Timothy Walch, ed.. At the President's Side: The Vice Presidency in the Twentieth Century. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1997. xii + 270 pp. $34.95, cloth, ISBN 978-0-8262-1133-0.
Reviewed by Ralph B. Levering
Published on H-Pol (February, 1998)
After hastily agreeing to review this book, I dents. Because the book's strengths far outweigh soon realized that I had two serious misgivings. its weaknesses, I commend it to all students of the First, in view of such well-known evaluations as modern presidency/vice presidency and to those the one by John Nance Garner (Franklin Roo‐ interested more generally in U.S. political history sevelt's frst vice president) that the ofce was in this remarkable century. "not worth a pitcher of warm spit," I wondered One of the book's great strengths is the way in whether giving a close reading to a book on this which it combines historians' traditional focus on subject would be worth my time. Second, given the particular (in this case, vice presidents) with my frequent disappointment with edited collec‐ political scientists' traditional interest in the gen‐ tions of conference papers, I feared that I would eral (in this case, the vice presidency). Although end up trying to fnd one or two excellent essays most of the authors are historians and thus draw in a mass of mediocrity and redundancy. on a wealth of detailed knowledge of particular Fortunately, these fears were not warranted. administrations, all of the authors also deal with The twentieth-century vice presidency--and, espe‐ the question of how the ofce evolved--or failed to cially, the extent to which and the ways in which evolve--during the years they are analyzing. In it has changed and not changed--captured my in‐ writing about the years from 1900 through 1920, terest. Moreover, the vast majority of the essays for example, John Milton Cooper Jr. argues that are of high quality. Most were written by well- President Woodrow Wilson should have taken known scholars (e.g., Richard E. Neustadt); a few, Colonel Edward M. House's advice and placed the by former ofcials (e.g., Dan Quayle). Virtually all able secretary of war, Newton D. Baker, on the are based on many years of research on, or expe‐ ticket for the vice presidency in 1916. House tried rience in working with, particular vice presidents to convince Wilson that, if he replaced the lightly or administrations. And the writing is engaging, regarded incumbent, Thomas Marshall, with Bak‐ concise, and blessedly free of academic jargon er, the latter, in House's words, "might become and pretension, making it a likely hit with stu‐ Vice President in fact as well as in name, and be a H-Net Reviews co-worker and co-helper of the President" (p. 18). or in both? In other words, when did the vice Holding a low opinion of the vice presidency, Wil‐ presidency begin to be seen as an important ofce son refused to "sacrifce" Baker and thus did not in its own right and also as a possible stepping have a respected vice president who had worked stone to the presidency, even when (as usually closely with him and who could be trusted to per‐ happened) the president served out his term? form at least some presidential duties efectively The book ofers various answers, usually im‐ when Wilson was largely incapacitated by a plicit rather than explicit. In a generally excellent stroke in the fall of 1919. Not only was the result essay, "Vice Presidents as National Leaders: Re‐ unfortunate at the time, Cooper points out, but fections Past, Present, and Future," Neustadt ar‐ Wilson's successors in the 1920's and 1930's also gues that "[s]ince Truman's brief vice presidency-- failed to learn from this experience. At least until and in large part because of it--the privileges and 1933, vice presidents had very little respect or duties, stafs and ofces, prestige, and even meth‐ power either in Washington or in the nation as a ods for selection of vice presidents have been whole. Warren G. Harding, the successful Republi‐ transformed" (p. 184). Dan Quayle agrees: "The can nominee for president in 1920, did not even fundamental nature of the vice presidency ... meet his running mate, Calvin Coolidge, until af‐ changed after Harry S. Truman assumed the pres‐ ter the election. The book contains many fne idency" (p. 169). In the introduction, Timothy anecdotes that could be used to arouse student in‐ Walch notes that "[b]eginning with Richard terest; one of them that involves Coolidge's time Nixon, the vice presidency has received increas‐ as vice president (1921-23) illustrates the vice ing measure of attention. Election as vice presi‐ president's relative insignifcance in the early dent .... no longer is seen as the end of a political 1900's. Robert H. Ferrell tells the story: career; in fact, it has become a springboard to the The Coolidges had taken up residence at the presidency" (p. 4). Steven M. Gillon argues that a Willard [hotel] in the suite occupied by their pre‐ "new framework" for the vice presidency was es‐ decessors, Vice President and Mrs. Marshall ... tablished by Jimmy Carter and Walter Mondale, in There was a story, apparently true, that a fre which Mondale and his well-placed staf played a alarm one evening brought all the guests to the much greater role in day-to-day decision-making lobby, with many of them in less than full dress. than did previous vice presidents and their stafs. With the fre soon under control, Coolidge started When the liberal Mondale and his staf began to upstairs, but the fre marshal halted him. "Who disagree sharply with the more moderate Carter are you?" asked that functionary. "I'm the vice and his staf about whether spending on domestic president," Coolidge replied. "All right--go ahead," programs should be cut and whether the budget said the marshal. Coolidge walked a step or two, needed to be balanced, Gillon notes, "The irony of only to be halted a second time. "What are you the new relationship that Carter created with his vice president of?" the marshal inquired suspi‐ vice president was that it institutionalized the di‐ ciously. "I'm the vice president of the United vision within the administration and prevented States." "Come right down," said the marshal. "I the White House from articulating a clear mes‐ thought you were the vice president of the hotel sage on the economy" (pp. 144-47). Viewed as a (pp. 28-29). whole, therefore, the authors contend that the How and when did a more important vice vice presidency changed substantially during the presidency develop--that is, a vice presidency in years between Truman's brief tenure in 1945 and which the incumbent was viewed as a signifcant Mondale's longer service in the late 1970's. fgure in Washington, in the country as a whole,
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I would argue that the frst of the modern fnes as follows: "The power and infuence of a vice presidents was Henry Wallace, who served vice president are inversely proportional to the with Franklin Roosevelt from early 1941 through political distance between that vice president and early 1945. The articulate, outspoken liberal had his president. The greater the distance the less the been a major fgure in Washington and in the power" (p. 4). The president defnes that "political Midwestern farm belt in the 1930's, when he distance," thus ensuring the vice president's de‐ served as Secretary of Agriculture. As vice presi‐ pendent role. dent, Wallace headed the Board of Economic War‐ The book contains many examples of presi‐ fare, an agency with four thousand employees dents limiting or humiliating their vice presidents that gave him clout in U.S. economic policy both in much the same way that ordinary citizens use at home and abroad. His many speeches around leashes to exercise control over small dogs. Nei‐ the country, frequently broadcast on national ra‐ ther John Kennedy nor Lyndon Johnson gave dio hook-ups and widely covered by the news me‐ their vice presidents much power. Acting in char‐ dia, made him the nation's leading champion of acter, Johnson also humiliated Hubert Humphrey liberal causes and of what he called the "common by excluding him from important meetings and man." By 1944, Richard S. Kirkendall observes, making him publicly support a policy in Vietnam Wallace had gained "a substantial following" that that he privately doubted. When Spiro Agnew in‐ included such well-known liberals as Eleanor sisted on his right to disagree publicly on policy Roosevelt, Hubert Humphrey, and Claude Pepper issues, Nixon threw him out of the loop of deci‐ (p. 59). Many of Wallace's followers, especially in sion-making. After arguing with Carter about the the powerful labor movement and in the rising administration's priorities, Mondale, too, found civil rights movement, wanted him to be Roo‐ himself outside of the loop and strongly consid‐ sevelt's successor as president. That wish--and ered resigning in the late spring of 1979. Wallace's strong desire to be president--persisted The book's greatest understatement belongs long after Wallace was denied renomination as to Dan Quayle: "the vice presidency can be a vice president at the 1944 Democratic convention. rather awkward ofce" (p. 169). And it is likely to Wallace thus used the vice presidency to become remain one for the foreseeable future because, a major political fgure and prospective president. frst of all, vice presidents, accustomed to exercis‐ Similarly, the next modern vice president, Richard ing power in their previous political positions, Nixon, used the ofce to become a prospective will want infuence in their administrations; and president, as did such subsequent vice presidents second because, as Truman put it succinctly, the as Hubert Humphrey, Walter Mondale, George nation can have only "one president at a time." Bush, Dan Quayle, and Al Gore. As a possible step‐ My main criticism is that there is not enough dis‐ ping stone to the presidency and in other ways, cussion of the relationships between vice presi‐ the ofce truly has become more important since dents and the key non-governmental forces at 1941. work in society--especially interest groups, the Yet one should not exaggerate the extent of news media, and the general public. What roles the change. As the authors repeatedly show, any have vice presidents played in debating the great real power that vice presidents have--at least in issues of their day? And when vice presidents like Washington--is power that their presidents give to Wallace and Agnew did speak out, how popular them; and whatever power presidents give with with the general public were they and their one hand, they can take away with the other. Tim‐ views? In other words, why are few if any public othy Walch labels some of Neustadt's thinking on opinion polls--or editorials and columns of opin‐ this point as "Neustadt's maxim," which Walch de‐
3 H-Net Reviews ion--analyzed in the book? And what involvement erly documented. The "Notes on Sources" at the have vice presidents prior to Al Gore had in fund end is useful, but there is no substitute for foot‐ raising and in meeting with representatives of in‐ notes or endnotes in scholarly writing. terest groups? There is not a hint of corruption in Copyright (c) 1998 by H-Net, all rights re‐ the discussion of any of the vice presidents. Is served. This work may be copied for non-proft American national politics really that pure? educational use if proper credit is given to the au‐ A second criticism is that the perspective of thor and the list. For other permission, please con‐ women is almost entirely omitted from the book. tact [email protected]. [The book review edi‐ There are a few scattered references to famous tor for H-Pol is Lex Renda
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Citation: Ralph B. Levering. Review of Walch, Timothy, ed. At the President's Side: The Vice Presidency in the Twentieth Century. H-Pol, H-Net Reviews. February, 1998.
URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=1720
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