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to to

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Tallahassee, Tallahassee,

Congress. Congress. both both

since since

eradicated. eradicated.

alleged alleged

actions actions

do do

effective effective

pending pending

leaders, leaders,

to to

integrated integrated Negro Negro

spiritual spiritual

racial racial

we we

Douglas, Douglas,

that that

the the

a a

hearts hearts

perfect perfect

this this

House House

out out

stay stay

factories, factories,

and and

nothing nothing

law law

for for

of of

matter matter of of task. task.

that that

And And

the the

attack attack

in in

lost lost

moral moral

the the

what what

were were

the the

deeper deeper

go go

units. units. case case

by by

on on

supports supports

our our

equal equal

our our demands demands

spiritual spiritual

in in

bill bill

in in

the the

inferiority inferiority charges charges

don't don't

taken taken

prejudice. prejudice.

in in

Judiciary Judiciary

home home

American American

wells wells

prejudice prejudice

against against

of' of'

law, law,

of' of'

of of

''has ''has

the the

out out

Supreme Supreme

Catholic, Catholic,

America.

moved moved

doesn't doesn't

it it

in in

Javits Javits session session

But But

In In

and and of of

society. society.

discrimination, discrimination,

big big

of' of'

plane'." plane'."

to to

Congress Congress

nation. nation.

units, units,

our our

the the

men men

in in

We We meaning meaning and and

has has

opportunity opportunity

achieving achieving

under under

floor floor

the the

again again

September September

we we

But But

offices offices

belief', belief',

on on

come come

cause cause

ever ever

legal legal

the the of' of'

Northern Northern

inequality inequality

1960 1960

the the

need need

Discrimina­

of' of'

will will

by by

courts courts

success. success.

the the

have have

the the

always always

, ,

the the regenera­

and and Senate Senate

.makes .makes

Court's Court's

prejudice, prejudice,

once once

soldiers, soldiers,

give give

More More

until until

Committee. Committee.

and and

fight fight

their their

inferi­

this this from from

forget forget

of' of'

threat threat

Supreme Supreme

having having

Protes­

of' of'

But But

a a

right right

--

and and

a a

grounds grounds

530 530

Negro Negro

have have

politi­

myself'. myself'.

and and

atti­

reason reason

Change Change

do do

con­

the the

they they

over over

any any

racial racial

in in

sick• sick•

been been

the the

argu­

it it

it it

in­

and and

to to

in in

of of is is

\ \

my my

have have

nation nation

the the

nation nation

to to

Congress, Congress,

to to eral eral have have

field field

cause cause

having having

a a

won't won't cial cial

our our

nia, nia,

legislation. legislation.

implement implement

to to

program, program,

bill bill

are are

Compliance Compliance civil civil

Congress Congress

know know

are are

posing

excessive excessive

tacks tacks ga.nization iting iting

ity ity

cannot cannot

spokesman spokesman

. .

the the

you you

rely rely

judgment, judgment,

world world

own own

winning winning

to to

a a

Let's Let's

And And

MY MY

Where, Where,

The The

What, What, Why, Why,

demonstrated demonstrated

government government

whose whose

travelers travelers

while while

our our

But But

Keep Keep

Ob, Ob,

there there

of of

--

measure measure

financial financial

with with

rights rights

stop stop

· ·

name name

and and

throughout throughout

that that

the the

your your

sue sue

fail. fail.

Negro Negro

friends, friends,

just just

passage passage

peace. peace.

our our

there there

differences. differences.

there there

to to

take take

I I

that that

the the

in in

up up

license license

I I

drive drive

not not

Democratic Democratic

voice voice

discriminating discriminating

Cammi Cammi

know know

honor. honor.

are are

to to

same same as as

I I

"civil "civil

for for

members members this this

ask, ask,

the the

enact enact

I I

Negro Negro

the the there there

on on

ask, ask,

front front

the the

Supreme Supreme

leaders leaders

Most Most

heart, heart,

ask, ask,

a a

enforce enforce

of of

have have

like like

this this

is is

many many

is is

behind behind

the the

conciliation conciliation

people people

ttee ttee

that that

fight fight

support support

"foreign "foreign

We We

political political

to to

of of

does does

is is

sounded sounded

I I

your your

fight. fight.

what what another another

the the

has has

something something

the the

fees fees

are are

rights" rights"

citizens. citizens.

of of

came came

these these

is is

Marian Marian

a a

Democratic Democratic

are are

use use

the the

a a

is is

to to

parts parts

that that

my my

there there

for for

.

world world are are

Court's Court's

Douglas-Humphrey Douglas-Humphrey

quarter-loaf quarter-loaf

the the

that that

far far

the the

Rapublican Rapublican

Chairman Chairman

civil civil

great great

Most Most

the the

few

indeed indeed

could could

on on

and and

reprisals reprisals

Douglas-Humphrey Douglas-Humphrey

wasting wasting

here here

all all

friends. friends.

of of

past past

forth forth Keep Keep

human human

corporation," corporation,"

more more

both both

almost almost

Afu

thing thing

has has

Southern Southern

against against

of of .

Anderson, Anderson,

campaigns, campaigns,

things things

processes processes

is is

summer summer

are are

litigation litigation

taxes, taxes,

and and

of of

our our

I I

success success

rights? rights?

u

as as

be be

this this

inistration inistration

the the

desegregation desegregation

would would

the the

in in

never never

It It

two two

~he ~he

honorable honorable

the the

Party. Party.

on on

heart-rending heart-rending

sides sides

Paul Paul

rights. rights.

human human

a a

that that

accomplished accomplished

th

our our

-. -.

the the

is is

totally totally

and and

Chairman Chairman

country country

means means

u

land land

morning morning

that that

years? years?

civil civil

Despite Despite

Negroes

soldier soldier

and and moral moral

Democrats Democrats

civil civil

s s

Northern Northern

a a

l:l

greatest greatest

Butler Butler

once once

in in

Louis Louis

we we

title. title.

of of

contribute contribute

banning banning

of of

.

ke ke

everywhere. everywhere.

resou~ces. resou~ces.

- 4 - 4 -

sad sad

to to

other other

But But

would would

of of

bill bill

the the

investigating investigating

desegregation; desegregation;

of of

can can

the the

rights rights

flag flag

bill bill

unused unused

rights rights

'd 'd

where where

to to

estate estate

enforce enforce

in in

? ?

What What

as as

equality equality

fact fact

Morton Morton

of of

all all

Armstrong, Armstrong,

rna.k:l.ng rna.k:l.ng

as as

t

goes goes

courts courts

decisions. decisions.

and and

Democrats Democrats

h

civil civil

and and

say say

the the

things. things.

We We

human human

by by

work work

do do

a a

drawn drawn

civil civil

them them

attacks attacks

of of

will will

the the

the the

that that

spokesman spokesman

is is you you

in in

want want

bill bill more more

an an

to to

in in

should should

all all

to to big big

than than

give give

civil civil

Negro Negro

fight fight

hard hard

constitutional constitutional

only only

July July

and and

the the

rights rights

obstacles obstacles

from from

Administration Administration

and and

put put

the the

the the a a

resource resource

you you

rights rights

are are

battle battle

in in

the the

a a

to to

--

the the

the the

upon upon

But But

your your

contract contract

work work

use use

the the

elsewhere elsewhere

rights rights

bill bill

do do

of of Democratic Democratic

a a

the the

diplomatic diplomatic

against against

about about

cause cause

it it

harassed harassed

of of

shy shy

public public

rights, rights,

a a

raise raise

way way

It's It's

world world

Attorney Attorney

Republican Republican

for for

fence. fence.

these these

bil

will will

to to

opportunity opportunity

Globetrotters Globetrotters

1957, 1957,

of of

from from

organization, organization,

your your

hard hard

full full

now now

o!f o!f

that that

with with

in in

and and

of of

l l

too too

our our

having having

contribute contribute

civil civil

flying. flying.

the the

from from

the the

employment, employment,

be be

w~ose w~ose

Whittier, Whittier,

two-thirds two-thirds

the the

it. it.

looming looming

attacks attacks

organization. organization.

e~cluding e~cluding

peace. peace.

force force

been been

for for

by by

difficulties, difficulties,

--

will will

late late

rights rights

),larty. ),larty.

us? us?

prestige prestige

with with

a a

Senator Senator

field. field.

Douglas-Humphrey Douglas-Humphrey

General General

diplomatic diplomatic

an an

rights, rights,

wear wear

state state

But But

signal signal

practice practice

a a

civil civil

only only

doing doing

of of

support support

in in

for for

employer employer

Contracts Contracts

Together Together

the the

before before

upon upon

a a

and and

to to

levying levying

I I

these these

the the

the the

Yes, Yes,

laws laws

your

Califor­

Unoffi­

all. all.

claim claim

reality. reality.

colored colored

author­

o~ o~

dghts dghts

submit submit

prohib­

of of

not not

to to

the the

imagi­

on on

others others

y9u y9u

day day

fed­

your your

of

J

and and

all all

our our

we we

the the

the the

we

at­

or-

ex­

I I

as as

Who Who

we we

· ·

In In

. . . . .N;f!{ .. /)/1/lt>? UA'W WASH I N ;t;dN OFFICE 1126 SIXTEENTH STREET, N . W. Q./ /J- WASHINGTON 8, D . C .~/"" EXECUTIVE 3·7781 ~/(?,

July 27, 1959

Dear Bill:

As promised, here is the transcript of Humphrey1s address to the NAACP convention.

Regards, ~um

a . HUMF . I y T C •• • TO 19S9

'.-

T~ you v•:ty much,. r . erl'yJ t believe l can ••Y Mayor -_ orry.

J cou14.a1t ta.lp but pay ap em afteDti~a to tb.e ebaractel'ia&tion . yoU> pre•ent •p-•.Xaw-: lob tba BQH•t of ci•t11'11hte. ow, my biblical·

&Ad applaua) 8ut l Q'l'Ut a4d t t if Olle is to lo•e . a ad, 1 can tbi1lk of GO tbo•• of ~• wo.rtb.y ca ••· ( p-pla •) Aacl th•o, may 1: remLd/you b..o ar• a little

Jolden platter.

tome to •hall lna'ke b:rief 1'0ference. Juet a ow Dt &Jo 1 u privileged to m.et a e · pubUc etfi

of la ka. ·~ p. lanc:be . e- lnith. ( plau••) rut I've· already •• cl • le. ®ly aa hoaor• bat

you. too..

· • .rW.. fol" tile · letrlct. of' Cobam ia.

eo help eract tho fll'at \U\icipal F air :ad tt..••'• a. lrieurl of' miae lwl'•· oa tla• ~qr ., C.•U· Ne----.· tu

cUtoJ' of the im:teapoli• S ••- a &lid ·U. • .pl.··. •c:orier, · J• wW t'ec.U

vewy •eU tta.o.• Qifficlllt days. A hfl·'ll alto recall tbal ao. pi'·•••• G.o--nzao~

of tbe •tate of ~naeto&.a, who .... "'- & . a 16 ,...... of ...... , ..

.lawyeJ' who · l'ep&r U. ol' iDallee;t WJ"ote t l--.•. , betp.d 'fiJU U

t~o"'h the · imaeapoUt C.Uy .-eU fo~ a · £ . C. (A ..._ .. , · d l refer to

ov OYA Gove.raox., wbo ha• :e.tood tll . l&l'o...,.koat t •• Y•••• 18. politic:•

aad .1. m •t•r•• •• a atter of fact. v. OrviU. i'r••ma, a f.rt.u., m&J I ••Y•

ot ll11maa l'il'** ia ••• • tht aaCNt tb& ut»wa. (A,ppbuaae)

·· a.t'• tlae ••-. Gove:tDOr, w· . • y t e· way,. app;>Wed uotllel' dear

fr ·- of mi.. u .a Gipal J••· •taa. eitr •f . maupolt.. ll1lCl J r:efer to • aeatle a 1' pr; · d to c..a1l fr"- , aad lao haf IMea 'kl e:QOll&'b te let e e• him ftU.. ·, Judt•· ar4. · of oU•, . u.oaa. (Applawae)

my fri-eacll fro. •• • 1 ba•a't for 01te.11 y; · \1. Ota., •• b•• a

wor.Ul•riUl delea.atioo. her . i'l'o.m t t. aul chapte-r .. t •. . . ••

·t: y wrU• aa4 •• nw to , • .. • llaav · to wdte . ac aDd ••Y• now lo.o -~

I to be a e~r of the t. . aul ch& •~· l wa to 1M me kr

tUleap.oUa cha,pter; hy don'& yo jut. ba¥e a •tat. cbap.t•~ • , 1 C&r4 &save ••

:metn'beJ"•bi.V• Humpbny - ,... "

yout' own Cla.C'••c• -tc:twU# a foJ:mel!' iau.eota-. may l ••Y, taaaht • if that/ou bel'ieft:a ia ·.a ••uaUty •troua y • oqla. PAl· ·•orka f•• U wltll aU tber force at ht. eOJnmad, t._t lt&H mor&l ,p.riulpt. aa1 o'• , ay t•i11D3.pa..

(Ap laue) · ll4 your ·•Y · ilkin•• ay frl.d, Pd may I ·_ , a p~o4•t .- a 1~ fill' t•clu-. afU-edje4 l'odW:t of 0111' OWfl llde-l'fel _~l'litJ of ' it.IMHI:a,

it:atm. but bee uae to of yov mott dl t.r -_palled te _e r • to ay

10 of ·you. l•a4•~• w -•• c;loae .,..

eal · _ Uvin re~ity. ' cou.ve.atioa, a a .. • r••Y wbieh aa. ~ laeea bel"'algd. aa l eay, .., ·tbe p.r••• of tbi• eit;y aad ot otiMr ~~·• cit.••• let u ..._...

· 1 would Uu ..ry _ a to talk to yo t u - rabtJ abo-. ecoaomic olicy, hy o I ny tbld 1 · · c.&Wte u effecliT• foTelp policy re.-tn• .a .

· , 1 ••• a ictve there · ·

~& It.-~· . N_, ,.. ~ . .. d ttw · way ttud l kl&OW t·o IU'••ct'-• lbh u.tln'• l'••Uot~Utp• 'Witk thH• pw •••llhtd.:• &lld *• paopl•• al l~Uqe eoDtiuaan l• by P'Ktlctq· 4Ub0Cft.C:J to it• atmott aud. to it• f.tt..c ·-.u••• ~· •oa tire A._ricaa ·•aM Ue.eU.

(.Applau.e.)

Now tb• A mAJJ'iCU N'cp ·a.. W01l ··•~opiti.oa ef hi• o.a•te l'illlbl p;rii'DU'Uy i.a taa. f.._lt oC l•·P b&UlJh AU A.-ricaaa u• m-4eM•4 to tile AACP aoa ~to U:e 'let-.1. eoliiUel• hi' :J.t• lMUcf ie ·aad Mllic&UA tO. p.~••• tld'oqlt law.

No· p$Up ba. AaurtQ• Wttoi"Y who M-v• •wfte;r.ct •• rn.\let. 114i•rdly .at tiWr kaa4• of their fello• -.. 11&'¥'-.· ao cou~otlJ ~•;t.cttt4 :t•&U~y vtCileace., AD4 M.ve

.ao ctu·~r~l•tely . • .icat•d ta. ••l••• to lellow•lllp aect leaut•J• (Ap.plaue) .At'ld

· ·alit J atl4, • .1:&-Qllp ill Ana1-1•u lda.:ory bu· aoff•~..t ••• :t:adiJDiti•• re.p'ddi&ted :bet ~•Ject.ct eo· . a l•m aacl fo;rcell of totalltu1aaiae •• M.• the plople -.bo • .,.. ott• Mean 4iUtou of A~aTica.: (;A,pp..._)

4 m ay 1 • .ay to .,._ 1a •Y capacity .. a 'VuJw4 ·sate• .s.ut.wt ., &a cftl' a•at•ftal, ..a l ~y 7011 tri -.. a¥ 1 complhneat ,_,. a.llid t)laok '" f " w:bat you've cioae to aat tae pa.tte~ ·· ..&.w to tva b1tt.N1le•• ltd utadel'•tudial, and b.Urea iato low., aad 'Violence illlo l.aw aad qrd•"'"j .u tht• you eo -.Iwa.y• be pr~ tApplau•)

How thO ta real A ..l."ic km., Ttti.t· it tta. k11ld of · . - ricuum IW

.oqhl to IMI hel'alded l• ita. ball• of Caqruet reapec:t fo-, 1a P4 erte:r ·-.ad yow f.aith in til• .Ulmat• l"ictery af fre• iaa:tltlltl~m• nd. f.ne ·meAt AU · ••rica_u ... 4eepl' We t.ed to ou Fect.•al covte to.r upl:aoldklJ a •alorciq the rwl• .Law ta ou cle· craCJ. .8ut t• cotarta .allou14 aot 1M

..ked to ¢U,ry tlaia urtk.n - - •• t ta. pr•.. at l~ _ 1.00 ••••• iaYOl'Yt

•••a~r•aatlQ1l '-••• are p.aa4ioa iD •••al ..s. • -.. covt~• &Qd maray znow•

eue• iu~lYla:c civil J'i&ldt aa4 ebi1 Uln~tt•• ..... •~• ,._. aa ·ill lM e-.rta• .

The heavy bat"dwa• bnpoaed upoa tile c-..w caa . rellev. olllr .if

Pr••i eat aDd cu .,.,...... taa tuu fail' •iau• of tha •••,.ulllUble••

'W tbe . 0111Utu.tioa 414 _ CHat• a ••puoatt· _ ol powen for :tbil pvpo••

_f paral,.ia& ou~ ao •r11 llt. All tbree :flraocM• at _..t: coopu•te

to ma&.t ou •r••• YrciJrkaDle aad to effectual• tile hum•.adtariu prtnelp&•• of liu · -outltuioa.

It i •••ab t6 ••r tUt tAle ..... Covt'• •••areaatioa c&act.t.on•, ldtllel" we Wee the . or a.ot. uat be · -,.d •imply Ia cu•• tuy u• tile 1upreme

law Dlrta.laad.~~~ o-r• t..._ • «lWPioll of la• •••~"••·- tlt i• Ja'V'Q.lft:L1 •ta'k.e .il· the ·very lt&alc mot&l ·t..•• w c:.b _ deJ>lie• ou coacept o of 4• Tb9mu .Jef(ezoaoa ._.rauled wldl thi• morAl priac.ipt. draftiDC thtt

eluatioa of IDcl•peuci•..ee., Be . U acu•lY awu• tbal a.ro •laY•rt ·t:..Ur.a41ct41cl

the priutpl•• •n•aclated ie that Decl.a.ratioall!· Ia. •• ftl'J (tr•t Coap••• ef tM

Unit•d .,tatea. · •p.. , Jo•.taa P.zo:ker ct•;plote

t t ~ 1 couala14t•cy o( ov r I•• with wftkh w ar• tutly c:.b&Ta•d alaoul, b away tbM y •'-w y o acticma tu - .ve beaeftc.a.ce of t.be · lh ia Hut l~U'Jb Corac~"••• a fe y.u• taler" p. .Ja-.• .ltillhDa•e of ctle-Ui •aid tlaal he kae of:. -q\»te, «tao prlaeiple• ,._ de • dift..-r"-c•

...... c ... ~ ...-&). rta. • hittt Ot' " lack t . .t of .-a ~ te. . . r.-tnded

G11J~'••• tb.a& &u fir•t pll"blc l• t t • laid dow , · t · "itht• of u tb:at aU •• 'bo.rn fr•• · eq~al, aad d.Ott·* aot ••Y• ••W COD&r ..•;ma•

U '"• aoJ. ••Y AU wlaile , a ue , a I• · . ppt.... •)

! lhia ntwal priltci. • h1mla.a equality ie \Witte ~ iuto t ~ ~. ctuM · ot 184•»-lldtB•.- ta.. roc:l.- ~ atio the Uti, 14&11 •• lStil Amea •

DWAN to OJU' CouWetio io.U '*- tta. , · ovt UD· t •• ~ ead . ••• ·- tlla '~c .;.;R:&tl"l-1' tu te· *'

baa.. for &OCJd.M•• .-..,, ay aay of ou :e'l'k. a •••m to· puU

. ay fnm the, .t atati of tb.o•• priac..i •• ? o • aot ba•• • ric t D wit .· • htlttorieal kc:qro , .o we 1lOt ba•• ·• •·iJ U. · J"e•t41trnt

. If the Vsltte4 ~·• aa4 tlte Coaarqe .Ul r•affil'm t ~ area.t mol'lal pl'iaclpt. Q(

,umao Uty ·~ ct brotherko · 'by upbolCU., tUid efe tlae • reJM Covt'•

v O'll le~~ral _ ,_ a tav t ., • ·-·- ~ :#' ,

• u•c.acli: oftbe •lu'o a t._lead 1'•hlp of all &rae-a..• .of &crYera~ TO. - pNJ~De C...t-lau

played, aaCt it-pl&ytq, a. mq•dflc••• ~ole i11 leac•l.. tlut t'tlad~ pl'iad 1u for whtck me·rica etaa4... - tJae .re•tdnt ... itHI eo...... too. :fltoald ... in tr\lmf~Ah of uti_u.1 •4uc&Uo ad atloal policy. (Applaue)

ow till& wa• •u f'IUCti.o_ of tbe r••ut••Cf wt.kla . ruklia ...... tt

lilad&rat.o.o4 eo well., 1ataa lo wW •ld. _,Yarful wo..-a fro•

rok ia Jaao OOII•'Yelt.. a. aalfl, tv \e a p till . . l'e•JAid Uk

:y c.ou•la,. " l'efet~ia• bac to : • · · ,oo..,_lt.,

ell, .Dtf ao (r 114•-. -.. co w •• a uwe ••achiaa ti'Om: tu .:b.lt•

(A plaue) l a-•• lolla tlaa Baptk·t Mb lid • tri,a'bl to ••Y that, oe.•o•t -._? f.La'Wiat•~ ~•aefabla ~- p.,.l of •••peJa:Uoa, p~•aciliac­ t• .-,.1 of ecpaall"lJil&aiMc · • it iAl t'i&lll; been•• 11 u mor~ 'ow 1• . aMI«

••••anaatioa U.cl•ieu. ..,. taa.• y t to uar frCPD the . ih oue oae • ple

•claratiea t~ tlae•c dect•lou ._... cor.arect~ O:l' U.t ._, ,..-"• ·_ra.L ') lad4t , aayoae etuclyi.Da the ataU .t• combat"* of u... Admiaiah'alio• &Hay wo•ld tldnk

t u a · Jaik, t · • JOft'1'1t. nt a-ad thia .Admiai•traU.oa c • ur tM

portallce 'bU&aciq ov l'Dora1 hlaGaet. (J\pplau.J

ow 1\le.eply .....r.t to r•· Ol"'l the reeoril ot ocar••• t• tuft• Ntterlt :bl

1~41'.- P"'eaicleat Tu.maa'• Civll ' ah:t• Com ltteo. ..id. - tt , ·a. t • fu acttoa '• 110- tf aet d Dot ua4eH•ti ~ te. it · • aa a:eeoiaplt.. ~~ • pand 4owa ~J' tile

tbz.eat of · 11ate fUUa•ter to avoW aay PP .· l't wha&ay r few th• 4•.. P•I*llo•

decia iGD.. ' . Coa.lr•••· hae done Uttle or aot.ta.i'q io w.-. t . l'·al IMadpt

. ~~ zaar-•••ioaal •f:UeiJa &ad npport of a.• . .S.c'-i.ou. •• et u h p.-ie *•" tuy

••., .. "ad, ttdaa.t alowlr." ·~w·· .. .. ~ trbt > tta. ~pathl'i'a -.dmcmtt'll ....

t u. ,.... at••• •lap.. . ••• t ••••J~"....UO• a4•tou..

,,..,,, ba• failed to tab •t~ •*-P to tappol't the C t.

laer• .11 ..uu cli•cnmu...tt · i• ta.. ortla, ••1 tta.e ltalldpatte~•.. ell, wily talk &Mill ••ancat.ioft ill tile ..••1 ¥ ...... r i•..r . . . • ...... ~lot P*rf'ect

111 · o!'l'b-, a loQI way from U.. _ r t• a. lot 4 ._, 1M ctoae *«a eacl l'&eial iuqulity aacl di•uiad~U&ioa bifO*~J ov •• ._.,..,._..., eWe•. '•

. ldtJuu.tly. t•ve 1 a paeb.J• ot ·ut. Pftdiq m Co-an•• ~'llbt uw e.ta.t wovl.S

•ar• ao. loq way .. llelp clo jut. tb&C Job_.

lilut t · ~. fact &llat die Morrtll 11. ut pel'fect doet ot ~ '" ,._,part el th· u.tton a. l"lJial to fla.Wli tu ~. aOil•t eveJ> fora· t differ•• Mtwen

· l•• • asppi btl. law Cl.te• • l .,.aalUy, l :raal"et Co •~l· a • .ia &lui aeart• of - a will

aeu _ .tou eaa · · cotfa.i·

. ,, Now·l•-* l '-• m..t.uadu-.tooc~, l•t a. ••y·tW•' TW ••- ot· ou · re.t Qil'itullaadel'a- c.tllolte. P•ot•.tta a 1•.Wtl• ba•• twl.a laiab ib M.aq.r f bm•• •qtaali.tr ,-. · lb ..e ia Ua. . Ill aa4 ia tbe · · __ t &tid ••t.

a 1 fo~· waat to •ay that .·_ it U.. blp of ~a.. • .ar•at •piriblal. k •· lW __ v. •.uliM oa today -..w Ute.. ally be tm..,.•'"•· A.t I ·· · ow tW .,.

4"•aU.u tllat .Uii ... ad •• o u.& a debt of po.Uta4e. (App...._ )

.._ ... nt. ·-.. tau .,. mul ~"•lY eacl•twt, o . mo•al -...

tpirttuU :rea aeratloa o,...loeb tM diatiuti N:tw.• . p,..jadic• . _ . ·tUacr""

aaUoal. Diec.rtaautlo · _ t¥ol..-• laai · r.. choke~ :P~"•.IMJce · •

• .-.-.. flf · _u.r.., . aftit.Se .- bawl18ltuy t••llftJ••

• ••• -., law to ..., ·dlfltrlmiuU..., aot pr• k-.. If ,. awcc•.O

a •UmUaatiRt .U..c..- iaalln lty law,. ,... ••• ••u · _to ~ - · & tU l••n•la · of prejllclice U'l be a tay-p'od ·· ' of · -~ •-ace•••* ( · plau•)

Mow U.re _.re· • •• · ctum1 o~ld u- ,... whica thi• oralnJ. lw It take Ume ltl allwl• to iloUJ~ l h.av• 1_.iea04 t ia •1 P••PAI'•cl me•••••• a · tiao•• •t t.ee :r • &l pa.t w t I' ••Jial ~- t dt•cri#d'Mti01t •act pr•jwtt.e.• • , wta:&t yog do by at:d.oa to remow tUacdmi • tio wiW:ll. in Clan, cloee HmePa.iDJ to· l••-·

Yoaa •· ,. JJI'•jwltee •••ka to }la*lify ita•ll Mea••• ·of tliAt .Uep4 i_af.Tiotity of tla.e Nqro., - ut tt 1• cilurbbieatiari Ilk •tr YO tJut. - Jl"' of ..,...

•pp.orbatdty aacl c:o:.O•nm• aU too· --.,. ••· you p le •11 k.Mw, to po..-q. to 1poraoca, to ;Jickaaea, on. wllklltta. c11af'c•• o( W•~tr u• • : •d~ j .•• •• cli.C!'J"< . ,j,:natiou. tur.t.or ' fUla t~ ••ll• ..,, prej1ldf••· •• tbe •1 aatllm

-ef diacrimlaaUo will p t.l&oae well• 4ry of prttJ.Slce. ( pp.la11Q.J

o · I 4o AOt oy tbat we • . f1Ud ·aot ll"J' to .S.r•taa4 ·••J · lb.. , • tx'y

1 to do what we ca to attaek 11: .A •••,.tly. Y'ou people ka.,. of m.y •faceate :Mlief in . ridq o • Ute aU.y, t ol re _ tee.

t..-1" • thaD to tell yml that it ... • to ble that tu com o•ite.. of aU •'ril U wll. a

·o•'• a0\11 aad m.lad ...a epirtt ·•114 a~ti.. itJ {lllN: wit ••e:'-1 ta&ol.uuc•.,

p4 0\11" vitality. (A pUu•J

T••• our *})h"Uaalllrade,rl ... Catlaolle; : ~ote•&MU ·" · .• are de .leaU tl~~aa•elna to .a ...... e talk of r .. · · lJocU•• aa4 · ~ •

piritfi of t'-•• caaun ·of lJJIO. •~"•-=• b.,otl'y , cl diau iutloa. • · 41:4 • ee'Oeel't.ed .Uort ••iut r.1.-lice ' 4iilcr· 'both mor-al a:.l . pl trouada by all br..-.aehe• ·OU' lOW ·. llt aad. ...,. all

~utUUtio

.Aad Coa:a~:~e. aa •1l.R1f aet - :tlai• •••loll• • caaaot · ·· a._. .,••

·4o aot raJ cr t~ ehil r.taaa. froac.. e ••ct kauW oa to pr•••·ot • ea ol: r elc-..o • ·"-• t .. •c lw ~opea til.~ fall. (Ap.._.) .· •

·C' • ~.,.... 1M •••J:MJ~" me-aiq · cUlt..,. of tile· lyac~Waa opl&nilw, tke .-a at · all...... -U.. 530 taatucu ot. •actal rieltme•• r-..i.IJ~ u4 iJgbnid&ti(l ...... Ca11ift'• •••anp.tlo •cl•loa. ·, (.ct. my (ri lMl•, t' o•• ca••• r: pt.. •m pwt• of A .r~ IAow .. pt~. ltt. eom hxi.C) of o\11' lalla,..

. • ut act.

"azap.doa eci1 . • · ' u•• · •oc ..., ·for law &ad ord•• f~

Fo ly. •Mil. a bill t. Wo.r• -..oa a.••• oi~M ~··•~ · Ia eaa. _ 1 it wu iati'OCIV!CH t.r· a b.tpu11•• a•.-p '•volYiDJ . ·~ ·n1

i IUillOl•, . • Ja.tu of · w y· • mpeU. •41Vnal otut'•t (A pkuet

Ja • . ••• it .... lako4tlc . tl.- • idal'Y

I ""* fe.r p:riacJpl•• of 'thit bill f.a 9J1~ ,.. teat o• ea tbl'e,at of fiiJ.Ma't4a~. t ... f• . ' . • blll ta 19:5 f 1Mat ¢ ... it 0 . ov the· fle.u of either b ... I' tor 'IIU• ill lA l9.5t. aa4 I' Wlllbaa to ..., ill u•.f1o .. lo •·• tt•a t'equil'a4, ye · • ·t Gbrl.-tmaa,; ill o.-o.r llr•ak • UU.bu~ aU &e:t it t Klier~ (.App--·J .lUI . y l ~ tbU f . oa.a ...... J 1'.

· l'q&Hd to flallt f•r tlda bill m 196 Ja Co re•~ · potiticad e ~u. e.ot:f'Wber•• •bY . lac:-.. tAfP"-•) Now l.C*s sot : aoill& ar -_ , ·baY*-1 ••J ..-e.r·-lul, clw-W -. oW . lri Cid.t. •w r) A 'bUl. -... oaly c.l.Um. to tM 'ltUIMt d.U riglda t. t .title. e ••• a !till *'- wUl •liPPO•t ad le; at ·t . - ap~lrW'

otal't1• o•••tt•aatlcm d•c!fl••· ••• t40 la• ilJ •• oy, r...... to r•ly , ..

· J· 11Dll6J"•cere tbe ..,.d only • · · oac1U-.Uoa. u a · · a~a• 4'll c~

·t:S.aal r: ·_ llt• a reality~ tt•• ·1.oac. to tPe mor-e tk_ t~ (,Applaae)

·ow da p ...... or ,.._ D lA••.Jute..... _ . uey w 1 P•· tJae. ttall for~ of .t. a4eralaove:r. .c.aa. ·r•.U.•, qf a ·. •.Wralaon:rameDt,

.. d tiM tipity of ov '.-ral a•v·~·-- .. the pi'OC.t•n fJif d•••t. ~"•aatloa. _ • lt wUl • •laaal tc> an. t1a worlcl ·that W• •· ..._._. tlM t._ - · of opporftally a.ad • all.,

~, f4tW ...... ~t c.o.W4tt _ ·. to

ta..-.~l~ ryle *•• Uaa& w-. a\1W a. moe:• to •v• dWtt · rk _'• · fwetta policy .. . laer d«feue ta Uu•

tW. tbaA to coah'ib•-. tba fhld of cl'ril rilhg t.racl U.arllby to co~~trta. . c t _ eaue .s- • fApplau J

ew U..r•'• · aotber Wq U..& • c:ould. -do quic y to cOII.trUJ.. to tiM c...._• ot . ce~ !f' J ip•••... 4 _z· fr· •d•~ tlwre l• no more ·· ble

·c:a.u.•• bt tt.e world t a the e.-e . a J . t ao4 A • al'i peace ~b t•.. •

•IUS jptic:,~ ia ·cta. 4J:I\OIIIA&k t: .W. 2._. ~·· fu • · .J'D ,~ ·· . llth 'l'auk ,._._•• f.C.' . · tAWla~) UaofficW b"a-..l•n llU · iaJt. A_.. .. ,.,. • ,. •...,. . . •

:sdoaj ·l kaow ....,.,...... muw ,.. fOlk• Uk ~ 01- ... Q t...a.Jt• ..

#'e~kU . Jdld.,.• • ...S ..._,, -.. wll&t c . ._ ~sttplifiMd. I •---'"*-•

;• rb .J.- a lieU. tmaciAatl• aa4 blw to •• all of · ..,..... _....,... ~ _

: IDGh iiDport&llt l:a ~- 4J lolltatie: fl ld_. -.. ...0 tile f'4'ople of •wy.y

l Qqe -~·· w. QlOJ'Iliq ....,... . .of ...... ~fda. ... •

.,.... ,._. i'l of ¥ P•rtr•· tile t:t.moct"atlc Putf• -" •• tu oaly D•-.cratie

for .,htc:b fm very 1rat«fu.l • llln"e ta •o-rnetMDI I wo.W fJ.b to· ••Y to yoa. .... o.wr f'U'*f• Y••• tbeJref• oae tdce thl:ag abo•t ca. i),etn••.Ue . llav · Dill" till•••ac••• _.. ._•JbodY &._.,• abo• . ttte-. ~Ue1'J ..-...• ._.,...,. hu aay 4o l -.- tt, .tay, -••.,. • . late t•• 4ifl•n••• f.01a tbe hlalaet Gff!c•• ·ia • P.artf• i6 ..a •t · Colfl• ••· .ta aad cat of the ad4a-.J

tiUIIHte..

. w moat of tU oJ'tUl'· -•ln'OUak · ftk llud fol' c:Wil tithl• let ~

•••touly, coud•utJ.oualy, pu•ue.Dtly. lid MAy t ••Y wit_ 4lUl eatador,, •t

of dae •..a••• · oc:l'at• · .k taar4 aca tit. ,.,. ly. 4:Qil&C..., ·. to••ly

'WUll vipr. t lll•:r) .. k.l.lQ where tfMty ·•r.; r a't ....,.. to a• •• ·

a mkr. aco~; aad tbeJ•~'• elaaa •poe•.

• I auftllt to 1 u ctaat ttlta t• a faa- .r• bo~Wwaltte ••t ... ·• pd ·l

8 la . . f Ollly ,uti•• refueaee, felk•• ~·.. f.o• · w ·· · 11 t..t r- !1Jldu l

• to c: .-,. lluo• -.4 ' u ~_.) ... l • m1e to ro- tue tbi• t. • tu mo-re lao •altk eKate tllaa lM pract!c. .t' llama tllle

pk oa tU hDW aid&• kth •W.•, of U.. clvU •talala fetliC at ·tlut •

• (.Appl-•)

GaU£onQa. who•• Vole• •ouact.ci fofth CJA tM Civil r btl ltill4D 1dy, l'J.f, e6.0

· .o1•s oa the c v1l dJbta ·f•oat tu e paft ~ yea~•· ? rUud ·. . I wau hi• be p~ Pm fraak to teD y a.-k tor it iA ••-hf.a&to , I ill '19. w ..._••• J aak, •• t:• A4adnl•h'.U. 1a t · bit ~ loo~iq · b.efo-1'• t-. Co»&l'••• t ~t tt. :oq,.....,.·J&vlt•· - _.Juoef bu.t, ·· ' atv• &:1le

A.'t'*o1'1l-.y..C.MtaJ a.-~utra., to :fio. to •ufQ~ee. civil l'!at4•? TWel•1tM eo~••

. ectioll · ...... (Appl-e)

' ....,. t ...... ttl. S..paJ.ka• cb&h' "'· ...., .... . ,f1J)B

.,., of th• ~J:u~Jav.t.U-~plant ,blU- tt•• blputi.au .. wtul• :U.. »••••~attc

ellai.rmaa. · P a.t a..-.-.. 1•• ul tile ·- ~ wltb ·••? (AJ)pla e) .,...,, •ac .-uy l.ot..J

·- t.lc• , ..~. DlJ f• -• • ..,u. .tt tile ob•taclft• ... aU tbte: , ...... pPty u-ov.W.•• and mar•party tl'o •• • aacl •• 1laft • full -.u\lh' ol • we• .~re wioat.t t)lg -£41¥ for l!nmlaa rtallt•• fA-ppl_,

n. .U.'I" cl•f l w.u 011 • ~.U.-t•IAJYittloa •&.ow• .- ~ ·- o - uru.

.. 0:8.tJ'"' tho•• :t lto~q,IWil*' •••ttou.·, ...... , . ...w to rmt. tt •U.. -·• .-..-, t.a•••t :r-- eiaa:ap4 .,. eivll rtabb •*• tAid fl•q •..-• of ,.._. h'tlM 7u my ••- ly l• uo, l 'ilaw•*t cu d ·bat, tbPk Coo,. t• cOWlb'y •• cODl• a. toq w•r•· -· · (.~t.ppla,waet _ay ·Gf tu tllbaa• ·that'" tiRaltl.-4119 la. •fl hue at.leut .ww clowtl tu lo.a-t ttod of reu trl· druma ue bepaaiq te

ec4DM lac~ ·

1 ha~'t c~•· my fr.t.•da .. He bit. _· OM fJl tt. :!'«.. _... 1'• •••

'• · .,.• ._ l:rte: _ P4 foa aUh to kaa• 1 bawa't. otaaaa:• · ~· ppkw•J :cau• I

..ttl _. ¥*1': ~· my· beU.f tat Co4 ereate4 maa ia ,fU owo- tmqa, ami J wW ~ being. d l ' ll oev~u:· • i1l ·my b U•f i the fat. ~&oo

· J · . &hi Add.- if a c~e ie tho•• beU• •• uti tho&• couvl.ctiou

to k ow thai. (Applauae)

..a'IUl . ·= pzic . ; they uk e,rfonnailce , /

••

Yea •. ftttl· w I

1a ;0.. effoJOte:. amem ~ tlaat Jaat you .,.. aotq i• itbia the tr&CiiUoa• of thi•· ~OQJltl'y. Jl ie t - falfillme , of t a p•omiae of · - •claradoa ol.

Jade e'Cde"Gce. It i• tu Uvtaa Coutitutlon. ll 1• dedkatiou to · muclpatl

rocl•n:wtioa. k i'f th Chute% of c:u ttalted 'aUou. It'•· J.tfes-•• aad

•hlaato~ It'• · lae-o.ln _. ,..,.,.tt.· y fri • · it'• me.-ica aiMS the

Uai&ad atiou. l a• f.0\1 to ao f11b.t &r the monl ca:u•·

Thaalt yo.a.

f glaue)

•••• t I ' \3 161;)b_- ((.{' 7j/I.)Uf<1-,./ CIVIL RIGHTS: A MORAL ISSUE e~ Remarks of Senator Hubert H. Humphrey ~ 50th Anniversar~tConvention of the Nat~Association for the Advancement of Colored People New York City Wednesday, July 15, 1959

..,~~~__j_3_~-=-_:_~_""...(,_::_!()_~__~4t. 4 -

an honor to be here this morning-s==---., to help

memorate the 50th anniversary of the NAACP.

~ In a very real sense, I have grown up with the NAACP.

Your lifetime just about spans my own. Your goal of absolute

equality for all people is my goal. Your work has been my

work -- all the way back to 1946 when, as Mayor of Minneapolis, / I cooperated with the NAACP to help enact the first municipal

Practices Act in the United States. ( ~ ~ ?)

have learned much from my association with your organiza-

human equality lies at the very heart of the democratic -2- yrl~) (~~ J 0 \ 3 '7 ~Your Clarence Mitchell taught me that if one believes in human equality strongly enough and works for it with all the force at his command, this great moral principle must one day triumph.

~ur Roy Wilkins, a product of our wonderful University of Minnesota, teaches us every day how to face rude and vulgar ~ attack with calm dignity, how to meet violence with confidence --:;;:::- in the processes of law and how to answer hatred with love for one's fellow men.

~Your or~tion daily teaches all of us what can be accomplished in a democratic society when men and women who care deeply about a moral ideal such as human equality band together to make that ideal a reali~.

~As we mark t~e.:;: anniversary of the NAACP at this great Convention, let us here and now rededicate ourselves fr. · ~tf-dP to the job of eliminating second-class citizenship in the -==~::.A

United States and let us gather strength from the advances -3- " • 0 Q\~ t U of the past fifty years for the enormous tasks that still

lie ahead. ~(

~~I would ~ to ~ to you this morning about foreign

policy and what our country should and must do if we are to ~ k~ c keep the peace- e-:> ~..,-z_~~ - uhrr'~\ fJ - / - (/ - <~ ( I would like to talk to you this morning about economic- policy, about programs for full employment, ...----::- •housing, ::==- health, ~ ...,..._. education, - social security and a fuller life for e ver~ American. (_ ~, k~rl~ ~) {) ./Z-1-~~q ~

. ~ut, instead, I am going to talk to you this morning

1about civil rights, for this is both foreign policy and ( ~-~

~omi:-polic; rolled into one~An e!fective foreign policy

requires a nation united in human dignity. An effective economic

policy requires that every citizen have the opportunity to

contribute his best to the nation's welfare. So in a true

sense my message this morning is a synthesis of foreign policy, ~~~

at: economic policy, of civil rights and of poli i \ m~rali~y · I -=------=====-~ The -Negro has won recpgnition of his basic rights primarily in the field of legal battle. All Americans are indebted to ~~~ the NAACP for its beli;£ i~progress through _law; no group in

history,----- who have suffered ·SO much indignity at the hands of

their fellow men, have so consistently rejected retaliatory

violence and have so completely dedicated themselves to fellow­ ~

rule of law in our democracy. But the

courts should not be asked to carry the burden alone. At the -z_

present time, about 200 cases involving desegregation issues /] ' mP/ .L~ }f,q)z( t!L.u-4 are pending in federal and state courts-'Z--1~ IJU (/J, ,_ ~ /J ~· A. ~.e~~ "-CLtLf · ~ The heavy burdens imposed upon the courts can be relieved 1 only by the President and the Congress assuming their share c:d!!

of the responsibility. The Constitution did not create a - xkx -5- Q\3 50 separation of powers for the purpose of paralyzing our govern-

ment. All three branches of government must cooperate to make

our system workable and to effectuate the humanitarian prin-

ciples of the Constitution.

~It is not enough to say that the Supreme Court's desegre-

gation decisions, whether we like them or not, must be obeyed

simply because they are the supreme law of the land. More than

a question of law enforcenent is involved. At stake is a basic

moral issue which underlies our very conception of democracy. t,;I Thomas- Jefferson struggled with this moral principle in drafting the Declaration of Independence. He was acutely

aware that Negro slavery contradicted the principles enunciated

in that Declaration.

~ &• Obo fi~f the very First Congress of the United

States, Representative Josiah Parker deplored the treatment 3:: :;=---... of the Negro and urged that the "inconsistency in our principles, -6- Q0\3 5\ with which we are justly charged, should be done away, that we may show, by our actions, the pure beneficence of the •;;;; doctrine we hold out to the world in our Declaration of

Independence." And in the Fourth Congress, Representative

James Hillhouse of Connecticut said that be knew of "no principles that made a difference between the natural rights of a white or black man. 11 He reminded the Congress that "the first principle that is laid down in tbe rights of man is, that all men are born free and equal; it does not say all white men. "

~his moral principle of human equality is written into the Declaration of Independence, the Emancipation Proclamation, the 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments to our Constitution, the decisions of the Supreme Court implementing these Amendments and the Charter of the United Nations. -7- 0 ,352 ~ Do we not have the right then to expect that the President ~ ~ and the Congress will affirm the great moral principle of human ~ equality and brotherhood by defending the Supreme Court's

desegregation decisions on moral grounds? The fate of the

desegregation program depends upon a deep understanding of the

moral issue by our people, an understanding that can only be

developed through the leadership of all branches of government.

~The Supreme Court is playing_ a magnificent role in teaching

the fundamental principles for which America stands. But the

President and the Congress, too, should be instruments of national

education.

4his was a fUnction of the Presidency which Franklin Roosevelt ______,_ _ .. -

understood so well. "I want to be a preaching President -- like

my cousin," he once said. We could use a little preaching from

the W~e Hous: right now -- preaching the gospel of desegregation--~

~ because it is right and moral. -8-

~I am saddened that in the more tha

the historic desegregation decisions, we have yet to hear

from the White House one simple declaration that these ·- decisions were correct and moral. Indeed, anyone studying

the statements coming out of the Administration today would

think that the only thing that mattered was balancing the

financial budget. I suggest that once in a while this

Administration consider the importance of balancing our

moral budget.

And I regret to report that the record of Congress is

little better.

~n 1947 President Truman's Civil Rights Committee said,

"The time for action is now." It is twelve years la:ter and

except for the Civil Rights Act of 1957, pared down under

threat of Senate filibuster to avoid any support whatever for

the desegregation decisions, the Congress has done nothing to balance the moral budget. -9- 0\354 ~ I know all the arguments being used against

Presidential and Congressional action in support of the

desegregation decisions.

~t us be p~ient and take things slowly, ·~the

standpatters. But five years have elapsed since desegregation

decisions and Congress has failed to take one single step to

support the Court.

4reis still discrimination in the North, say the ..... >

standpatters, so why talk about segregation in the South.

No, we are not perfect up North -- far from it. There is

lots of work to be done to end racial inequality in our big

Northern cities. And incidentally I've got a package of bills

pending in Congress right now to do just that. But the fact

that the North is not perfect does not give any part of the ·=:r nation a right to flout the law of the land. ~d don't ever forget this difference between Mississippi and Minnesota -- -10-

inequality in Mississippi;

the individual in Minnesota.

all, argue the standpatters, a change in the hearts

of men will have to occur before the problem of segregation ~

will be solved. ~ ~am the first to grant that nothing would be as effective

in achieving racial equality as a change of heart in the people

who harbor racial prejudice. But it is grievous error to assume

that governmental action can do nothing to cause a change of

heart. The editors of the Catholic magazine Commonweal were

moved by this argument to comment t hat on the whole, "the..,. __ history__ _

of the Negro in America makes clear that his lot has been improved

by decisions and actions taken on the political and economic levels, s:: ;;;:::;: - < :c:::::=:=:::: rather than on the 'moral and spiritual plane'."

"The Negro's most .effective help," Commonweal maintained,

"bas come from the court-house not the church." "The 'basic'

element remains what it has always been -- legislation aimed -11- \~:J6 at interracial justice, and the courts ovg

~-~==~======~~--- ~ the execution of such legislation."

~The argument that we must rely exclusively~ moral and

spiritual regeneration overlooks the distinction between = :..o;;;> prejudice and discrimination. Discrimination involves behavior, ----- action and .. choice; prejudice is a matter of belief,__.. attitude and involuntary feeling. We seek by law directly to attack

discrimination, not prejudice. If we succeed in eliminating

discrimination by law, we have reason to expect that the

lessening of prejudice will be a by-product of our success.

Studies conducted during World War II and after show that

American soldiers, whether they came from the North or the

South, were prejudiced against the Negro as a Negro, so long

as they had no experience in integrated units. But once they

lived and fought and died side by side with Negroes in integrated

units, their prejudice declined. Studies of integrated labor labor unions, factories, offices and housing developments / ( corroborate these findings.

seeks to juatify itself because of the alleged

inferiority of the Negro. But it is discrimination which

deprives the Negro of equal opportunity and condemns all too ~

many to poverty and ignorance upon which the charges of in-

feriority are based. Just as discrimination, therefore, fills

the wells of prejudice, so the elimination of discrimination

will pump them dry.

~ I do not mean to say that we should not try to understand

prejudice and do what we can to attack it directly, too. Our

spiritual leaders, Catholic, Protestant and Jew, are dedicating

themselves to this honorable task. But the fight against

discrimination cannot wait until prejudice is eradicated. We

need a concerted effort against prejudice and discrimination on

both moral and legal grounds by all branches of our government

and by all institutions of our society. -13-

Congress should act now -- in this session. We cannot go

home ag$in having done nothing. We must enact legislation to

prevent another case of September sickness when the schools open

this fall. We cannot ignore the deeper meaning and challenge

of the lynching at Poplarville, the rape at Tallahassee, and

the 530 instances of racial violence, reprisal and intimidation

since the Supreme Court's desegregation decision. We must act

now to pass a bill that supports the Supreme Court's desegregation

decisions and insures law and order for the nation.

~ Fortunately such a biLl is before both Houses of Congress.

In the Senate it was introduced by a bipartisan group including

Senators Douglas, Javits and myself. In the House it was

introduced by Chairman Geller of the House Judiciary Committe~.

~I was for the principles of this biLl in 1957, but we lost out under threat of filibuster.

~was for this bill in 1958, but we could not get it out on the floor of either House. -14- 0 \ 3 59 ~I am for tnis bill now in 1959, and I am willing to stay

in session until Christmas in order to break a filibuster and

get it enacted.

~d if that does not work, I am prepared to fignt for tnis

bill in 196o -- in Congress, in the political campaigns, every-

where.

~Let's not nave a quarter-loaf civil rignts bill -- a bill

whose only claim to the name "civil rights" is in the title.

~We want a bill tnat will support and implement the Supreme Court's

desegregation decisions. It is too late in the day to rely~

on conciliation as a means of making constitutional rights a

reality.

~he passage of the Douglas-Humphrey bill will put the full

force of the federal government behind the processes of desegre-

gation; it will be a signal to all the world that this is indeed

the land of equality and of opportunity for all. In my judgment, -15- 0 \ 3 0 ~here are few things that would do more to raise the prestige

of our nation throughout the world and thus contribute to the

cause of peace.

there is ~And another thing that we can and should do to

contribute to the cause of peace. We are wasting our greatest

human resource in the diplomatic field -- our Negro citizens.

is a sad fact ~;t that in a world two-thirds colored our own

Negro leaders are almost totally unused in the diplomatic field.

~Unofficial travelers like Marian Anderson, Louis Armstrong, the

Globetrotters and others have demonstrated what could be

accomplished a.:t' a 0 Qm1a1&t~a~ with ~imagination and drive

to use all our human resources.

~ friends) I came here this morning as a spokesman for

civil rights) not as a spokesman for the Democratic Party. But

as the only Democratic Senator on yo~rogram, there is something

I would like to say to you about our party. Yes, we have had our -16- 0\" 6 \ differences. Most of the Northern Democrats work hard for

civil rights legislation. Most of the Southern Democrats

work hard against it. But I submit to you that this is a

far more honorable estate than the Republican practice of having the same people on both sides of the civil rights fence. F"? ___....

that summer soldier of

voice

rights in July of 1957,

I ask, is the Administration in the big battle now looming before the Congress to enact the Douglas-Humphrey bill and give the Attorney General authority to sue to enforce civil rights? -17- J0\36 2 Why, I ask, does Republican Chairman Morton fight shy

of the Douglas-Humphrey bill while Democratic Chairman Paul

Butler goes all the way with us?

But take heart, my friends. Despite all the obstacles

and difficulties, we are winning the fight for human rights.

~ Oh, I know that there are heart-rending attacks upon

your organization. I know there are many parts of the country

where you are harassed by state laws exposing_your members to >-e-

reprisals and banning them from public employment, prohibiting financial support of litigation to enforce Negro rights, ex- eluding your organization as a "foreign corporation", investigating your organization, levying excessive license fees and taxes, and other things. But these attacks upon you are a measure of your great success in the courts and elsewhere -- wear these attacks with honor.

~Keep up the fight. Keep the(moral flagfof civil rights flying. Together we cannot fail. --::::-c-· 7/13/59 ' " ~oti~ J tanittb ~tatts ~;na~ // MEMORANDUM

Hi "!eogr<'ph Mond;:~y--8end copie ~ to

NAACP in New York, !:S well PS

galleries and ~11 n~~ro pu~lic~tion~

Give tatch to Vi to f"O to N!"W York

(1 C-f--ev Wtl \Ait ee>.) l~ -L~ eety tlr ~L FOR RELEASE: Wednesday p.m.'s July 15, 1959

CIVIL RIGHTS: A MORAL ISSUE

Remarks of

Senator Hubert H. Humphrey

50th Anniversary Convention of the

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People

New York City, Wednesday, July 15, 1959

I deem it an honor to be here this morning to help corn- rnernorate the 50th anniversary of the NAACP.

In a very real sense, I have grown up with the NAACP.

Your lifetime just about spans my own. Your goal of absolute equality for all people is my goal. Your work has been my work -- all the way back to 1946 when, as Mayor of Minneapolis,

I cooperated with the NAACP to help enact the first municipal

Fair Employment Practices Act in the United States.

I have learned much from my association with your organi- zation and its leaders.

Your Walter White taught me that the moral principle of human equality lies at the very heart of the democratic idea.

Your Clarence Mitchell taught me that if one believes in human equality strongly enough and works for it with all the - 2 -

force at his command, this great moral principle must one

day triumph.

Your Roy Wilkins, a product of our wonderful University

of Minnesota, teaches us every day how to face rude and vulgar

attack with calm dignity, how to meet violence with confidence

in the processes of law and how to answer hatred with love

for one's fellow men.

Your organization daily teaches all of us what can be

accomplished in a democratic society when men and women who

care deeply about a moral ideal such as human equality band

together to make that ideal a reality.

As we mark the 50th anniversary of the NAACP at this

great Convention, let us here and now rededicate ourselves

to the job of eliminating second-class citizenship in the

United States and let us gather strength from the advances

of the past fifty years for the enormous tasks that still

lie ahead.

I would like to talk to you this morning about foreign

policy and what our country should and must do if we are to keep the peace. - 3 -

I would like to talk to you this morning about economic policy, about programs for full employment, housing, health, education, social security and a fuller life for every

American.

But, instead, I am going to talk to you this morning about civil rights, for this is both foreign policy and eco­ nomic policy rolled into one. An effective foreign policy requires a nation united in human dignity. An effective eco­ nomic policy requires that every citizen have the opportunity to contribute his best to the nation's welfare. So in a true sense my message this morning is a synthesis of foreign policy, of economic policy, of civil rights and of political morality.

The Negro has won recognition of his basic rights pri­ marily in the field of legal battle. All Americans are indebted to the NAACP for its belief in progress through law; no group in history, who have suffered so much indignity at the hands of their fellow men, have so consistently rejected retaliatory violence and have so completely dedicated them­ selves to fellowship and legality. This is real Americanism respect for law and order. - 4 -

All Americans are deeply indebted to our federal courts

for enforcing the rule of law in our democracy. But the

courts should not be asked to carry the burden alone. At the present time, about 200 cases involving desegregation issues are pending in federal and state courts.

The heavy burdens imposed upon the courts can be relieved only by the President and the Congress assuming their share of the responsibility. The Constitution did not create a

separation of powers for the purpose of paralyzing our govern­ ment. All three branches of government must cooperate to make our system workable and to effectuate the humanitarian prin­ ciples of the Constitution.

It is not enough to say that the Supreme Court's desegre­ gation decisions, whether we like them or not, must be obeyed simply because they are the supreme law of the land. More than a question of law enforcement is involved. At stake is a basic moral issue which underlies our very conception of democracy.

Thomas Jefferson struggled with this moral principle in drafting the Declaration of Independence. He was acutely aware that Negro slavery contradicted the principles enunciated in that Declaration. - 5 -

On the floor of the very First Congress of the United

States, Representative Josiah Parker deplored the treatment of the Negro and urged that the "inconsistency in our prin­ ciples, with which we are justly charged, should be done away, that we may show, by our actions, the pure beneficence of the doctrine we hold out to the world in our Declaration of Independence." And in the Fourth Congress, Representa­ tive James Hillhouse of Connecticut said that he knew of

"no principles that made a difference between the natural rights of a white or black man." He reminded the Congress that "the first principle that is laid down in the rights of man is, that all men are born free and equal; it does not say all white men."

This moral principle of human equality is written into the Declaration of Independence, the Emancipation Proclamation, the 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments to our Constitution, the decisions of the Supreme Court implementing these Amendments and the Charter of the United Nations.

Do we not have the right then to expect that the Presi­ dent and the Congress will affirm the great moral principle - 6 - of human equality and brotherhood by defending the Supreme

Court's desegregation decisions on moral grounds? The fate of the desegregation program depends upon a deep understand­ ing of the moral issue by our people, an understanding that can only be developed through the leadership of all branches of government.

The Supreme Court is playing a magnificent role in teaching the fundamental principles for which America stands.

But the President and Congress, too, should be instrurnentsaf national education.

This was a function of the Presidency which Franklin

Roosevelt understood so well. 11 I want to be a preaching

President-- like my cousin, .. he once said. We could use a little preaching from the White House right now -- preach­ ing the gospel of desegregation because it is right and moral.

I am saddened that in the more than five years since

the historic desegregation decisions, we have yet to hear from

the White House one simple declaration that these decisions were correct and moral. Indeed, anyone studying the state­ ments corning out of the Administration today would think that - 7 - the only thing that mattered was balancing the financial budget. I suggest that once in a while this Administration consider the importance of balancing our moral budget.

And I regret to report that the record of Congress is little better.

In 1947 President Truman's Civil Rights Committee said,

"The time for action is now." It is twelve years later and except for the Civil Rights Act of 1957, pared down under threat of Senate filibuster to avoid any support whatever for the desegregation decisions, the Congress has done noth­ ing to balance the moral budget.

Oh, I know all the arguments being used against Presi­ dential and Congressional action in support of the desegrega­ tion decisions.

Let us be patient and take things slowly, say the stand­ patters. But five years have elapsed since the desegregation decisions and Congress has failed to take one single step to support the Court.

There is still discrimination in the North, say the standpatters, so why talk about segregation in the South. - 8 -

No, we're not perfect up North -- far from it. There is lots of work to be done to end racial inequality in our big

Northern cities. And incidentally I've got a package of bills pending in Congress right now to do just that. But the fact that the North isn't perfect doesn't give any part of the nation a right· to flout the law of the land. And don't ever forget this difference between Mississippi and

Minnesota -- the law demands inequality in Mississippi; it seeks to protect the individual in Minnesota.

Above all, argue the standpatters, a change in the hearts of men will have to occur before the problem of segregation will be solved.

I am the first to grant that nothing would be as effec­ tive in achieving racial equality as a change of heart in the people who harbor racial prejudice. But it is grievous error to assume that governmental action can do nothing to cause a change of heart. The editors of the Catholic magazine

Commonweal were moved by this argument to comment that on the whole, "the history of the Negro in America makes clear that his lot has been improved by decisions and actions taken on - 9 - the political and economic levels, rather than on the 'moral and spiritual plane'."

"The Negro's most effective help," Corrunonweal maintained,

"has come from the court-house not the church." "The 'basic' element remains what it has always been -- legislation aimed at interracial justice, and the vigilance of the courts over the execution of such legislation."

The argument that we must rely exclusively on moral and spiritual regeneration overlooks the distinction between prejudice and discrimination. Discrimination involves behav­ ior, action and choice; prejudice is a matter of belief, atti­ tude and involuntary feeling. We seek by law directly to attack discrimination, not prejudice. If we succeed in eliminating discrimination by law, we have reason to expect that the lessening of prejudice will be a by-product of our success.

Studies conducted during World War II and after show that American soldiers, whether they carne from the North or the South, were prejudiced against the Negro as a Negro, so long as they had no experience in integrated units. But - 10 - once they lived and fought and died side by side with Negroes in integrated units, their prejudice declined. Studies of

integrated~or unions, factories, offices and housing developments corroborate these findings.

Prejudice seeks to justify itself because of the alleged inferiority of the Negro. But it is discrimination which deprives the Negro of equal opportunity and condemns all too many to poverty and ignorance upon which the charges of in- feriority are based. Just as discrimination, therefore, fills

the wells of prejudice, so the elimination of discrimination will pump them dry.

I do not mean to say that we should not try to understand prejudice and do what we can to attack it directly, too. Our.

spiritual leaders, Catholic, Protestant and Jew, are dedicating

themselves to this honorable task. But the fight against dis- crimination cannot wait until prejudice is eradicated. We need a concerted effort against prejudice and discrimination on both moral and legal grounds by all branches of our govern-

rnent and by all institutions of our society.

Congress should act now in this session. We cannot go horne again having done nothing. We must enact legislation - 11 - to prevent another case of September sickness when the schools open this fall. We cannot ignore the deeper meaning and challenge of the ~nching at Poplarville, the rape at Talla­ hassee, and the 530 instances of racial violence, reprisal and intimidation since the Supreme Court's desegregation decision. We must act now to pass a bill that supports the

Supreme Court's desegregation decisions and insures law and order for the nation.

Fortunately such a bill is before both houses of Congress.

In the Senate it was introduced by a bipartisan group includ­ ing Senators Douglas, Javits and myself. In the House it was introduced by Chairman Celler of the House Judiciary Committee.

I was for the principles of this bill in 1957, but we lost out under threat of filibuster.

I was for this bill in 1958, but we couldn't get it out on the floor of either house.

I am for this bill now in 1959, and I am willing to stay in session until Christmas in order to break a filibuster and get it enacted.

And if that doesn't work, I'm prepared to fight for this bill in 1960 -- in Congress, in the political campaigns, everywhere. - 12 -

Let's not have a quarter-loaf civil rights bill-- a

bill whose only claim to the name "civil rights" is in the

title. We want a bill that will support and implement the

Supreme Court's desegregation decisions. It's too late in

the day to rely just on conciliation as a means of making constitutional rights a reality.

The passage of the Douglas-Humphrey bill will put the full force of the federal government behind the processes of desegregation; it will be a signal to all the world that this is indeed the land of equality and of opportunity for all. In my judgment, there are few things that would do more to raise the prestige of our nation throughout the world and thus contribute to the cause of peace.

And there is another thing that we can and should do to contribute to the cause of peace. We are wasting our greatest human resource in the diplomatic field -- our Negro citizens. It is a sad fact that in a world two-thirds colored our own Negro leaders are almost totally unused in the diplo­ matic field. Unofficial travelers like Marian Anders9n,

Louis Armstrong, the Globetrotters and others have demon­ strated what could be accomplished by an Administration with the imagination and drive to use all our human t;e:sources. - 13 -

My friends, I carne here this morning as a spokesman for civil rights, not as a spokesman for the Democratic Party.

But as the only Democratic Senator on your program, there is something I would like to say to you about our party. Yes, we have our ifferences. Most of the Northern Democrats work hard for civil rights legislation. Most of the Southern

Democrats work hard against it. But I submit to you that this is a far more honorable estate than the Republican prac- tice of having the same people on both sides of the civil rights fence.

What, I ask, has that summer soldier of civil rights from Whittier, California, whose voice sounded forth on civil rights in July of 1957, been doing on the civil rights front these past two years? What is the use of having a Contracts Compliance Committee that has never once withdrawn a contract from an employer who won't stop . th Adrn. . t t. . th b. b ttl discriminatir Wh ere, I k as , ~s e ~n~s ra ~on ~n e ~g a e . t ~ a~Z.alUS-Negroes. now looming before the Cong ress to enact the Douglas-Humphrey bill and give the Attorney General authority to sue to enforce civil rights?

Why, I ask, does Republican Chairman Morton fight shy of the Douglas-Humphrey bill while Democratic Chairman Paul

Butler goes all the way with us? - 14 -

But take heart, my friends. Despite all the obstacles and difficulties, we are winning the fight for human rights.

Oh, I know that there are heart-rending attacks upon your organization. I know there are many parts of the country where you are harassed by state laws exposing your members to reprisals and banning them from public employment, prohibiting financial support of litigation to enforce Negro rights, ex­ cluding your organization as a "foreign corporation," investi­ gating your organization, levying excessive license fees and taxes, and other things. But these attacks upon you are a measure of your great success in the courts and elsewhere -­ wear these attacks with honor.

Keep up the fight. Keep the moral flag of civil rights flying. Together we cannot fail.

* * * Minnesota Historical Society

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