DENYA PHONOLOGY
by Tanyi Eyong Mbuagbaw
Cameroon Bible Translation Association (CABTA) B.P 1299, Yaounde, Cameroon 1996
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS
[ ] phonetic data
/ / phonemicised data
V vowel
cons. consonant
cont. continuant
sg. singular
pl. plural
lat. lateral
cor. coronal
strid. strident
nas. nasal
ant. anterior
U.F. Underlying form
DS Downstep
H High
L Low
Del. Rel. Delayed Release
N. Syllabic Nasal
n. cl Noun class
A.M Associative Marker
T Tone
T Floating Tone
# Morpheme boundary
2 SP Soft Palate
σ Syllable node
R Rhyme
O Onset
C Coda x Segment
V. ass. Vowel Assimilation
V. Ct. Vowel Contraction
V. El. Vowel Elision
NP Noun Phrase
VP Verb Phrase
DET Determiner
SPE Sound Pattern of English
3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The data used for the analysis was first collected during the Christmas week of
December 1993. More than 2000 words were collected from pastor Ncha Gabriel
Bessong and Lucas Ettamambui. The data was corrected and expanded in July 1995
by the above two persons and also by some members of the Denya language
committee. They are namely: Daniel Eta Akwo, and Mr. Robinson Tambi. All of
them were prepared to give any assistance to see this work completed. I am indeed
very grateful to them.
I am very grateful to my wife who was always patient with me during the long period devoted to this work especially working long periods at night.
I am also very grateful to Dr. Steven Bird and Dr. Jim Roberts for their input in this Phonology. I am very greatful to Dr. Keith Snider whose insight in African languages has helped me to complete this work.
4
TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Purpose and Scope
1.2 Language Background
1.3 Classification
1.4 Bilingualism
1.5 Pidgin and English
1.6 Occupation
1.7 Review of Literature
1.8 Manyu Literacy and Development Programme (MALDEP)
1.9 Overview of Grammar
1.9.1 Nouns
1.9.2 Derived Nouns
1.9. 3 Pronouns
1.9.4 Adjectives
1.9. 5 Verbs
5 2. VOWEL AND CONSONANT SYSTEMS
2.1 Vowels
2.1.1 The Vowel System
2.1.2 Descriptive Statement of Vocallic Allophones
2.1.3 Distinctive Feature Matrix for Vowels
2.2 Consonants
2..2.1 Denya Phonetic Consonant Chart
2.2.2 Descriptive Statement of Consonant Phonemes
2.2.3 Distinctive feature Matrix for Sonorants
2.2.4 Distinctive Feature Matrix for Obstruents
2.3 Phonemic contrast for Vowels and Consonants
2.4 The Feature Geometry of Denya
2.4.1 Laryngeal features
2.4.2 Supralaryngeal Features
2.4.3 Underspecification
2.5 Distribution of Consonants in Onset Position
2.6 Consonants in Coda Position
2.7 Consonant Distrbution in Different Positions of the Morpheme
3. PHONOLOGICAL PROCESSES
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Assimilation and Contraction in Denya
3.3 Glide Formation
3.4 Desyllabification
3.5 Consonant weakening
3.5 Reduplication
6 4. THE SYLLABLE
4.1 Specific Syllable Types
4.2 Affricates
4.3 Semi-vowels
5. TONE
5.1 Tonal phonemes
5.2 The Distribution of Tone on Nouns
5.3 Tone in the Associative Construction
5.3.1 Tone Rules
5.3.2 Mapping Rules
5.4 Tones on Verbs
5.5 Description of Tone in the Verb Phrase
5.5.1 Tone Rules
5.5.2 Mapping Rules
5.5.3 Late Phonetic Realisation
5.6 Denya Verb Tone Paradigms
5.7 Tonal Processes
5.7.1 Downdrift and Downstep
5.8 Contour Tones
6. BIBLIOGRAPHY
7 1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Purpose and scope
The purpose of this work is to describe and analyse Denya Phonology, its noun class system and detail analysis on the tones and verbs.This data was collected in
December 1993 at Mukonyong (Small Nyang) in the Takamanda dialect area, during which I spent a week working on the lexical items for Denya. The data was again checked in June 1995 for further correction. However, this work cannot pretend to deal with every signifant aspect of Denya Phonology. Nevertheless, it hoped that this description will be of use to linguists interested in Bantoid languages and in the
Nyang family in particular, a family for which much linguistic work needs to be done.
The emphasis of this work is descriptive rather theoretical although it is difficult to described any work in a theoretical vacuum, since description involves a certain amount of analysis.
The study begins with both the vowel and consonant systems in section 2.
Constraints on the structure of the syllables and morphemes are treated in section 3.
Morphological processes are covered in section 4. Aspects of the tonal phonology are described in section 5. Phonlogical processes are discussed in section 6.
1.2 Language Background
Denya is a language spoken in the Manyu Divison of the South West Province in the Republic of Cameroon. The speakers of the language are commonly referred to as
Anyang and number 16,000 (1994 estimate). They occupy the forest area of Akwaya
Sub-Divison and some parts of Upper Banyang Sub-Divison. The majority of the speakers are settled on the banks of the Manyu river (Cross River) in Mamfe town westward to the border with Nigeria. There are many speakers of the language living
8 in other areas of the country. Neighbouring languages include Kenyang, Ejagham, and Kendem to the south-west, Boki to the west, Asumbo, Amasi and Menka to the north.
Denya has four main dialects, Takamanda, Basho, Bitieku and Bajwa.
Takamanda and Basho and named after villages located in the centre of the dialect areas. The other two, Bitieku and Bajwa received their names from their clans which speak their dialect. People from the Takamanda and Bitieku dialects usually group
Basho and Bajwa as one and they refer to it as Basho or Bajwa. In my analysis, I used the Takamanda dialect because it is widely recognised as the standard dialect. For more details, see Tyhurst and Tyhurst (1983b).
1.3 Classification
BANTOID
Southern Bantoid
Tivoid Ekoid-Mbe Jawaran Mamfe (Nyang) Beboid Grassfield
Denya Kendem Kenyang
Johnston (1919) classified Denya as Ekoid, a sub-group of the Cross River languages. Talbot (1926) considered it to be a sub-group of Banyangi, while
Westermann (1952) classified it as Ekoid Bantu. Jacquot and Richardson (1956) noted that it is very difficult to classify Denya. Consequently they adhered to
Guthrie’s (1953) classification and regarded it as a Bantoid language because it has both Bantu and Non-Bantu features.
9 In 1965, Crabb, working on Ekoid languages, claimed that these languages were
Bantu because they shared some Bantu features in the noun class prefixes. In Crabb’s view, Denya is a Bantu language. Williamson (1971) classified Denya as Bantu because at this time, it was proved that both the noun prefixes and concord systems are those of Bantu. She further argued that Guthrie’s classification was based on typological and not on genetic considerations. Watters (1989) and Watters and Leroy
(1989) classified Denya as Southern Bantoid, one of the members of which is the large (Wide) Bantu family.
1.4 Bilingualism
Denya people living in the neighbouring languages are mostly bilingual. A vast majority of the people speak their language and Kenyang. This results from the close contact between the two languages through trade and intermarriage. In some cases, multi-lingualism is the appropriate term since many people speak Kenyang and
Ejagham. The growth of the Kenyang and Ejagham language among the Denya people is as a result of Akwaya Sub-Division being inaccessible by road. Instead of trekking long distances to reach Akwaya, the Anyangs prefer to come to Mamfe for business, medical services and administrative reasons, which has brought them into contact with Kenyang (the language of Mamfe) and Ejagham.
1.5 Pidgin and English
Further to the previous discussion of bilingualism among the local languages, we should also consider the use of Pidgin English and English. The majority of the people know Pidgin and those who use English are those who have undergone some sort of formal education.
10 Pidgin is frequently used as a means of communication when a group gets together with more than one language represented (at the market, in church or at the bar). English is used in official circles; schools, offices etc. However, in situations where only one language group is represented the people typically use their own language (e.g neighbours talking, social gatherings in the village, village disputes etc).
1.6 Occupation
The majority of the people are subsistence farmers. They grow cash crops such as coffee and cocoa. They also grow other foodstuffs such as cocoyams, yams, rice, beans, cassava, plantain, melon, and a variety of vegetables such as eru, (a type of vegetable harvested in the forest) green vegetables, pumpkin leaves, water leaf, etc. A lot of palm oil, vegetables, pineapple, garri, rice, water fufu, are exported to Nigeria through the Manyu River and other bush tracks. Some are exported to other provinces of Cameroon.
1.7 Review of Literature
The first linguistic data of Anyang is Mansfield’s (1908) comparative wordlist of six languages, which include Denya (Anyang). In 1981, Abangma worked on the use of modes in Denya discourse in which he obtained a ‘Doctorat de 3e cycle’ from the
University of Yaounde. In his thesis, he worked on the consonant and vowel systems, and I have borrowed some of his data. Little was done on the syllable structure or on grammatical tone and nothing was done on the morphophonology. In 1983, Tyhurst worked on the linguistic survey of the Nyang languages. In his analysis he discussed briefly the vowel and consonant phonemes of Kenyang, Denya and Kendem and tone contrast in the three languages. He also provided a wordlist of the three languages and
11 their various dialects. Tyhurst and Tyhurst (1983b) also undertook a sociolinguistic survey of Kenyang and Denya. In 1994, the author proposed an orthography for
Denya, wrote a paper on Denya Tone Orthography and also published the alphabet.
Ongoing work includes the lexicon of the language (Mbuagbaw, forthcoming) and a revision of the orthography.
1.8 Manyu Literacy and Development programme (MALDEP)
MALDEP came into existence in 1993 when it was felt that the three languages,
Kenyang, Denya and Ejagham, should work in close collaboration with each other. Its goal is to oversee the development of literacy materials and the teaching of the three languages. Furthermore, since Kenyang and Denya are closely related, it will be easier to adapt a translated text from one language to the other.
1.9 Overview of Grammar
The focus of the present study is on the phonology of Denya. However, it is impossible to discuss phonology without refering to various syntactic and morphological structures. In this section, I extend my sketch of Denya to include description of those structures which one way or the other are referred to in this document.
Syntactic Structures
Denya is a noun class language with an SVO structure. Simple sentence structures are shown having a subject, verb and object. Simple sentences can be diagrammed as shown below.
12
S
NP VP
N DET V NP
N
ta$mbi$ a$ wa@ m$pç$ Tambi he kill cow
“Tambi killed a cow”
The noun phrase may consist of a noun, as head, followed by modifiers such as adjectives and/or determiners. True adjectives are few in number. There are other adjectives that occur in semantic fields such as colours and numbers. Noun phrases may also consist of NP-NP constructions in which the first NP ‘possesses’ the second
NP. In Denya, when two nouns are put together, the associative marker occurs between the two nouns in some situations. Typical noun phrases are displayed below:
NP NP
N A NP NP
N N u$-pu@ u@-pE@a@ houses two ge$nç$ ge@ ¯$tSa@ “two houses” stick of Ncha “Ncha’s stick”
1.9.1 Nouns
Nouns in Denya consist of a noun stem, which may be simple or compound to which it is adjoined any one of a number of noun class prefixes. There are also nouns
13 which are derived from verbs - nominalised verbs which function somewhat like
English gerunds.
Denya distinguishes 10 noun classes, 5 of which are used with s ingular nouns, 5 of which are used with plural nouns. The numbering for classes is used as in Narrow
Bantu except for class 6a which corresopnds to Bantu classification. Each class conditions agreement on modifiers and corresponding pronouns. The classes are grouped in pairs representing the singular/plural contrasts. These pairs are termed genders. Classes 1, 3, 5, 7 and 9 are the singular classes. Classes 2, 4, 6, 8 and 10 are the plural classes. Class 6a is for mass nouns.
Major Genders:
The major genders found in Denya are as follows 1/2, 3/4, 5/6, 7/8, 9/10. In citing a noun gender, the first number refers to the class of the singular form and the second noun refers to the class of the plural form (e.g. 1/2 means class 1 in the singular and class 2 in the plural.)
Gender 1/2 N-, me- a- ma- n$tE$ Èe`sgdqÍ pl a$ntE$ Èe`sgdqrÍ me$fwE@ Èrk`udÍ pl ma$fwE@ Èrk`udrÍ m$fwa$ ÈbghdeÍ pl a$fwa$ ÈbghderÍ
The one noun “person” has an irregular alternation involving the stem itself mu& “person” pl bç& “persons/people”
14
Gender 3/4
E- de-
E$sa& Èbtsk`rrÍ pl de$sa& Èbtsk`rrdrÍ
E$tE$ ÈcthjdqÍ pl de$tE$ ÈcthjdqrÍ
E$tç$ È`wdÍ pl de$tç$ È`wdrÍ
E$kwç$ne@ ÈltcehrgÍ pl de$kwç$ne@ ÈltcehrgdrÍ
Gender 3/6
E- ma-
E$bE@ Èk`vÍ pl ma$bE@ Èk`vrÍ
E$bE& ÈqhudqÍ pl ma$bE& ÈqhudqrÍ
E$ba@ ÈetetÍ pl ma$ba@ ÈetetÍ
E$bo$ba@ ÈakntrdÍ pl ma$bo$ba@ ÈakntrdrÍ
E$tu$ Íd`qÍ pl ma$tu$ Èd`qrÍ
E$pwE$ ÈenqdkdfÍ pl mA$pwE$ ÈenqdkdfrÍ
Gender 5/6
me- ma-
“head” me$kpo$ pl ma$kpo$ “heads”
ÈehqdÍ me$wE$ pl ma$wE$ ÈehqdrÍ
Èo`rstqdÍ me$kE& pl ma$kE& Èo`rstqdrÍ
ÈoqdbhohbdÍ ne$bE@ pl ma$bE@ ÈoqdbhohbdrÍ
Èbhuds b`sÍ ne$nso& pl ma$nso& Èbhuds b`srÍ
Èbq`a” ne$gya& pl ma$gya& Èbq`arÍ
15 Class 6a
ma- ma$na& Èv`sdqÍ ma$we& ÈnhkÍ ma$tyE@ ÈrohsskdÍ ma$no& ÈaknncÍ
Gender 5/8
me- u-
me$kwa@la^ Èkdno`qcÍ u$kwa@la^ Èkdno`qcr me$ki$ Èfnqqhk`Í u$ki$ Èfnqqhk`rÍ
Gender 7/8 ge- u-, o- ge$ba$ Èa`fÍ pl u$ba$ Èa`frÍ ge$pu@ ÈgntrdÍ pl u$pu@ ÈgntrdrÍ ge$ku@ Èvnncdm anvkÍ pl u$ku@ Èvnncdm anvkrÍ ge$pa$ ÈvntmcÍ pl u$pa$ ÈvntmcÍ ge@Nkç$ Èq`uhmd” pl u@Nkç$ Èq`uhmdÍ ge$No$No$ Èatlakd addÍ pl o$No$No$ Èatlakd addÍ ge$pa& Èb`sdqohkk`qÍ pl u$pa& Èb`sdqohkk`qÍ ge$twç$ n$twç$ ÈltcÍ pl o$twç$ n$twç$ ÈltcÍ ge@bwi^ ÈenqdrsÍ pl o@bwi^ ÈenqdrsÍ
16 Gender 9/10
me-, N- me$se$ ÈlnmjdxÍ m$myç$ Èrm`jdÍ
N$Nme$ Èfn`sÍ m$pç$ ÈbnvÍ m$myo& ÈonqbtohmdÍ
¯$tSwE$ ¯tSwE$ ÈrtmahqcÍ me$gyE@ me$kwç$ ÈqnnrsdqÍ n$ku@mç& ÈbqnvÍ me$we$ ÈsnqsnhrdÍ
1.9.2 Derived Nouns
Derivational processes are limited in Denya and tonally they are restricted to one at the surface level. The formation of a gerund type of a noun from the verb (whether transitive or intransitive) takes the suffix ge- or ne-. Thus we derive forms such as the following. Through out the examples, that follow in this section the tones provided for are underlying tones.
Verb Gloss Nominal Gloss L fE$ “to lock” fE@-ne@ “locking” H ¯E@ “to eat” ¯E@-ge@ “eating” LH tSyE& “to give” tSyE@-ge@ “giving”
H H kE@le@ “to find” kE@le@-ge@ “finding
17
1.9.3 Pronouns
In this section, I sketch the morphological structure of independent and possessive pronouns. Independent pronouns are those which may stand alone (e.g in answer to a question such as what ? or who?). Possessive pronouns are those which make reference to nouns that “possess” other (following) nouns. The following chart sets out these pronouns.
SING. PLURAL Indep. Poss. Indep. Poss.
1st person m$me$ E$ya^ e$se@ E$yi$ge$se@
2nd person wç$ E$dZyE& E$¯u@ E$yi$ge$¯u@
3rd person dZi$ E$dZi& E$bwç@ E$yi$ge$bwç@
1.9.4 Adjectives
An adjective consists of a root to which a noun class prefix is adjoined. Concord exists between the adjective and the (preceding) noun it modifies, and this is indicated by the copying of the noun class prefix from the noun onto the adjective.
From tonal phenomena, it must be argued that the noun-adjective construction constitutes two phonological word. This may be seen from the surface tonal melody of the construction. The tone of the first prefix is not dependent upon the underlying melody of the construction as a whole. The examples below demonstrates this and also shows that vowel coalescence occurs in this environment;
u$-pu@ u@-pE@a@ [u$pu@pE@a@] “two houses”
de$-nç$ de@-pE@a@ [de$nç$ri @pE@a@] “two irons”
a$-ntE$ a@-pE@a@ [a$ntE$a@pE@a@] “two fathers”
18
1.9.5 Verbs
We now turn our attention to the constituent structure of the verb in Denya.
Simple verb stems consist only of a root which is either monosyllabic or disyllabic.
All monosyllabic verb roots have the following underlying tonal melodies of L, H, and LH. All disyllabic verb roots have the tonal melody of HH.
The tense markers are made up of two non-past markers of ne- and ge- which occur as suffixes to the verb. They are demonstrated below:
a$ kE$le$-ge$ “He is wanting”
a$ fE$-ne$ “He is locking”
a$ kE$-nE$ “He is walking”
a$ gyi$-ge$ “He is asking”
The future tense is made up of the morpheme ¯E which occurs after the verb.
Some examples are shown below:
¯$ ¯E$ ¯E^ “I will eat”
N$ kE$ ne$ ¯E^ “I will walk”
Aspect in Denya can be marked as follows:
Present perfective a$ ¯E@ mE@ “He has eaten”
Present imperfective a$ ¯E@ “He ate”
Present habitual a$ ¯E$ dZE&-nde@ge@be@ “He eats” (habitually)
Present continuous a$ ¯E$ “He is eating”
19
2. VOWEL AND CONSONANT SYSTEMS
2.1 Vowels
The vowels of Denya can best be described by the three parameters of height of tongue, backness of tongue and lip rounding.
2.1.1 The Vowel System
The phonetic vowels of Denya are shown in the table below: i i0 u u0 ω e e0 « o o0 E E0 ç ç0 a a0
The evidence for this system will now be presented as shown below:
2.1.2 Descriptive Statement of Vocalic Allophones.
The allophonic variation of the various vowels are displayed below. Their various contrast are shown in section 2.8.
/ i/ [ i0 ] Closed front nasalised unrounded vowel
[ni0@] “to fold”
[¯$¯i0$] “stream”
[ i ] Closed front unrounded oral vowel
[ t=i$] “to wipe”
[dZi$] “to twist”
/e0/ [e0] half-close front nasalised unrounded vowel
[ne0$gbo$] “death”
[me0$] “swallow”
/e/ [e] “half-close front oral unrounded vowel”
[be@] “to dance”
20 [ke$] “to sink”
/E/ [E0] half-open front nasalised unrounded vowel
[¯E0@] “to eat”
[N$NmE$0] “year”
[´] half-close central unrouded vowel
[gb´@re@] “to sprinkle”
[l´@re@] “to show”
[E] half-close front oral unrounded vowel
[bE@] “to remain”
[kE$] “to walk”
/a/ [a0] open back nasalised unrounded vowel
[¯a0@] “to stretch”
[Na0@] “to chew”
[a] open-back oral unrounded vowel
[sa@] “to write”
[kpa$] “to carry”
/u/ [u0] closed back nasalised rouded vowel
[¯u0@] “to drink”
[mu0] “to demolish”
[u] [bu@] “to chase”
[ku@le@] “to move”
[ω] closed back unrouded vowel
[m$fω$a$] “chief”
[bω$a$] “mushroom”
/o/ [o0] half-close back nasalised rounded vowel
[¯o@0] “to jump”
[E@no0@ge@] “respect”
[o] half-close back oral rounded vowel
21 [ke@to$] “hut”
[u$to$] “power”
/ç/ [ç0] half-open nasalised rounded vowel
[nç0@] “to bite”
[mç&0] “wine”
[ç] half-open oral rounded vowel
[m$pç$] “cow”
[dZç$] “easy”
All vowels in Denya are phonetically nasalised. The schwa is an allophone of /E/
and it occurs between consonants.
/E/ > [« ] / [cons] - [cons]
2.1.3 Distinctive Feature Matrix for Vowels.
i e E a ç o u High + - - - - - + Low - - - + - - - Back - - - + + + + Round - - - - + + +
2.2. CONSONANTS
The consonants of Denya are represented at two levels; the phonetic and the
phonemic. They are displayed and classified according to the place and manner of
articulation, the state of the vocal cords, whether vibrating or not. All consonants in
Denya are produced with an egressive air stream mechanism.
The consonant phones are displayed below in vertical columns according to their
points of articulation while the horizontal columns display manner of articulation.
Before we look at the chart, a few comments should be put in order pertaining to
symbols used in the chart.
22 c5 indicates an interdental/dental consonant phone c7 indicates a retroflexed consonant phone c5' indicates an unreleased consonant phone
The various abbreviations of the points of articulations are as follows: bi bilabial ld labiodental da dental alvoelar al alveolar ap alveo-palatal pa fv front velar bv back velar
/ glottal stop
23
24
2.2.1 Denya Phonetic Consonant Chart
bi ld da al ap pa fv bv lv gl
Vl plosive p t5 t k5 k7 kp / Vl unreleased plosive t5’
Vd plosive b d g7 g7 gb
nasal m M n5 n N5 N7 Nm
Vl fricative f s S h
Vd fricative B ƒ
Vl affricate tS
Vd affricate dZ
lateral l5 l
flap R
approx. y w
2.2.2 Descriptive Statement of Consonant Phonemes
/p/ [p] Voiceless bilabial plosive occurs syllable initially [po@] “to save”
[m$-pç$] “cow”
/b/ [B] voiced bilabial fricative occurs intervocalically” [E$kpa$BE@] “divination”
[E$ta@ra@BE@] “rock”
[b] voiced bilabial plosive occurs syllable initially [ba@] “to marry”
25 [bu@] “to drive”
/t/ [ t5] voiceless dental (freely varying to interdental) plosive occurs preceeding front vowels [ t5i$] “to erase”
[ t5e@] “to crack”
/d/ [t5] voiceless unreleased dental freely varying to interdental) plosive, occus syllable finally [N$ga@t5] “Scorpion”
[NgwE$t5] “book”
[d] voiced alveolar plosive occurs word intially [de$nç$0] “bicycle”
[de$kpa@] “scabies”
/k/ [k5] voiceless velar dental plosive occurs before front vowels [ne$0k5i$] “long life”
[k5E$] “to walk”
[k7] voiceless velar retroflexed plosive occurs before back vowels [k7u@] “to call
[k7ç$] “to beg”
/g/ [g7] vioced velar retroflex plosive occurs morpheme initially [g7ç@] “to allow”
[g7o$] “to dig”
[g5] voiced velar dental (freely varying to interdental) plosive occurs before /y/ [g5ya@] “to split”
26 [g5yi@] “to ask”
[ƒ] voiced velar fricative occurs intervocalically in fast speech [sa@ƒa@re@] “to whip”
[ge$ƒo&] “bone”
/kp/ [kp] vioceless labiovelar plosive occurs syllable initially [kpa@] “to carry”
[ge$kpo$] “poor”
/gb/ [gb] voiced labiovelar plosive occurs syllable initially [gbE@] “to close”
[gbE@re@] “to sprinkle”
/f/ [f] voiceless labiodental fricative occurs syllable initially [fe@re@] “to remove”
[fE$] “to lock”
/v/ [v] voiced labiodental fricative occurs syllable initially [E$vo$] “musical instrument”
[a@va@] “name”
/s/ [s] voiceless alveolar fricative occurs syllable initially [sa@] “to write”
[sE$] “to take”
[S] voiceless palatal fricative occurs syllable initially [SyE$] “to abuse”
[Su$] “to drag”
/h/ [h] voiceless glottal fricative occurs word iiill
27 initially [ho$vya$] “leaves”
[hç$Nç$0nç0@] “hollow”
/m/ [m] voiced bilabial nasal occurs syllable initially [me0] “to swallow”
[m$mi0$] “palmnuts”
[M] voiced labiodental nasal occurs before voiceless labiodental fricative [M$fa&] “moon”
[M$fç@] “buffalo”
/n/ [n5] voiced dental (freely varying to interdental) nasal, occurs preceeding front vowels [n5i0$] “to fold”
[n5e0$] “and”
/N/ [N] voiced velar nasal occurs morpheme initially and finally [n@õdç@N] “jigger”
[Na@0me0@] “to squeeze”
/Nm/ [Nm] voiced labio-velar nasal occurs morpheme initially [a$Nme$0ne0$] “to fidget”
[Nme$0] “to shoot”
/tS/ [tS] voiceless palatal affricate occurs morpheme initially and medially [tSwç@] “to come”
[tSi@tSi$tSi@] “across”
/dZ/ [dZ] voiced palatal affricate occurs word initially and medially
28 [dZo$] “to weave”
[ge$dZu$] “to whisper”
/l/ [l5] voiced alveolar dental lateral occurs before front vowels [l5i$] “to cry”
[pE@l5e@] “to watch”
[l7] voiced alveolar retroflexed lateral occurs before back vowels [l7ç$] “to start”
[l7o$] “to mark”
/r/ [R] voiced alveolar flap occurs morpheme initially and medially [Ra$mbç$] “floor mat”
[ka@Re@] “to share”
/y/ [y] voiced palatal semi-vowel occurs morpheme initially [yi$] “this”
[E$ya^] “my”
/w/ [w] voiced labio-velar semi-vowel occus morpheme initially and medially [wç$] “you”
[da@wE$] “towel”
[/] glottal stop occurs at the end of words
[da$ba$/] “bat”
[tSwa@/] “to chew”
29 2.2.3 Distinctive Feature Matrix for Sonorants.
m n ¯ N Nm l r j w cons. + + + + + + + - - cont. ------+ + + nas. + + + + + - - - - lat. - - - - - + - - - lab. + - - - + - - - + ant. + + - - - + + - - cor - + + - - + + + - high - - + + + - - + + back - - - + + - - - +
2.2.4.Distinctive Feature Matrix for Obstruents
p b t d tS dZ k g kp gb f v s h
voice - + - + - + - + - + - + - - cont. ------+ + + + strident ------+ + + - ant. + + + + + + - - - - + + + - lab. + + ------+ + + + - - high - - - - + + + + + + - - - - low ------+ back ------+ + + + - - - - del. rel. - - - - + + ------
2.3 Phonemic contrast for Vowels and Consonants
Below is chart showing the various ways in which vowels and consonants do contrast. The vowels are represented horizontally while the consonants are
30 represented vertically. Any slot that appears empty shows that the combination does not exist in that position.
i e E a ç o u p m$pi$ pe@ pE$ pa@ m$pç$ po@ ge$pu@ nail to wake to plant to count cow to save house b u$bi@ be@ bE@ ba@ bç@ bo@ bu@ secret to dance to remain to marry to pick to escape to send up away t ti@ te$ n$tE$ ta$ tç@ u$to$ tu@ to burst to father to touch to send power to meet remembe r d de$we@ dE$dE$ n$da$ n$dç$ do$ fire level rubber to day to strike tS ¯$tSi$ tSE@ tSç$ tSo@ tSu$ corn to slash to to go to rinse condemn dZ dZi$ dZe@ dZa$ dZç$ dZo@ dZu@ to twist to bless to pull easy to steal to pull out k ne$ki$ ke$ kE$ ka@ kç$ ge$ko@ ku@ long to sink to walk to loosen to beg cloud to call life g ge@be@ gE@ gç@ go$ time to view to allow to dig kp kpe@ kpE$ kpa$ ge$kpç$ kpo@ to scratch to enter to carry a lump to sell gb gbe@ gbE@ E$gba$ gbç@ gbo@ to rest to pour armpit to bark to die m m$mi$ me$ m$ma@ mç& a$mo$ mu$ palm- to mother wine ajar to nuts swallow demolish n ni@ ne@ne@ nE@re@ na$ nç@ E@no@ge@ to fold to open to add to add to bite respect ¯ ¯$¯i$ ¯E@ ¯a@ ¯o@ ¯u@ stream to eat to stretch to jump to drink N Ne@ne@ Na @ to tickle to chew N N$Nme$ N$NmE$ me$Nmo$ m goat year relative
31 f fe@ fE& fa$ fç@ fu@ to drive to praise to share to seize to boil away v da@vE@ a$va$ E@vç@Nma$ E$vo$ personal personal charm musical name name instrume nt s o$se$ sE$ sa@ sç@ me$so$ su$ greed to receive to write to cancell back to drag h hç$Nç$nç@ ho$vya$ hollow leaves l li$ pE@le@ lE@re@ u$la$ lç$ lo$ ge$lu$ to cry to push to train to reason to start to mark to force r ri$nte$ fe@re@ fE@re@ rambç$ remem- to reject to think floor mat brance w we@ wE@ wa@ wç$ wu@ to yell to fasten to kill to vomit feelings y yi$ gya@ yç$ this to split a response
In the above data, the underlying tones represented are H and L. A detailed study will be discussed in chapter 6.
2.4 The Feature Geometry of Denya
The theory stems from the fact that, a language is not made up of atomic indivisible units, but should be rather decomposed into sets of phonological features.
In Chomsky and Halle (1968), each segment is represented as a simple set of co- ocurrent binary phonological features such as [-voice], [+nasal]. However, in
Clements (1985) and subsequent work, it has been argued that the set of phonological features should be internally structured. For instance, place features must be assumed to form a subunit of features since cross-linguistically, they behave as a unit in assimilation processes such as the assimilation of nasal consonants to the following consonant with respect to place of articulation.
32 I will here assume the feature geometry for Denya based on the proposals by
Halle (1992). This will serve as our point of departure.
[round] Labial [lateral]
[anter] [strid] [distrib] Coronal Oral [contin]
[back] [high] Dorsal [cons] [low] [sonor]
[nasal] Soft Palate Nasal
[spread gl] Glottal Pharyngeal [voiced]
terminal features articulator cavity stricture root
In this model, several hierarchical distinctions are introduced among the features. The root node represents the phonological unity of the features that form together a phonlogical segment. The root node is annotated with the binary features [consonant] and [sonorant]. These are the major class features that divide the segment of a language into three classes:
[+cons -sonor] obstruents
[+cons +sonor] sonorant consonants
[-cons +sonor] vowels
The terminal features ([round], [anter], [distrib], [back], [high], [low], etc) are related to the SPE major class features [consonatal] and [sonorant], which form the root of the tree through two intermediate levels of stricture: the six articulators and three cavity nodes to which they are assigned. Off to the side are a set of features characterising the degree and type of stricture made by the articulator in its cavity.
33 For instance, the feature [consonantal] specifies the difference in the degree of
stricture.
2.4.1 Laryngeal Features
Laryngeal is a class node which unites features with respect to the ways in which
the larynx is used in articulation. The basic larnyngeal distinction for Denya is the
distinction between voiced and voiceless segments. The feature [voice] in Denya, is
only distinctive with respect to obstruents: sonorant consonants and vowels are
always voiced. In this paper, I will take the conservative position that the terminal
nodes in feature geometry are binary features, and therefore voiced segments are
described as [+voice], and voiceless segments [-voice].
The feature [aspirated] can be used to characterise the /h/, a voiced glottal
fricative which is marginal in Denya. Aspirated sounds are produced with the vocal
cords drawn apart. The /h/ does not have supralaryngeal properties of its own. The
shape of the vocal tract is determined by the shape of the two vowels /ç, o/ .The glottal stop is a phonetic feature and not a phonological one. It occurs only at the end of words in Denya. Geometrically, these laryngeal features could be represented as follows:
Place
Pharyngeal
[Pharyngeal] [h, /] laryngeals
34 This feature shows the internal structure of place node. The term “Pharyngeal” appears at two different lwvels in the tree. It stands for a whole class of gutturals and also appears as a terminal feature since no articulator is designated for the laryngeals.
2.4.2 Supralaryngeal Features
Supralaryngeal features are traditionally divided into manner features and place features. Although ‘supralaryngeal’ is a convenient term, this does not mean that it is a class node: suffient evidence for the supralaryngeal features behaving as a unit is lacking (McCarthy 1988). The manner features comprise [stop], [affricate],
[fricative], [approximant], [nasal] and [lateral]. Fricatives and vowels are
[+continuant] while the other consonants are not.
On the other hand Place is clearly a class node because the cluster of place may behave as a unit in phonological processes, for instance in the place assimilation for nasal consonants and the phoneme /s/ becoming [+high].
In Denya, three articulators play a role with respect to the place of articulation, the lips (bilabial), the tongue blade (coronal) and the tongue body (dorsum).
The lips play an essential role in the production of bilabial consonants /p, b, m/ , labiodental consonants such as /f and v/ and labiovelar consonants such as
/gb, kp, Nm, and w/. The features are displayed geometrically as seen below:
Assimilation. In Denya, the phoneme /s/ assimilates to the semi-vowels /y and w/ to become [S]. In the tree, this can be represented as seen below:
C
35
Root/stricture V
Cavity Pharyngeal Oral Oral
Articulator Glottal Coronal Dorsal
[-voiced] [+ant] [+high]
In the above tree, assimilation is represented by a dotted line connecting both features and showing how the high vowels have assimilated to the voiceless alveolar fricative /s/.
[+cont] > [+high]/ V -
+syll
Vowel Nasalisation
Nasalisation is the superimposition of a nasal resonance on an oral segment.
Phonetically, all vowels become slightly nasalised when adjacent to a nasal consonant. This nasalisation is generally more salient when the nasal consonant precedes the vowel than when it follows it.
In Denya, all vowels become phonetically nasalised when they are following a nasal consonant. Under feature geometry, the nasal node is dependent on the soft palate (SP) articulator node. On phonetic grounds, it makes sense to identify SP as an articulator because it is one of the independently movable elements of the vocal tract.
(Kenstowicz 1994). Below are some examples of words that are phonetically nasalised.
[me$0ti$ ] “road” [ne0$ko$] “parcel”
36 [ma$0na0&] “water” [¯u0@] “to drink”
[ge$nç0&] “stick” [ma0$kE$] “news”
[me$¯a0$] “meat” [ne$0ntç@] “pimple”
[Na@0ne0@] “to peel” [ne0$gç$] “navel cord”
[me0$sa$ ] “hunger” [ge$mE$0] “neck”
V > [+nas] / N-
Thus, vowel nasalisation could be represented as seen below under feature geometry:
E@nç@ku$ E@nç@ku$
SP > SP
[nasal] [nasal]
Stricture Features
The process of consonant weakening is also taking place in Denya where voiced plosives become fricatives when they occur intervocalically. It is most common in fast speech.
/E$-kpa$bE@/ [E$kpa$BE@] “divination”
/E$-ta@ra@bE@/ [E$ta@ra@BE@] “rock”
/ne$-ba@/ [ne$Ba@] “marriage”
/me$-ko$/ [me$ƒo$] “sound”
/me$-go&/ [me$ƒo&] “boa”
The process of consonant weakening can be repesented geometrically as seen
below:
37
V C V
Place Place Place
[+cont] [-cont] [+cont]
Nasal Assimilation
In Denya, as in many languages, nasal consonants are often homorganic with a
following obstruent. It occurs as a prefix to either nouns or verbs (Abangma 1981).
The first of these prefixes which will be symbolised as /N-/, denotes singular for noun
classes 1 and 6. This nasal prefix is easily distinguished by the speaker because it is
attached to nouns.
The second of these prefixes (also symbolised as /N-/) is very common in current speech. It marks the first person singular subject pronoun and is usually attached to verbs. It has the same tonal pattern as the verb. Though nasal prefixes may resemble nasal consonants in their point of articulation, they carry contrastive tone and therefore function as syllable peaks.
Underlying form Phonological Representation
/N-pi$/ [m$pi$] “nail”
/N-tE$/ [n$tE$] “father”
/N-ga$/ [N$ga$] “knife”
/N-tSi$/ [¯$tSi$] “corn”
/N-gbo$N/ [N@mgbo$N] “green vegetable”
38
/N-kE$/ [N$kE$] “ I walked”
/N-fE$/ [m$fE$] “ I locked”
/N-tSwç$] [¯$tSwç$] “ I came”
/N-tç$/ [n$tç$] “ I cleared”
In the configuration below, nasals need to be specified for place and the place feature will be spread from the following consonant. This is represented by the oral node.
. [+consonant]
[+nasal] Oral
Contour Segments
In Denya, double articulated stops and affricates are common segments for which similar internal structure can be proposed. The motivation for these are much the same as the tonal case. The combination of [g] + [b] will form a double articulated stop [gb], a common feature in Bantoid languages while [n] + [d] will form a prenasalised stop [nd]. [t]+ [S] will form [tS] while [d] and [Z] will form
[dZ]respectively. They are represented in the tree as shown below:
[+nasal] [-nasal] [-cont] [+cont]
Root Root
Coronal Coronal
[nd] [tS]
Here are some examples presented below:
39
/m$pç$/ “cow” /tSç@/ “to condemn”
/n$tE$/ “father” /tSwa$/ “to chew”
/n$de&/ “cloth” /dZo$/ “to pin”
/m$fa&/ “month” /dZa$/ “to draw”
Vowel Height
Chomsky and Halle (1968) used the binary features [high] and [low] for vowel
height. Thus they can distinguish between three degrees of vowel height (which group
with [back] but not round under the Dorsal articulator). Like the other dorsal features,
[high] and [low] are defined phonetically as tongue body displacement from a neutral
position. Wang (1968) pointed out that there are languages for which four vowel
height can be distingushed.Clements, (1991) subdivided vowel height into different
registers in which each division is implemented by a feature [openi]. The various
registers form a hierarchical family of features housed under the aperture node. Denya
clearly requires four degrees of height. In the analysis, we will be using the feature
[mid] instead of the feature [low].
-back +back
+high, -mid i u
+high, +mid e o
-high, +mid E ç
-high, -mid a
Both models define essentially the same natural classes; high, mid, and low vowels as well as nonhigh [e, o, E, ç, a] and nonlow [i, u, e, o, E, ç]. As seen in the
above three examples, high and low cannot be grouped together to the exclusion of
mid. In the traditional model employing [high] and [low], [i, u] and [a] can be singled
40 out with one feature specification while [e o E ç] needs two. In the hierarchical model
bases on [openi], three feature specifications are needed to distiguish between the high
and the mid vowels.
2.4.3 Underspersification
In the lexicon, not all phonological properties of a segment need to be represented since certain properties are predictable. A good example is when the nasal consonant in Denya occurs following a consonant which can be predicted by a phonological rule of place assimilation.
Another type of rule is formed by rules that predict feature specifications of certain segments on the basis of other feature specifications of that segment, so called segment structure rules (Booij 1995). The following redundancy rules hold for the segments of Denya:
[+lat] ----> [+cons, +son] [+nas] ----> [+cons, +son, -cont,] [-son] ----> [+cons] [+son] ----> [+voice, +cont] [-cons] ----> [+appr]
Underspecification occurs in voiceless consonants that occur intervocalically in fast speech. They become fricatives through the process of consonant weakening. See section 2.2.2. for the various consonant allophones.
2.5 Distribution of Consonant in Onset Position
41 The table below shows consonants which fill the onset position of the CV and CVC syllables. A position in the table is marked if there are examples of consonants being followed by a particular vowel. It is left blank if there are no such examples.
The chart shows that the following consonants have the widest distribution /p, b, t, k, m and l/. This is followed next by the following consonants /kp, g, gb and w/.
The least widely distributed consonants are /N and h/. The consonant and vowel contrast in section 2.5 gives a lot of illustrations.
i e ø a — o u p x x w x w x x t x x w x w x x sS x x w x w x x j x x w x w x x jo x w x w x a x x w x w x x c x w x w x cZ x x x w x x f x w w x fa x w x w x e x w x w x u w x w x r x w x w x x l x x w x w x x m x x w x w x ¯ x x w x x x N x x Nm x w x h w x l x x w x w x x r x x w x w x w x w x y x x w
From the chart we can see that the vowel /a/ has the widest distribution.
/ç, o and u/ never follow the following consonants, /r, and N/. The high close front
42 vowel /i/ never follows the the velar nasal /N/. The high close front vowel [i ] never occurs after the voiceless palatal fricative [S ].
2.6 Consonants in Coda Position.
In syllable final position, the consonants /N,m,t, and d/ are represented.
2.7 Distribution of Consonant Phonemes in Different Positions of the Morpheme.
##- V#- N#- V-V -## p x x x x t x x x x tS x x x x k x x x x kp x x x b x x x x d x x x x x dZ x x x x g x x x x gb x x x x f x x x x v x x s x x x h x m x x x x x n x x x x x ¯ x x x x N x x x Nm x x x x l x x x x r x x w x x x y x x x
3. PHONOLOGICAL PROCESSES
3. 1 Introduction
43 This section discusses the major phonological processes which apply to vowels
when they are in sequence within or across a morpheme boundary in Denya. The
pattern of this operation is for typological and theoretical reasons such as the interplay
of syntactic relations in the application of phonological processes, and rule ordering.
When two underlying vowels occur in juxtaposition across a morpheme boundary
(V1 + V2), they are realised as a single short vowel (V1) in Denya. The phonological processes of assimilation followed by contraction is postulated. Chumbow (1982) postulates that contraction is not a single process but is rather a number of discrete processes which include assimilation and elision. He proposes that when two vowels are in an environment favourable for contraction, the first vowel assimilates certain features of the second vowel before it (i.e the first vowel) is elided. Donwa-Ifode
(1985), working in Isoko proved that elision operates in quite a different way from assimilation and contraction. According to her data, elision only takes place when a closing sequence of vowels occurs before a morpheme boundary followed by another word. The close vowel occuring as a second or third in a sequence of two or three vowels before a boundary is elided and the situation created by this elision is ideal for the application of assimilation. Thus, the process of elison first takes place then the process of assimilation and contraction. I will represent some of her data from Isoko.
uzou + ç@mç@ head child V. El uzo + ç@mç@
V. ass. uzç@ç@mç@
V. Ct. uzç@mç@
“head of a child”
44
fou + IRaI
blow fire
V. El fo + IRaI
V. ass. fIIRaI
V. Ct. fIRaI
“blow the fire”
In the examples above, we assume that the two items in each construction is deleted before the optional contraction of the two identical vowels on either side of it.
The presence of the boundary is vital for the operation of elision and assimilation.
3.2 Assimilation and Contraction in Denya
In Denya, when there are two vowels on either side of a boundary, there is either a complete assimilation of the vowel at V2 to the one at V1 and in some cases, there is no assimilation at all. Following the assimilation of V2 to V1, the sequence V1V2 may optionally be contracted to a single V1.
1) geka + EdZi 2) mi¯a + EdZimbç
hoe his animal those
V ass. gekaadZi mi¯aadZimbç
V Ct. gekadZi mi¯adZimbç
“his hoe” “those animals”
3) mawe + Emi 4) makç + adZi
oil his farms these
V ass. maweemi makççdZi
45 V Ct. mawemi makçdZi
“his oil” “these farms”
5) to + Ebwç 6) sç + oto
shoot hand burn huts
V. ass. toobwç sççto
V. Ct. tobwç sçto
“shoot the hand” “burn the huts
The assimlation under discussion is progressive and the condition under which it applies is phonological. Progressive assimilation applies to vowels in a noun plus pronoun and verb plus noun.
3.3 Glide Formation
When words are uttered in isolation, the close vowels in the opening sequences undergo a glide formation process. The structural condition under which a glide formation will apply for a close vowel is that it occurs between a consonant and an open vowel.
dZu$a$ ----> dZwa$ “to laugh”
li@a@ ----> lya@ “to leave”
mu$a$ ----> mwa$ “to tease”
fi@E@ ----> fyE@ “to put”
ge$lu@ç@ ----> ge$lwç@ “stool”
E$fu$a$le$ ----> E$fwa$le$ “agony”
Glide formation process exists not only within morphemes but also across morpheme boundaries as in:
46
m$mi$ + a$Nwa^ ----> m$mya$Nwa^ “palmnuts of the cat” palmnut cat
tu@ + a$kpa$ra$ ----> twa@kpa$ra$ “meet the prostitute” meet prostitute
ni$ + a$gbo$gbo$ ----> nya$gbo$gbo$ “fold the towel” fold towel
3.4 Desyllabification
In Denya, when two nasals or a vowel and a nasal are used across morpheme or word boundary, the second or following nasal is desyllabified. This is represented below:
full form elided form gloss ndçNpç ndçN+mpç “gigger of cow” Nkçmpç “vegetable of cow” Nkçm+mpç
Nkçmpu “vegetable of furrow” Nkçm+mpu
N [V] > ∅ / N #-C +syll -syll
3.5 Consonant Weakening
The process of consonant weakening takes place when oral plosives occur at word boundary. It does not matter whether they occur at syllable final position or as prefixes of nouns.
47 Here are some examples below:
full form Elided form gloss
NgwEt + ayimbç NgwErEyimbç “that book”
bç Ngad + Ebimbç bç Ngarabimbç “these scorpions” gepu + gema gepuƒema “one house”
wa + be waBe “kill the louse”
genç + kç gençƒç “small stick”
+cons -cons -cons -nas. > [+cont] +syll - -syll
3.6 Reduplication.
The process of reduplication consists of two separate aspects:
1) copying of the phonemes of the base;
2) how many are actually pronounced in that particular base.
In Denya, the process of reduplication is unproductive except in two isolated cases where the root is fully copied to show intensification such as:
pe$re$ slow pe$re$+pe$re$ = pe$re$-pe$re$ “very slowly”
bç$ge$ tasty bç$ge$$+bç$ge$ = bç$ge$-bç$ge$ “very tasty”
There are non-productive fixed forms where the total root is reduplicated. The
root is never used in isolation such as:
bya$ +bya$ = bya$-bya$ ‘hairy’
tSa@+tSa@ = tSa@-tSa@ ‘different’
ge@dZi@+ge@dZi@ = ge@dZi@-ge@dZi@ ‘only’
kpa@ra@+kpa$ra$ = kpa@ra@-kpa$ra$ ‘ceiling’
48 There are cases where only the root is reduplicated. They are shown below:
E$-Nwç@+E$-Nwç$ = E$-Nwç@-Nwç$ ‘snail’
E$-Nme$ne$ + E$-Nme$ne$ = E$-Nme$Nme$ne$ ‘rumour
49
50 3. THE SYLLABLE .
Most phonologists attempt to deal with the syllable as a phonological unit. Each
syllable consists of an obligatory nucleus (either a vowel or a syllabic consonant)
preceded by zero or more consonants(the coda). The nucleus may be a vowel or a
syllabic consonant. Thus, we may regard the syllable as the minimum unit.of the
word.The syllable is traditionally assumed to be composed of three phonetic parts:
1) the onset,
2) the peak or nucleus,
3)the coda.
For phonological purposes, however, only a single division is relevant namely between :
1)the onset,
2) the rhyme consisting of the phonetic peak or nucleus and the coda. The
structure of the syllable is thus represented below:
σ
Onset Rhyme
Nucleus Coda
The syllable node (σ) consists of an optional onset (O) filled by a consonant, an obligatory nucleus (R) filled by a vowel or an optional consonant in the coda position
(C).
3.1 Specific Syllable Types
51 The syllable in Denya is made up of segments (consonants, vowels, syllabic nasals) semi-vowels /y/ and /w/, and tone. The segmental forms of lexical morphemes are presented below under syllable types. There is a listing of the various syllable types and their skeletal tier and an indepth analysis of the various syllables and tones completes this section. X represents the various segments which may be vowels, consonants or syllabic consonants. No theoretical status is claimed for this particular model of syllable structure.
1) CV σ
O R
x x
b u This is the most common syllable structure and it is mostly common in verbs.
Some examples are represented below:
mu$ “to demolish”
nç$ “to bite”
me$ “to swallow”
sa@ “to write”
fE$ “to seal”
2) CSV is the next syllable structure that is quite common. CSV is not treated as
CVV for the various reasons:
a) the semi-vowels do not carry a tone of their own,
52 b) the phonetic duration of semi-vowels in this position is not as long as regular
short vowels. It is thus heard phonetically as a modification of release of basic
consonants,
σ
x x x
Z*ghfg\
In the following example, the semi-vowel is always [+high] as seen above. An example in Denya can thus be illustrated below:
σ
O R
x x x
p w — _sn anqqnv&
Gdqd `qd rnld dw`lokdr adknv9
gya@ ‘to split’
fwi@ ‘to drive’
lya@ ‘to lean on’
kwe@ ‘to fail’
kwa@ ‘to sing’
tSwç@ ‘to come’
bwE@ ‘to raise’
bwç@le@ ‘to trick’
53 There are a few other consonant clusters with the syllable structure CCV which
occurs in the language. The consonant clusters are found in borrowed words. The
second consonant does not take the feature [+high].
/m$-frE@ka@N/ “rust”
/gli@ta$/ “grater”
/a$ka$fla@ o$/ “greetings”
They also occur in ideophones such as:
/gri$di$di$$/ “to glide”
/gbra$m/ “falling coconut”
The syllable structure can be represented as shown below:
σ σ σ
O R O R O R
x x x x x x x x x
g l i t a gb r a m “grater” “falling of a coconut”
3) V. A single vowel occurs only as a pronoun. They can also occur as prefixes of nouns as can be shown below:
σ σ σ
R R O R
x x x x
a$ ‘he’ E$ t u ‘ear’
Some examples are shown below:
ç$ ‘you’ (non-emphatic pronoun)
54 a@ ‘they’ (non-emphatic pronoun)
E$-bE@ ‘law’
u@ -ba$ ‘bags’
4) V.CCV. This syllable structure is not common. It is found in the plural prefix of some nouns.
a$ntE$ ‘fathers’
u@Nkç$ ‘ravines’
σ σ
R O R
x x x x
a$ n t E$ ‘fathers’
5) CVC. The CVC syllable types are not common in Denya. I will here represent all CVC syllable types that exist in the language:
ma&N ‘to’
N$-ga@d ‘scorpion’ n@-õdç@N ‘jigger’
N@-gbo$N ‘green vegetables
N$-gwE$t ‘school’ (or book)
σ σ σ
55 O R R O R
x x x x x x x
m a& N ‘to’ N g a@ d ‘scorpion’
Geminate consonant was discovered in one of the words in the lexicon:
/ge$ssa$/ “basket”
The syllable structure could be represented as CVC.CV
4.2 Affricates
The affricates /tS/ and /dZ/ should be treated as a single phoneme for the various
reasons:
1)These consonants never occur in the reverse form. That is /St/ and /Zd/ never
occur.
2) The affricates may be followed by the semi-vowels /y/ and /w/ in a syllable. In
Denya, the affricate seems to require an internal sequencing of the feature
[continuant]. Thus, we can represent the affricate in Denya geometrically as seen below:
X
[+coron]
[+anter]
[-cont] [+cont]
This representation is supported by syllables that treat the consonant as a stop and the second, as a fricative. Two examples are represented below:
σ σ
56
O R O R
x x x x x
tS w ç@ dZ I@ ‘to come’ ‘to stir’
The NCV syllable structure can be treated as shown below:
σ σ
R O R
x x x
n$ t E$ “father”
Other examples include: m$-pç$ “cow”
m$-pi$ “nail”
N$-ga$ “knife”
n$-da$ “rubber”
¯$-tSu$ “thatch”
4.3 Semi-Vowels
The two semi-vowels /y/ and /w/ occur syllable initially in Denya. In this position, they are analysed as consonant phonemes and are treated at the phoneme level. Some examples of [y] and [w] consonant phonemes are:
/wç$/ ‘you’ /yi$/ ‘this’
/wa$/ ‘mine’ /E$ya^/ ‘my’
When the above two semi-vowels occur between a consonant and a vowel, they are treated as consonant clusters with the consonants they follow.
57
/kwe@/ ‘to fail’ /tya@/ ‘scatter’
/a$Nwa^/ ‘cat’ /gya@/ ‘to ask’
/E$bwç$/ ‘hand’ /tSyE&/ ‘to give’
There are also sequences of vowels that occur in the language. The syllable structure could be represented as CV.V where the second V belongs to a different syllable, the reason being that Denya does not allow a CVV syllable structure.
/E@-pE@a@/ “two”
/u$-bE$a@/ “yaws”
/kpE@a@/ “to urge”
/l@e@a@/ “to allow”
The syllable structure can be represented thus:
σ σ σ σ σ
R O R R O R R
x x x x x x x
E p E a l e a
5. TONE
Pike (1948) defines as tonal any language ‘having signifant, contrastive , but relative pitch on each syllable.’ Denya is a tone language like most African languages.
On the surface Denya has two level tones [ @ ] and low [
$ ] and two contour tones falling
58 [ ^ ] and rising [ & ]. In addition there is the
phenomenon of downstep high being marked /õH/. This will
also be discussed below.
5.1 Tonal Phonemes
In a tone language, the speaker uses the pitch of his voice to distinguish lexically
between morphemes or words that would have been otherwise identical. For example,
the following are generally distinguished from each other by tone.
/ti@/ “to pierce” /ti$/ “to wipe”
/be@/ “to dance” /be$/ “war”
/ge$ba$/ “area” /ge@ba$/ “bag”
/m$bu@/ “dumb” /m$bu$/ “hole”
A set of eight lexical items has been distinguished as shown above.
Below, there is a discussion on the distribution of tones on nouns, and the various tones in the associative construction.
The discussion about tones on verbs includes the distribution of tones, the description of tone in the verb phrase, the verb classes and the various verb tone paradigms completes this chapter.
59
5.2 The Distribution of Tones.
Monosyllabic noun roots have the following tones: L, H, LH, and HL. The
Downstep High /õH/ is not found on monosyllabic noun roots.
L
Monosyllabic Disyllabic Trisyllabic ge$ba$ È`qd`Í ge$pwe$ni$ ÈcnudÍ m$pa$mpa$le$ Èfq`rrgnoodqÍ me$ti$ Èqn`cÍ ge$¯a$¯a$ ÈkhnmÍ E$tç$ge$mfç$ Èb`sskd dfqdsÍ Èro`bdÍ ÈsnvdkÍ ÈvhmfÍ me$lu$ a$gbo$gbo$ ge$ba$ge$le$
H
Monosyllabic Disyllabic Trisyllabic ge$ko@ ÈenfÍ ¯$dZç@me@ ÈdqnrhnmÍ N$kpa@Na@ni@ Èaqnjdm ne$ba@ Èl`qqh`fdÍ m$pu@mpu@ ÈctrsÍ chrgÍ ÈkhfgsÍ ÈrgdkkÍ ge$Ngbç@ ge$ko@Nko@
LH
Monosyllabic Disyllabic Trisllabic ma$na& Èv`sdqÍ E$bo$ba@ ÈakntrdÍ There are no trisyllabic u$dZwa& Èl`mtqdÍ ka$la$Ngba@ Èadf atfÍ noun
ÈlnmsgÍ ÈadksÍ m$fa& E$ka$nda@ roots
60
HL Monosyllabic Disyllabic Trisyllabic
ti^ Èsd`Í m$ba@le$ Èv`kkÍ There are no trisyllabic ge$pi^ ÈbtbjnnÍ a$mwa@we$ ÈrlnjdÍ noun Èb`sÍ Èa`lannÍ a$Nwa^ ge$mpe@le$ roots sqddÍ
LLH
There are no me$¯a$tu& Èq`sÍ N$kç$me$wç@ Èrm`hkÍ monosyllabic u$tSa$tSu& Èbg`eeÍ m$bo$ge$no@ Èmdbjk`bdÍ noun roots
LHL
There are no n$da$kwç^ ÈdbgnÍ me@Nkç$re@nç$ Èadff`qÍ monosyllabic me$kwç$bu^ È`msdknodÍ noun roots
5.3 Tone in the Associative Construction
Tone changes in the Denya associative (genitive) construction seem to be quite complex because the rules needed to explain them are often restrictive in their structural description. This paper uses an autosegmental approach to describe these changes. It is hoped that these rules will be helpful in explaining the entire Denya tone system. The purpose of autosegmental theory is to ‘provide a more adequate understanding of the phonetic side of the linguistic representation’ (Goldsmith
1976b:32). Autosegmental theory assumes that different phonological features function on different tiers, or levels, and must be associated to produce the final
61 phonetic form of an utterance. The tones are represented autosegmentally because tonal behaviour is autonomous from other segments.
The associative marker (AM) can be a segment with a H tone or a zero depending on the class of the first noun in the associative construction. These rules are posited to explain tone perturbations that occur when two nouns are put together in such a construction. Some of these rules govern tone spreading depending on the final syllable of the first noun while others govern downstep.
5.3.1 Tone Rules
The first tone rules discussed are in regard to mapping. Some examples are shown below. This is followed by a discussion of rules that govern tone changes when nouns are put in the associative construction. As will be seen in the discussion below, the behaviour of tones in certain environments will depend on :
a) whether the tone of the final stem is H or L,
b) whether the AM is segmental or not,
c) whether the noun prefix of the second noun is a vowel or a syllabic
consonant ,
d) whether the stem of the first noun is HL or LH.
E$bwç$ + E$ta$ E$bwç@ta$ “hand of jaw”
ma$na& + E$ba@ ma$na@õba@ “water of fufu”
ge$pu@ + m$pç$ ge$pu@ge@mpç@ “house of cow”
ge@ba$ + ma&myE$ ge@ba$ma&myE$ “bag of cow”
The examples are taken from charts in the section 5.3.3. In this discussion, the
AM is considered as a pre-prefix of the second noun itself.
62
5.3.2 Mapping Rules
Syllabic nasals and vowels are marked with tones within morphemes before any tone rules are applied. Tones are mapped onto segments beginning with the first syllable on the left in each morpheme mapping out one tone to one syllable and moving to the right until all the tones are connected to at least one syllable. An example of this is the word me$se$ “monkey” as shown below:
mese
L
Discussion of the main tone rules begins with a presentation of tone spreading rules, where tones spread rightward or leftward. This is followed by a presentation of rules describing tone changes in the final syllable of the first noun. These rules create environments that contribute to the late phonetic realization rule such as in downstep.
Leftward spreading H of the AM onto the root of the first noun:
In associative noun phrases, the H tone of the AM spreads to the left delinking the L of the noun stem. This rule applies regardless the tone of the first noun stem of the first noun is and is formalized as in (3) below.
63
(3) Leftward spreading H of the AM unto the stem of the first noun.
X +
L + H
In (4) below, the floating H of the AM spreads leftward unto the L of the noun stem disassociating the lexical L.
mekpo +mpç$ mekpo mpç
-----> L H L L H L me$kpo$ + @ m$pç$ ---> me$kpo@mpç$ ‘head of cow’
The L tone prefix of the second noun is dissociated as a result of the spread of the tone of the AM unto the noun.
In (5), the H tone of the AM spreads to the left delinking the L of the noun stem but does not delink the prefix of the second noun because the prefix of the second noun has a contour tone thus checking the spreading of the H tone of the AM.
mekpo + mamyE$ mekpomamyE$
----->
L H L H L L H L H L
me$kpo$ + @ +ma&myE$ > me$kpo@ma&myE$ ‘Head of dog’
64
Falling Simplification:
The underlying tone is HHL which results in the falling of the final syllable of the disyllabic noun. When this pattern occurs, the falling tone is simplified to H with the L of the H being dissociated. This rule is formalized as shown below:
6) CV
H L
In (7) below the L tone is dissociated by the H tone of the AM. The concord marker also takes a H tone.
ge-bwi - ge - mekpo gebwigemekpo
-----> H H L H H L H H H L
ge@bwi^ @ ge@ me$ kpo$ > ge@bwi@ge@ me$kpo$ “head of forest”
In (8) below, the L tone is dissociated together with the L tone prefix of the second noun and its vowel. The surface tones that remain are HL
gebe - ata gebe ta
-----> H H L L H L
Rising Simplification:
The underlying tone is LLH. Here a rising tone occurs in the final syllable of the disyllabic noun. The rising
65 tone is simplified to a H because of the presence of a H concord marker.
9) CV
L H
In (10) below, the H is dissociated when it is following a H concord marker. The L tone of the second noun is unaffected.
11) genç - ge - mekpo gençgemekpo
----> L L H H L L H L
‘stick of head’
Falling Creation:
In falling creation, the tone of the stem of the first noun has a vowel with a low tone. The H tone associates with the L, creating a falling tone. The vowel of the prefix of the second noun is elided. This rule is formalized below: 12)
+ X + X + + X + X + ----->
+ H + L + + H + L +
Below, the vowel is first elided then, the H tone spreads to the right and instead of dissociating the L, it anchors on it thereby creating a contour tone.
66
13) geba - ukwç geba kwç
-----> L H L H L H L H ‘scar of bridge’
Downstep Rule:
Downstep is similar to downdrift rule except that downstep is caused by a the presence of a floating L floating L. In the example below, the H is mapped as + 1 to show that the H tone is one step lower than the normal H.
14) X + X + 1 pitch
H L + H
Downstep was first mentioned in example (6) above where the floating L tone caused the final H to be downstepped. Here below, we shall see how a rising contour is first simplified to a H. The vowel of the prefix of the second noun is elided leaving the L tone to become floating. This causes the final H to be downstepped.
15) mana - ukwç mana - ukwç mana kwç
> L L H L H L H L H L H L H ‘water of bridge’
Downdrift
For us to predict the phenomenon of downdrift, an associated L has to cause the following H to be lowered.
67 This causes a downdrift . Below, + 1 pitch lower means that the H tone is one step lower than the normal H.
17) X X
+ 1 pitch L H
Example (17) means that all tones, both H and L, are lowered the same amount and the difference in pitch between H and L does not decrease. The new values of H and L will continue till the next L H sequence, rather. This is illustrated below in (18)
18) geba + ge + mpç gebagempç ------>
H L H L H L H L ‘bag of cow’
The L tone of the prefix of the second noun is elided.
In example (19) below the L tone of the first noun anchors to the H tone of the prefix of the second noun. A rising contour results. The vowel prefix of the second noun is elided.
19) uba +Efimbç ubafimbç
------>
H L H L H L H L
CONCLUSION
68 From the discussion above, it is apparent that rules governing Denya Associative construction are often restricted in environment. The tones of the nouns, the syllable structure of the first noun or the AM, the type of prefix of the second noun are all crucial as to whether a rule applies. For instance a downstep rule occurs when there is a floating L preceding a word boundary.
The more restrictive the environment of a rule, the smaller the corpus of attested examples. It is hoped that the examples in the 5.3.3 will help some other linguists to build theories which will handle Denya tone perturbations much more clearly.
Below is a chart showing all the tones, their associative markers and concord. The various concords are represented in slanted lines to differentiate one word from the other. The various words and their glosses are as follows:
ma$na& “water”
E$bwç$ “hand” ne$ba@ “marriage” ge@bwi^ “time” ge$nç& “stick” me$kpo$ “head” m$pç$ “cow” ge$pu@ “cow” ma&myE$ “dog” ge@ba$ “bag” ne@NE@ne@ “tooth”
69
ma$na& E$bwç$ ne$ba@ ge@bwi^ gE$nç& me$kpo$ m$pç$ ge$pu@ ma&myE$ ge@ba$ ne@NE@ne@ ma$na& LH/LLH LLH/L LLH/LH LLH/HHL LLH/LLH LLH/LL LLH/L LLH/LH LLH/LHL LLH/HL LLH/HHH E$bwç$ LH/LLH LL/LL LH/LH LH/LLH LH/LLH LH/LL LH/L LH/LH LH/LHL LH/HL LH/HHH ne$ba@ LH/H/LLH LH/H/L LH/H/LH LH/H/HHL LH/H/LLH LH/H/LL LH/H/L LH/H/LH LH/H/LHL HH/H/HL HH/H/HHH ge@bwi^ HH/H/LLH HH/H/L HH/H/LH HH/H/HHL HH/H/LLH HH/H/LL HH/H/L HH/H/LH HH/H/LHL LL/H/HL LL/H/HHH ge$nç& LL/H/LLH LL/H/.L LL/H/LH LL/H/HHL LLH/LL LL/H/LL LL/H/L LL/H/LH LL/H/LHL LH/HL LH/HHH me$kpo$ LH/LLH LH/L LH/LH LH/HHL LH/LLH LL/LL LH/L LH/LH LH/LHL LL/HL LL/HHH m$pç$ LL/LLH LL/L LL/LH LL/HHL LL/LLH LL/LL LL/L LL/LH LL/LHL LH/H/HL LH/H/HHH ge$pu@ LH/.LLH LH/H/L LH/H/LH LH/H/HHL LH/H/LLH LH/H/LL LH/H/L LH/LH LH/H/LHL LHL/HL LHL/HHH ma$myE$ LHL/LLH LHL/L LHL/LH LHL/HHL LHL/LLH LHL/LL LHL/L LHL/LH LHL/LHL HL/H/HL HL/H/HHH ge@ba$ HL/H/LLH HL/H/L HL/H/LH HL/H/HHL HL/H/LLH HL/H/LL HL/H/L HL/H/LH HL/H/LHL HH/H/HL HH/H/HHH ne@NE@ne@ HHH/LLH HHH/L HHH/LH HHH/HHL HHH/LLH HHH/LL HHH/L HHH/LH HHH/LHL HHH/HL HHH/HHH
70
5.4 Tones on Verbs
Verbs in Denya have four tone patterns, H, L, HL, and LH. Verbs exist in monosyllabic and disyllabic types. Trisyllabic verbs have not yet been discovered.
H
Monosyllabic Disyllabic ti$ Èsn drb`odÍ NmE@re@ Èsn oqdrrÍ tu@ Èsn bnkkhcdÍ ga@re@ Èsn sdkkÍ wE@ Èsn e`rsdm pE@le@ Èsn v`sbgÍ
L
Monosyllabic Disyllabic ti$ Èsn dq`rdÍ Disyllabic verbs do not ke$ Èsn rhmjÍ exist. kpE$ Èsn dmsdqÍ
LH
Monosyllabic
Monosyllabic verbs do not de$mbyç@ Èsn cntasÍ exist. ge$Nga@ Èsn hmsdqudmdÍ
HL
Monosyllabic
There are no monosyllabic dZen@te$ Èsn hmsdqudmdÍ verbs
71 5.5 Description of Tone in the Verb Phrase
On the segmental level, a simple Denya verb phrase is made up of the following morphemes, in the order given: subject marker, the verb root, tense marker and mood. The various verbs are marked by different suffixes. The L- tone verbs take the suffix -ne, the H-tone verbs take the suffix -ge. Below, I will display the various subject and object markers that go with the verb:
1. Subject Markers (SM)
The SM are as follows:
0r n 0ok de$
1r ç 1ok E$¯u@
2r a 2ok E$bwç@
The Direct Object Markers (OMS) are as follows:
0r m$me 0ok E$se@ 1r wç$ 1ok de$ 2r dZi$ 2ok a@
While the SMs occur before the verb, the OMs occur after the verb. The suffixes play a great role as well as the tone in the various verb paradigms. The suffix -ne is used to mark the L-tone verbs in the non-past. The suffix -ge is used to mark some monosyllabic and disyllabic H-tone verbs. The suffix -mE@ is used to mark a verb in the perfective construction.
5.5.1 Tone Rules
72 The tones discussed are in regard to mapping. When the subject marker is attached to the verb, there will be various tone rules that govern tone changes
5.5.2 Mapping Rules
The various vowels are marked with tones within morphemes before any tone rules are applied. Tones are mapped onto segments beginning with the first syllable on the left in each morpheme, spreading to the right until all the tones are connected to at least one syllable as seen below.
V V
T
An example of this is the word ku@le@ ‘to rise’. When mapping rules are applied, the H tone on the root is mapped unto the first syllable and spreads unto the second syllable resulting unto the surface form.
ku@le@
H
A study of the main tone rules begins with a presentation of tone spreading rules, where tones spread rightward or leftward. This is followed by a presentation of rules describing tone changes.
1) Floating L-tone spreads to the Right of the verb Stem
In this rule, when the the subject marker is a H tone , the floating L is seen spreading to the verb root and just assimilates to it:
X + X
H L + L
73
This can represented below:
If the verb root is a H, tone verb, a Downstep is created
a@ ¯E@
H L H “they ate”
3) High Tone Spread unto the Right.
The H spread rule states that when there is a H-L-L sequence, the H tone spreads to the right delinking the first L. This is shown below:
X + X + X
H + L + L
In the example above, the High tone of the subject marker spreads to the right delinking the L tone of the verb root. This is shown below:
a@ fE$ ne$ a @ fE@ ne$ >
H L L H H L ‘they are locking
4)Low Tone Spread to the Left
The tone spreads from the the suffix and delink the the H tone of the second syllable thereby making it a L. The verb root is now HL instead of HH. This can be demonstrated below:
5) X + X X + X
H + H + L
6) a@ kE@le@ ge$ a@ kE@le$ ge$ >
74
H H L H H L
“they are wanting”
5.5.3 Late Phonetic Realisation.
Two additional rules must be posited to explain the lowering of pitch in certain environment- downdrift and downstep.
Downdrift. In downdrift, an associated L automatically causes the following H to be lowered. This can be formalised as seen below:
7) X X >+ 1 pitch
L H
In this rule, when a H is following a L, it will cause the H following it to be given a value of one pitch lower. This is shown below:
8) a@ kE$ mE@ - + 1 pitch
H L H ‘they have walked’
Downdrift is being created by the addition of the past tense marker mE@ which carries a
H tone.
Downstep: The downstep rule is similar to downdrift except that downstep is created by the presence of a floating L rather than an associated L. An associated H is therefore downstepped when it is immediately preceded by another word containing a final floating L, which is preceded by an associated H. Any following H, has the same pitch as the downstepped H. and any following L has a pitch value of two lower than
75 the pitch value of the preceding H. Thus the difference in pitch value between further
H and L tones remains the same. The downstepped rule is formalised as seen below:
Downstep Rule
9) X X > + 1 pitch
H L H
In the following example, the floating L causes the following H to become
downstepped.
10) a@ ¯E@
H L H ‘they ate’
Falling Creation: The H tone spreads to the right anchoring on the verb root to
become a falling tone:
11) X + X
H + L
12) a@ kE^
H H L ‘they should walk’
Conclusion
The most common tone changes in Denya can be accounted for by the spread of
H and L tones. Unlike some Bantu languages, segmental markers for tenses are still present, so that there are few tones that are not lexically associated to segments. Most tone changes are fairly regular and predictable. Floating tones are also present which may have been associated historically with segmental morphemes.
76
6.6 Denya Verb Tone Paradigms kE$ “walk” ma&N kE$ “to walk” “I am walking” N$ kE$ ne$ “I usually walk” N$ kE$ ne$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ “I will walk” N$ kE$ ne$ ¯E^ “I should walk” N& kE$ “I might walk” N$ ka$ge$ kE^ “I walked”
N$ kE$ “I have walked” ‘I walked’ N$ kE$ mE@
ç$ kE$ ne$ Èxnt 'rf( `qd v`kjhmfÍ
ç$ kE$ ne$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Èxnt 'rf(trt`kkx v`kjÍ
ç$ kE$ ne$ ¯E^ Èxnt 'rf( vhkk v`kjÍ
ç@ kE^ Èxnt 'rf( rgntkc v`kjÍ
ç& kE$ Èxnt 'rf( v`kjdcÍ
ç@ kE$ mE@ Èxnt 'rf( g`ud v`kjdcÍ
a$ kE$ ne$ Ègd hr v`kjhmfÍ a$ kE$ ne$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Ègd trt`kkx v`kjrÍ a$ kE$ ne$ ¯E^ Ègd vhkk v`kjÍ a@ kE^ Ègd rgntkc v`kjÍ a$ ka$ge$ kE^ Ègd lhfgs v`kjÍ a$ kE$ Ègd v`kjdcÍ
77 a$ kE$ mE@ Ègd g`r v`kjdcÍ
e$se@ de$ kE$ ne$ Èvd `qd v`kjhmfÍ
de$ kE$ ne$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Èvd trt`kkx v`kjÍ
de$ kE$ ne$ ¯E^ Èvd vhkk v`kjÍ
de$ kE^ Èvd rgntkc v`kjÍ
de$ ka$ge$ kE^ Èvd lhfgs v`kjÍ
de$ kE$ Èvd v`kjdcÍ
de$ kE$ mE@ Èvd g`ud v`kjdcÍ
E$¯u@ de$ kE$ ne$ Èxnt 'ok( `qd v`kjhmfÍ
de$ kE$ ne$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Èxnt 'ok( trt`kkx v`kjÍ
de$ kE$ ne$ ¯E^ Èxnt 'ok( vhkk v`kjÍ
de@ kE^ Èxnt 'ok( rgntkc v`kjÍ
de$ ka$ge$ kE^ Èxnt 'ok( lhfgs v`kjÍ
de& kE$ Èxnt 'ok( v`kjdcÍ
de& kE$ mE@ Èxnt g`ud v`kjdcÍ
a@ kE$ ne$ Èsgdx `qd v`kjhmfÍ a@ kE$ ne$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Èsgdx trt`kkx v`kjÍ a@ kE$ ne$ ¯E^ Èsgdx vhkk v`kjÍ a@ kE^ Èsgdx rgntkc v`kjdcÍ a@ ka@ge$ kE^ Èsgdx lhfgs v`kjÍ a@ kE$ Èsgdx v`kjdcÍ a@ kE$ mE@ Èsgdx g`ud v`kjdcÍ
78
¯E@ Èd`sÍ ma&¯ õ¯E@ Èsn d`sÍ a$ ¯E^ Ègd hr d`shmfÍ a$ ¯E^ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Ègd trt`kkx d`srÍ a$ ¯E^ ¯E^ Ègd vhkk d`sÍ a@ ¯E@ Ègd rgntkc d`sÍ a$ ka$ge$ ¯E@ Ègd lhfgs d`sÍ a$ ¯E@ mE@ Ègd `sdÍ
a@ ¯E^ Èsgdx `qd d`shmfÍ a@ ¯E^ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Èsgdx trt`kkx d`sÍ a@ ¯E^ ¯E^ Èsgdx vhkk d`sÍ a@ ¯E@ Èsgdx rgntkc d`sÍ a@ ka@ge$ ¯E@ Èsgdx lhfgs d`sÍ a@ õ¯E@ Èsgdx `sdÍ a@ ¯E@ mE@ Èsgdx g`ud d`sdmÍ
kE@le@ Èv`msÍ ma&N kE$le@ Èsn v`msÍ a$ kE$le$ ge$ Ègd hr v`mshmfÍ a$ kE$le$ ge$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Ègd trt`kkx v`msrÍ a$ kE$le$ ge$ ¯E^ Ègd vhkk v`msÍ a@ kE@le@ Ègd rgntkc v`msÍ a$ ka$ge$ kE@le$ Ègd lhfgs v`msÍ a$ kE$le@ Ègd v`msdcÍ a$ kE$le@ mE@ Ègd g`r v`msdcÍ
79 a@ kE@le$ ge$ Èsgdx `qd v`mshmfÍ a@ kE@le$ ge$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Èsgdx trt`kkx v`msÍ a@ kE@le$ ge$ ¯E^ Èsgdx vhkk v`msÍ a@ kE@le@ Èsgdx rgntkc v`msÍ a@ ka@ge$ kE@le$ ÈSgdx lhfgs v`msÍ a@ kE$le@ Èsgdx v`msdcÍ a@ kE$le@ mE@ Èsgdx g`ud v`msdcÍ
a@ gyi@ ge$ Èsgdx `qd `rjhmfÍ a@ gyi@ ge$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Èsgdx trt`kkx `rjÍ a@ gyi@ ge$ ¯E^ Èsgdx vhkk `rjÍ a@ gyi@ Èsgdx rgntkc `rjÍ a@ ka@ge$ gyi^ Èsgdx lhfgs `rjÍ a@ õgyi@ Èsgdx `rjdcÍ a@ gyi$ mE@ Èsgdx g`ud `rjdcÍ
fE$ ÈknbjÍ ma&m fE$ Èsn knbjÍ a$ fE$ ne$ Ègd hr knbjhmfÍ a$ fE$ ne$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Ègd trt`kkx knbjrÍ a$ fE$ ne$ ¯E^ Ègd vhkk knbjÍ a@ fe^ Ègd rgntkc knbjÍ a$ ka$ge$ fE^ Ègd lhfgs knbjÍ a$ fE$ Ègd knbjdcÍ a$ fE$ mE@ Ègd g`r knbjdcÍ
80 a@ fE$ ne$ Èsgdx `qd knbjhmfÍ a@ fE$ ne$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Èsgdx trt`kkx knbjÍ a@ fE@ ne$ ¯E^ Èsgdx vhkk knbjÍ a@ fE^ Èsgdx rgntkc knbjÍ a@ ka@ge$ fE^ Èsgdx lhfgs knbjÍ a@ fE$ Èsgdx knbjdcÍ a@ fE$ mE@ Èsgdx g`ud knbjdcÍ
ku@ Èb`kkÍ ma&N õku@ Èsn b`kkÍ a$ ku$ Ègd hr b`kkhmfÍ a$ ku$ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Ègd trt`kkx b`kkrÍ a$ ku$ ¯E^ Ègd vhkk b`kkÍ a@ ku@ Ègd rgntkc b`kkÍ a$ ka$ge$ ku@ Ègd lhfgs b`kkÍ a$ ku$ mE@ Ègd g`r b`kkdcÍ
a@ ku^ Èsgdx `qd b`kkhmfÍ a@ ku^ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Èsgdx trt`kkx b`kkÍ a@ ku^ ¯E^ Èsgdx vhkk b`kkÍ a@ ku@ Èsgdx rgntkc b`kkÍ a@ ka@ge$ ku@ Èsgdx lhfgs b`kkÍ a@ ku@ mE@ Èsgdx g`ud b`kkdcÍ
5.6.1 NEGATION
Negation in Denya is marked by the morpheme fç@ wç@ which occurs at the end of the verb phrase. Here below, the various
81 tenses and auxilliary mood are displayed with the various tones. Tone is an aspect of the morphology of the language.
Perfective Aspect a& fE& fç@ wç@ Ègd g`r mns knbjdcÍ a& kE& fç@ wç@ Ègd g`r mns v`kjdcÍ a& ¯E& fç@ wç@ Ègdg`r mns d`sdmÍ a& ku& fç@ wç@ Ègd g`r mns b`kkdcÍ a& gyi& fç@ wç@ Ègd g`r mns `rjdcÍ a& tyE& fç@ wç@ Ègd g`r mns bnnjdcÍ a& kE$le@ fç@ wç@ Ègd g`r mns v`msdcÍ a& ku$le@ fç@ wç@ Ègd g`r mns qhrdmÍ a@ fE& fç@ wç@ Èsgdx g`ud mns knbjdcÍ a@ kE& fç@ wç@ Èsgdx g`ud mns v`kjdcÍ a@ ¯E& fç@ wç@ Èsgdx g`ud mns d`sdmÍ a@ ku& fç@ wç@ Èsgdx g`ud mns b`kkdcÍ a@ gyi& fç@ wç@ Èsgdx g`ud mns `rjdcÍ a@ tyE& fç@ wç@ Èsgdx g`ud mns bnnjdcÍ a@ kE$le@ fç@ wç@ Èsgdx g`ud mns v`msdcÍ a@ ku$le@ fç@ wç@ Èsgdx g`ud mns qhrdmÍ
Imperfective Aspect a& õfE@ ne^ fç@ Ègd hr mns knbjhmfÍ a& õkE@ ne^ fç@ Ègd hr mns v`kjhmfÍ a& ¯E^ fç@ Ègd hr mns d`shmfÍ a& ku^ fç@ Ègd hr mns b`kkhmfÍ a& õgyi@ ge^ fç@ Ègd hr mns `rjhmfÍ
82 a& õtyE@ ge^ fç@ Ègd hr mns bnnjhmfÍ a& õkE@le@ ge^ fç@ Ègd hr mns v`mshmfÍ a& õku@le@ ge& fç@ Ègd hr mns qhrhmfÍ
a@ õfE@ ne^ fç@ Èsgdx `qd mns knbjhmfÍ a@ õkE@ ne^ fç@ Èsgdx `qd mns v`kjhmfÍ a@ ¯E^ fç@ Èsgdx `qd mns d`shmfÍ a@ ku^ fç@ Èsgdx `qd mns b`kkhmfÍ a@ õgyi@ ge^ fç@ Èsgdx `qd mns `rjhmfÍ a@ õtyE@ ge^ fç@ Èsgdx `qd mns bnnjhmfÍ a@ õkE@le@ ge^ fç@ Èsgdx `qd mns v`mshmfÍ a@ õku@le@ ge^ fç@ Èsgdx `qd mns qhrhmfÍ
Perfect Tense a& fE$ mE^ fç@ wç@ Ègd g`c mns knbjdcÍ a& kE$ mE^ fç@ Ègd g`c mns v`kjdcÍ a& ¯E$ mE^ fç@ wç@ Ègd g`c mns d`sdmÍ a& ku$ mE^ fç@ wç@ Ègd g`c mns b`kkdcÍ a& gyi$ mE^ fç@ wç@ Ègd g`c mns `rjdcÍ a& tyE$ mE^ fç@ wç@ Ègd g`c mns bnnjdcÍ a& kE$le@ mE^ fç@ wç@ Ègd g`c mns v`msdcÍ a& ku$le@ mE^ fç@ wç@ Ègd g`c mns qhrdmÍ
a@ fE$ mE^ fç@ wç@ Èsgdx g`c mns knbjdcÍ a@ kE$ mE^ fç@ wç@ Èsgdx g`c mns v`kjdcÍ a@ ¯E$ mE^ fç@ wç@ Èsgdx g`c mns d`sdmÍ
83 a@ ku$ mE^ fç@ wç@ Èsgdx g`c mns b`kkdcÍ a@ gyi$ mE^ fç@ wç@ Èsgdx g`c mns `rjdcÍ a@ tyE$ mE^ fç@ wç@ Èsgdx g`c mns bnnjdcÍ a@ kE$le@ mE^ fç@ wç@ Èsgdx g`c mns v`msdcÍ a@ ku$le@ mE^ fç@ wç@ Èsgdx g`c mns qhrdmÍ
Future Tense a& õfE@ ne@ fç@ ¯E^ fç@ Ègd vhkk mns knbjÍ a& õkE@ ne@ ¯E^ fç@ Ègd vhkk mns v`kjÍ a& õ¯E@ ¯E^ fç@ Ègd vhkk mns d`sÍ a& õku@ ¯E^ fç@ Ègd vhkk mns b`kkÍ a& õgyi@ ge@ ¯E^ fç@ Ègd vhkk mns `rjÍ a& õtyE@ ge@ ¯E^ fç@ Ègd vhkk mns bnnjÍ a& õkE@le@ ge@ ¯E^ fç@ Ègd vhkk mns v`msÍ a& õku@le@ ge@ ¯E^ fç@ Ègd vhkk mns qhrdÍ
a@ õfE@ ne@ ¯E^ fç@ Èsgdx vhkk mns knbjÍ a@ õkE@ ne@ ¯E^ fç@ Èsgdx vhkk mns v`kjÍ a@ ¯E^ ¯E^^ fç@ Èsgdx vhkk mns d`sÍ a@ ku^ ¯E^ fç@ Èsgdx vhkk mns b`kkÍ a@ õgyi@ ge@ ¯E^ fç@ Èsgdx vhkk mns `rjÍ a@ õtyE@ ge@ ¯E^ fç@ Èsgdx vhkk mns bnnjÍ a@ õkE@le@ ge@ ¯E^ fç@ Èsgdx vhkk mns v`msÍ a@ õku@le@ ge@ ¯E^ fç@ Èsgdx vhkk mns qhrdÍ
Habitual a& õfE@ ne^ fç@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Ègd cndr mns trt`kkx knbjÍ
84 a& õkE@ ne^ fç@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Ègd cndr mns trt`kkx v`kjÍ a& ¯E^ fç@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Ègd cndr mns trt`kkx d`sÍ a& ku^ fç@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Ègd cndr mns trt`kkx b`kkÍ a& õgyi@ ge^ fç@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Ègd cndr mns trt`kkx `rjÍ a& õtyE@ ge^ fç@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Ègd cndr mns trt`kkx bnnjÍ a& õkE@le@ ge@ fç@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Ègd cndr mns trt`kkx v`msÍ a& õku@le@ ge@ fç@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Ègd cndr mns trt`kkx qhrdÍ a@ õfE@ ne^ fç@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Èsgdx cn mns trt`kkx knbjÍ a@ õkE@ ne^ fç@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Èsgdx cn mns trt`kkx v`kjÍ a@ ¯E^ fç@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Èsgdx cn mns trt`kkx d`sÍ a@ ku^ fç@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Èsgdx cn mns trt`kkx b`kkÍ a@ õgyi@ ge^ fç@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Èsgdx cn mns trt`kkx `rjÍ a@ õtyE@ ge^ fç@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Èsgdx cn mns trt`kkx bnnjÍ a@ õkE@le@ ge^ fç@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Èsgdx cn mns trt`kkx v`msÍ a@ õku@le@ ge^ fç@ dZE& n$de@ge@be@ Èsgdx cn mns trt`kkx qhrdÍ
Uncertainty
n$dç$fç$ a& õfE@ ne^ fç@ Ègd lhfgs mns knbjÍ n$dç$fç@ a& õkE@ ne^ fç@ Ègd lhfgs mns v`kjÍ n$dç$fç$ a& ¯E^ fç@ Ègd lhfgs mns d`sÍ n$dç$fç$ a& ku^ fç@ Ègd lhfgs mns b`kkÍ n$dç$fç$ a& õgyi@ ge^ fç@ Ègd lhfgs mns `rjÍ n$dç$fç$ a& õtyE@ ge^ fç@ Ègd lhfgs mns bnnjÍ n$dç$fç$ a& õkE@le@ ge^ fç@ Ègd lhfgs mns v`msÍ n$dç$fç$ a& õku@le@ ge^ fç@ Ègd lhfgs mns qhrdÍ n$dç$fç$ a@ õfE@ ne^ fç@ Èsgdx lhfgs mns knbjÍ
85 n$dç$fç$ a@ õkE@ ne^ fç@ Èsgdx lhfgs mns v`kjÍ n$dç$fç$ a@ ¯E^ fç$ Èsgdx lhfgs mns d`sÍ n$dç$fç$ a@ ku^ fç@ Èsgdx lhfgs mns b`kkÍ n$dç$fç$ a@ õgyi@ ge^ fç@ Èsgdx lhfgs mns `rjÍ n$dç$fç$ a@ õtyE@ ge^ fç@ Èsgdx lhfgs mns bnnjÍ n$dç$fç$ a@ õkE@le@ ge^ fç@ Èsgdx lhfgs mns v`msÍ n$dç$fç$ a@ õku@le@ ge^ fç@ Èsgdx lhfgs mns qhrdÍ
Concessive Mood
E@bE$ge@ a& õfE@ ne^ fç@ Èhe gd hr mns knbjhmfÍ
E@bE$ge@ a& õkE@ ne^ fç@ Èhe gd hr mns v`kjhmfÍ
E@bE$ge@ a& ¯E^ fç@ Èhe gd hr mns d`shmfÍ
E@bE$ge@ a& ku^ fç@ Èhe gd hr mns b`kkhmfÍ
E@bE$ge@ a& õgyi@ ge^ fç@ Èhe gd hr mns `rjhmfÍ
E@bE$ge@ a& õtyE@ ge^ fç@ Èhe gd hr mns bnnjhmfÍ
E@bE$ge@ a& õkE@le@ ge^ fç@ Èhe gd hr mns v`mshmfÍ
E@bE$ge@ a& õku@le@ ge^^ fç@ Èhe gd hr mns qhrhmfÍ
E@bE$ge@ a@ õfE@ ne^ fç@ Èhe sgdx `qd mns knbjhmfÍ
E@bE$ge@ a@ õkE@ ne^ fç@ Èhe sgdx `qd mns v`kjhmfÍ
E@bE$ge@ a@ ¯E^ fç@ Èhe sgdx `qd mns d`shmfÍ
E@bE$ge@ a@ ku^ fç@ Èhe sgdx `qd mns b`kkhmfÍ
E@bE$ge@ a@ õgyi@ ge^ fç@ Èhe sgdx `qd mns `rjhmfÍ
E@bE$ge@ a@ õtyE@ ge^ fç@ Èhe sgdx `qd mns bnnjhmfÍ
E@bE$ge@ a@ õkE@le@ ge^ fç@ Èhe sgdx `qd mns v`mshmfÍ
E@bE$ge@ a@ õku@le@ ge^ fç@ Èhe sgdx `qd mns qhrhmfÍ
Below the verb system is represented with the nouns.
The various examples are represented in the present, past and future tenses.A cursory study shows that they derive
86 their tone from the morphology. All words in bracket are optional. Here are the examples below:
NmE@re@ to press
present tense a$ NmE$re$ ge$ me$kwa$ Ègd hr oqdrrhmf ` anwÍ a& NmE@re@ ge^ fç@ me$kwa$ Ègd hr mns oqdrrhmf ` anwÍ n@õno@ a$ NmE$re$ ge$ me$kwa&õa@ Èhr gd oqdrrhmf ` anw>Í n@õno@ a& NmE@re@ ge^ fç@ me$kwa$õa@ Èhr gd mns oqdrrhmf ` anwÍ
E@bE$ge@ n@õno@ a NmE$re$ ge$ me$kwa$ Èhe gd hr oqdrrhmf ` anwÍ
E@bE$ge@ n@õno@ a& NmE@re@ ge^ fç@ me$kwa$ Èhe gd mns oqdrrhmf ` anwÍ
past tense a$ NmE$re@ me$kwa$ Ègd g`r oqdrrdc ` anwÍ a& NmE$re@ õfç@ me$kwa$ wç@ Ègd g`r mns oqdrrdc ` anwÍ n@õno@ a$ NmE$re@ me$kwa&õa@ Èg`r gd oqdrrdc ` anw>Í n@õno@ a& NmE$re@ õfç@ me$kwa$ wç@õç@ Èg`r gd mns oqdrrdc ` anw>Í
E@bE$ge@ n@õno@ a$ NmE$re@ me$kwa$ Èhe gd g`r oqdrrdc ` anwÍ
E@bE$ge@ n@õno@ a& NmE$re@ fç@ me$kwa$ Èhe gd g`r mns oqdrrdc ` anwÍ
future a$ NmE$re$ ge$ ¯E^ me$kwa$ Ègd vhkk oqdrr ` anwÍ a& õNmE@re@ ge@ ¯E^ fç@ me$kwa$ Ègd vhkk mns oqdrr ` anwÍ n@õno@ a$ NmE$re$ ge$ ¯E^ me$kwa&õa@ Èvhkk gd oqdrr ` anw>Í n@õno@ a& õNmE@re@ ge@ ¯E^ fç@ me$kwa&õa@ Èvhkk gd mns oqdrr ` anw>Í
E@bE$ge@ n@õno@ a$ NmE$re$ ge$ ¯E^ me$kwa$ Èhe gd vhkk oqdrr ` anwÍ
E@bE$ge@ n@õno@ a& õNmE@re@ ge@ ¯E^ fç@ me$k Èhe gd vhkk mns oqdrr ` anwÍ wa$
87 kwç@ _sn `rbdmc&
present tense a$ kwç$ me$ me$kwE^ Ègd hr `rbdmchmf ` ghkkÍ a& õkwç@ me^ fç@ me@kwE^ Ègd hr mns `rbdmchmf ` ghkkÍ n@õno@ a$ kwç$ me$ me@kwE@õe@ Èhr gd `rbdmchmf ` ghkk>Í n@õno@ a& õkwç@ me^ fç@ me@kwE^ Èhe gd hr mns `rbdmchmf ` ghkkÍ
E@bE$ge@ n@õno@ a$ kwç$ me$ me@kwE^ Èhe gd hr `rbdmf ` ghkkÍ
E@bE$ge@ nõno@ a& õkwç@ me^ fç@ me@kwE^ Èhe gd hr mns `rbdmchmf ` ghkkÍ
past tense a$ kwç@ mE@ me@kwE^ Ègd g`r `rbdmcdc ` ghkkÍ a& kwç& õfç@ me@kwE@ wç@ Ègd g`r mns `rbdmcdc ` ghkkÍ n@õno@ a$ kwç@ mE@ me@kwE@õE@ Èg`r gd `rbdmcdc ` ghkk>Í n@õno@ a& kwç& õfç@ me@kwE@ wç@õç@ Èg`r gd mns `rbdmcdc ` ghkk>Í
E@bE$ge@ n@õno@ a$ kwç@ mE@ me@kwE^ Èhe gd g`r `rbdmcdc ` ghkk-Í
E@bE$ge@ n@õno@ a& kwç& õfç@ me@kwE@ wç@ Èhe gd g`r mns `rbdmcdc ` ghkk-Í
future a$ kwç$ me$ ¯E^ me@kwE^ Ègd vhkk `rbdmc ` ghkk-Í a& õkwç@ me@ ¯E^ fç@ me@kwE^ Ègd vhkk mns `rbdmc ` ghkk-Í n@õno@ a$ kwç$ me$ ¯E^ me@kwE@õE@ Èvhkk gd `rbdmc ` ghkk>Í n@õno@ a& õkwç@ me@ ¯E^ fç@ me@kwE@õE@ È_vhkk gd mns `rbdmc ` ghkk>Í
E@bE$ge@ n@õno@ a$ kwç$ me$ ¯E^ me@kwE^ Èhe gd vhkk `rbdmc ` ghkk-Í
E@bE$ge@ n@õno@ a& õkwç@ me@ ¯E^ fç@ me@kwE^ Èhe gd vhkk mns `rbdmc ` ghkkÍ
tSyE& Èsn fhudÍ
Present Tense
88 a$ tSyE$ ge$ ge$nç& Ègd hr fhuhmf ` rshbjÍ a& tSyE@ ge@ fç@ ge$nç& Ègd hr mns fhuhmf ` rshbj-Í a$ tSyE$ ge gEnç@õç@ Èhr gd fhuhmf ` rshbjÍ
E@bE$ge@ a$ tSyE$ ge$ ge$nç& Èhe gd hr fhuhmf ` rshbj-Í
E@bE$ge@ a& õtSyE@ ge@ õfç@ ge$nç& Èhe gd hr mns fhuhmf ` rshbj-Í
Past Tense a$ tSyE$ mE@ ge$nç& Ègd g`r fhudm ` rshbj-Í a& tSyE& õfç@ ge$nç$ wç@ Ègd g`r mns fhudm ` rshbj-Í a$ tSyE& ge$nç&õç@ Èg`r gd fhudm ` rshbj-Í a& tSyE& õfç@ ge$nç$ wç@õç@ Èg`r gd mns fhudm ` rshbj-Í
E@bE$ge@ a$ tSyE& gE$nç$ Èhe gd g`r fhudm ` rshbj-Í
E@bE$ge@ n@õno@ A& õtSyE@ fç@ ge$nç$ wç@ Èhe gd g`r mns fhudm ` rshbj-Í
Future Tense a$ tSyE$ ge$ ¯E^ ge$nç& Ègd vhkk fhud ` rshbj-Í a& tSyE@ ge@ ¯E^ fç@ ge$nç$ Ègd vhkk mns fhud ` rshbj-Í a$ tSyE$ ge$ ¯E^ ge$nç&õç@ Èvhkk gd fhud ` rshbj>Í n@õno@ a& õtSyE@ ge@ ¯E^ fç@ ge$nç&õç@ Èvhkk gd mns fhud ` rshbj>Í
E@bE$ge@ n@õno@ a$ tSyE$ ge$ ¯E^ ge$nç& Èhe gd vhkk fhud ` rshbj-Í
E@bE$ge@ n@õno@ a& tSyE@ ge@ ¯E^ fç@ ge$nç$ Èhe gd mns fhud ` rshbj-Í
kpE$ Èsn dmsdqÍ
Present Tense a$ kpE$ ne$ m$mu$ ge$pu@ Ègd hr dmsdqhmf ` gntrdÍ a& õkpE@ ne^ fç@ m$mu$ ge$pu@ Ègd hr mns dmsdqhmf ` gntrd-Í n@õno@ a$ kpE$ ne$ m$mu$ ge$pu@õu@ Èhr gd dmsdqhmf ` gntrd-Í n@õno@ a& õkpE@ ne^ fç@ m$mu$ ge$pu@õu@ _hr gd mns dmsdqhmf ` gntrd> ∆
E@bE$ge@ n@õno@ a$ kpE$ ne$ m$mu$ ge$pu@ Èhe gd hr dmsdqhmf ` gntrd-Í
89 E@bE$ge@ n@õno@ a& õkpE@ ne^ fç@ m$mu$ ge$p Èhe gd hr mns dmsdqhmf ` gntrd-Í u@õu@
Past Tense a$ kpE$ mE@ m$mu$ ge$pu@ Ègd g`r dmsdqdc ` gntrdÍ a& õkpE@ fç@ m$mu$ ge$pu@ wç@ Ègd g`r mns dmsdqdc `
gntrd-Í n@õno@ a$ kpE$ mE@ m$mu$ ge$pu@õu@ Èg`r gd dmsdqdc sgd gntrd>Í n@õno@ a& kpE& õfç@ m$mu$ ge$pu@ wç@õç@ Èg`r gd mns dmsdqdc ` gntrdÍ
E@bE$ge@ n@õno@ a$ kpE$ mE@ m$mu$ ge$pu@ Èhe gd g`r dmsdqdc ` gntrd-Í
E@bE$ge@ n@õno@ a& õkpE@ fç@ m$mu$ ge$pu@ wç@ Èhe gd g`r mns dmsdqdc `
gntrd-Í
Future a$ kpE$ ne$ ¯E^ m$mu$ ge$pu@ Ègd vhkk dmsdq ` gntrdÍ a& õkpE@ ne@ ¯E^ fç@ m$mu$ ge$pu@ Ègd vhkk mns dmsdq `gntrd-Í n@õno@ a$ kpE$ ne$ ¯E^ m$mu$ ge$pu@õu@ Èvhkk gd dmsdq ` gntrd>Í n@õno@ a& õkpE@ ne@ ¯E^ fç@ m$mu$ ge$pu@õu@ Èvhkk gd mns dmsdq ` gntrd-Í
E@bE$ge@ n@õno@ a$ kpE$ ne$ ¯E^ m$mu$ ge$pu@ Èhe gd vhkk dmsdq ` gntrd-Í
E@bE$ge@ n@õno@ a& õkpE@ ne@ ¯E^ fç@ m$mu$ ge$pu@ Èhe gd vhkk mns dmsdq `
gntrd-Í
5.7 Tonal Processes
5.7.1 Downdrift and Downstep
Downdrift is the automatic lowering of pitch in a phonological phrase whenever a H-tone is preceded by a L-tone. Downdrift creates a falling intonation contour in a phonological phrase.
90 Downstep occurs in situations which are not automatically triggered off by the presence of a L-tone immediately before a H-tone at the surface level. The absence of a surface L-tone in a downstep can often be attributed to a L-tone that has become dissociated from its tone bearing segment(s) due usually to the application of a rule such as high tone spread (HTS), the presence of a floating L tone or to the historical deletion of the crucial tone bearing segment(s). Downdrift and downstep should be given the same formal representations. However, it is clear that the distinction between the two needs to be maintained in order to show their different derivations. Downdrift is clearly demonstrated with the sequence H-L-H-L-H-L. Consider the examples below:
1) ------ge@to$ ge@ ge$nto@me@ ‘‘various kinds of huts’’
2) ------ge@to$ ge@ ma$Nku^ ‘‘a kind of hut’’
In the above examples, we have four H-tones in the first example and three H-tones in the second. In both of the examples, a H-tone is lowered each time it follows a L. Adjecent H-tones are pronounced at the same pitch level. Denya exhibits downstep (DS) in which the second of the sequence of two H-tones is slightly lower than the first. In the examples below, a raised exclamation point indicates a phonetic lowering of following H-tones. These
91 DS occur as a result of a floating L-tone which triggers the lowering of a following H. In the example below, the floating Ls are part of the underlying structures and they are circled.
da@õkE@õni@ “dog fish”
H L H L H
ge@õmfwi@õni@ “foam”
H L H L H
n@õdç@N “jigger”
H L H
5.8 Contour Tones
The distribution of contour tones are as follows:
Rising Tones
They occur on the noun class prefixes and never on verb roots: ma&-myE$ ÈcnfÍ ba&-mi$¯a$ ÈhmrdbsrÍ
They also occur on the stem of nouns:
ÈqhudqÍ E$-bE&
Èq`sÍ me$-¯a$tu&
ÈodnokdÍ bç&
Èv`sdqÍ ma$-na&
92 rpthqqdkÍ e$-gi&
Èitit9 ` sxodÍ E@-dZa&tE$m
Rising tones also occur on the final syllable of the first stem in compound words. mi$¯a&-ma$gç$ ÈfqtaÍ
E$bE&-me$ga$ Èrd`Í m$ma&-u$tu@ È`ooqdmshbdÍ
Falling Tones
Falling tones occur only on the stem of words. They never occur on prefixes. ge$-pi^ ÈbtbjnnÍ
¯u^Nku$ Èb`rshmf ne knsrÍ a$-tSo^to$ ÈghqdÍ 'm( a$ Nwa^ Èb`sÍ ge$-la^ Èo`k`sdÍ ge@-be^ Èrv`loÍ
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