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Volume 1996 Article 12

1996

"Historical Processes and the Political Organization of the Indians": A Reply

Nancy Adele Historical Commission

Timothy K. Perttula Heritage Research Center, Stephen F. Austin State University, [email protected]

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Cite this Record Adele, Nancy and Perttula, Timothy K. (1996) ""Historical Processes and the Political Organization of the Hasinai Caddo Indians": A Reply," Index of Texas Archaeology: Open Access Gray Literature from the Lone Star State: Vol. 1996, Article 12. https://doi.org/10.21112/.ita.1996.1.12 ISSN: 2475-9333 Available at: https://scholarworks.sfasu.edu/ita/vol1996/iss1/12

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This article is available in Index of Texas Archaeology: Open Access Gray Literature from the Lone Star State: https://scholarworks.sfasu.edu/ita/vol1996/iss1/12 Volume 7, Number 2

"Historical Processes and the Political Organization of the Hasinai Caddo Indians": A Reply

Nancy Adele Kenmotsu and Timothy K. Perttula, Texas Historical Commission

In a recent volume of the Caddoan ever, 1t 1s our view that Hickerson's Archeology Newsletter, Daniel Hickerson consideration of historical processes has (1995) argues that aggression only dealt with a fraction of the available across the Southern Plains, Apache trade archeological and archival/documentary in horses and other European goods, and literature on the Caddo peoples, and this European-introduced diseases dramati­ reliance on a limited sample of this cally affected Caddoan populations by material has led to a portrayal of Apache encouraging their migration south to the aggression and its effects on the Caddo upper Neches/ Angelina river basins area populations in eastern Texas that is traditionally occupied by one segment of overdrawn and misleading. Furthermore, the Caddo, the Hasinai groups. In his Hickerson incorrectly characterizes the opinion (Hickerson 1995: 12), the Hasinai limitations of the eastern Texas confederacy was a nascent chiefdom that environment, leading to depictions of the developed as a direct result of this mid­ region, as an impenetrable forest that to late-seventeenth century southern stood as a defensive barrier, that do not migration. As has been pointed out by stand up to scrutiny. Finally, a failure to Caddoan ethnographers, ethnohistorians, differentiate between the Caddo and and archeologists for 50 years Qr more, Southern Plains Caddoan-speakers causes the Caddo were affected by a number of Hickerson to inappropriately attribute to historical processes that resulted from the the Caddo the effects of Apache European exploration and settlement of hostilities directed against the Pawnee the New World, and we would agree and Wichita, close tribal allies (Meredith with Hickerson that these are worthy of 1995:20-21 ). study and continual reexamination. How-

Caddoan Coalescence and Apache Aggression

Hickerson (1995:7) argues that Apache increasingly common after ca. 1650. The aggression "was a major concern for the fundamental cause of the increased Hasinai" and that "violent encounters" aggression, according to Hickerson between the two groups were (1995:8), was Apache acquisition of

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J Caddoan Archeology large horse herds and Spanish weapons Lopez (AGN 1684), Paredes (1968:475), obtained through trade and also through Posada (1982:36), Olivares (BA 1719), raids on the Spanish and Puebloan and others. settlements in New . These horses and weapons enabled the Apache to There is, however, no archeological or extend their territories to the north and documentary evidence that the level of east where they preyed on the Wichita, these hostilities overwhelmed the Caddo Pawnee, and, ultimately, the Caddo. It is or caused their coalescence between the Hickerson's (1995:8) opinion that, by Neches and Angelina rivers. With regard 1660, the had "acquired their to the archeological data, to date, no reputation ... as the fearsome and hostile sites with abundant evidence of warfare warriors who dominated the southern have been identified on the Southern Plains, a reputation that stayed with them Plains or in eastern Texas. To be sure, through the eighteenth century". The only a few historic sites that may be Caddoan response, says Hickerson attributable to the Apaches have been (1995:9), was population aggradation in identified on the Southern Plains the territory of the Hasinai Caddo (Spielmann 1982; Habicht-Mauche 1987; between the Neches and Angelina rivers. Boyd et al. 1994:242; Johnson and This region was apparently chosen Holliday 1995), and the paucity of because it was at some distance from the systematic surveys in the region may Apaches and was heavily forested, a account somewhat for the lack of condition that Hickerson believes was a evidence of Apache/Caddoan aggression barrier to horse travel. in that region. More likely, the difficulty in identifying Apache sites is a product It is our opinion that Hickerson's of Apache mobility, band structure, and arguments and conclusions are ~ot well limited time depth in Texas (Black et al. supported by documentary or 1996:56). However, that is not true for archeological evidence, although we the eastern Texas Caddo region where concur that hostilities did exist between archeological investigations for the last the Caddo and the Apache. For example, 60+ years for have resulted in surveys of the French (Margry n.d. , roll 3:348) large land masses and in the noted the conflicts with the Apaches in identification of a wide variety of 1687, and, in 1691, Casaftas (Swanton historic Caddo sites from the Red River 1942:251) listed the Apache as one of to deep eastern Texas (Perttula 1993, the enemies of the Caddo. Hidalgo's 1995). This includes important Caddo (Swanton 1942:269-271) letters offered sites such as Deshaz.o (Story 1982, further support of the enmity between the 1995), Mayhew (Kenmotsu 1992), many Apache and the Caddo. Statements of other Allen phase sites in the Neches and Apache/Caddo hostilities are also present Angelina river drainages (Cole 1975), in the writjngs of Mendoza (AGN 1683), Kinsloe phase sites on the Sabine

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drainage (Jones 1968), the Goode Hunt small, dispersed, late seventeenth century and Clements sites near the divide Hasinai communities in eastern Texas. between the and Cypress Bayou (Perttula 1992: 188-195), and post- Contrary to Hickerson's thesis, then, 1600 Texarkana and McCurtain phase there is no archeological evidence that sites along the Red River (Gilmore 1986; the Hasinai Caddo communities were Gilmore and McCormick 1980, 1982; occupied by large enclaves of migrant Perttula et al. 1995). Although from regions to the north. arrowpoints have been recovered in Rather, the Caddo rancherias were quantity from some of these sites, widely separated from one another by European weaponry (i.e., gun parts unoccupied lands and hunting territories. and/or knives) is minimal in an Although Hickerson (1995:8) contends archeological context at any Caddo sites that the Apache aggression was sufficient before 1740, and those sites with human to cause the Caddos and their allies "to remams have no evidence of violent concentrate their settlements for the deaths. benefit of mutual protection", the archeological record does not support his In essence, then, the archeological thesis. assemblages and settlement/community patterns indicate that these historic In part, Hickerson's assumption of Caddo sites were the residences of Apache/Caddo warfare stems from his closely interacting and well-integrated failure to distinguish between the Caddo, small-scale agriculturists. Moreover, the a distinct Native American group sites in the Angelina and occupying the Piney Woods and Post basins appear to have been occupied as Savannah of eastern Texas, extended family farmsteads (Kenmotsu northwestern , southwestern 1992) or as small hamlets of several , and southeastern , farmsteads (Story 1982, 1995; Cole and Caddoan speakers, notably the 1975) that were widely dispersed across Pawnee and the Wichita. Although the the landscape around public buildings latter share a linguistic base with the used by the tribal leaders. Father Douay Caddo, glottochronologists suggest that, in 1687, for example, commented that for at least 4000 years, the Caddo the Caddo in the Neches/Angelina river language had been evolving separately basins lived in a community "at least from the Pawnee or Wichita (Chafe twenty leagues (about 50 miles, as a 1990). Ethnological (Swanton 1942) and .J league is equivalent to 2.76 miles) long, ethnohistorical (Perttula 1992; Smith not continuously settled, but with 1995) studies support the separation of rancherias of ten or twelve huts" the Caddo as a distinct cultural and tribal (Hackett 1931-I 946, Vol. I, para. 361 ). entity from the Pawnee and the Wichita. We detect no defensive posture in the Because Hickerson lumps Caddoan

11 Caddoan Archeology speakers with the Southern Caddo concerned about the Apache as a hostile speakers (the affiliated Hasinai, force. We believe that this lack of fear , and Natchitoches groups), relates to their own fighting abilities, his conclusions regarding hostilities often their acquisition of the horse, and their rest upon documentary evidence related large population base. When the French to the Wichita and/or Pawnee, but not to first encountered the Caddo, they noted the Caddo. that the Caddo raided to the west (across the Trinity and Brazos rivers), often Spanish and French documents dating returning with Apache captives whom from the seventeenth and eighteenth they subsequently tortured to death centuries do, as noted above, support the (Margry n.d., roll 3:363). A few years notion of Apache/Caddo hostility. later, the Spanish priests Espinosa However, our interpretation of the data (Swanton 1942:294) and Casanas from those documents differs (Swanton 1942:251) wrote that the significantly from the position taken by Caddo undertook war parties to the west Hickerson. It is our opinion that the to seek out their enemies. Although each documentary record indicates: 1) that the of these authors acknowledged the Caddo were cautious, but not overly enmity between the Caddo and the concerned about the Apache; 2) that the Apache, none described large numbers of Apache were only one of several groups casualties on either side resulting from with hostile relations with the Caddo, but the hostilities, and none indicated that that this hostility did not prevent the the Apache were the "major concern" for Caddo from regularly hunting and the Caddo that Hickerson ( 1995:7) has trading across central and southern Texas portrayed. before and after they had the horse; 3) that the forest never imposed Hickerson (1995:8) believes that horses a barrier to horse travel; and, 4) that were important in the Apache's success while the Apache certainly were actively against the Caddo. However, this hostile to eastern groups, their push to position fails to acknowledge that, by the the east was largely forced upon them by late seventeenth century, the Caddo the arrival of the in the themselves acquired horses in quantities Southern Plains, interrupting the Apache­ that facilitated their ability to procure ) Spanish commerce in in the hides and meat, that were a boon early eighteenth century (Kavanagh in their trade with the French and 1986:60-64; John and Wheat 1989:76; Spanish, and that granted success in their ' John and Wheat 1991:157, 170). Each of raids of enemies. By the late seventeenth these points is discussed below. century, most Hasinai families had three or more horses (Margry n.d., roll 3:298, The documentary evidence indicates 325, 333). Throughout the eighteenth that the Caddo were not overly century, Gregory (1973:292) has further

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documented that the Caddo continued to and populous nation. This general supply horses and hides (deer and bison) impression of the Caddo held, and in in large numbers to the Europeans (see 1686, Paredes (1962:467) wrote in his also Perttula 1994). In 1744, more than overview that the explorations of Martin 100,000 hides passed through Louisiana, and Castillo in 1650 had not penetrated many through the French post at the lands of the Caddo "because it was Natchitoches (Gregory 1973:239). The recognized as being expansive and filled Caddo obtained some horses by raiding with many people". This impression is Apache camps (Margry n.d., roll 3:325); supported by Joutel's statement in 1687 others were acquired through trade with on Caddoan fighting policy: ) Native American groups other than the Apache (Smith 1995: 16), particularly the For that is their way of making Jumano and Wichita groups. In short, war, in Turkish fashion, giving another look at the documentary record no quarter; they bring back these clarifies that the presence of the Apache scalps as trophies, so that the to the west was insufficient for cessation huts of the warriors and brave of Caddo travel to the west, south, and men are known by the number of northwest, areas that Hickerson (1995) scalps in them (Margry n.d., roll considered to be the strongholds of the 3: 340). Apaches, to obtain the hides that they traded to the French in Natchitoches. The impression, then, is one of a large, confident Indian nation that neither The Caddos' confidence appears to feared, nor underestimated, their have been partly based on their enemies, and that was known to initiate population. Seventeenth century attacks on their own accord (Margry n.d., descriptions of the Caddo by both the roll 3:284). Spanish (AGN 1684; Posadas 1982:36; Paredes 1968 :467; Massanet 1957; The documents also illustrate that the Casanas [Swanton 1942]) and by other Caddo had other enemies. In 1691, Native (e.g., AGN 1683, Casanas (Swanton 1942:251) wrote that 1684) indicate that they were a large, their enemies included "Apaches, populous nation living securely in their Caaucozi, and Mani." Espinosa • homeland. Fray Nicolas Lopez (AGN (Swanton 1942:286) added the Yojuanes j 1684) wrote of the "vast and powerful to this list, and Joutel wrote in 1687 that kingdom of the Tejas (Caddo)" when he the Choumanos (), friends of the

J met their ambassadors in west-central Cenis (Hasinai), often joined the Hasinai Texas. Several months earlier, a Jumano in attacks on the Ayano or Canohatino. Indian in El Paso stated (AGN 1683) that The Caddo also had long-standing the Tejas often visited each other's hostilities with the Osage, Choctaws, and settlements and were a large, powerful, Chickasaws (Smith 1995: 14). Smith

13 Caddoan Archeology

(1995:15) further points out that while of floods. Governor Gregorio de Salinas "the Apaches quickly earned the enmity Varona, traveling in 1693, was also of all the Indians of Texas by stealing forced to deal with swollen rivers (Foster from the other, more established ", et al. 1993), as were other expedition it was the Osage who "struck terror in leaders. In other words, the rivers were the hearts of the Caddos" (Smith temporary barriers to travel, but the 1995: 14). In sum, the documents do not forests were not. substantiate Hickerson's contention that the Apache represented the most feared, It is unreasonable for Hickerson or even the only, enemy of the Caddo. (I 995 :9) to characterize the Hasinai territory as remote. Existing aboriginal We also take exception to Hickerson's trade routes, trails, and later Spanish (1995: 12) statements that the dense trails across Texas all led to the Hasinai, forests of eastern Texas served as in particular to the Nabedache Caddo on protection against savage Apaches San Pedro Creek, and then on across the because they represented a barrier to Neches River. Not coincidentally, this travel. As noted by Joutel (Margry n.d. location is also marked by the earliest, rolt 3 :290), Casanas (Swanton 1942), and largest, and probably most important all subsequent observers, the Caddo had prehistoric Caddo mound center south of their own horses which, as Smith has the Sabine River, the George C. Davis noted (1995:14), thrived and multiplied site (Story 1990:325, 340-341). The in the eastern Texas environment. The Caddo construction and use of this ability of horses to negotiate and mound from as early as A.O. 800/900 maneuver in this setting is further indicates that this part of the upper underscored by the quantity of horses Neches River had been an significant brought by Moscoso, De Leon, Teran, population center long before the and others to the region in Spanish protohistoric era as Hickerson suggests. exploration and colonizing efforts. To be sure, as Hickerson (1995) notes, Finally, we argue that the reason for difficulties were encountered in these Apache aggression against the Caddo and expeditions. However, the diaries a number of other Southern Plains indicate that the difficulties centered groups did not stem from their upon the problems attendant in crossing acquisition of the horse and Spanish large, flooded rivers, and that flooded weapons. Rather, their aggression rivers were common not only in eastern stemmed from the inexorable push of the Texas but also central and southern Comanche into the Southern and rolling Texas. Teran (AGI 1692; Foster 1995:69) Plains. Summaries of the shifts in had to wait 12 days to cross the Trinity, Comanche and Apachean territories can and, on the same return to Mexico, was be found in Kessell (1979), John (1975), forced to wait at the because John and Wheat (1989), and Kavanagh

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(1986). These researchers point out that networks, and to the ' military once the Spanish recognized the dominance of the Southern Plains within prominence of the Comanche a few decades of their arrival in the early newcomers, they found it expedient to eighteenth century. Throughout the negotiate trading pacts with the eighteenth century, the Comanches Comanche and abandon a century of pushed the Apaches into regions, such as Apache alliances (John and Wheat 1989; the fringes of eastern Texas, where their Jackson 1995 :226-227). Left at the presence had been merely sporadic. The mercy of the Spanish and the Apache themselves became "refugees Comanches, the Apaches moved south driven ... by the even more formidable and east. By 1700, they were in La Junta Comanches" (Adams 1991:211). Indeed, de los Rios, Nueva Vizcaya, , the Comanche and Apache were and, occasionally, central Texas implacable enemies, as Cortes indicated (Kenmotsu 1994:270), locations well to in his 1799 report: the south and east of their earlier range. Four years later, groups of Apaches The most irreconcilable hatred pleaded for peace in El Paso following that the Apaches hold, and the retaliatory raids by Spanish forces (AHP war that they carry on most 1704; NMA 1710). In 1712, they were tenaciously, are against the introduced to Ramirez in La Junta, and Cumanche Indians. This hatred is they indicated that they sought amicable as old as the nations themselves, relations with both the Spanish and the and the war is waged with utmost resident native groups (AGI 1716). Other vigor by the groups nearest to reports of their requests for peace and/or them, that is, the Faraones, alliances with native groups along the , Llaneros, and Rio Grande in Texas (Salinas 1990), and Lipanes. There is no other with Spanish military commanders in apparent origin than that both the Mexico, are relatively common in the Cumanches and the aforemen­ Parral archives. Those pleas for peace tioned nations seek to have were a dramatic reversal of the regular certain exclusive rights to the and consistent small raids that they had buffalo which abound to an previously undertaken against the natives astonishing degree on the lands in those regions. of both sides (John and Wheat 1989:76). As Kessell (1979), Kavanagh (1986), .I and John and Wheat (1989) have As the Apache moved east and south demonstrated, the reversal can be out of the eastern , conflicts attributed to their replacement by the with native inhabitants resulted. In La Comanches at the nexus of the Junta and other southern regions, the Plains/Spanish relations and trade Apaches sought to resolve the conflicts

15 Caddoan Archeology

through peace. The groups, eastern margins of the Blackland Prairie, however, were displaced by the Apache however, the Apache either could not, or after 1680 as the latter moved across the were not able to, find resolution through in search of sources of peace. Instead, they raided the Caddo horses (Campbell 1983:345). On the and were, in tum, raided by the Caddo.

Populations and Demography

Hickerson (1995:6-7) argues that the It is interesting that Hickerson (1995:7) Caddoan area, the Hasinai and Cypress asserts that the Hasinai area was lightly Creek basin areas included, was more settled. When the DeSoto-Moscoso dispersely settled and less densely entrada came through the Caddo populated than Mississippian settlements provmce of Guasco ("an island of in the Southeast, thus less susceptible to relative plenty" in the upper the spread of epidemic diseases. This Neches/Angelina river basin according to runs counter to much recent Hudson [1996]), the Spanish were archeological work on Mississippian provisioned three times in a single year, communities, where there is actually a considerable achievement for a "lightly little uniformity but much diversity settled" province. Furthermore, the among these polities in the character of Cypress Creek basin was not sparsely settlement systems and settlement populated; rather, it was perhaps the amalgamations, as well as in relative most densely populated region of population densities (Rogers 1995:23- northeastern Texas until at least the early 25). Thus, Caddo settlements and 1600s, as large settlements and population densities in East Texas were community cemeteries abound along Big likely comparable to Mississippian and Little Cypress creeks and tributaries. groups in much of the interior Southeast.

Caddo Archeology in the Neches/Angelina River Basin

Although this is not the place for a argument that the formation of a Hasinai detailed review of the archeology of the confederacy was strongly influenced by upper Neches and Angelina river basins, the migration of Caddo groups from ., the ancestral homeland of the Hasinai north and west (apparently the Caddo groups, the most current and the Nadaco, according to Hickerson). consideration of prehistoric and early his­ Rather, the archeological record of the toric sociopolitical organization provides Anderson Cluster (the Frankston and no support for Hickerson's (1995:12) Allen phases) indicates that:

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[t]he Allen Phase [ca. A.D. 1600- may posit that there should be some 1750] is believed to have indication of a sharing of ceramic styles developed out of the Frankston and technology between the post-1650 Phase [ca. A.O. 1400-1600] and, Hasinai components (the Allen phase) more importantly, to have shared and the antecedent Nasoni and Nadaco the same form of organization, groups north of the Sabine River. In kinds of intergroup interaction, general, this part of eastern Texas was and settlement patterns. In sum ... occupied by Titus phase groups after ca. Late Caddoan groups in the upper A.O. 1450 (Thurmond 1985; Perttula Neches and Angelina drainages 1995:Figure 10), and distinctive Titus were socio-politically united, and phase engraved ceramic styles and vessel this unity prevailed with only forms are well known. If we examine the minor changes from perhaps A.O. ceramic assemblage from the early 1400 into early historic times eighteenth century Deshazo site, the best (Story and Creel 1982:34). known historic Caddo site in the upper Neches/ Angelina river basin, it is readily The archeological evidence summarized apparent that Titus phase ceramics by Story and Creel (1982) does not (Perttula 1995:Figures 11 and 18) are not suggest that the historic Allen phase is present and, in fact as Fields ( 1995 :228) the product of the incorporation of notes, "there are no apparent nonlocal Caddo groups from north of the Sabine ceramics in the Deshazo collection". As River, or for that matter from any other with other Allen phase assemblages part of the eastern Texas region. In fact, throughout eastern Texas, the Deshazo the distribution of known Allen phase ceramics are dominated by Patton archeological components (Story 1990: Engraved bowls (Story 1995 :242). Ripley Figure 56) encompasses a larger area Engraved, the most recognizable Titus than that recognized by the Spanish for phase ceramic style, is absent, as are the different Hasinai groups. engraved bottle forms (Perttula 1995:Figure 1 ld-e, h), another distinctive vessel form that is common in Titus If Caddoan groups from the Cypress phase assemblages. From this evidence, Creek and Sulphur River basins moved there appears to have been little sharing into the Hasinai Caddo region beginning of ideas or interaction between the in the mid-seventeenth century, as Hasinai Caddo households at Deshazo Hickerson (1995:10) asserts, then we and any Cypress Creek Caddo groups.

17 Caddoan Archeology

Conclusions

In sum, Hickerson (1995:20) is correct were more actively fighting with eastern in stating that "identification of the groups, including the Caddo and the historical processes taking place in the Wichita groups, during the early to mid­ material and social environment are eighteenth century (BA 1719). Signifi­ important to any understanding of the cantly, this was the time that the thriving influence on sociocultural change". traffic in Apachean slaves began to However, by focusing on Apache develop between the Wichita, Hasinai aggression, Hickerson's article does not Caddo, Comanche, and the French and serve to better identify those processes Spanish markets at Natchitoches and Los that shaped Caddo lifeways after Adaes, respectively, fueled principally by European contact, nor does it accurately Wichita and Comanche raiding for horses reflect current archeological and among the Apache (Gregory 1973:261- documentary literature on the Apache or 268, 287). Thus, to depict the Apache as the Caddo, perhaps because it largely fierce and successful warriors throughout relies on only a few Spanish documents the eighteenth century, killing hordes and out of the hundreds available that are forcing Caddoan coalescence in the relevant. Neches and Angelina river basins, fails to recognize the lack of archeological evidence of either Apache aggression or Hickerson's statements that the Apaches Caddoan coalescence in those river had a reputation as fearsome and hostile basins, but moreover also ignores the warriors "that stayed with them through documentary evidence that strongly the 18th century" is misleading. It is fair supports the notion that the Caddo were to characterize the Apache jn the recognized by other Native American eighteenth century as a series of bands groups as a powerful nation that could, that were to be approached with caution and did, undertake their own punitive and not to be ignored. Moreover, they expeditions against their enemies.

References Cited

Adams, D. B. AGI (Archivo General de Indias) 1991 Embattled Borderlands: Northern 1692 Diario y Derroteo por General Nuevo Leon and the Indios Bar­ Don Domino Teran. Audencia de baros, 1686-1870. Southwestern Guadalajara, 66-6-18. Historical Quarterly 95(2):205- 220.

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1716 Cartta y Informe por el Capellan Rock Midden Sites in West Fray Andres Ramires. Audiencia Central Texas. Studies in Arche­ de Mexico, 61-6-7. ology, Texas Archeological Re­ search Laboratory, The Univers­ AGN (Archivo General de la Nacion) ity of Texas at Austin, in press. 1683 Provincias Intemas 37. Exped­ iente 4. Diario y Derroteo de Boyd, D., J. Peck, S. A. Tomka, and K. Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, W. Kibler Cavo y Caudillo de este Pice de 1994 Data Recovery at Justiceburg Hexercito que ba caminando al Reservoir (Lake Alan Henry), Descubrimiento del Horiente y Garza and Kent Counties, Texas: Reino de los Texas a Pedimento Phase III, Season 2. Report of de Don Juan Sabeata, Indio de Investigations 88. Prewitt and Nacion Jumana con los Demas Associates, Inc., Austin. Capitanes de dicha Nacion.

1684 Provincias Intemas 3 7. Exped­ Campbell, T. N. iente 4. Autos sobre la Ayuda al 1983 and Their Neigh­ Paso del Norte por Capitan del bors. In A. Ortiz (editor), Hand­ Presidio, Juan Roque de Madrid. book of North American Indians, Volume 10: Southwest, pp. 343- HP (Archivo del Hidalgo de Parral) 358. Smithsonian Institution 1704 Autos Practicados con Motivo de Press, Washington, D.C. la Guerra que Hacen los Enemi­ gos de la real Corona. Microfilm Chafe, W. on file, Nettie Lee Benson Latin 1990 Caddo Names in the de Soto American Library, University of Documents. Paper presented at Texas at Austin, frames 171-216. the de Soto Symposium, sponsor­ ed by the National Endowment BA (Bexar Archives) for the Humanities and the Uni­ 1719 Carta al Rey por Rebolledo. versity of Arkansas, Fayetteville. Microfilm on file, The Center for American History, The University of Texas at Austin, Roll 8, Cole, N. M. frames 17-20. 1975 Early Historic Caddoan Mortuary Practices in the Upper Neches Black, S. L., L. W. Ellis, D. G. Creel, Drainage, East Texas. Unpub­ and G. T. Goode lished Master's thesis, Department 1996 Hot Rock Cooking on the Greater of Anthropology, The University Edwards Plateau: Four Bumed of Texas at Austin.

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Fields, R. C. 1982 Red River Archaeological 1995 Analysis of Native-Made Ceram­ Project, Phase II. Institute of ics. In D. A. Story (editor), The Applied Science, North Texas Deshazo Site, Nacogdoches State University, Denton. County, Texas, Volume 2: Arti­ facts of Native Manufacture, pp. Gregory, H. F. 173-232. Studies in Archeology 1973 Eighteenth Century Caddoan 21, Texas Archeological Research Archaeology: A Study in Models Laboratory, The University of and Interpretation. Unpublished Texas at Austin. Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Southern Metho­ Foster, W. C. dist University, Dallas. 1995 Spanish Expeditions into Texas, 1689-1768. University of Texas Habicht-Mauche, J. A. Press, Austin. 1987 Southwestern Style Culinary Cer­ amics on the Southern Plains: A Foster, W. C. and J. Jackson (editors), Case Study of Technological In­ and N. F. Brierley (translator) novation and Cross-Cultural 1993 The 1693 Expedition of Governor Interaction. Plains Anthropologist Salinas Varona to Sustain the 32 (I 16):175-189. among the Tejas Indians. Southwestern Historical Hackett, C. W. (editor and translator) Quarterly 97:264-311. 1931-l 946 Pichardo 's Treatise on the Limits of Louisiana and Texas, 4 Gilmore, K. volumes. The University of Texas 1986 French-Indian Interaction at an Press, Austin. Early Eighteenth Century Post: the Roseborough Lake Site, Bowie County, Texas. Contribu­ Hickerson, D. tions in Archaeology 3, Institute 1995 Historical Processes and the of Applied Science, North Texas Political Organization of the State University, Denton. Hasinai Caddo Indians. Caddo ArcheologyNewsletter6 (3):5-15. Gilmore, K. and 0 . McCormick 1980 Red River Archaeological Hudson, C. Project, Phase I. Institute of 1996 Knights of Spain, Warriors of the Applied Science, North Texas Sun. University of Georgia Press, State University, Denton. Athens, in press.

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Jackson, J. (editor) Seven Historic Caddoan Sites in 1995 Imaginary Kingdom: Texas as Northeast Texas. Unpublished Seen by the Rivera and Rubi Master's thesis, Department of Military Expeditions, 1727 and Anthropology, University of 1767. Texas State Historical Oklahoma, Norman. Association, Austin. Kavanagh, T. W. John, E. A. H. 1986 Political Power and Political 1975 Storms Brewed in Other Men's Organization: Comanche Politics, Worlds: The Confrontation of 1786-1875. Unpublished Ph.D. Indians, Spanish, and French in dissertation, Department of the Southwest, 1540-1795. Texas Anthropology, University of New A&M University Press, College Mexico, Albuquerque. Station. Kenmotsu, N. A. John, E. A. H. (editor) and J. Wheat 1992 The Mayhew Site: A Possible (translator) Hasinai Farmstead, Nacogdoches 1989 Views from the Apache Frontier: County, Texas. Bulletin of the Report on the Northern Provinces Texas Archeological Society of by Jose Cortes, 63:135-174. Lieutenant in the Royal Corps of Engineers, 1799. University of 1994 Helping Each Other Out, A Study Oklahoma Press, Norman. of the Mutualistic Relations of Small Scale Foragers and 1991 Views from a Desk m Cultivators in La Junta de /os : Manuel Merino's Rios Region, Texas and Mexico. Report on Apaches and Neigh­ Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, boring Nations, ca. 1804. Department of Anthropology, The Southwestern Historical Quar­ University of Texas at Austin. terly 95 (2): 139-175. Kessell, J. L. Johnson, E. and V. T. Holliday 1979 Kiva, Cross, and Crown, The 1995 Archeology and Late Quaternary Pecos Indians and New Mexico Environments of the Southern 1540-1840. University of New High Plains. Bulletin of the Texas Mexico Press, Albuquerque. Archeologica/ Society 66:519- 540. Margry, P. (editor) n.d. Decouvertes et etablissements des Jones, B. C. Francois dans /'ouest et dans le 1968 The Kins/oe Focus: A Study of sud de l'Amerique Septentrionale

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(1614-1754) . 6 vols. English Perttula, T. K. translation in Burton Historical 1992 "The Caddo Nation:" Archaeo­ Collection, Detroit Public Lib­ logical and Ethnohistoric rary, Detroit, Michigan. Perspectives. University of Texas Press, Austin. Massanet, Fray D. 1957 Parecer del Padre Comisario Fray 1993 Effects of European Contact on Damian Massanet y demas Relig­ Native and Immigrant Indians in iosos Misioneros, Julio 19 de Northeast Texas. In N. A. Ken­ 1691 aiios. Boletin de/ Archivo motsu and T. K. Perttula (edi­ General de la Nacion 28:346- tors), Archeology in the Eastern 381. Mexico, D.F. Planning Region, Texas: A Plan­ ning Document, pp. 147-187. Meredith, H. L. Cultural Resource Management 1995 Dancing on Common Ground: Report 3. Department of Anti­ Tribal Cultures and Alliances on quities Protection, Texas Histor­ the Southern Plains. University ical Commission, Austin. Press of , Lawrence. 1994 French and Spanish Colonial NMA (New Mexico Archives) Trade Policies and the Fur Trade 1710 Autos de Guerra y Diligencias among the Caddoan Indians of que a Hecho el Governador Gen­ the Trans- South. In J. eral Don Antonio Balverde y S. H. Brown, W. J. Eccles, and Cossio para El Paso. Microfilm D . P. Heldman (editors), The Fur on file, Nettie Lee Benson Latin Trade Revisited: Selected Papers American Library, The University of the Sixth North American Fur of Texas at Austin, roll 4, frames Trade Conference, Mackinac 228-243. Island, Michigan, 1991, pp. 71- 91 . Michigan State University Paredes, Fray A. de Press, East Lansing. 1968 Utiles y Curiosas Noticias del Nuevo Mundo Cibola y Otras 1995 The Archeology of the Piney­ Naciones Confidantes: la Antigua woods and Post Oak Savanna of Tradicion de Copala, Cuna, no Northeast Texas. Bulletin of the Solo las Naciones Indianas. In Texas Archeo/ogical Society Documentos para Servir a la His­ 66:331-359. toria de/ Nuevo Mexico 1538- 1778, pp. 460-482. Colecion Chi­ Perttula, T. K., J. E. Bruseth, N. A. malistac, Educacion Jose Porrua Kenmotsu, and W. A. Martin Turanzas, Madrid. 1995 Archeo/ogical Testing at the

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Cabe Mounds (4JBWJ4), Bowie Spielmann, Katherine, A. County, Texas. Cultural Resource 1982 Inter-Societal Food Acquisition Management Report 8, Depart­ Among Egalitarian Societies: An ment of Antiquities Protection, Ecological Study ofPlains/ Texas Historical Commission, Interaction in the American Austin. Southwest. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Posada, A. de Michigan, Ann Arbor. 1982 Alonso de Posada Report 1686: a Description of the Area of the Story, D. A. Present Southem United States in 1990 Cultural History of the Native the late 17th Century, Vol. 4, Americans. In D. A. Story, J. A. edited and translated by A. B. Guy, B. A. Burnett, M. D. Thomas, Spanish Borderlands Freeman, J. C. Rose, D. G. Series. Perdido Bay Press, Steele, B. W . Olive, and K. J. Pensacola. Reinhard, The Archeology and Bioarcheology of the Gulf Coastal Plain, pp. 163-366. Re­ Rogers, J. D. search Series 3 8. Arkansas Arch­ 1995 The Archaeological Analysis of eological Survey, Fayetteville. Domestic Organization. In J. D. Rogers and B. D. Smith (editors), Story, D. A. (editor) Mississippian Communities and 1982 The Deshazo Site, Nacogdoches Households, pp. 7-31 . University County, Texas. Volume 1: The of Press, Tuscaloosa. Site, Its Setting, Investigation, Cultural Features, Artifacts of Salinas, M. Non-Native Manufacture, and 1990 Indians of the Rio Grande Delta, Subsistence Remains. Texas Their Role in the History of Antiquities Permit Series 7. Southem Texas and Northeastem Texas Antiquities Committee, Mexico. University of Texas Austin. Press, Austin. 1995 The Deshazo Site, Nacogdoches County, Texas. Volume 2: Smith, F. T. Artifacts of Native Manufacture. l 995 The Caddo Indians, Tribes at the Studies in Archeology 21. Texas Convergence of Empires, 1542- Archeological Research Labora­ 1854. Texas A&M University tory, The University of Texas at Press, College Station. Austin.

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Story, D. A. and D. G. Creel and Ethnology of the Caddo 1982 The Cultural Setting. In D. A. Indians. Bulletin 132. Bureau of Story (editor), The Deshazo Site, American Ethnology, Smith­ Nacogdoches County, Texas, sonian Institution, Washington, Volume 1: The Site, Its Setting, D.C. Investigation, Cultural Features, Artifacts of Non-Native Manu­ Thurmond, J. P. facture, and Subsistence Remains, 1985 Late Caddoan Social Group pp. 20-34. Texas Antiquities Identifications and Sociopolitical Permit Series 7. Texas Organization in the upper Antiquities Committee, Austin. Cypress Basin and its vicinity, Northeastern Texas. Bulletin of Swanton, J. R. the Texas Archeological Society 1942 Source Material on the History 54: 185-200.

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