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Great Plains Quarterly Studies, Center for

2006

Black Goose's Map of the -- Reservation in Territory

William C. Meadows State University

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Meadows, William C., "Black Goose's Map of the Kiowa-Comanche-Apache Reservation in " (2006). Great Plains Quarterly. 71. https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/greatplainsquarterly/71

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Great Plains Studies, Center for at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Great Plains Quarterly by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. BLACK GOOSE'S MAP OF THE KIOWA­ COMANCHE.. APACHE RESERVATION IN OKLAHOMA TERRITORY

WILLIAM C. MEADOWS

Plains Indian cultures have left numerous major region of .! Although forms of Native drawings in the form of painted most extant Native maps are from the Plains and drawn clothing, robes, and liners, and Arctic regions and date to the nineteenth shields and shield covers, calendars, ledger century, others range from 1540 to 1869. 2 books, religious and historical drawings, and De Vorsey and Harley demonstrate that nearly maps. Native drawings of geographic features every major North American explorer through are distinguished from other forms of draw­ the late nineteenth century used geographic ings by their focus on the concept of territory information and/or maps obtained from Native rather than on occasional individual features inhabitants of their respective areas.3 such as a hill or river. Native maps predate American Indians drew maps for a variety European contact and are recorded for every of purposes: to illustrate and enhance oral accounts of noteworthy events; for astron­ omy and religion (Pawnee); to record travel routes and related information; as messages to Key Words: Native American cartography, Plains Indian pictography, Kiowa Indians, Chadd le­ report successful hunting (Passamaquoddy); kaungy-ky (Black Goose), to leave as travel directions for others (Upper Valley, Great Lakes); to serve as mnemonic devices in recounting migra­ William C. Meadows is an Assistant Professor of tion routes and tribal and religious histories and Native American Studies at (Southern Ojibway); as evidence in land dis­ Missouri State University. His research focuses on , ethnohistory, archaeology, putes with neighboring (); and to North American Indians, and Japan. His most recent instruct outgoing war parties heading into new book is The Comanche Code Talkers of World War or distant areas (Comanche).4 Indian-made II (2002), and he is currently finishing a book on Kiowa maps also often reflect the current political Ethnogeography. state between Indian nations and between Indian and non-Indian groups.s Early white [GPQ 26 (Fall 2006): 265-82] trappers, traders, explorers, and military

265 266 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, FALL 2006 personnel regularly sought information on with the information itself rather than with interior lands, travel routes, and inhabitants, the maps as artifacts or any concern in preserv­ and commonly noted the accuracy of Native­ ing them. Thus, Native maps were "transitory drawn maps. As geographic works produced by illustrations for the oral documents" and "pic­ Natives familiar with these areas, such maps tures of experience" more than cartographic held obvious value in terms of competition in records of finite geography.12 the fur trade.6 Most extant maps made by Indians were in Previous publications on Indian maps response to a need or request of a European.13 have often focused on .? Ewers The concept of making a map as an item of discusses the value of using Native drawings material culture to preserve information and and maps in studying various aspects of Plains periodically reuse it was rare. As Rundstrom cultures.s While several Northern Plains maps notes for the Inuit, the act of mapmaking exist, there are few Southern Plains examples, was more important than the actual map.14 especially for the Kiowa, Comanche, and Consequently, there has been little Native .9 emphasis on preserving maps, and because This article focuses on efforts to enforce non-Indians were concerned more with infor­ allotment on the Kiowa-Comanche-Apache mation than the Native maps themselves, most (KCA) Reservation through the 1887 General tended to transfer the information to maps of Allotment or Dawes Act and the 1892 Jerome their own style, thereby making transcripts Commission, and a map drawn by Chaddle­ rather than preserving the originals.15 kaungy-ky (Black Goose), a Kiowa man.1° Typical of most nonprofessional maps in Dating to between 1893 and 1895, this is the general, Ewers noticed several basic character­ only known Kiowa map and one of a relatively istics of Plains Indian maps: they are drawn to few extant Southern Plains Indian maps. scale based on travel per day and not solely on The map depicts the KCA Reservation in linear distance; they include what the cartog­ Oklahoma Territory and contains over 160 rapher considered as important to the subject at geographic locations, many with associated hand and thus do not contain every geographic pictographs drawn in ledger style that date from detail; and they reflect the visual nature of 1833 to 1893.11 Documentary and cartographic Plains geography with mountains included to data indicate that the map was consciously take bearings from in terms of location and drawn with a political agenda, which was to direction in traveling and not representing all demonstrate Kiowa occupation of these lands respective formations.16 In most Plains picture and to use in resisting the implementation of writing, the events portrayed were considered forced allotment and the opening of the KCA far more important than the surrounding geog­ Reservation in violation of the 1867 Medicine raphy.J7 Lodge Treaty. This scenario led to the land­ Although scholars often emphasize the mark legal case of Lone v. Hitchcock in topological nature of Indian maps and their 1903. lack of precise "accuracy" compared to modern Native maps were inscribed, painted, mod­ maps, there are exceptions. IS Lewis notes that eled, drawn with charcoal, and carved in or on "the cartographic component ... along the skin, bone, stone, wood, mats, and birch bark route was perfectly intelligible to those with a scrolls. Some were kept in medicine bundles. knowledge of the area, but variable scale, ste­ Maps were often made of more ephemeral reotyped representations of features, and dis­ materials including soil, silt, snow, wood ash, regard for direction resulted in patterns quite sticks, stones, corn kernels, or combinations unlike those on a modern topographic map."19 of these materials, indicating that they were Belyea notes that Amerindian maps, typical of intended for immediate use and not for long­ most informally drawn maps, are best under­ term reference. Natives were usually concerned stood as just that-maps drawn by, intended to BLACK GOOSE'S MAP OF THE KIOWA-COMANCHE-APACHE RESERVATION 267

FIG. 1. Map drawn by Chaddle-Kaungy-Ky or Black Goose. at top (north), Red River at bottom (south). Department of Anthropology, National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution, catalogue no. 233,091. be used by, and interpreted by Indians familiar in absolute terms, but is instead conventional with the ecological and cultural makeup of and culture specific".21 As Warhus describes, a given region, and not in terms of "Distance, direction, and orientation were part European cartographic conventions as most of traditional knowledge. They were part of scholars have tried to interpret and use them one's 'mental map,' and a graphic system was in their own geographical scheme and goals.2o not needed to express them.'>22 Consequently, Like all cartography, Indian mapping often some authors fail to focus on the larger cultural "does not represent geographical knowledge and political significance of Indian maps. 268 C3REAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, FALL 2006

ThE JEROME AGREEMENT AND ALLOTMENT ately." In the 1880s, pressures to acquire and open additional lands for Anglo settlement Throughout the mid-1800s the Kiowa and to accelerate the process of assimilating homeland centered on the area of present~day Indians into mainstream Anglo lifestyles led western Oklahoma, western ) the to new legislation to acquire their lands. For anJ , and the adjacent the Southern Plains tribes) Article 12 of the portions of New and . In 1867 1867 stated that any the Kiowa signed the Medicine Lodge Treaty) future land cessions required the consent of at confining them to the Kiowa~Comanche~ least three~fourths of the adult male Indians. In Apache Reservation located in the southwest 1892 the Commission met with the corner of between the prcs~ Kiowa, Apache) and Comanche to persuade ent~day Washita and Red rivers from 1867 to them to sign the Jerome Agreement. This 1901. Although the Kiowa initially continued stipulated that all tribal members would receive to range far beyond this area) in 1875 they a 160~acre allotment of their selection to be were forced to surrender and to formally accept held in trust by the government for twenty~five permanent residence within the reservation years, whereupon it would then he given to boundaries. the individual owner as a fee simple title. All Law enforcement soon became a problem) excess or non~allotted land was to be sold by as the Kiowa had no formal police or court the government at $1.25 per acre. The govern~ system. Indians were being taken off the res~ ment also agreed to pay $2 million to draw 5 ervation and tried in Texas for crimes com~ percent interest annually in the mitted by or against them in Indian Territory treasury. and later Oklahoma Territory, and no Kiowa Although the commission believed it had spoke fluent English at this time. The com~ secured enough signatures to pass and imple~ plex American legal system was difficult for ment the agreement, subject to congressional Indians to navigate and was seen as a highly approval, by late October of 1892, only 456 inequitable system that essentially left Indians of tbe total population of 2,786 members to the mercy of a foreign court and culture. of the three tribes had signed the Jerome The Court of Indian Offenses and the Indian Agreement.24 As evidence of false transla~ Police were soon introduced to address this tion, false signatures, and illegal coercion situation. Authorized by the secretary of the were proven, many Kiowa began to change interior from 1883 to 1901, the Court ofIndian their minds. When Lieutenant Colonel James Offenses involved a number of court systems F. Randlett was appointed agent at the KCA ranging from agents acting as justices of the Reservation in 1899, he anticipated a highly peace) to agent~selected judges, to elected divided community but instead found a wide~ officials. In May of 1888, Special Agent E. E. spread and united body against the Jerome White appointed (Comanche), Agreement, noting that to open the reserva~ Jim Tehuacana or Towakanie Jim (Wichita), tion at that time would be a "calamity.,,25 and Lone Wolf (Kiowa) as judges. After the Settlers and their advocates began encour~ court first met that September) other Kiowa aging congressional ratification of the Jerome objected) as Lone Wolf was now both a chief Agreement as early as 1892. When the agree~ and a judge. By February of 1889 Black Goose, ment was presented to the Senate for ratifica~ who had been serving as an agency policeman) tion in 1899, the number of signatures obtained replaced his brother Lone Wolf as judge.21 was less than the required quorum, which the Most Anglos felt that Indians, despite being secretary of the interior pointed out. Although forced to give up most of their original lands the Kiowa and their lobbyists managed to delay and settle on small reservations) still retained the act for eight years, the Jerome Agreement too much land and were not using it "appropri~ was finally ratified by Congress in June of 1900, BLACK GOOSE'S MAP OF THE KIOWA-COMANCHE-APACHE RESERVATION 269 forcing allotment upon the KCA Reservation. Lone Wolf soon after filed a bill of equity on the grounds that the Jerome Agreement, with signatures obtained through fraud and misrep­ resentation, had violated the articles of the 1867 Medicine Lodge Treaty. Known as Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock, the ensuing case was decided by the u.s. Supreme Court in 1903, which found in favor of the U.S. government.26 "The opinion of the court was that (1) the Indian had only the right of occupancy but that the fee was in the United States; (2) Indian occu­ pancy could be interfered with or determined by the government; (3) the propriety of such action toward the Indian was not open to inquiry in the courts."27 The principle of ple­ nary power, that Congress can make and break its own treaties, laws, and decisions when it chooses to, was firmly set regarding Indian law. Consequently Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock is "one of the most cited cases in all of federal-Indian FIG. 2. Chaddle-Kaungy-Ky or Tsadle-kongya, law."28 1892-1893. Photo by , Bureau of As two of the staunchest Kiowa opponents American Ethnology Collection, photo #062614.00, Smithsonian Institution. against the implementation of the Jerome Agreement of 1892, Lone Wolf and Black Goose sought to prevent forced allotment upon the Kiowa-Comanche-Apache Reservation. CQi-fa-gaui or Lone Wolf in 1874), Ho-va-kah, Black Goose's testimony that "we want our land and Ta-ne-quoot. They comprised a large and as it is" succinctly reflects his and the group's influential Kiowa family from the western part stance on the issue.29 As Indians continued to of the KCA Reservation. Black Goose was of be asked to produce maps for Europeans and the last generation of Kiowa to experience the observed how they used them, they soon came pre-reservation equestrian lifestyle. Although to realize that maps were a powerful image and first listed on the 1881 tribal census as Chaddle­ a means to define and assert place, identity, and kaunky or Black Crane, Black Goose is the ownership of land. Some accounts suggest that correct translation of his name.3! During the Indians may have begun to use maps as a means 1880s and Black Goose resided in his to try to define territory in their relations with brother Lone Wolf's camp between the forks of non-Indians.3o Creek, just south of present-day Hobart, in Kiowa County, Oklahoma. Black Goose died THE BLACK GOOSE MAP early in 1900, as he does not appear on the census, and as Agent James F. Randlett Chal-k§-gai or Black Goose was born in nominated Apeahtone on May 7, 1900, to 1844 to Audle-ko-ety (Aul-kQ-et-je or Big Black replace Chaddle-kaungy-ky as judge, who was Hair) and Pau-gei-to (Vau-ga-jau-1! or Pursuing by then deceased.32 Them Along A River), and was enrolled at the The map of the Kiowa-Comanche-Apache Kiowa-Comanche-Apache Agency as Chadd le­ Reservation drawn by Black Goose identi­ kaungy-ky. He was a full brother to Black fies numerous rivers, mountains, camps, and Turtle, Mam-me-da-ty (who received the name noted historical and ceremonial sites with 270 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, FALL 2006 pictographic drawings. Four images have hand­ for extended periods before filling out the written captions. Black Goose drew this map associated acquisitions paperwork-museum for use by attorneys concerning the boundaries records indicate that it was accessioned on of the KCA Reservation, specifically the case December 19, 1904. of u.s. vs. Texas (de Corilloco ). The map consists of a square muslin cloth An inscription on the upper right or northeast measuring 90 centimeters in width with corner states, "Drawn by Judge Chad-dle­ numerous images drawn in black pencil, many Kaung-Ky for R. E. L. Daniel, Anadarko, O.T." of which are filled in with colored pencil. Most (Oklahoma Territory). Many Plains Indian of the mountains are colored green. Bally drawings and maps contain name glyphs, Mountain and the mountain to its northeast typically a small pictograph placed above a are colored tan, and a few smaller hills are profiled head of an individual and connected colored black. The map is framed by four iden­ by a line that served to identify an individual; tifiable geographic forms: the Washita River however, some drawings omitted the connect­ to the north, the Red River to the south, the ing line, including some Kiowa works.33 Above eastern edge of the Wichita Mountains on the this inscription is the image of the head of a east, and the edge of the to long-necked bird (92), typical of Plains Indian the west. Large rivers (Washita, Red, North name glyphs used as pictographic "signatures" Fork of the Red River) are colored green on during this time, especially in . The the map. In between are numerous streams associated bird's head clearly identifies Black and mountains, many with associated picto­ Goose. Collection data for the map states, "W. graphs for identification. These images consist C. Shelley, Washington, D.c. presented by of four main forms: streams, mountains and W. C. Shelley, June 17, 190_."34 An old card hills, residence bands or camps, and locales in the collections reads: "De Greer [? Greer of notable historical events. The latter form County]." William C. Shelley was one of sev­ includes varied cultural events involving eral Washington lawyers representing Lone religion, intertribal warfare, Anglo military Wolf in 1901,35 forces, and subsistence activities. Many of The 1892 Jerome Agreement was presented the finer details in the pictographs (human, to Congress for ratification in 1899 and was flora and fauna, material culture) and the four ratified in 1900. Because Black Goose died handwritten labels require magnification to in early 1900, it is inferred that the map was clearly see them. drawn during the 1890s. A letter from Mr. The use of pictographic symbols to label Robert Daniel to John P. Harrington in the locations is well established in Plains Indian National Anthropological Archives provides a cartography.37 Lone Wolf's camp (86) is iden­ more precise date of manufacture: "Some years tified by a small square with short, radiating ago I presented to Mr. W. C. Shelley, Attorney stubble-like lines and an associated label read­ for the K & C [Kiowa and Comanche] about ing "Chief Lone Wolf's Camp." Similar symbols 1895-96, a picture map of that Reservation, across the map correlate with areas where many made on cloth, by Chaddle Konkey, a Kiowa Kiowa resided during the reservation period and Indian. Mountains and streams were desig­ later took allotments near one another. Many nated by animals, birds, historical events, of these concentrations continue as contempo­ etc. instead of written words."36 This account rary Kiowa communities. Lone Wolf's camp is and the presence of what appears to be Rainy depicted with the largest such camp symbol on Mountain School (built in 1893) on the map the map, perhaps indicative of political influ­ suggests that it was made between 1893 and ence rather than total population. Some of 1895. Although the exact date James Mooney these glyphs correlate with where prominent acquired the map is unknown-he was known individuals (Stumbling Bear, Ahpeahtone, for allowing some items to lie around his office Sitapatah, Lone Wolf) established their homes BLACK GOOSE'S MAP OF TI-H: KI()"'! AJ' ()lvf A NCHJ;,A PACHJ; R J;SJ;RVATI()N 771

FIG. 3. Closeup section of Black Goose map. FIG. 4. Closeup section of Black Goose map. Department of Anthropology, National Museum of Department of Anthropology, National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution, catalogue Natural History, Smithsonian Institution, catalogue no. 233,091. no. 233,091. prior to allotment. While these glyphs may mountains and hills, fourteen camps, and indicate some of the first Anglo-style homes fourteen locales of notable historical events built for ten tribal leaders in 1877, the label (some associated with identifiable mountains, "Chief Lone Wolf's Camp" suggests that they streams, or other locales) are depicted. At least are probably intended to represent reserva­ forty-two locations are associated with picto­ tion bands associated with a prominent leader graphs and are thus inferably identifiable. Four residing in that vicinity. Notable historical locales include handwritten labels in pencil events are represented by pictographic images and in English: " Mt." (63), "Goat Mt." of people, battles, lodges, and other (61), "Original Wichita Mts." (66) and "Chief symbols associated with specific locales. These Lone Wolf's Camp" (86). These locales aid in depictions refer to specific well-known events identifying others. in Kiowa history that date from 1833 to 1893. The "Original Wichita Mts." are also identified with the depiction of an Indian IDENTIFICATION AND INTERPRETATION OF man wearing an Anglo-style jacket, an erect SPECIFIC SITES eagle feather, over his lower face and chin, and standing above a cluster of three The principal of upstreaming, or the direct mountains. The Wichita were known to have historical approach in archaeology, is useful to adopted Anglo clothing earlier than many of interpret this map. I began with the most recog­ the surrounding tribes, and one of the Kiowa nizable geographic and historical features, and names for them (Tho-cut-gau or "Tattooed used these to identify others and their related Faces") comes from the prevalence among cultural and historical significance. Because them of this practice. The Kiowa originally the context of why the map was made and the called only a small portion of the present-day area it represents is documented and easily Wichita Mountains by that name, which this recognizable, most of the map is relatively easy map indicates as the cluster around Stewart to interpret. Overall the map is both extremely Mountain, Soldier's Peak, and probably adja­ thorough and accurate. A total of eighty-nine cent King Mountain.38 The single mountain streams and tributary branches, fifty-three on the south side of the river (52) is probably 272 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, FALL 2006

Byrd Mountain. This locale correlates with the from the victims. This scene depicts the Osage historic Wichita Camp near Devil's Canyon massacre of some 150 Kiowa in 1833 at what visited by the United States Dragoons and became known as Cutthroat Mountain. The depicted by in 1834.39 Today Osage man wears a roach or crest hairstyle the entire range from Lawton, Oklahoma, and an erect eagle feather. The major adjacent westward is collectively called the Wichita mountains are also accurately depicted. Mountains. Known as "Mountain That Is An Indian male wearing a quiver and hold­ Looking Up" or "Mountain That Is Lifting Its ing a bow and in his hand marks Navajo Chin" by the Kiowa, Mount Sheridan (64) is Mountain (63), named by the Kiowa after distinguished from the other mountains by a discovering a member of this watching rectangular shape and a prominent uplifting them from this locale. The Navajo is identified point similar to pictographs used to represent by the style of his red face paint and his red other named bluffs in Kiowa calendars.40 hair tie that holds his hair in a single bundle. Other locales can be identified by combin­ Hairstyles are a common means of indicating ing Kiowa historical sources, sources on mili­ tribal affiliation in Plains Indian pictography.42 tary history, United States Geological Survey The image of an Indian man two streams below (USGS) 7.5-minute topographic maps, which the junction of the North Fork of the Red River provide a precise record of all existing geo­ and Sweetwater Creek (39) matches precisely graphical forms for comparison, and my own the location where the Kiowa killed a party research in Kiowa ethnogeography.41 Due to of forty-eight Bow String Society numerous Kiowa pictographic calendars rang­ members in 1837.43 This individual wears ing from 1832 to 1941, the rich Kiowa ethno­ braided hair, a bone whistle on a necklace, and graphic record can be placed in chronological has been shot with an arrow, indicating his order. Consequently, most of the locales on the demise. In the southwest portion of the map is map can be identified, correlated with multiple a man wearing a long breechclout and holding independent sources, and in many cases linked a rifle upward (45). Blue smoke from the gun's to precisely dated historical events. Several barrel indicates that it is being fired into the air streams and mountains with associated picto­ and may denote a warfare context. graphs correlate with the precise location and name still used by the Kiowa. Examples include Religious Activities a hog for Hog Creek (13), a hawk for Hawk Creek (11), a red-colored saddle above Saddle Several images depict religious activities. Mountain (62), a yellow-green prickly pear Two Sun Dance lodges (82), colored green to atop a mountain for Prickly Pear Mountain represent their attached foliage, correlate with (65), and a dog for Prairie Dog Eating the locations of the 1869 and 1870 ceremonies Creek (24). along the North Fork of the Red River near the junction of Sweetwater Creek.44 On the east­ Noted Historical Events central branch of Stinking Creek is a skull near a tree with attached offerings (89). Several historical events can be identified Although lacking a Kiowa or modern English through comparing their location and associ­ name, its image and location match an account ated pictographs in relation to other sites. of a Kiowa offering site recorded by Hugh L Several of these sites involve intertribal events. Scott from Iseeo in the 1890s, entitled "Buffalo One image depicts a headless torso, three Tree." decapitated heads, and an intact corpse strewn around a male warrior in the act of decapitat­ Out on the big flat east of Vomit Creek and ing a standing Kiowa woman whom he holds east of Man Who Stands in the Middle is a by the hair (81). Blood graphically streams place ... that is a Buffalo Tree. One year the BLACK GOOSE'S MAP OF THE KIOWA-COMANCHE-APACHE RESERVATION 273

Coming Out (Pautepje), to bring back the bison in the summer of 1882. He used a large red blanket trimmed with appended eagle feathers. This occurred in the large bend on the Washita River between present-day Carnegie and Mountain View, Oklahoma.46 The loca­ tion of this image probably represents the messianic movement of Paingya (V

Kiowa who took allotments near Meers. The Washita River northwest of present-day Rainy two camps on the west side of Canyon Creek Mountain Creek and Mountain View. In real­ (25) are probably other families associated ity, the actual reservation line ran from a point with the Meers area. The camp west of these is on the Washita River due west until it met the probably that of Frizzlehead, who resided along North Fork of the Red River. Altered direc­ what was recently renamed Frizzie Head Creek tions are not unusual, as some Native maps (37) between Meers and Saddle Mountain. are extremely accurate in terms of scale and Other bands along Soldier, Gawkey, Cedar, direction in some parts while less so in others, and Rainy Mountain creeks are still reflected and as modifications to include adjacent areas by concentrations of allotments in these areas. are known.51 As the Washita River formed the The two camps on the east and west sides of northern border of the reservation and the the mouth of Stinking Creek (31) probably map, the area to the northwest of the reserva­ represent Ahpeahtone's camp and Afraid Of tion boundary has been compressed to facili­ Bear's camps, respectively. Two camps near the tate its inclusion on the map. mouth of Rainy Mountain Creek (23) repre­ Just west of the Oklahoma Territory-Texas sent Kiowa bands in that area, one of which line and north of the North Fork of the Red was probably 's. The camp on the south River is a young bison bull beside a wooden side of the mountains (near 54) probably repre­ corral consisting of two horizontal rows of sents Quanah Parker's camp along West Cache linear rails held up by crossed vertical x-shaped Creek. posts (85). This image appears on the west side of a small tributary of the North Fork of Anglo Interactions the Red River just west of Sweetwater Creek. Located in the eastern edge of Texas, this prob­ Other images depict interactions with ably represents Fort Elliott, which operated Anglos. An armed soldier in a blue uniform from 1875 to 1890. Commercial represents Camp Radziminski along Otter in Kansas occurred from 1872 to 1881. Late Creek (84), an army camp from September 23, in the summer of 1873 the Mooar outfit, led 1858, to December 6, 1859. It was originally by J. Wright and John W. Mooar, established located on the left bank of Otter Creek near the first of several bison-hunting camps on the the present town of Tipton but was moved sev­ South and was followed by sev­ eral miles upstream in November of 1858, then eral other outfits. A stockaded outpost known moved again to the east or right bank of Otter as Adobe Walls was established as a headquar­ Creek in March of 1859, four miles northwest ters for hunters along the Canadian. After of present-day Mountain Park.49 This image fending off a large force of Indians on June 27, appears to represent the final location of the 1874, the hunters abandoned the post. camp. Other images reflect negative impacts Along the western edge of the map is a brought about by Anglo contact, especially vertical dotted line (91) running north to the reduction of bison. By the mid-1870s the south, then turning northeast until it meets Southern Plains herds had been reduced to the Washita River (2). Oriented with adjacent such an extent that some years a bison could streams and landmarks, the vertical portion not be found to acquire its hide for the center of this line clearly marks the Texas-Indian pole for the annual Sun Dance, in turn lead­ Territory border.5o The location of Mythical ing to two messianic movements to restore the Owl Idol's Creek(44) also confirms the iden­ bison and the old way of life. 52 The prairie dog tification of this line as the Texas-Oklahoma (24) along the west fork of Rainy Mountain Territory state line. The diagonal extension Creek references an incident in the 1870s when of the line clearly represents the top of the a nearly starving band of Kiowa were forced to reservation boundary as it continues to the kill and eat numerous prairie dogs along this BLACK GOOSE'S MAP OF THE KIOWA-COMANCHE-APACHE RESERVATION 275 stream. Alice Marriott recorded an account of events but omits most of the Kiowa's troubles this stream in 1935 from Mrs. Tsatoke, who was such as the attack on the Indian agency and born in 1867: "Prairie dogs were eaten; there is their confinement at in 1874-75, as a creek named Prairie-Dog-Eating-Creek. After well as diseases, killings, and other Anglo­ a heavy rain, ditches were dug and the water induced problems. While the last attempted allowed to flood the holes and drown the dogs Sun Dance of 1890 is depicted, the two primary out."S3 On the south side of the Washita River, Kiowa Ghost Dance camps are not. As only a a circle of small erect posts with a taller central few Ghost Dances (1890, 1894, 1895) had been pole (83) represents the "Sun Dance When held by the time this map was made (ca. 1895), They Left the Poles Standing." While building it may not have been viewed as a firmly estab­ the lodge for the 1890 ceremony, news of troops lished event meriting inclusion in the map. The dispatched from Fort Sill to stop the ceremony map appears to focus on the ' lengthy caused the tribal encampment to disperse, leav­ occupation and use of the region, reinforcing ing the partially constructed lodge standing. 54 the concept of Kiowa ownership and perhaps symbolically representing their preference not Missing Locales to have an Anglo presence in the region. While the camps of the Kiowa, and pos­ Although most prominent geographic sibly the Apache, are clearly marked, most of locales are included on the map and can be the area inhabited by the Comanche contains identified by their associated pictographs, cer­ no images denoting residence camps or stream tain aspects are noticeably absent. Foremost, names. The map also appears to emphasize the map clearly reflects the post-Medicine those Kiowa residing in the western part of Lodge Treaty reservation located between the the reservation, especially Lone Wolf's camp, Washita and Red rivers and the eastern edge of of which Black Goose was a member. There the Wichita Mountains to a north-south line are more pictographic labels for streams and east of the Texas state line. Other locales for mountains in the western part of the reserva­ which the Kiowa have place names in the adja­ tion than for the eastern region. In addition, cent parts of northwest Oklahoma and Texas several streams and sites of noted historical are absent. The map also emphasizes Native events on the western portion of the map designations, omitting many of the then-largest are located outside the reservation boundary. existing Anglo forms. As of 1898, five mission Black Goose was undoubtedly more familiar schools, three government boarding schools, with this part of the reservation than with a government day school, and other govern­ others. Nevertheless, this map is an outstand­ ment buildings were all established on the ing representation of the KCA Reservation by reservation. The Kiowa Agency at Anadarko an individual who had spent much of his life (1879), Fort Sill (1869), and various Christian within this area and was intimately familiar churches and missions such as Methvin (1890) with the overall geographic, demographic, and and St. Patrick's (1892) near Anadarko and historical makeup of the region. Elk Creek (1893) are all absent. A rectangular image with a single line through its middle (90) Accuracy and Style at the northeast side of Rainy Mountain (71) is probably Rainy Mountain Boarding School Although the Black Goose Map is accurate and/or possibly Boake's Trading Post, the first in terms of scale and direction, some inac­ of which was adjacent to the school. A similar curacies should be noted. Most notably the image is located on the south side of what Washita River, which bends sharply to the appears to be Lime Creek (29). north-northwest at Mountain View, is pre­ Like Lean Wolf's map,55 Black sented here as continuing in a more east-west Goose's map depicts many noted historical direction. Consequently, all upper tributary 276 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, FALL 2006 streams above this point are also inaccurate in a horse saddle (62), and various animals are terms of location and direction, probably due drawn in ledger and not stick-figure fashion. to the constraints of the square piece of cloth Several animals are also drawn in realistic on which the map was drawn. Similar geo­ two-dimensional detail: an owl (44), goat (61), graphic distortions reflecting the imposition of hog (13), hawk (11), bald eagle (46), snake rectangular paper on Indian cartographers are (69), prairie dog (24), two turkeys (21, 41), and known.56 Reflecting the purpose for which the two bison (47, 85). These images contain great map was drawn, the area inside the reservation detail, such as the saddle, stirrups, and belt on was clearly emphasized over the area outside it. the saddle at Saddle Mountain, the prominent The tributaries of Stinking Creek are similarly snout and curly tail on the hog at Hog Creek, presented in a more east-to-west direction than the detailed plumage and ears of the long-eared their true southeast-to-northwest courses. The owl on Mythical Owl Idol's Creek, the horns absence of Kiowa communities around pres­ and beard on the goat on Goat Mountain, the ent-day Hog Creek (13), Saddle Mountain fork-tongued and striped snake associated with (62), and Stecker, Oklahoma, which were well Blue Mountain, the distinct profile of the prai­ established by 1885, may reflect an omission or rie dog, and the distinct coat and beard on the occasional camp mobility prior to allotment. adult bison bull in contrast to the younger bison The Black Goose Map differs from Northern near the corral. Black Goose also distinguished Plains Indian maps in its style of presentation. the trees he drew. While those on Trail Creek Maps drawn by Poor Wolf (Hidatsa) in 1880 contain more pointed tops (12), those on upper or 1881 and one by an Assiniboine in 1853 Little Elk Creek (11) exhibit more rounded tops, are drawn in a rather rudimentary and stick­ perhaps indicative of their species. image fashion, compared to other drawings The form and meaning of some images are of war deeds from the same time and by the presently unrecognizable. Clusters of possible same artists and others.57 Black Goose's map grass or smaller flora are found along the tribu­ more closely resembles the ledger-book style tary of Little Elk Creek (11), near the head of of imagery common throughout the Southern the Elm Fork of the Red River (19), and along Plains by the late 1860s and similar to but more portions of Stinking (31), (48), and other realistic and with more attention to detail than (49-50) creeks. Two locations along the Elm other Northern Plains maps such as Crazy Fork of the Red River depict a single round Mule's map. 58 This may be due to variations in object and a cluster of small oval objects, per­ each artist's level of skill in drawing, as well as haps prominent rock outcrops. These images do the purpose behind the maps, as those previ­ not resemble those with attached loops depict­ ously mentioned were intended to show travel ing fortifications, breastworks, and enemy routes, while the Black Goose map is clearly killed as found in other Plains drawings and intended to represent long-term demographic maps.60 The cluster of six small four-pointed and cultural affiliation within the reservation items near the mouth of Sweetwater Creek (9) area. Poor Wolf also provides a very detailed resembles a formation of birds in flight. On the realistic drawing, and there are Northern south side of the Washita River is a black pod­ Plains maps of equal skill and detail. 59 Scholars like image with a green tuft on the top that should perhaps begin to look at different types contains a very faint red arrow through it (50). of maps in relation to their emphasis in style These images undoubtedly held some cultural and content, such as warfare accounts, travel, significance, perhaps a resource location or and demography. where some noteworthy event occurred, but are Several images of Indians in distinct dress now unknown. Although most of the images and hairstyles-Wichita (66), Navajo (63), are clearly linked to locales and events known Osage (81), Cheyenne (39)-a uniformed non­ on a tribal basis, others may represent events Indian soldier (84), Sun Dance Lodges (82-83), that held importance on personal, family, or BLACK GOOSE'S MAP OF THE KIOWA-COMANCHE-APACHE RESERVATION 277 residence band levels, similar to how Kiowa as measured in spatial units, rather than in pictographic calendars changed from tribal to travel time or other criteria).61 Other distinctly more community-based events in the 1890s. American Indian characteristics include The map also appears to have been an an extensive use of pictographs to identify ongoing work, as there is evidence of several classes of places (camps, Sun Dance encamp­ changes or corrections in the form of erased ments, mountains) and place names (Saddle and in some instances moved or redrawn Mountain, Hog Creek), the use of more than images. The Washita River (2) from east of one directional scale or orientation on a single Hog Creek to present-day Mountain View was map, and the inclusion of events as well as originally drawn in a fairly straight line like the places.62 While many Plains maps focus on a Red River, erased, and then redrawn to include specific event or time, the Black Goose map numerous bends. In other locations clusters spans at least sixty years, with many images of flora were erased, as seen along a western containing extraneous detail. Although the tributary of the creek with the pod-like object map reflects some Euro-American influences near its mouth, and on the tributary of Little through the use of muslin and colored pencils Elk Creek (11), where a cluster of taller objects, and a shift from hide to ledger-book-style draw­ probably trees, were erased and replaced with ing, it retains the Native style of pictography a cluster of smaller items with larger leaves. for recording information. Whether these "corrections" were made by Similar to other Plains maps, this map also Black Goose or through consultation with reflects an exceptional grasp of geography even tribal members, they suggest an effort to ensure by Western standards.63 When carefully ana­ a more accurate depiction of the area. lyzed, the Black Goose map conveys several distinct features of Kiowa life in the 1890s. CONCLUSION First, the map has a distinctive geographical and historical focus. Spatially it focuses on the The Black Goose map is an important post-1867 KCA Reservation area. Temporally contribution to a growing number of Plains it contains identifiable events from the 1833 and American Indian maps, especially as a Cutthroat Gap Massacre to the building of rare example of a Kiowa and Southern Plains Rainy Mountain Indian Boarding School in map. In its geographical focus on the 1867 to 1893. While not every event of this period is 1901 KCA Reservation in Indian and later depicted, many major events are, demonstrat­ Oklahoma Territory, it is a regionally impor­ ing how geography, history, and meaning are tant map. By combining stylized geographical inexorably linked in Indian place making. features, realistic place-name glyphs, and pic­ Second, and more important than the tographic representations of noted historical identification of and cultural and historical events, with ethnographic and historic sources correlation of many of the locales depicted, is on Kiowa culture, modern geological survey the map's political purpose, to demonstrate the maps, and ongoing field research, the Black Kiowa's historical longevity and rights to their Goose map permits a considerable amount of land. Harley provides evidence for ideologi­ identification and interpretation. Although of cal transformation in Native mapmaking in more recent manufacture, this map is similar to Mesoamerica and Peru whereby Natives began others Plains maps and reflects the ledger style "making maps in support of their claims to of drawing of the late 1800s. Although a con­ land from which they had been dispossessed.,,64 siderable portion of the map is fairly accurate in Because the context of the Black Goose map is terms of general locations, it emphasizes topol­ known-as a means to resist implementation ogy (representation of conceptual relationships of the Dawes Act-it allows one to examine of places to one another) rather than Euclidian it for signs indicative of resistance to further topography (scale representations of distances American dispossession through the process 278 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, FALL 2006 of allotment. The wide range of locales and to some degree an accurate view of not only themes depicted on the map reflects a lengthy the demographic, but also the political power cultural and historical occupancy. This sym­ base and climate of the time. Fifth, this map bolic and political stance is further indicated reflects an ethnographic focus and function in more through what is not on the map than that while it concentrates on the Kiowa resid­ through what is in the map. The map empha­ ing along Elk Creek to some degree, it depicts sizes a Kiowa rather than an Anglo presence, as other Kiowa settlements and major historical almost all non-Indian institutions are absent. and geographic locales that held meaning for Combined with Black Goose's testimony that all Kiowa. Thus, while some Indian maps are "we want our land [left] as it is,"65 the map's more biographical in nature in focusing on the context becomes clear-to demonstrate the activities of an individual, this map is more Kiowa occupancy, use, and inferably their ethnographic as it focuses on Kiowa culture and cultural and political attachment to the land. history in general. As Harley observes for other Native maps, a As Plains Indian life changed in the late change in context from depicting territorial 1800s, so did Plains Indian mapmaking. control to territorial resistance did not result in Animal skin, which had become scarce, often fundamental changes in the format and style of gave way to cloth, muslin, canvas, and paper, mapping.66 while crayons and pencils replaced paint. Rundstrom notes that Inuit mapping rep­ Several maps from the late 1800s reflect a shift resents an important form of environmental in focus from traditional territories and warfare mimicry.67 Similar to imitating animals in to new activities such as government scout hunting techniques, mapmaking "simultane­ service, massacre sites, travel, and even com­ ously reflected and reinforced other aspects missioned work.69 of the culture." Mapmaking symbolized and The Black Goose map differs from the reified their attachment to the land, while more numerous Northern Plains maps in some providing important forms of intracultural and aspects of how place is depicted. While most intercultural communication with others. In maps cover a much larger area (e.g., the Iowa drawing this map, Black Goose demonstrates Non-Chi-Ning-Ga's map, the Oto Geor-Schunu­ his environmental, historical, and cultural Wy-Ha's map, Miguel's Southern Plains-West knowledge and ties to the area, which are Gulf Coast map, the Northern Cheyenne Crazy communicated both intraculturally (Kiowa Mule's maps of the Upper Missouri Country and efforts to prevent allotment) and intercultur­ the Missouri Basin, and the Sitting ally (Black Goose's emphasis to present Kiowa Rabbit's map), the Black Goose map provides over Anglo use of the land). As Rundstrom more detail within a smaller area, similar to but notes for the Inuit, "Mapping as an innately still more detailed than Amos Bad Heart Bull's intracultural action thus became a significant ( ) map'?o In terms of flora, fauna, means of constructing accurate map artifacts and humans, the Black Goose map is much for intercultural communication."68 more realistic than the Assiniboine and Poor Third, the map depicts a Kiowa viewpoint Wolf maps'?! In terms of artistic style, elements of the KCA Reservation in the 1890s. Fourth, of Sitting Rabbit's map and Crazy Mule's maps in presenting a somewhat Elk Creek-centric are similar to and in some instances surpass format, it clearly focuses on events from that Black Goose's map in quality of individual draw­ area outward, as a member of that camp drew it. ings but contain less variety and fewer images Yet this view also conveys a degree of temporal overall.72 Finally, the Black Goose map contains accuracy in that this area contained much of the a wider range and greater depth of cultural and strongest opposition to the Jerome Commission historical events. from the influence of Lone Wolf, Black Goose, Though the Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock case and others. Thus the map symbolically depicts was lost, the Black Goose map represents a BLACK GOOSE'S MAP OF THE KIOWA-COMANCHE-APACHE RESERVATION 279 rare example of a Kiowa and Southern Plains A. J. Ray (Toronto: University of Toronto, 1980), map produced in ledger style with overall geo­ llO, uses the term "cartographic device," as varied forms of this type of artifact were not drawn to graphical and historical accuracy. This map scale, constructed according to particular projec­ provides a unique example of Southern Plains tions, or consistent in representing all phenomena Indian ethnographic and pictographic art and in a given class above a given threshold size. But as a glimpse into the changing face of the KCA Barbara Belyea points out in "Amerindian Maps: Reservation in the late nineteenth century just The Explorer as Translator," Journal of Historical Geography 18 (1992): 267-77, Lewis, like most schol­ prior to forced allotment, a watershed event ars of Indian maps, view their composition through that would change the Kiowa, Comanche, and a comparison and expectation of European and not Apache communities forever.73 The very nature Native cartographic patterns. of the map and the changes it represents also 2. Robert A. Rundstrom, Douglas Duer, Kate correlate with Black Goose's life (c. 1844-99), Berry, and Dick Winchell, "Recent Geographical which spanned Southern Plains pre-reserva­ Research on Indians and Inuit in the United States and ," American Indian Culture and Research tion experiences in warfare and equestrian life Journal 24(2): 85-110; Lewis, "Indian Maps." to service as an Indian Court of Offenses judge 3. Louis De Vorsey, "Amerindian Contributions and political advocacy during the reservation to the Mapping of North America: A Preliminary period. View," Imago Mundi 30 (1978): 71-78; J. Brian Harley, "Rereading the Maps of the Columbian The Black Goose map uses many, and in Encounter," Annals of the Association of American several cases more, pictographic notations than Geographers 82, no. 3 (1992): 522-42. many other maps studied thus far. In using 4. Colonel Richard 1. Dodge, Our Wild single pictographs that can represent narra­ Indians (Hartford, CT: A.D. Worthington and tives requiring pages of written text and/or Company, 1882), 552-53; De Vorsey, "Amerindian Contributions,"; G. Malcolm Lewis, "The Indigenous lengthy oral accounts, these images compress Maps and Mapping of North American Indians," oral traditions and the invisibility of spatial Map Collector 9 (1979): 25-32; Lewis, "Indian and temporal knowledge in a form that can be Maps." learned, read, associated with specific locales, 5. Louis De Vorsey, "Amerindian Contribu­ and thus visualized. The Black Goose map pro­ tions," 75-76. 6. Lewis, "Indian Maps." For summaries of vides a compact and efficient means of convey­ the current understanding and body of works ing much of the Kiowa geographic and historic on indigenous North American cartography, see information of a relatively small area, their Mark Warhus, Another America: Native American post-1867 reservation. Finally, the map stands Maps and the History of Our Land (New York: as a testimony and visual reference to the rich­ St. Martin's Press, 1997); G. Malcolm Lewis, ed., Cartographic Encounters: Perspectives on Native ness and depth of Plains pictographic art. Set American Mapmaking and Map Use (Chicago: against a cartographic background, it depicts University of Chicago Press, 1998); G. Malcolm Kiowa cultural heritage, their demographic Lewis, "Maps, Mapmaking, and Map Use by Native state, and their attempts to preserve their North ," in The History of Cartography existing land base at the turn of the twentieth vol. 2, book 3, Cartography of the Traditional African, American, Artie, Australian, and Pacific Societies, ed. century. David Woodward and G. Malcolm Lewis (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), 51-182; and NOTES Rundstrom et al. "Recent Geographical Research." 7. Garrick Mallery, "Pictographs of the North My thanks to Candace Greene (Smithsonian American Indians: A Preliminary Paper" in Fourth Institution), Mr. Kenny Harragarra (Carnegie, Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology OK), and the peer-review readers for Great Plains (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, Quarterly for commenting on drafts of this article. 1886); and "Picture-Writing of the American Indians," in Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of 1. G. Malcolm Lewis, "Indian Maps," in Old American Ethnology (Washington, DC: Government Trails and New Directions: Papers of the Third North Printing Office, 1893); John C. Ewers, "The Making American Fur Trade Conference, ed. C. M. Judd and and Uses of Maps by Plains Indian Warriors," By 280 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, FALL 2006

Valor and Arms 3, no. 1 (1977): 36-43; G. Malcolm Inuit maps are not only highly accurate, but that Lewis, "Indian Maps: Their Place in the History they reflect cultural values in the form of the highly of Plains Cartography," Great Plains Quarterly 4 developed levels of observation and memory in Inuit (1984): 91-108; Lewis in De Vorsey, "Amerindian behavior and thought. That is, "values embodied Contributions," 75, 78n18; Sona Andrews, David in other institutions are implicit in cartographic Tilton, and Mark Warhus, Archive of North American artifacts" (156-57). Indian Maps, database on CD-ROM (Department 17. Warhus, Another America, 186. of Geography, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, 18. Lewis, in "Indian Maps," 15, and "Indian Maps: 1995); Warhus, Another America, 169-207. Their Place in the History of Plains Cartography," 8. Ewers, "Making and Uses of Maps by Plains 92, provides similar observations. Indian Warriors"; Ewers, "The Use of Artifacts and 19. Lewis, "Indigenous Maps and Mapping," 29. Pictures in the Study of Plains Indian History, Art, 20. Belyea, "Amerindian Maps." and Religion," in Plains Indian History and Culture: 21. James P. Ronda, "A Chart in His Way: Indian Essays on Continuity and Change, ed. John C. Ewers, Cartography and the Lewis and Clark Expedition," 61-81 (Norman: Press, in Mapping the North American Plains, ed. Frederick 1997); and Ewers, "The Making and Use of Maps by C. Luebke, Frances W. Kaye, and Gary E. Moulton, Plains Indian Warriors," in Plains Indian History and 81-91 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, Culture, 180-90. 1987); Belyea, "Amerindian Maps," 267; Dennis 9. For a sample of Native drawn maps see Wood with John Fels, The Power of Maps (New York: Andrews et aI., Archive of North American Indian Guilford Press, 1992). Maps; Glen Fredlund, Linea Sundstrom, and 22. Warhus, Another America, 35. Rebecca Armstrong, "Crazy Mule's Maps of the 23. William T. Hagan, Indian Police and Judges Upper Missouri, 1877-1880," Plains Anthropologist (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1966), 41, no. 155 (1996): 25-27; John H. Moore, The 130; W. D. Myers to the Commission of Indian Cheyenne Nation: A Social and Demographic History Affairs, Feb. 18, 1889, Kiowa Court File, Oklahoma (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1987), 160; Historical Society, , OK. and Karen Daniels Peterson, Plains Indian Art From 24. Jerrold E. Levy, "Kiowa," in Handbook of North Fort Marion (Norman: University of Oklahoma American Indians, vol. 13: Plains, ed. Raymond J. Press, 1971), 224. DeMallie (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institu­ 10. Map of the Kiowa-Comanche-Apache Reser­ tion Press, 2001), 918. vation, by Chaddle-Kaungy-Ky, c. 1895-96, cata­ 25. Blue Clark, Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock: Treaty logue no. 233,091, Department of Anthropology, Rights and Indian Law at the End of the Nineteenth National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Century (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, Institution, Washington, DC. 1999), 51. 11. Ledger-book art is a style of Plains Indian 26. Monroe E. Price, Law and the American picrographic drawing focusing on scenes of war­ Indians: Readings, Notes, and Cases (Indianapolis: fare, religion, hunting, and other cultural events. Bobbs-Merill, 1973), 425-27; Clark, Lone Wolf v. Originating on robes, tipis, and other items of hide, Hitchcock. these and other images began to be drawn on sheets 27. Levy, "Kiowa," 918. of paper in the 1860s. The name "ledger art" stems 28. Clark, Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock, 97. from the popularity of using blank ledger books for 29. Ibid., 35. such drawings. 30. Warhus, Another America, 4-5, 43. 12. Edin T. Denig, "Indian Tribes of the Upper 31. Kiowa Tribal Census, 1881, p. 333, Oklahoma Missouri," in Forty-sixth Annual Report of the Bureau Historical Society, Oklahoma City, OK. The Kiowa of American Ethnology, 1928-29 (Washington, terms for the wild and tame goose are c~u (sid) and DC: Government Printing Office, 1930); Warhus, cau-gau. The Canadian goose is known as C§J-thgi Another America, 3. (~/d) and chal-thgi-milU (t) (lit. white belted). The 13. Warhus, Another America, 58. crane or great blue heron are known by the term 14. Robert A. Rundstrom, "A Cultural Inter­ pl-q6p-je (sid) and pl-q6p-caut (t). Note: sldlt pretation of Inuit Map Accuracy," Geographical stand for single, duel, and triplural forms in Kiowa Review 80, no. 2 (1990): 165. (Parker McKenzie, personal communication, n.d.). 15. Lewis, "Indigenous Maps and Mapping of From these terms Black Goose appears to be the North American Indians," 29, 32. correct name form for Chaddle-Kaungy-Ky. William 16. Ewers, "The Making and Uses of Maps of L. Merrill, Marian Kaulaity Hansson, Candace Maps by Plains Indian Warriors," in Plains Indian Greene, and Frederick ]. Reuss, A Guide to the History and Culture. Rundstrom, in "Cultural Kiowa Collections at the Smithsonian Institution, Interpretation of Inuit Map Accuracy," shows that Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology, No. BLACK GOOSE'S MAP OF THE KIOWA-COMANCHE-APACHE RESERVATION 281

40. (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Vi!uigai is probably the short name form of KQv~ui­ Press, 1997), 428, list Tsadalkonzha, Tsadalkonkya, gai, denoting Right In The Center or Middle. He and Tsadalkongya as variations of the name. Kiowa was born in 1843. linguist Parker McKenzie also translated the name 48. Male and female Kiowa personal names were as Black Goose. based on this creature. 32. William T. Hagan, United States-Comanche 49. Robert W. Frazer, Forts of the West: Military Relations: The Reservation Years (New Haven, CT: Forts and Presidios and Posts Commonly Called Forts Yale University Press, 1976), 248; Kiowa Tribal West of the (Norman: University of Census, 1895, 1899, 1900. Oklahoma Press, 1965), 122-23. 33. Mallery, "Pictographs of the North American 50. The Western Cattle Trail, the only trail Indians" and "Picture-Writing of the American to cross the KCA Reservation, crossed at Doan's Indians." Store on the south side of the Red River and west 34. Merrill et aI., Guide to the Kiowa Collections, of the mouth of the North Fork of the Red River, 42. then ran to Fort Supply and on to Dodge City 35. Clark, Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock, 60-61, 69. (John W. Morris, Charles R. Goins, and Edwin C. 36. Robert Daniels to John P. Harrington, August McReynolds, Historical Atlas of Oklahoma, 3rd ed. 19, 1936, John P. Harrington Papers, National [Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1986], map Anthropological Archives, Washington, DC, cour­ 46). Thus this line represents the Texas-Oklahoma tesy of Candace Greene. Territory Line and not the Western Cattle Trail. 37. Fredlund et aI., "Crazy Mule's Maps," 10. 51. Lewis notes in "Indian Maps": "There the 38. Older Kiowa called the mountains west of cacique reached the edge of the deerskin and swung the pass at Cooperton the Wichita Mountains, what would seem to be the Red and rivers and those east of this pass the Apache Mountains clockwise through almost ninety degrees in order to from the Apache's preference for camping around accommodate them" (15). them. This confirms the earlier description of the 52. Mooney, "Calendar History of the Kiowa Wichita Mountains. Personal correspondence, Indians," 349-50, 356-57. Parker McKenzie to author, February 19, 1998. 53. Po-e-to-mah (Mrs. Tsatoke) and loleta Mac­ 39. Wilbur S. Nye, Carbine and Lance: The Story Elhaney to Alice Marriott, July 10, 1935, Alice of Old Fort Sill (Norman: University of Oklahoma Marriott's Kiowa Field Notes, 1934-36, Western Press, 1937), 10. History Collections, University of Oklahoma, 40. James Mooney, "Calendar History of the Norman. Kiowa Indians," in Seventeenth Annual Report of the 54. The easternmost mountain southeast of the Bureau of American Ethnology (Washington, DC: Buffalo Tree contains a series of small linear marks Smithsonian Institution Press, 1898),275-76. in the center of its base but is unrecognizable despite 41. Mooney, "Calendar History of the Kiowa magnification. Although it may represent a stand Indians"; Nye, Story of Old Fort Sill; William C. of timber, it is in the immediate vicinity where the Meadows, Kiowa Ethnogeography (Austin, University three Kiowa boys froze to death on January 9, 1891, of Texas Press, in press). and may refer to that incident (Mooney, "Calendar 42. Mallery, "Pictographs of the North American History of the Kiowa Indians," 360-61). Indians" and "Picture-Writing of the American 55. Warhus, Another America, 188. Indians." Navajo having similar hairstyles are 56. Lewis, "Indian Maps: Their Place in the common in Kiowa ledger art (cf. Ronald McCoy, History of Plains Cartography," 97, 100. Kiowa Memories: Images From Indian Territory, 1880 57. Ewers, "Making and Uses of Maps by Plains [Santa Fe, NM: Morning Star Gallery, 1987], plates Indian Warriors," 36, 41. The Poor Wolf map was 4, 12). drawn in 1880 when Poor Wolf visited Washington, 43. Mooney, "Calendar History of the Kiowa DC, or in 1881 when W. J. Hoffman visited Fort Indians," 271-72, 419. Berthold. Candace Greene, personal communica­ 44. Ibid., 326-27. tion to the author, September 21, 2005. 45. Hugh L. Scott, Ledgerbooks on Kiowa Sign 58. Fredlund et aI., "Crazy Mule's Maps." Language, Fort Sill Museum Archives, Fort Sill 59. Ewers, "Making and Uses of Maps by Plains Army Base, Oklahoma, 1:172-73. Indian Warriors," 39. 46. Mooney, "Calendar History of the Kiowa 60. James H. Howard, The British Museum Winter Indians," 349-50; Nye, Story of Old Fort Sill, 263-66; Count, Occasional Paper 4 (London: British Alice Marriott, The Ten Grandmothers (Norman: Museum, 1979), 63; Fredlund et a!., "Crazy Mule's University of Oklahoma Press, 1945), 142-54. Maps," 16. 47. Mooney, "Calendar History of the Kiowa 61. Lewis, "Indian Maps" and "Indian Maps: Indians," 367-57; Nye, Story of Old Fort Sill, 268-70. Their Place in the History of Plains Cartography"; 282 GREAT PLAINS QUARTERLY, FALL 2006

Belyea, "Amerindian Maps"; Fredlund et aI., "Crazy and A. Wesley Jones, "The Sitting Rabbit 1907 Mule's Maps," 25. Map of the in ," Plains 62. Lewis, "Indian Maps"; Cf. Peterson, "Plains Anthropologist 24, pt. 1 (1979): 145-67 (commis­ Indian Art from Fort Marion"; Lewis, "Indigenous sioned work). Maps," 26; Lewis, "Indian Maps," 11; Ewers, "Making 70. Lewis, "Indian Maps: Their Place in the and Uses of Maps By Plains Indian Warriors"; History of Plains Cartography," 94, 99,101 (Miguel's Fredlund et aI., "Crazy Mule's Maps," 25. map); Fredlund et aI., "Crazy Mule's Maps," 6-7; and 63. Fredlund et aI., "Crazy Mule's Maps," 25. Thiessen et aI., "Sitting Rabbit 1907 Map". The 64. Harley, "Rereading the Maps of the Colum­ Black Goose Map provides more detail within a bian Encounter," 527-28, 533n7. smaller area, similar to but still more detailed than 65. Clark, Lone Wolf v. Hitchcock, 35. Amos Bad Heart Bull's (Oglala Sioux) Map (Lewis, 66. Harley, "Rereading the Maps of the Colum­ "Indian Maps: Their Place in the History of Plains bian Encounter," 527. Cartography," 96). 67. Rundstrom, "A Cultural Interpretation of 71. Ewers, "Making and Uses of Maps by Plains Inuit Map Accuracy," 166. Indian Warriors," 41. 68. Ibid. n. Thiessen et aI., "Sitting Rabbit 1907 Map"; 69. Fredlund et aI., "Crazy Mule's Maps" (govern­ and Fredlund et aI., "Crazy Mule's Maps," 6-7. ment scout service); Moore, Cheyenne Nation, 160 73. This map also contributes to ongoing work in (massacre sites); Peterson, Plains Indian Art from Kiowa ethnogeography in aiding in the identifica­ Fort Marion, 224, and Lewis, "Indian Maps: Their tion and confirmation of specific locales and indig­ Place in the History of Plains Cartography," 97 enous place names through ongoing ethnographic (travel); Thomas D. Thiessen, W. Raymond Wood, research (Meadows, Kiowa Ethnogeography).