarLt] 'to keep shouting ' /man+ha laQ +ha laQ+i/ [maQhalal) halaQi ] 'to keep hindering ' /man+alu+al u+kan/ [maQalu alukan ] 'to we tcome wi th decorations, to pra ise ' /man+l ihat+l ihat/ [mal iat liat] 'to have a took '

Note that stem-initial sounds in (5.27:2) above are not affected by /man/ in the second part of the reduplicated forms . The coalescence which occurs when /man/ is followed by a stem-initial voiceless ob struent illustrated by examples (5.21:2; 5.22:2, 5.23:2, 5.24:4, 5.25:1 and 5.27:1) above can be formulated as follows :

P-rule : Consonant coalescence

(15) + ME Ant + a. +Cons ++ (5 6) ( SUFFIX) x +Cor -Voice +Nasal -Cont [+Cons aAnt BCor J -aBack b. +Cons -Voice +Cont +Ant +Cor

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 (5 6) (8 )

(cont 'd -+) 112

----+ 1 2 c. aAnt 6 7 ( e. aAnt 6 ) (8) aCor aCor -aBack -aBack +Nasal +Nasal +Cons +Cons

d. -Ant f. -Ant -Cor -Cor -Back -Back +Nasal +Nasal +Cons +Cons

(3 4 5) (3 4 5) Condition : If a, then c and e; if b, then d and f ME = the first two segments of /men/; X = sequence of segments beginning with a vowel

The rule says that the final nasal segment in the prefix /men/ and a stem-initial voiceless stop ([+Consonant , -Voice , -Continuant ]) eoalesce to a nasal which is homorganic with the stem-initial stop . Notice th at the features anterior and back which require reversed speci­ fications block the rule from applying to /e/ ([+Consonant , -V oice , ·-Continuant , -Anterior, -Back]). And when the prefix /men/ occurs before stem-initial /s/ ([+Consonant , -V oice , +Continuant , +Anterior, +Coronal ]), the final segment in /men/ and /s/ become s a palatal nasal :[p] - [+Consonant , +Nasal , -Anterior, -Coronal , -Back]). The rule states furthermore that when the stem following the /men/ prefix is reduplicated, the second part of the reduplicated form also undergoes the coalescence process . Obviously, the rule must be allowed to apply to the output of naturalisation rules set up in Section 5.4., so that phonetic forms illustrated by examples (5.21:3a, 5.23:3 and 5.24:5) may be correctly derived . Meanwhile , loan items such as (5.25) which do not undergo coalescence when preceded by th e /men/ prefix have to be narked '-P-rule 15 ' in the lexicon .

5. 5.2. /men/ INTERMEDIATE BETWEEN /pe/ AND STEMS

It was argued in Se ction 3.4. that it is desirable and phonologically plausible to postulate the prefix /men/ in the underlying representations of words (derived nouns ) like pengerja [peQerJa ] 'exeautor of a job ', penyerta [peperta ] 'a aompany (friend) ', pendagang [pendagaQ J ' (non­ professionaZ) trader ', pend idikan [pend idikan ] 'eduaation ', penilaian [pe nilayan ] 'evaZuation ', pemua ian [pemuayan ] 'expansion, extension ', 113

etc . The ma in concern in this subsection is to account for the phonetic alternant s of the pre fix /man/ in such environments. With respect to stems , /man/ postulated intermediate between /pa/ and stems is simi lar to /man/ prefixed to sterns discussed in subsection 5.5.1. above in the sense that the final nasal segment in the /man/ pre fix is subj ect to (a) deletion when occurs before sonorant consonants and glides , (b) assimilation when occurs before stern-initial vowe ls and obstruents, and (c) coalescence when occurs before stern-initial vo ice­ le ss stops and alve olar fricat ive /5/. The /man/ prefix postulated between /pa/ and sterns is different from /man/ added to sterns without /pa/ in front in that the first two segments of the postulated /man/ never appear on the phonetic level of repre sentation as in examples (5.28) below .

(5.28)1. Ipa+man+bacal [pambaca ] 'reader ' Ipa+man+d idikl [pand idL?] 'educator ' Ipa+man+Jua ll [parJual ] 'trader, se Her ' Ipa+man+gant i I [ p,H)gant i] 'substitute ' Ipa+man+uJ i I [ pal)uJi] 'examiner ' Ipa+man+curil [parcuri ] 'thief ' Ipa+man+harap+anl [pal)harapan ] 'expectation ' 2. Ipa+man+p impinl [pam impLn] 'leader ' Ipa+man+tu i 51 [panu 1 L 5] 'writer ' 1 Ipa+man+karal)l [pal)aral) ] 'composer, author ' Ipa+man+sasal+anl [parasa lan] 'regret' 3. Ipa+man+muay+anl [pamuayan] 'expansion, extension ' Ipa+man+n i ay+anl [pan i ayan ] 'eva luation ' 1 1 Ipa+man+rar i I [parar i] 'singer (non-professional) ' Ipa+man+wa rtal [pawarta] 'the person who informed' Ipa+man+lukis l [palukLs] 'painter ' Ipa+man+rantawl [parantaw ] 'trave ZZer '

The processes involving the final nasal in /man/ and stern-initial sounds , name ly nasal assimilation (cf. 5.28:1), consonant coalescence (cf. 5.28:2) and nasal deletion (cf. 5.28:3) have been captured by rules set up in subsection 5.5.1. P-rule 16 set up below acc ounts for the deletion of the first two segments of the prefix /man/ intermediate between /pa/ and sterns illustrated by the above examples (5.28). 114

P-rule : Deletion of the first two segments of /man/

(16) [ME] ----+ 0/+ PE + [ ----] CO"' STEM ( SUFFIX ) +Nasal +Ant [+Cor 1 '

where ME the first two segments of the prefix /man/ PE the prefix /pa/

The rule says that the first two segments of the prefix /man/ are deleted when the prefix is postulated between /pa/ and stems .

5.6. VOWEL: LAX ING, RETRACTION , DELETION , NASAL ISATION ; LOWERING AND COALESCENCE

5.6. 1. VOWEL LAXING

In BI vowels usually beco me lax when they occur in fina l closed syllables - i.e. they are relatively more open and produced with less art iculatory effort compared with the corresponding tense vowels . Chomsky and Halle (1968 :324) write :

Tense sounds are produced with a deliberate, accurate , max­ imally distinct gesture that involves considerable muscular effort ; nontense sounds are produced rapidly and somewhat indistinctly . In tense sounds , both vo wels and consonants, the period during which the arti culatory organs maintain the appropriate configuration is relatively long, while in non­ tense sounds the entire gesture is executed in a somewhat superficial manner .

As to the difference in the degree of openness betw een a tense vowe l and the corre sponding lax vowel, Chomsky and Halle (1968) write as follows :

It has been observed , for instance, that the tongue constric­ tion in tense [i] is narrower than that in lax [i]. Thi s difference in tongue height is superficially rather similar to that observed between high [i] and nonhigh [e]. The mechanism involved, however , is quite different in the two cases .... (p.324)

The symbols [LJ, [E], [oJ and [oJ are used in this study to repre­ sent , respectively, the lax versions of the tense vowels [iJ, [e], [u] and [ o J . Examples (5.29) below show that tense vowels become lax in final closed sylla bles .

(5.29)la. /d idik/ [didL ?] 'to educate ' b. /d idik+an/ [didikan ] 'the resuH of educating ' 2a . /pimpin/ [pimpLn] 'to lead ' b. /pimpin+an/ [pimpinan ] 'superior, act of leading ' Ipendekl [pendE?] 'short ' 115 Ika+pendek+anl [kapendekan ] 'abbreviation ' IJeJerl [JeJEr] 'to standlsit in a row ' 3a. /JeJer+kanl [JeJerkan ] 'to pZace in a row ' b. 'to sit ' Idudukl [dudo? ] ' 4a. Iduduk+i/ [duduki ] 'to sit on (something) ' b. 'to drink ' Im inu ml [minom ] 5a. Im inu m+anl [minuman ] 'drink ' b. I ton toni [ton ton ] 'to wa tch ' 6a. Iton ton+anl [tontonan ] 'entertainment' b. Ibel okl [belo?] 'to turn ' 7ab.. Ibelok+anl [belokan ] 'bend, turn ' 8ab..

Notice that in the above examples, the last vowels of 2.stems2., (a-items) becalalare usephon eticalloflal th e ypresence realised of as th elax suffix voweesls . andThe as vowetensel laxingvowels rule in b-i settems up P-rbeloulew ap: Vowepliesl tolaxing all the six vowels set forth in Section except ) and which are.. already Ilax . (17 lii-ConsJjl ---- [-Tense] [-----] C ++ whereSYI C stands for any consonants final5.6.The2. clruleosedVOWEL says syllaRE TRACTthblates IOvowe. N ls become lax ([-Tense]) when they occur in [a]

The frontIbebasl mid vowe [bebl aslei] 'fisree usual' ly realised phonetically as in non-final Iksyllaa+beblesbas+anl when [kitababa doessan not, kabebacarry sanstr] ess'freed, suchom ' as (5.30). 2a. Ide sal [desa ] 'vi ZZage ' (5.30)lb.a. Ipa+desa+anl [padasa?an , padesa?an] 'viZZage area ' 3ab.. Imardekal [mardeka ] 'independent ' b. Ika+mardeka+anl [kamardaka?an, kamardeka?an] 'independence ' 4a. Ipendekl [pendE?] 'short ' Ika+pendek+anl [kapandekan, kapendekan] 'abbreviation ' Ibelal [bela] 'to defend ' b. Ipa+man+bel a+anl [pambala?an , pambe la?an ] 'defence ' 5a.b. 116

The underlying lei occurring in the penultimate syllab le of stems above is phonetically realised as [e] in the a-items (i.e. in stressed position ) and as [a] or [e] in b-items (i.e. in un stressed position ). It mu st be noted however that in rapid speech one may hear forms such as pedesaan [padsa?an J (cf. 5.30:2b), kemerdekaan [kmardka?an J (cf. 5.30: 3b ), kependekan [kapndekan J (cf. 5.30:4b ), etc . The mot ivat ion behind these forms is the tendency to drop [a] rather than a straight­ forward process - lei deletion (cf. subsection 5.6.3. ). The schwa realisation of lei illustrated by examples (5.30) above may be termed 'retraction ' and can be formulated as follows :

P-rule : Vowel retraction (optional) 2 (18) [-Back] ----+ [+Back] I X C VC vc (C vc )++ o 0 000 -High -Low -Round +Sy11 -Cons -Stre ss where X stands for any segment sequence or null

The rule says that unstressed lei ([-Consonant , +Syllabic , -Back, -High , -Low , -Round , -Stress]) before penultimate syllable may phonet­ ically be realised as [a] ([-Consonant , +Syllabic , -Low , -High , +Back, -Round] ) .

5.6 .3. SCHWA VELETI0N

It has been pointed out in Section 3.1. that consonant clusters in initial position and sequences of three or more consonant s in medial position are prevented on the phonological level by inserting a schwa (/a/) in the underlying representations of a number of loan items , recently borrowed either from English or Dutch, to break up such 'in­ admissible ' sequences. To derive the correct (or common ) phonetic forms of these loan items , such as (5.31), we shall need a schwa deletion rule .

(5.31)1. /paraktek/ [prakt£k, parakt£kJ 'to practise, practice ' /paroklamasi/ [pr okl amas i, paroklams i J 'proclamation ' /kai inik/ [kl inLk, kal inLkJ 'clinic ' /kaleim/ [kleLm, ka leLmJ 'claim ' /satruktur/ [struktor J 'structure ' 117

2. lindustaril (industri. industari] 'industry ' linsatruksil (in struksi ] 'instruction ' Ii nsapeks i I (ins peks i) 'inspection ' Ikonsatruks il (konstruksi] 'construction ' lins atalasil (in stalasi ] 'installa tion '

Not ice that the postulated /a/ in some of the above items is never realised on the phonetic level. Those items must be marked '+P-rule 19 ' in the lexicon . The schwa deletion rule also accounts for the phonetic forms of long established loan items (Sanskrit borrowed items ) such as (5.32) below.

(5.32) Iputaral (putara. putra ] 'boy, son ' Iputari/ (putari. putri] 'girZ, daughter ' Isastaral (sastara. sastra ] 'Zi terature ' Isutaral (sutara. sutra ] 'siZk ' IsaJahtaral (saJahtara . saJahtra ] 'prosperous '

The main reason for choosing the first set of the phonetic forms of the above items as their underlying forms is, apart from the positive condition enumerated in Section 3.1. , to have a simpler description because we can then do away with schwa insertion rule . One may wish to take the opposite position, that is he may wish to do away with schwa deletion rule . But this approach will certainly fail to account for schwa deletion which occurs in native BI items in rapid speech, such as (5.33) below.

(5.33) Ibal uml (balom. blom] 'not yet' Itarar)1 (tarar). trar) ] 'bright, light ' Isalama tl (salam at . slamat] 'safe ' Ikapadal (kapada . kpada ] 'to ' Ian ami (anam. nam] 'six '

The schwa deletion process illustrated by examples (5.31) through (5.33) above can be formulated as follows :

P-rule: Schwa deletion (optional )

(19 ) -Cons ----� o / X [- ----J )++ o 0 0 +Sy11 -Low 2 +Back CVC (VC -Round

where X stands for any sequence of segments o� null, C for any consonant and V for any vowel ll8 lal The rule says that ([-Consonant, +Syllabic, -Low, +Back, -Round]) mayoutput5.6. be4. deletedofVO WELP-rule NASA in 18non-LI. SATIONfinal syllables. This rule also applies to the speechAnother of many phenomenon speake rsco ncoferning BI is vowethe nals salithatsat caion n beof ob vowservedels. inThe th e fol(�).3lo4)wing Ima exakanlmp [mlesakan show] 'ttho ateat when' a vowel is preceded by a nasal con­ sonant, lenaklthis vowe [ena?l wi] ll'de Zicioustend to ' be nasalised. lal)inl [al)in ] 'wind ' Irawal [rawa ] 'souZ ' Imainl [main] 'to pZay ' a syllHaliabm le(1 when974) Imcltheaafai msl fol 'tthlowingo atbe theso syllarry nasali' ble satbegioinsn is withoftea n vocarriedwel or aout gli acrossde. Theboth data vowe howeverls in provide(5.35) no support areto thisnasali claimsed . by Itso-aa- meis trspeakersue that but nasalsuch nas. aliExampsationles does notbelo seemw sh owto bethat solely the sequconditenceio ned byin theArab pricecedin g bor(5.3rowed5) Isaa wordstl [stea?ndsat] to 'm beoment nasalised' by many speakers irrespective of the precedItaatling con[ta?hsonant] 'o. bedient ' Imanfaatl [manfa?at] 'advantage, use ' Isafaatl [safa?at ] 'in tercession ' Inaasl [na?as ] 'un Zucky day ' Note that the nasalisation of vowe20ls discussed above hasno linguistic P-.sigrnifule :ica Vowence l andna salitheresatioforen P-rule set upbe low has to be regarded (20) ----+ I X as a low level rule with respect to the whole set of BI phonoy logy rules. [-Nasal] [+Nasal(optio] nal) Gcons J r:������Jl +Nasal���� co��n�� [+ J [+ J X Y -Cons -Cons where both and stand for any +Lowseque nce +Lowof seg mentsIn Arabic words 119

The rule says that vowels ([-Consonant , +Syllabic , -Nasal ]) are (optionally ) nasalised when preceded by nasals . The vowel sequence -aa- in Arabic borrowed words also tends to be nasalised .

5.6.5. VOWEL LOWERING

In subsection 5.3.2. we saw that there are a number of doublets resulting from syllable reduction (i.e. the deletion of /h/ together with the preceding vowel). There is another type of doublet in where certain vowels occur in variat ion in certain words . The types of vowels that may occur in free variation are (a) front vowels ([i] and as in (b) rounded back vowels and asBI in eel) (5.36:1), ([u] [0]) (5.36:2) and (c) central vowe ls ([a] and [a]) as in (5.36:3).

(5.36)1. /san in/ [san in - sanen ] 'Monday ' /bia/ [bia - bea ] 'tax ' /liwat/ [liwat - lewa t] 'to pass (by) ' /pen iQ/ [pen lQ - peneQ l '(anima l) license batch ' /apot ik/ [apot lk - apotek] 'chemist' /kantuQ/ [kantoQ - kant�Q ] 'pocket ' /lubaQ/ [lu baQ - 10baQ ] 'ho le ' /gua/ [gua - goa ] 'cave ' /rubah/ [rubah - robah ] 'to alter ' /pul isi/ [pulisi - pol isi ] 'policeman ' /saram/ [saram - saram ] 'frightening ' /pintar/ [pintar - pintar] 'clever ' /tabas/ [tabas - tabas ] 'to cut off (grass, trees)' /taras/ [taras - taras ] 'pith ' /tantara/ [tantara - tantara ] 'army '

Since the free variability of the above pairs of vowels is limited to a number of items , we need to mark these items and the like '+P-rule 21' in the lexicon , to indicate that P-rule 21 set up below applies to them .

P-rule : Vowe l lowering (optional )

(21)a. [+High ] ----+ [-High ] / -Low aRound BBack +Syll In a number of items -Cons 120

b. [-LowJ ----+ [+Low J I -High +Back -Round +Syll In a number of ite ms -Cons

The rule says that (a) high vowels may become non-high in a number of items , and (b) the central mid vowel lal ([-Consonant , +Syllabic , -Low , -High , +Back, -RoundJ) may become low ([aJ - [-Consonant , +Syllabic , +Low , -High, +Back, -Round J) in a number of items .

5.6.6. VOWEL COALESCENCE

There is still another type of doub let in BI which results from the coalescence of a low vowel (/a/) and a high back vowel (lui) into a back mid vowel ([oJ) in a number of polysyllabic loanwords such as the following :

(5.37) Itaulanl [taulan - tolanJ 'friends ' (Arabic ) Itauratl [taurat - toratJ 'Moses ' Law ' (Arabic) Isantausal [santausa - santo sa] 'safe, peaceful ' (Sanskrit) laQgautal [aQgauta - aQgota ] 'member ' (Sanskrit ) Itaukel [tauke - toke ] 'emp loyer ' (Chinese ) Itaugel [tauge - toge ] 'bean sprout ' (Chinese ) lautol [auto - oto] 'mo tor car ' (Dutch)

Since vowe l coalescence may occur only in a small numb er of items , words cited in (5.37) above and the like mu st be marked '+P-rule 22' in the lexicon .

P·-rule : Vowel coalescence (optional)

(:�2 ) ++ X LOW C V (C) ++ ----. +Back + +Syll +Syll [-Cons] -Cons I 2 3 :�::4 I 2 -High 5 6 7 8 J -Low [ +Round +Syll In a number of -Cons loanwords (3 4)

where C stands for any consonant and V for any vowel; X may be null or non-null 121

The rule says that lal ([-Consonant , +Syllabic , +Low , +Back J) and lui ([-Consonant , +Syllabic , +High , +BackJ) may coalesce into [oJ , ([-Consonant , +Syllabic , -High , -Low , +Round J) in a number of poly­ syllabic loanwords.

5.7. GL IDE INSERTION ANO DESYLLABICATION

5.7.1. GLIVE INSERTION

We saw in subsection 5.2.1. that a glottal stop is inserted to break up sequences of two identical vowels on the phonetic level. In addition to that , speakers of BI also tend to insert a glide to break up a se­ quence of a high vowel followed by another vowel. This inserted glide always agrees on the feature roundne ss with the first (high) vowel of the sequence in question . Thus a vowel sequence beginning with !il will tend to be broken up on the phonetic level by inserting the corres­ ponding (voiced) non-round glide [yJ as in (5.3 8:1). And a vowe l se­ quence beginning with lui will tend to be broken up on the phonetic level by inserting the corresponding (voiced) round glide [wJ as in (5.38:2). Recall the discussion in subsection 4.J.2. that vowe l se­ quences ending in a mid vowel are very rare . Most of the examples given below contain sequences ending in a low or high vowel .

(5.38)l. /siap/ [ 5 i a p - siyap] 'ready ' /tiap/ [ t i a p - tiyap] 'every, each ' /C i urn/ [ci om - ciyorn ] 'to kis8, to smeLl. ' /tiup/ [ t i op - tiyop ] 'to bLow ' /biola/ [ b i a - b i yo a ] 'vioLin ' 01 1 /h i erak i / [hi erak i - hiyerak i] 'hierarchy ' 2. /buat/ [buat - buw at] 'to do, to make ' /dua/ [dua - duwa ] 'two ' /uaQ/ [uaQ - uwaQ ] 'money ' /kui l/ [ku Ll - kuwL l] 'tempLe ' /Jui ta/ [Juita - Juwi ta ] 'sweet heart ' /kue/ [kue - kuwe ] 'cake '

The glide insertion process illustrated by examples (5.38) above can be formalised as follows : 122

P-rule: Glide insertion (optional)

(23) ----+- Cons / X --- o y -Syll +Voice +High <+High>

aRound aRound -- <-aRound>

where both X and may be null and non-null Y The rule says [that aJ glide may[+�� ��opt]io nally ber :����inserted ] between a high vowe l ([-Consonant , +Syllabic , +High] ) and another vowel , and the inserted glide must agree on the feature roundness with the first (high) vowel. The feature round for the first and the second vowels mu st have opposite value s if the second vowel has the feature specification [+High].

5.7. 2. VESYLLABICATION

In rapid speech, high vowels are usua lly substituted by the corres­ pJnding voiced glides when followed by other vowels especially in poly­ syllabic words in unstre ssed position as in (5.39), and in a number of words beginning with high vowels followed by other vowe ls as in (5.40) .

(5.39)1. /biaya/ [biaya - byaya ] 'expenses ' /s i apa/ [siapa - syapa ] 'who ' /piutal)/ [piutal) - pyutal)] 'credi t, loan ' /si uman/ [siuman - syuman ] 'to recover from unconscious state ' /sosioloxi/ [sos iolog i - sosyologi ] 'sociology ' /hiera ki/ [hieraki - hyeraki] 'hierarchy ' /sua tu/ [sua tu - swa tu ] 'one, something ' /suasta/ [suasta - swasta ] 'private (institution) ' /kal uarga/ [kalua rga - ka lwarga ] 'fami ly, re lative ' /kuitans i/ [kuitans i - kw itansi] 'receipt ' /kual itet/ [ku alite:t - kwal ite:t] 'quality ' /kuinta l/ [kuintal - kw intal ] Kg (unit) ' '100 ( �) .40) /ual)/ [ ua - wal) ] 'money ' I) /uak/ [ua? - wa ?] 'uncle, aunt ' /uap/ [ ua p - wa p] 'steam ' /ia/ [ i a - ya J 'to say yes ' /iuran/ [iuran - yuran ] 'contribution '

Examples (5.39) suggest that 'desyllabicat ion ' (i.e. a process whereby a syllabic segment (vowel) become s non-syllabic on the phonetic level) is co nditioned by th e absence of stress on those high vowels . 123

This implies that stress placement rules mu st apply before the desyl­ labication rule . Examples (5.40) however do not satisfy such condition . Nor do examples (5.41) below .

(5.41) Isurial [suria - surya ] 'the sun ' Idun ial [dunia - dunya ] 'world ' Imul ial [mul ia - mu lya] 'glorious ' Ika runial [karun ia - karunya ] 'gift (from God) ' Ikarial [karia - ka rya ] 'work ' Imanusial [manusia - manusya ] 'human being '

Notice that stress in the above pairs of alternants falls on the second last vowel. This clearly sugge sts that the stress placement rules must apply to the output of the desyllabication rule set up below. Some of the pairs of alternants cited above have been reflected in the writing system in the sense that some of the above items have two equally-acceptable orthographic forms such as uang/wang 'money ', ia/ya 'to say yes ', uak/wak 'uncle, aunt ', i uran/yuran 'contribution (money) ', suri a/surya 'the sun', ku itansi/kwitansi 'receipt ', kual i tet/kwalitet 'qua lity ', etc . For this reason, the phenomenon illustrated by examples (5.39) through (5.41) above is viewed as a desyllabication process rather than glide insertion and vowe l deletion processes . The desylla­ bication phenomenon may be formulated as follows :

P-rule : Desyllabication (optional )

(24) [+SyllJ ----+ [-Syll ] / -cons a CVC -Cons +Syll j ++ } +High <+High> c [----aRoundJ

Conditions : If a then b; if c then d C stands for any consonant , V for any vowel and X may be null or non-null J The rule says that a high vowel may optionally become a glide (non­ syllabic ) when followed by another vowel in polysyllabic words or in (polysyllabic and bisyllabic ) words beginning with a high vowel. The feature round for the first and second vowels must have reversed speci­ fications if the second vowel is [+HighJ.

5.8. VOWEL DISSIMILATION

It has been stated in Chapter 3 that in BI a word can be constructed by me an s of reduplicat ion of a stem. By defin ition, the underlying form of a word constructed by reduplication consists of two same parts. 124

In most cases, both parts of a reduplicated form are also identical on the phonetic level. There are however a number of words constructed by me ans of reduplication of stems who se phonetic forms may not consist of two identical part s each because one of them may undergo a vowe l change . Examples (5.42) below show that when the last syllab le of a stem contains a high vowe l (cf. 5.42:1-5 ) or mid vowel (cf. 5.42:6) then this vowel will be phonetically realised as a low vowe l ([aJ) in the first part of a reduplication ; meanwhile when the second last syl­ lable contains a low vowe l (/a/) , this vowe l will be phonetically realised as a mid back vowe l ([oJ) in the first part of the reduplication (cf. 5.42:1-3 ).

(5.42)1. /bal ik+bal ik/ [bola? ba l i?] 'to and fro ' 2. /ganti+g anti/ [gonta ganti J 'continuously changing ' 3. /pantiQ+pantiQ/ [pon taQ pantiQ] 'to run as fa st as one could ' 4. /sal iQ+sal iQ/ [salaQ sal iQ] 'to alternate ' 5. /dasus+dasus/ [dasas dasos ] 'rumour ' 6. /coret+coret/ [corat coret ] 'scratches '

Examples (5.43) below show that when the last syllable of a stem contains a low vowe l (/a/) then this vowe l will be phonetically realised as a front high vowe l ([iJ) in the second part of a reduplication ; mean­ while when the first syllable of the stem contains a round back vowel

(lui - cf. 5.43:1 or Iii - cf. 5.43:2,3), this vowel will be phonetic­ ally realised as a low vowe l ([aJ) in the second part of the derivation .

(5.43)1. /1untaQ+lun taQ/ [lu ntaQ lantiQ] 'bobbing ' 2. /compaQ+com paQ/ [compaQ camp i!,)] 'torn (in rags) ' 3. /porak+porak/ [pora? pa r i?] 'disordered ' 4. /garak+garak/ [gara? ga ri?] 'movements, behaviour ' 5. /pamuda+pamuda/ [pamuda pamud i] 'youths ' 6. /basa+basa/ [basa bas iJ 'good manners '

Examples (5.42) and (5.43) show that the last vowel of the first part of a derivation (reduplication ) is always a low vowel ([aJ). Accordingly, when the last vowel of a stem is not la/, the vowel change (s) will take place in the first part of a reduplication . In such a case , the last vowe l of the stem will become low and the first vowel, if la/, will become [oJ (cf. 5.42:1-3). And when the last vowel of a stem is /a/, the vowel change (s) will occur in the second part of a derivation . In such a case , the last vowel will become [iJ (cf. 5.43), and the first vJwel, if lui or 10/, will become raJ (cf. 5.43:1-3). 125

The vowel change phenomenon illustrated by examples (5.42) and (5.43) above may be termed vowel 'dissimilation '. Since the vowel dissimilation occurs only in certain words constructed by means of reduplication , the above stems and the like mu st be marked '+P-rule 25 ' in the lexicon . It mu st be noted that vowel changes described above may or may not occur on the phonetic level. There fore , P-rule 25 set up below has to be regarded as an optional rule .

P-rule : Vowel dissimilation (optional)

(25)a. ++ C -conS C(V) (C) cons (C) ++ ----+ +Syll +Syll [<+ Low> �-Low � 1 2 3 J 45 6 7 8 9 1 2 -Cons 456 cons 89/ +Syll l +Syll [+Low � - = � h +Round� : ' ( )� b. ++ C -con, C(V) (C) con (C) ++ ----+ +Syll +Syll [<+Round>] [+Low 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 J 8 9 2 -con' 4 5 6 con 8 9 / 123456789 +Syll +Syll [<+ Low>� +High [-Backl

where C stands for any consonant and V for any vowel

The first part of the rule (a) says that :

(a) a non-low vowel occurring in the final syllable of a stem will be phonetically realised as [a] ([-Consonant , +Syllabic , +Low] ) in the first part of a word constructed by means of reduplicat ion (cf. 5.42);

(b) and when the first vowel is specified as a low vowel then it will be phonetically realised as [0] ([-Consonant , +Syllabic , -Low, -High , +Round ]) in the first part of the derivation (cf. 5.42:1-3) .

The second part of the rule (b) says that

(a) a low vowel occurring in the final syllab le of a stem will be phonetically realised as [i] ([-Consonant , +Syllabic , +High , -Back]) 126

in the second part of a (typical ) word constructed by means of re­ duplication (cf. 5.43) ;

(b) and when the first vowe l of the stem is furthe r specified as a round vowel, then it will be phonetically realised as raJ ([-Consonant , +Syllabic, +LowJ ) in the second part of the derivation (cf. 5.43:1- 3).

5.9. LOANWORD ENDINGS

It was stated in Section 1.1. that Dutch and English (and also Arabic ) play a significant role in the development of BI , especially in the enrichment of its vocabulary . In this section we are going to examine a number of doublets in words borrowed from Dutch and English. Examples (5.44) below show the alternation between the (non­ morphemic) endings -tas and -tet in a number of nouns which end in -ty or -teit in English and Dutch respectively . Histori cally speaking, the -tet ending is much earlier than the -tas. At present however , forms ending in -tet are less commonly used. This is partly because the -tet ending sounds very Dutch and partly because BI imposes constraints on the occurrence of lei in word-final syllab le . (In native BI items lei may occur in the last syllab le but the preceding vowel mu st be lei or 101 . )

(5.44) Ikua litetl [ku al itas - kul itetJ 'qua Hty ' Ikuantitetl [kuantias - kuantitetJ 'quantity ' laktifitetl [akt ifitas - aktifitetJ 'aati vity ' Imayoritetl [mayoritas - mayor itEtJ 'majority ' Imi nor itetl [minori tas - minoritEt J 'minority '

Examples (5.45) below show the alternation between the endings -a l and -il in a number of (cognate ) words which usually end in -a l or -e l in English and Dutch re spectively. Again , the ending -il is historic­ ally mu ch earlier than the ending -al. At present however , there is a strong tendency to substitute -a l for -il.

(5.45) Ikultu rill [kultura l - kulturL1 J 'aultural. ' Imateriill [matrial - materi :l] 'ma terial.' Isapirituill [spiritual - spirituLl] 'spiri tual. ' lindifiduill [ind ifidua l - indifiduLl ] 'individua l' Ikonsatitusionill [konstitusiona l - konstitusionLl ] 'aonsti tu- tional. '

The phenomenon illustrated by examples (5.44) and (5.45) above can be formalised as follows : 127

P-rule : Loanword endings (optional)

(26)a. X +Cons can +Cons ++ ----+ 1 2 con +Cons 5 -Voice +Syll -Voice +Syll -Voice -Cont -High -Cont �+Low� +Cont +Ant [-Back] +Ant +Ant +Cor +Cor +Cor

1 2 3 4 5

b. X can con ++ ----+ 1 con' 3 4 +Syll +Son +Syll +High �+Cont �+Low � [-Back] J where X stands for any segment sequences

Rule (26a ) says that the ending I-tetl in lo anwords may op tionally be realised as [-tasJ on the phonetic level; and rule (26b ) says that the ending I- ill in loanwords may optionally be realised as [-alJ on the phonetic level .

5.10 . STRESS PLACEMENT

It has been pointed out in su bsection 2.2.5. that stress in BI is not phonemic because its placement in words is highly predictable . As stated earlier in the introduction of this chapter, the main concern here is to account for stress pl acement on the word level. Specifically , this section will be concerned with the formulation of rules that will correctly assign stress to words in citation . At this point , it is necessary to note that stress placement in a given word may not be on the same syllable in all cas es. There are some instances where syntactical factors , which are not our concern here , may cause the shift of stress placement in words . Pre fixes , for example , are basically unstressable on the word level. On the sentence level however, stress placement in l words may be shifted to the prefixes to signal grammatical contrasts. It has been widely agreed by linguists that stress is a supra­ segmental feature of utterances which applies to whole syllables rather than to individual vowe ls and consonants. Linguistically speaking, the purpose of stress assignment is to mark one syllab le and only one

I For a detailed account of stress placement in words on the sentence level , and a com­ prehensive review of earlier studies on supra segmental aspects of BI , the reader is referred to Halim 1974, Chapters 3 and 2 respectively . 128

syllable per word (or per stress unit ) as carrying prominence (cf. Hyman 1975 :204 ; Lade foged 1975 :222, etc.). As far as prominence is concerned, there is only one degree of stress to be recognised in BI words (including comp ounds and phrases ). All other unstressed syllables within a word (or compound or a phrase ) are p�onounced with approximate ly the same amount of energy each . Let us observe some examples of the distribution of stress in BI w)rds . Note that in the following examples (5.46) each number consists of a group of related items . Note furthermore , that the a-items below are stems (monomorphemic words ) while the b- and c-items are derivatives (oo lymorphemic words ).

('5.46 )la. /T IK/ [tfk] 'to type ' b. /d i+TIK/ [ditfk] 'to be typed' c. /d i+TIK+kan+ra/ [ditikanra ] 'typed by him ' 2a. /�AH/ [sah, sah] 'legal ' b. /tar+�AH/ [tarsah ] 'the most legal/authentia (one) '

c. /d i +�AH+kan+ra/ [di sahkanra ] , legalised by him ' 3a . /DUDUK/ [dude? ] 'to sit ' b. /pa+man+DUDUK/ [pandude? ] 'population ' c. /man+DUDUK+ i/ [manduduki] 'to oaaupy ' 4a. /TdR IMA/ [tadma ] 'to get, reaeive (root) ' b. /man+TdR I MA/ [manarfma ] 'to reaeive, get ' c. /pa+man+TdRI MA+an+mu/ [panar ima?anmu ] 'your aaaeptanae ' 5a. /SdlAMAT/ [salama t] 'safe ' b. /pa+man+SdlAMAT/ [paralamat] 'the person who saved ' c. /ka+SdlAMAT+an/ [kasa 1 ama tan ] 'safe ty '

Examples (5.46:1a,2a) are mo nosyllabic and there fore the stress is automatically assigned to them . The general pattern of the placement of stress in polysyllabic items shown by the above examples is on the penultimate syllable regardless of whether the penult is part of a stem or not (cf. 5.46:1c,2 c,3,4,5). Examples (5.46:1b,2b) however, show that the placement of stress is on the last syllable rather than on the pen­ ultimate syllable of the words . Thi s means that the prefixes do not affect the placement of stress in words . Examples (5.47) below sho w that the placement of stre ss in a word is also shifted from the penultimate syllable when the vowel of the penult iE. a schwa .

(: .47)1. /ampat/ [ampat] 'four ' /bar i/ [bad ] 'to give ' /saram/ [saram ] 'frightening ' 129

2. Isatarul [sataru ] 'enemy ' Icandarul)l [candar61) ] 'to be bound ' Isabaral)l [sabaral) ] 'the other side, to cross ' 3. Iputaril [putari . putri ] 'girl, daughter ' Ika ranal [karana . karna ] 'because ' Icar i taral [carftara . carftra] 'story '

Notice that when a word is bisyllabic and the vowe l of the first ( pen­

ultimate ) syllab le is. a schwa , the stre ss will be aSSigned to the final syllable ( cf. 5.47:1) . But when the word in question consists of three or more syllables, and the vowe l of the penultimate syllab le is a schwa , the stress will be assigned to the antepenult ( cf. 5.47:3) provided that the vowel of the antepenult is not a schwa in which case the stress will be aSSigned to the final syllable ( cf. 5.47:2). Let us now observe some examples of the placement of stress in larger units. Specifically , the following examples show the placement of stress reduplicated forms ( cf. 5.48:1,2), in compound words ( cf. in 5.48:3,4) and in simp le phrases ( cf. 5.48:5,6). For comparison, the placement of stress in the components ( or element s ) of each unit is also given .

(5.48)1. Ipa+man+minta+mintal [pam inta mfnta ] 'beggar ' a. Im intal [mfnta ] 'to ask (for) ' b. Ipa+man+m intal [pam fnta ] 'the person who asked (for) ' 2. lanak+anak+l)al [ana? ana?)1a ] 'his/her chi ldren ' a. lanakl [an a?] 'chi ld ' b. lanak+)1al [ana?)1a ] 'his/her chi ld ' 3. Itanda ma tal [tanda ma ta ] 'souvenir, keepsake ' a. Itandal [dnda ] 'sign, token ' b. Ima tal [mata ] 'eye ' 4. Irumah sakitl [rumah sakLt] 'hospital ' a. Irumahl [rumah ] 'house ' b. Isakitl [sakL t] 'iZZ ' 5. Irumah bar+t il)ka tl [rumah bartfl)kat] 'storeyed bui lding ' a. I rumahl [rumah ] 'house ' b. Ibar+ti l)katl [bardl)kat] 'having storeys ' 6. Itukal) tiki [tukal) tfk] 'typist' a. Itukanl [tukal)] 'workman ' b. Itikl [tfk] 'type '

The above examples show that the placement of stress in units that con­ sist of two or more lexical formatives each is on one of the syllables of the last component of each unit in accordance with the stre ss place­ ment rules illustrated by examples (5.46) and (5.47) above . 130

The distribution (placement ) of stress on the word level illustrated by examp les (5.46) through (5.48) above can be summed up as follows :

(i) The placement of stress in words which consist of one lexical formative each with or without any affixes added to them will be on the penultimate syllable except under the following circum­ stances :

(a) the word in que stion is monosyllabic which, by definition , consists of only one syllable and therefore the stress will be automat ically assigned to it ;

(b) the vowe l (nucleus ) of the penultimate syllable of the word in que stion is part of a prefix , in which case the stress will be assigned to the final syllable of the word ;

(c) the vowe l of the penultimate syllab le of the word in question is a schwa , in which case the stress will be assigned to the final syllable when the word consists of two syllables only or the syllable before the penult contains a schwa or belong to a prefix, and to the syllable before the penult provided that it does not contain a schwa or belong to a prefix .

(ii ) The placement of stress in a larger unit (i.e. a unit that con­ sists of two or more lexical formatives with or without any affixes) will be in the last comp onent of the unit (i.e. the part that contains the last lexical formative of the unit ) in accordance with rule (i) above .

Obviously, the relevant category for the placement of stress in BI is a phrase boundary (D) rather than a full word boundary . Although stress applies to the whole syllable, it is a common practice in gen­ erative phonology to assign the stress to the vowel of the stressed syl lable . The stress placement described above can be formulated as follows : 131

P-rule : Stress placement

(27)a. [+Stress] / X ++ C (C) 0 Y (C)

-Round �:�:<+Low>:: �

... {C -Cons o +Syll +Back -Round -Low

b. Cons ----+ [+Stress] / X ++ (C -Cons i- l o L:-SY1Jj +Syll +Back -Round -Low

where C stands for any consonant , for any vowel, X and can be either null or non-null , (++) for a word boY undary and (O) for a phrase boundary . Rule (27a) says that stress will be assigVned to (a) the last vowe l of a unit (phrase) if the last component of the unit is a monosyllabic lexical formative with or without any prefixes added to it , and (b) to the (first ) non-schwa vowel before the last vowe l in the unit. The word boundary (++) prevents the rule from applying to prefixe s if the last component of the unit has prefixes. Rule (27b ) says that stress will be assigned to the final vowe l of the unit if the preceding vowel{s) has (have ) the feature specifications [-Consonant , +Syllabic , +Back , -Round , -Low] . The word boundary (++) prevents the rule from applying to prefixes.

SUMMARY OF P-RULES 5.11. This section presents the summary of the phonological rules proper (P-rules) set up in the previous sections . The rule numbers given below are the same as those that appear in the previous sections .

(l) Degemination (see subsection 5.1.1.)

+ ----+

where C consonant ; Fn a specific bundle of features 132 Trill deletion (see subsection o / +cv ----- ++ con' X con' a (2) +Son 5.1.2.+Son) -Nasal -Nasal ----� -Cont �-Cont l [ l

C -Cons con' +Syll +Son +Back -Nasal -Round �-Cont r -Low

where C = any consonant ; CVa = /ba-/, /pa-/ and /ta-/ X = a sequence of segments beginning with a vowel

(]) Glottal stop insertion (see subsection

- o --- + con, / -Cons (+) ------Cons -Syll +Syll +Sy5.2.1.ll ) -Voice aHigh aHigh f-Cont BLow BLow 1 Round Round

( L, ) Glottal stop realisation of /k/ (see subsection

+Cons ---- -.. -Cons / ---- - ++ (CVC+) -Syll -Syll 5.2.2. ) -Voice -Voice +Back +Back -Low +Low -Cont -Cont

where C any consonant ; V any vowel 133

(5) Deletion of /h/ (optional) 5.3.1.) .. o / (see subsection [Co-Syllns ---- + ) +Co-Voicent [.aHigh� ----- [::�:h� ( [::��� ]) ++ J -aLow+Syll +Syll <+Nasal> Verb where C any consonant-Cons; V -Cons Adj Sy llable reduction (optional) 5.3.2. (6) ++ C [con� [can] V C V (C(s V)ee ++subsectio n ) 1 2 +Sy3 ll 4 5 7 8 9 10 +Low -Sy+Lowll 6 ----+ 1 2 o 0 5 -Cont7 8 9 10 6

(7) Vowhereicing C of any/h/ co (onsptioonantnal; ) V any vowel 5.3.3. ) [-Voice] ----..[+ Voice] / V (see subsectio(+) V n -Sy-Consll +Low+Cont

(8) Placewhere adjust V anyment vowe of l /h/ 5.3.4.) / (see subsection rLow J ----..j- Low J tLow� �High �High +Cont aHig+Syllh -Cons-Syll -Cons 134

(9) Despirantisation (naturalisation) of IfI (optional) (see sub­ section 5.4.1. )

[+Continuant ] ----+ [-Continuant ] I +Cons +Ant -Cor -Voice

(10) Naturalisation of Izl (optional) (see su bsection 5.4.2.) a. [+Voice] ----+ [-Voice] I +Cons -Son +Cont +Ant +Cor -Sack

b. Ant ----+ Ant I +Cor -Cor [+Cont [-Cont +Cons J J +Voice -Sack

(11) Fronting (Naturalisation) of lsi (optional) (see subsection 5.4.3. )

j-Antl ----+ [+Antl I l-CorJ l!-corJ -Voice +Cont -Sack +Cons 135

(12) Naturalisation of Ixl (optional) (see subsection 5.4.4.)

con, ----+ a. con' I +Cont -Cont -Voice -Voice f+High �+Hig h -Syll b. con, -Son -Cont J J +Back +Voice [+High

c. con, +Cont J -Voice [-High

(13) Schwa insertion (optional)J (see subsection 5.5.1.)

0 - --- -.. -Cons I [MEN] ----- ++CVC++ +Syll -High -Low +Back -Round

where MEN = Imanl 'active voice verb prefix '; ++CVC++ = monosyllabic stems 136

(14 ) Nasal deletion and assimilation (see subsection 5.5.1. )

con, ----+ a. / [ME] ----- + SYI o +Nasal +Son [+Seg +Ant [+Cor b. aAnt / [ME] ----- + J aAnt aCor aCor J yBack yBack +Nasal +Cons -Son -Syll+Seg

c. -Ant / [ME] ----- + Ant -Cor -Cor +Back +S +Nasal [-Cons +Con s yll

where ME = the first two segments of /man/j Seg = segment (i.e. consonant or glide ) J

(15) Consonant coalescence (see subsection 5.5.1. )

+ ME Ant + a. +Cons ++ (5 6) x +Cor -Voice +Nasal -Cont (SUFFIX) [+Cons l aAnt aCor -aBack

b. +Cons -Voice +Cont +Ant +Cor 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 (5 6) (8)

(cont 'd) 137

----+ 1 2 c. aAnt 6 7 e. aAnt 6) (8) BCor BCor -aBack -aBack +Nasal +Nasal +Cons +Cons

d. -Ant f. -Ant -Cor -Cor -Back -Back +Nasal +Nasal +Cons +Cons (3 4 5) C 3 4 5)

Condition : if a, then c and e; if b, then d and f; ME = the first two segments of /man/ X = sequence of segments beginning with a vowe l

(16) Deletion of the first two segments of /man/ (see subsection 5.5.2.)

[ME] ----+ 0 / + PE + ----- Cons + STEM (SUFFIX) +Nasal +Ant [+Cor l

where ME the first two segment s of /man/ PE /pa/

(17) Vowel laxing (see subsection 5.6.1.) r-C onsl ----+ [-Tense] / [-----] C ++ �S l l I Y J where C any consonant

(18) Vowe l retraction (optional) (see subsection 5.6.2.)

Back] ----+ [+Back] C�VC VC (C VC ) ++ [- / X o o o o -High -Low -Round +Syll -Cons -Stress where X any segment sequences or null 138

(19) Schwa deletion (optional) (see subsection 5.6.3. )

-Cons +Syll -Low +Back -Round

where C any consonant ; V = any vowel; X any sequence of segments or null

(20) Vowe l nasalisation (optional) (see su bsection 5.6.4. )

[-Nasal] ----+ [+Nasal] / X Cons r+ y liNasal � con� �l J �� �J

+ -Cons���� -Cons��� + In Arabic +Low +Low - words where X, any sequence of segments Y r � r � (21) Vowe l lowering (optional) (see subsection 5.6.5.) a. [+High ] ----+ [-High ] / -Low aRound aBack +Syll -Cons In a number of items b. [-Low] ----+ [+Low ] / -High +Back -Round +Syll -Cons In a number of items 139

(22) Vowe l coalescence (optional) 5.6.6.) ++ X [LOW� [Hlg� C V (C) ++(see ----+ subsect ion 1 2 +Sy+Bac3 llk +Syl+Back4 l 1 2 -Cons 5 -Cons6 7 8 -Low-High +Round(3 4) -Cons+Syll (23) Glide insertion (optional) 5.7.1.)

/ (see subsection y [Cons-Syll l X �cons+Syll ----- [ +Co::���ns aRound+VoiceY aRound+High J <-, J (24) Desyllawhere bicaX, tionany (o ptiosegmentnal) sequence or null 5.7.2.) ----+ / (see subsection :���: [+SyllJ [-SyllJ {��� a} [-�:�:] [ Condition : < ++ +High= +High>c = aRound <-aRound> J XCif a,any then consonseg mentb; antif sequc,; V encesthenany d orvow nullel; (��5) Vowel dissimilation (optional) ( see section 5.8.) a. ++ C -con C(V) (C) con (C) ++ ----.. +Syll +Syll [<+ Low�> [-Low � 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

1 2 -Cons 4 5 6 con 8 9 / ----- 23456789 +Syll +Syll [+Low � C-HigWh +RoundO ) b. ++ C -cons C(V) (C) con (C) ++ ----+ +Syll +Syll [<+Round>] [+Low � 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

2 -con 4 5 6 con 8 9 / 123456789 +Syll +Syll [<+ Low>� +Hig h [-Back]

where C any consonant ; V any vowel

(26) Loanword endings (optional) ( see section 5.9.) a. X +Cons con +Cons ++ ---- + 1 2 con +Cons 5 -Voice +Syll -Voice +Syll -Voice -Cont -High -Cont [+Low � +Cont +Ant [-Back] +Ant +Ant +Cor +Cor +Cor 1 2 3 4 b. X n con ++ ----... 1 con 3 4 +Syll +Son +Syll +High �+Cont [+Low� -Back 1 r2 ] 3 J 4 where X stands for any segment sequences 141

(27) Stress placement (see section 5.10. ) a. i-C onsl ----+ [+Stress] / X ++ C (C) 0 S Y ll ( C ) li J Y I : d � +LOW>:::: ... (C -Cons o +Syll J +Back -Round -Low b. Cons ----+ [+Stress] / X ++ (C -Cons o i- l o liSyllJ +Syll +Back -Round -Low

where C = any consonant ; V = any vowel; X, = any Y sequence of segments or null; 0 = phrase boundary

CHAPTER 6

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

It was stated in Chapter 1 that the primary goal of this study is to present a phonological de scription of BI within a transformational generative framework . The description presented in the study centres around (1) the problem of the repre sentat ion of BI morphemes both on the phonological and phonetic levels ( cf. Chapter 2), (2) the problem of the range of possible ( or we ll-formed ) morpheme s and segments in BI ( cf. Chapters 3 and 4), and (3) the problem of phonetic forms of BI morpheme s which, under certain circumstances , become different from their respective phonological ( underlying) forms ( cf. Chapter 5). We saw in Chapter 2 that BI require s 22 consonantal ( non-syllabic ) segments ( i.e. 18 nat ive and 4 loan segments ) and six vowels for the representation of morphemes on the phonological level. It was argued that the glottal stop ([1J) is not re levant on the phonological level of representation , despite the fact that the segment is phonemic in traditional ( or autonomous ) phonemic analysis . It was demonstrated that [1J is basically a phonetic realisation of the underlying /k/ in morpheme final position . ( When in morpheme mid position , [1J functions to break up sequences of identical vowels on the phonetic level . In other words , [1J in morpheme mid position is phonologically represented by zero. ) It was pointed out that the velar stop ([kJ) realisation of final /k/ in words like /pak/ [pakJ 'package ', /po l itik/ [pol itlkJ 'po li tics ', /fanatik/ [fanatlkJ 'fanatic ', etc., which is not observed in native BI items can be accounted for by making use of the historical information about the items . The historical ( etymological ) information also explains the free variability between certain sounds , such as [PJ and [fJ in words like pikir 'to think ', paham 'to comprehend, ideo logy ', pihak 'side ', etc ., [zJ and [JJ �r [sJ in words like zaman 'era ', ijazah 'dip loma ', azas 'princip le ', etc., [sJ and [sJ in words like

143 syah 'legal ', syarat 'requirements ', ma syarakat 'society ', etc ., [x] and [k] in words like khabar 'news ', khas 'typical ', akhir 'end ', etc . It was conc luded that such loan ) items have to be phonologically rep­ resented with the loan segments irre spective of their history in the 13.nguage . Thus the items pikir [pikLr, fikLr] 'to think ', jaman/zaman [laman , zaman , saman] 'era',( masarakat/masyarakat [masarakat, masarakat] 'society ', khabar/karab [kabar, xab ar, habar] 'news ', etc . are re spec­ tive ly represented as If ikir/, Izaman/, Imasarakatl and Ixabarl on the phonological leve l despite the fact that these items do not sound foreign to many speakers of BI in the sense that they are always pro­ nounced with the nat ive sound substitutes. And probab ly many speakers do not know that they are loanwords. The mot ivation behind this ap­ proach is to make the grammar simple . We saw , furthermore , that the 22 consonantal segment s and the six vowels can be kept distinct from one another by making use of 12 clas­ sificatory ) features. It was stated that stops and affricates are not differentiated in terms of release features because in BI stops (/p , b, t, d, k, g/) are all non-palatal consonants, while affricates ((/c , l/) are both palatal sounds . In other words , the place features c.nterior, coronal and back are sufficient to keep stops and affricates apart . As far as the native speakers of BI are concerned , the feature specifications +Delayed re lease for affricates and -Delayed release for stops are redundant . From the point of view of the linguist , who has a far more complicated sound system, the release features are certainly crucial[ in order to diff] erentiate , for example[ , the voiceless] :_abial stop [p] from the corresponding affricate [p ] or the voiceless palatal affricate [c] (= IPA [tQ]) from the corre sponding stop [c], etc . �Phe grammar however, is intended as a description of the competence of native speakers . There fore , one find s no need to} differentiate 131 stops from affricates by release features. Chapter 3 presents the specifi cations of we ll-formed morphemes in in terms of 'positive conditions '. It was stated, among other 131 ':hings , that a consonant cluster in BI may consist , on the basis of the observation of native BI items , of two consonants only and it may occur in morpheme-medial position only . It was also stated that the positive conditions hold true mainly with native BI morpheme s. It was noted that loan items which do not meet those positive conditions must be represented in such a way on the phonological level , i.e. by in­ serting schwa, so that their underlying forms satisfy those conditions . rhus loan items like kl inik [kl inLk, kel inLk] 'clinic ', struktur [struktor]( ) 'structure ', instruksi [instruksi] 'instruction ', etc . must 145

re spectively be represented on the phonological level as /ka l inik/, /satruktur/ and /insatruksi/. The inserted schwa is later deleted by a phonetic realisation rule ( cf. P-rule 19 ). The postulation of schwa (/a/) in the underlying representation of the above loanwords is arti­ ficial in the sense that educated speakers never realise the schwa on the phonetic level. Obviously , this phenomenon needs a further inves­ tigation . In addition to the positive conditions , Chapter 3 also presents the discussion of a certain type of words ( derivatives ) which are usually accounted for in an ad hoc way in earlier studies . It was demonstrated that the related pairs ( i.e. forms derived from the same stem) such as pekerja [pakarJa ] 'workman ' vs . pengerja [pal)arJa] 'the executor of a job ', peserta [pasarta ] 'participant' vs . penyerta [paparta ] 'a company (friend) ', pesuruh [pasuruh] 'a janitor ' vs . penyuruh [papuruh ] 'the person who gave order ', etc . can be explained in a phonologically plausible way by establishing two different types of underlying struc­ ture , namely (1) PE + STEM ( for the first set of the items ) , and (2) PE + MEN + STEM ( for the second set of the items ) . The analysis explains why stem-initial consonants in the first set of the items do not undergo any change when preceded by the prefix PE (/pa/) 'agent noun forming prefix ' as they do in the second set . In this respect, a transformat ional generative analysis is clearly more powerful than a struc turalism-based analysis . In Chapter 4 the que stion of the morpheme we ll-formedness is further discussed . It was pointed out , among other things , that BI imposes constraints on the type of consonants that may occur in a sequence . Voiced consonants that may occur as the first element of a consonant cluster , for example , are very limited . We saw that only sonorant con sonants ( nasals and liquids) may precede voiced as well as voiceless consonant s. We also saw that voiced consonants that may occur in morpheme-final position are limited to sonorant consonants. The last­ mentioned condition is strong in the sense that a loan item ending in a non-sonorant voiced consonant in the source language always ends in the corresponding homorganic voiceless consonant in BI such as sebab [sabap ] 'because, cause ' ( Arabic ) , Ahad [ahat] 'Sunday ' ( Arabic ) , klub [klop, kalop] 'club ' ( Dutch/English) , etc . Notice that the initial consonant cluster in klub may be preserved on the phonetic level. In other words , the constraint on the initial consonant cluster is less strong compared with the constraint on consonants in morpheme-final position . 146

It was also shown that by making use of the historical information about words, true linguistic generalisations can be made to the extent that common morpheme structures (i.e. structures which occur in native B1 items and to some degree in loan items ) can be di stinguished from unc ommon ones (i.e. structures which occur in loanwords only) . In Chapter 5 the discussion was directed to the formulation of phonological rules proper (P-rules) or phonetic realisation ru les . saw that BI 'Standard Pronunciation ' require s about 30 P-rules to We aecount for variations in shape that morphemes undergo in various en­ vironments. As stated in Section 1.2. , this study is an introduction to the phonology of BI . As an introduction , it invites further research to confirm , supplement and even to re fute the findings reported in this study . BIBLIOGRAPHY

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