DOCSLIB.ORG

Address by Hubert H. Humphrey Accepting the Nomination for Vice

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Address by Hubert H. Humphrey Accepting the Nomination for Vice ······ :.:::···· ···· ... news re ease FROM THE DEMOCRATIC NATIONAL COMMITTEE PUBLICITY DIVISION 1730 K STREET, N. W. WASHINGTON 6, D.C. FEDERAL 3-8750 FCR IMMEDIATE RELEASE B- 3697 AUGUST 28, 1964 ACCEPTANCE ADDRESS OF THE HONORABLE HUE ERT H. HUMPHP£Y, UNI TED STATES SENATOR FROM THE STATE OF MINNESOTA Mr. Chairman, Mr. President, my fellow Democrate , my fellow Americans, I proudly and humbly accept your nominationo Will we ever be able to forget this unbelievabl e, this moving, this beautiful, this wonder ful ev..:---:i.ng? \vhat a cl.1allenge to every person in thiG land to Li.ve up to the goals ar_ -~ :':he i deals of tho3e who heve gone before us, and have charted the course of our action. I was deeply moved last n:f.ght~ I received a singular tribute from a f1:iend and a great P=es ident, a tribute that I shall neve1.· forget, and I pr ay to Aludghty God that I shall have the strength and the wisdom to measure up to t he r.onfidence and t he trust tha t has been placed in me . And please let me say thank you, my fellow Democratso I believe that I know President Johnson as well as any man. So let me tell you about himo I have known for 16 years his courage, his wisdom, his tac t , and his perauasion, his judgment and his leadership. But I shall never forget those hours and those days of tragedy and crisis l ast November t hat we once again relived toni ght, when a dear and wonderful t r iend and a grea t President was taken fron us o And another s t epped forward bto i:.at ior:-. lt nt ··dou wit hout a falter , withOUt e moccn.t :O f~:.ho si oz:.e. mo=nf'.:.l I was among those that he called to his side. He aske d u s , we, the people, Republicans and Democrats alike - - Americar.s all --f or our helpa And I say Thank God that John Fitzgerald Kennedy was the patriot that ba was, that he had the foresight that day in Los Angeles to provide for his count ry o Thank God for t his country and for the ~eace of the world--that President Kennsdy had the wisdom to choose a Lyndon J dnson aa hi s Vice President. I am sure you remember these words: "Let us continue". Those si mple and direct words of President Johnson reached the hearts of our people. Those words rallied them ~ l~ fted them and unified them. In this world, disaster is eve~ but a step away ~ There is no margin for error. The lead. .:: r of thl'! free world, the lea~r C'lf the American Democracy, holds in his hands t ~1 tt: destinies r. "" t e> ~ly of his people, but holds in his hands the \L., destinies of all , ~~dnd. Yes, the President of the United States must be a man of calm and deep assurance who knows his country and knows his people. Above all, he must be a man of clear mind and sound judgment, a man who can lead, a man who can decide, a man of purpose and conviction. And, Lyndon Johnson is that man. He is a man with the instincts of a teacher, who would rather persuade then compel, who would rather unite than divide. President Johnson is respectful of the traditions of the Presidency, and he understands the compelling need for restraint in the use of the greatest power ever assembled by man. In President Johnson's bands, our people know that our power is for justice, and in his hands our people :• .n ow that our power is for peace. In his hands, our peqie know that our power is for freedom. President Johnson i-: 'ls help~d to u.atre the Democratic Party the only truly national party. And t l-is ve"i:y Conv:mtir .:1 demonstrateo our strong and our abiding unity and brothe ~ hood. And what a contras t--what a contrast with the shambles at the Cow Palace in San Francisco. What a contrast with that incredible spectable of bitterness, of hostility, of personal attack. The American people have seen the contrast. The American people do have a clear choice, and I predict their choice will be Lyndon Johnson in November. Ralph Waldo Emerson once spoke of "The two parties which divide the atate"--the party of hope and the party of memory, my fellow Democrats. They renew their rivalry, he said, from generation to generation. This contest, between the party of hope and the party of memory lies at the very heart of tbi J camp~ign. ~ During the . ast few weeks, shrill voices have tried to lay claim to the great spirit of the American pas t. B11t they long for a past that never was. In their. -~ cklessness and in their r ~dicalism, they distort the American conservative tradition. Yes, those who have kidnapped the Republi~an Pa~ty have made it thi3 year not a party of memory and eenti:aent, but one of stridan~.y, unresi:ra of i ne c~ passion, of extreme and xa.dical language. And by contras~, which is clea~ to all, unde~ the leade~shi~ of Presiden: Lyndon Johnson, the Democratic Party sta&.lda today as the champion of great causes, aa the par::y of purpose and conviction, as the pa:t·ty of national unity, ar.d ~. s the party of hope for all mankind. Now let my me document caseo Above all ~ the ~ontrast iG between the Demo~ratic leadership and that of the Goldwater Party is sh~rp and decisive on the question of peace aad securityo For 25 years, my fellow Americans, both parties have held the conviction that politics should stop at the ·,,;a ter r s edge:~ that we m1.1st be united in the face :>.f ou:: enemies, and ;.1e mus;: b ,::: ;:.:.i;ed in support of oar. allies and our friendso And I say here tonight, to every American~ to every f~iend of freedom, woe to that party o'b that spokesman that tul"ne its b a ~k upon bipartisan foxe~.gn poli~y o Woe tc those who are willing to divide this Nation, and !:cware of those who cast false doubts upon our great strengtho What great problems there are to solve: Problems to control the a\-7eso~e port7er of the nuclear age, to strengthen the grand alH.ance wi.th Euro?eo To continue the task of bui.lding a strong and prosperous and united hexrJ.sphet:e undel" the Alliance for Progress ., To aasist ouz: fr.ieads in Asia and Africa in preserving their freedom and promoting their progress. And to·.; d.efen.d and extend freedom throughout the wo:-ldu Now, my fell ow Americ~ns ~ thes~ urgent p. obl eCll!J de:nand r- eason:;-.d . so1ut1.on n: nCit eiDfty slogans o Childlike answers cannot solve I!l3n-sized prohl~ms. These proble:ns demand leadership that is pr11dent, reet>.:aj.ned, resiJo· .:; i.b i e : '£hey require a. President who know3 that Rome was not built in a dc:: :i ~ but: woo also kno\:s that o :~ West.:! the great ed:l.fice ~:\ Civilization ca.n be : .• i: .::l \!ght do\'m (l in ru ~. ns in one hour The American Presidency is no~ a place. for a m.:1n Tt7ho i s im!)etuous at cme moment, and :l.ndecisive the neY.t; nor is ~?ho it ~- a p l ace f:>z one s violet: t ly fo-: something one day and violently opposed ·to it on the next, nor is it an of.fice 't-Jhere statements on matters of majo:: policy are ao confuDing and flo cont~adictory that neither friend no~ fo3 knows ~he7.e he stands. And oy fellow Americans, t~y~ it of. iL!j? i c 07: tn r.:!.ghei3!: :::~ce that bo·i:h frien<! <:~,::1 d fee kr that Am~1· ~. can Pl·esi~i' .o"t\' the - nt means wh.:1t he ea:;s e.nc t;ay0 what he meansi The temporary spokesman of the Republican Party --yes, the temporary Republican spo~esman is not only out of tune with the great majority of his countrymen; he is even out of step with his own party. In the last three-and-a-half years, most Democrats and Republicans have agreed on the great decisions our Nation has made. But not the Republican spokesman, not Senator Goldwater. He has been facing backward, against the mainstream of American history. Most Democrats and most Republicans in the United States Senate, for example, voted for the nuclear test ban treaty. But not the temporary Republican spokesman. Most Democrats and Republicans in the Senate voted for an eleven and a half billion dollar tax cut for the American citizens and American business. But not Senator Goldwater. Most Democrats and Republicans in the Senate, in fact four-fifths of the members of his own party, voted for the Civil Rights Act. But not Senator Goldwater. Most Democrats and Republicans in the Senate voted for the establishment of the United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency that seeks to slow down the nuclear arms race among the nations. But not the temporary Republican spokesman. Most Democrats and most Republicans in the Senate voted last year for an expanded medical education program. But not Senator Goldwater. Most Democrats and most Republicans in the Senate voted for education legislation.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • John F. Kennedy and the Civil Rights Crisis
    executive iNActioN John F. Kennedy and the Civil Rights Crisis John F. Kennedy maintains a reputation in American memory with respect to civil rights that he does not deserve. He campaigned for presidency advocating the end of racial discrimination, but once he took ofce his interests shifed towards the nation’s foreign policy as the Cold War ever threatened to heat up. However, afer Kennedy’s assassination, Lyndon B. Johnson re-framed his predecessor’s priorities to push for the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts in 1965 as though they were Kennedy’s prime concern. Tus, Johnson made Kennedy a martyr for the cause, regardless of his predecessor’s agenda. Tis essay explores Kennedy’s action—and inaction—before and during his presidency regarding desegregation in order to explain the dissonance between his life and his reputation. By Daniel Ruprecht ‘17 Stanford University had said: “All this will not be fnished in the frst 100 days. Nor will it be fnished in the frst 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.” Johnson added in his inaugural: “Today in this moment of new resolve, I would say to all my fellow Americans, let us continue.”3 “LET US CONTINUE” Johnson paused as the crowd broke out in applause. It cheered again when Johnson declared his determination to continue “the forward thrust of America that [Kennedy] began,” and again every time Johnson said that he planned on building upon Kennedy’s goals.4 Johnson framed each piece of his presidential plans as an addition or continuation to those of Kennedy.
    [Show full text]
  • The World Peace: the Legacy of Edmund S. Muskie
    Cornell International Law Journal Volume 30 Article 1 Issue 3 Symposium 1997 The orW ld Peace: The Legacy of Edmund S. Muskie George J. Mitchell Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Mitchell, George J. (1997) "The orldW Peace: The Legacy of Edmund S. Muskie," Cornell International Law Journal: Vol. 30: Iss. 3, Article 1. Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj/vol30/iss3/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell International Law Journal by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. World Peace: The Legacy of Edmund S. Muskie George J. Mitchell* When Ed Muskie's parents came to the United States, they left the Polish province of the Imperial Russian Empire. Their son served with millions of other Americans in World War II, a war which began with the Nazi onslaught against his ancestral homeland and ended with a partially resurrected Poland. A few weeks before Ed Muskie ended thirty-five years in public office as more than thirty Soviet armored divisions massed on Poland's borders, he found himself meeting his NATO counterparts in Brussels to issue joint warnings to the Soviet Union. In December 1980, it was an open question if the Soviets would invade. The Soviets did not invade, though no one at that time could have predicted the outcome of that chapter of the Cold War with certainty.
    [Show full text]
  • Picking the Vice President
    Picking the Vice President Elaine C. Kamarck Brookings Institution Press Washington, D.C. Contents Introduction 4 1 The Balancing Model 6 The Vice Presidency as an “Arranged Marriage” 2 Breaking the Mold 14 From Arranged Marriages to Love Matches 3 The Partnership Model in Action 20 Al Gore Dick Cheney Joe Biden 4 Conclusion 33 Copyright 36 Introduction Throughout history, the vice president has been a pretty forlorn character, not unlike the fictional vice president Julia Louis-Dreyfus plays in the HBO seriesVEEP . In the first episode, Vice President Selina Meyer keeps asking her secretary whether the president has called. He hasn’t. She then walks into a U.S. senator’s office and asks of her old colleague, “What have I been missing here?” Without looking up from her computer, the senator responds, “Power.” Until recently, vice presidents were not very interesting nor was the relationship between presidents and their vice presidents very consequential—and for good reason. Historically, vice presidents have been understudies, have often been disliked or even despised by the president they served, and have been used by political parties, derided by journalists, and ridiculed by the public. The job of vice president has been so peripheral that VPs themselves have even made fun of the office. That’s because from the beginning of the nineteenth century until the last decade of the twentieth century, most vice presidents were chosen to “balance” the ticket. The balance in question could be geographic—a northern presidential candidate like John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts picked a southerner like Lyndon B.
    [Show full text]
  • Cument Is from the Collections at the Dole Archives, University of Kansas
    This document is from the collections at the Dole Archives, University of Kansas http://dolearchives.ku.edu ----- EGACY bruary 26, 1986 Senator Robert J. Dole 141 Senate Hart Office Building 2nd Street & Constitution Avenue N.E. Washington, D.C. 20510 Dear Bob: ; · .', ' This is to confirm with you our plans to proceed with the national kick=o.ff_ o_f the HU1!!J?.hrey Commemorative Exhibit campaign on Thursda~> ~~r'?~ -- 2 _ ¢_;- T~flf6. --It w11r-n-e-·a - cocktail and buffet event from 6 - 8 p.m., and will be held int~ conference room of the Hall of States building, 444 North Capitol street, was_E.1~9-ton- ~ -o-:-c:·-- ·· ··----- - -------- ------- The invitation will go out over your signature and that of Walter Mondale, to approximately 400 major donor prospects plus spouses and guests, mainly from the East Coast. It will be preceded by a Mailgram, due to time constraints. By way of follow-up, we will contact by phone and letter those who cannot attend. Jane Freeman will serve as hostess, assisted by Bill Riggs for logistical arrangements. They have arranged for office space at the Hall of States (State of Minnesota rooms) and have a '·'.; .... telephone (202/624-5871) for use during the interim. Bill will be in touch with your off ice very soon to get your approval and signature on the letter. At an appropriate point during the affair Jane will welcome guests, note the purpose of the event, and introduce the Dean of the Humphrey Institute, Harlan Cleveland. He will call attention to the Exhibit project, and then introduce you and Walter Mondale as the project's distinguished national co-chairs.
    [Show full text]
  • Whpr19760227-011
    Digitized from Box 22 of the White House Press Releases at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library EMBARGOED FOR RE LEASE FEBRUARY 27, 1976 UNTIL 6:00 A. M., E. S. T. FEBRUARY 28, 1976 Office of the White House Press Secretary ------------------------------------------------------------------------ THE WHITE HOUSE TEXT OF REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT TO BE DELIVERED AT NATURALIZATION PROCEEDINGS DADE COUNTY AUDITORIUM MIAMI, FLORIDA I am proud to participate in these proceedings which tell 1, 178 eloquent stories of you -- new Americans of many origins, who have today become citizens of the United State s of America. You have demonstrated, as required by our laws, that you are "attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States and well disposed to the good order and happine s s of the United States. " As. P resident, I am proud to welcome you as Americans who now share our common bond -- and our common glory. These proceedings are special and unique because every single one of you is giving the United States of America the finest Bicentennial gift that you could possibly bestow. You offer us yourselves, your love, your patriotism, your courage, your energy, your determination and your ability. You are showing the world -- and all of your fellow citizens -- how much you believe in Ame rica. You have chosen United State s citizenship in prefe rence to that of any other nation. You have chosen well. I congratulate you. Just as the loe was no courtroom in Miami big enough to accomodate you, there are no words expressive enough to tell what it means to be an American.
    [Show full text]
  • 11Tolitical Issues; Paitics; Speech
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 117 766 CS 501 2/6 ,ut. glad te, re Ire raa. 15219ild Ira-2 11 Ea 1r.:11.1 TITLE 315: Another Dimension -of "Equality." PgS DATE 75 NOTE 15p.; 'Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the .11411=7.71=1 it kssoc 1975)° EDRS PRICE MF-5n.83 HC-$1.67 Plus Postage DESCRIPTORS *Broadcast Television; *10reedom of Speech; Higher Education; *Mass Media;r*Political Influences; 11Tolitical Issues; PAitics; Speech IDENTIFIERS Communications Act 1934; *13qual Time; First Amendment -1 ABSTRACT This paper discusses the equal time law: Section 315 of the Communications Act of 1934. Section 315 is the major legislation governing the use of the broadcasting media in the area of politics. The underlying philosophy of the law is that people hake a right to a full and complete disclosure of conflicting views of news of interest. The essence of the law is that if a broadcaster allows one candidate for public office the use of broadcast facilities, an equal opportunity to all other candidates for the same office must be afforded. Many of the problems with this law area discussed including the fact that stations are not required to provide any air time at all for candidates running for public office, sometimes there are a'large numWer of candidates running for a particular office, and the incumbent usually has an advantage over the challenger due to news coverage of both political and nonpolitical activities while the incumbent is in, office. A case study of the Humphrey-McGovern debates during the California Presidential Primary in 1972 is presfinted and discussed.
    [Show full text]
  • The Peace Corps, What Shape Shall It Take?
    PROSPECTS OF MANKIND: EPISODE 207: THE PEACE CORPS, WHAT SHAPE SHALL IT TAKE? March 5, 1961 Description: ER hosts a discussion on new legislation to create a Peace Corps and the objectives of the Peace Corps program. Participants: ER, John F. Kennedy, Sargent Shriver, Senteza Kajubi (identified on screen as “Senteca Kajubi”), Samuel Hays, Hubert Humphrey [Theme music begins 00:19] [Title Sequence:] [Text overlaid on Prospects of Mankind logo] National Educational Television / Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt / Prospects of Mankind [Bob Jones:] [Voice over] From Washington, DC, National Educational Television presents the WGBH- TV production: Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, Prospects of Mankind. [Image of the White House] [Bob Jones:] [Voice over] On the day President Kennedy issued an executive order creating a Peace Corps, Mrs. Roosevelt went to the White House to discuss it with him. [Theme music ends 0:47 ] [ER:] Mr. President, you’re very kind indeed to give us a few words of introduction to the program, Prospects of Mankind, which is to be on the Peace Corps, which is one of your great interests. I would like to know how you originally thought of this. It seems to carry out your appeal for everyone to be of service in your inaugural address, but how did you come to invention--to think of it first? [John F. Kennedy:] Well, of course, it had been discussed by uh a good many Americans, and this idea of uh particularly young Americans using their uh desire for service for the uh benefit of mankind uh. Congressman [Henry] Reuss in the House, Senator [Hubert] Humphrey, and the others have been talking a good deal about it.
    [Show full text]
  • Mondale Testimonial Dinner, October 23, 1965
    REMARKS ICE PRES I DENT HUBERT HUMPHREY L_ My fellow Minnesota DFL members, we belong to a very special breed . of'political upstarts who have fought ..... ...' ~ for three generations the good fight for d~cent government - ~.._I.,.~~ ~ ~ ..- 1Z ·· ~ I suppose we come by our role naturally. Our forefathers moved onto these plains determined to live in freedom. They worked hard and endured more hardships than human beings should. But they built their homes and ham lets, they planted their crops and raised their families, and they prevailed. ~ ~ 0 .. ~ ....... ttt--,e.; !' ~~ ~~CD'-.i~- .... -.-baS-~ - 2 - Ours is the pioneer 1s legacy. And from our fathers we have learned the va lues of hard work and self-reliance. Most important, we have learned that man can better himself, and that the individual can make a difference. We have learned these lessons well. Minnesota is a state where the word "politics" can be uttered with pride. LOur political traditions have been shaped by generations of ci~en-le~ers determined to righ!., . w~ng} eliminate injustice and create a better eli mate for a fu II, free, and yr-tr . Mn"2tt2«7- productive community life. The Progressives of the early 20th Century -- led by Bob LaFollette and Theodore Roosevelt and Wi IIi am Jennings Bryan and Governor John A. Johnson of Minnesota, ''fhe People's Governor" -- iW&&os!f~lly foaglit to Mve tJ;le rai 1Pe8~S 8MS ~~81ie au II ties iiidde :Jr!Bjeet • 'Pe!t!!l6tien - 3 - political reform. And soon this spirit of reform swept the country and captured the public's imagination.
    [Show full text]
  • Statement on the Death of Congressman George E. Brown, Jr
    Administration of William J. Clinton, 1999 / July 16 1383 Every major doctors, nurses, and patients or- in efforts led by Under Secretary of State ganization in the country knows the dif- Eizenstat, to work constructively with our ference. I believe that the will of the people friends and allies for the promotion of free- will still prevail in this Congress. dom and democracy in Cuba. Statement on the Death of During this last 6-month period, friends Congressman George E. Brown, Jr. and allies, in both word and deed, have stead- July 16, 1999 ily increased pressure on the Cuban Govern- ment to respect human rights and move to- I was greatly saddened to learn of the ward democracy. Many national leaders have death of Congressman George Brown. When publicly and privately pressed senior Cuban he last visited the White House, I noted that officials on the need for reform. The United he was affectionately known as Mr. Science. Nations Commission on Human Rights His legacy of service and lifetime of contribu- passed a resolution, sponsored by Poland and tions helped sustain American leadership the Czech Republic, condemning Cuban across the frontiers of scientific knowledge. human rights abuses. The European Union George Brown's support for science was renewed its Common Position, committing drawn from his deep belief that science and member countries to take concrete steps to technology could help achieve a peaceful promote democracy in Cuba. A number of world and a just society. For almost 40 years, nongovernmental organizations have also in- from his earliest days fighting racial inequal- creased support to democratic groups on the ity, George Brown challenged us to build a island.
    [Show full text]
  • Let Us Continue: Housing Policy in the Great Society, Part One
    Joint Center for Housing Studies Harvard University Let Us Continue: Housing Policy in the Great Society, Part One Alexander von Hoffman April 2009 W09-3 Produced with the support of the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Ford Foundation, and the Fannie Mae Foundation © by Alexander von Hoffman. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source. Any opinions expressed are those of the author and not those of the Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University or of any of the persons or organizations providing support to the Joint Center for Housing Studies. “Today, in this moment of new resolve, I would say to all my fellow Americans, let us continue.” -Lyndon Baines Johnson1 Introduction On November 27, 1963, just five days after John F. Kennedy’s assassination, the new president, Lyndon Baines Johnson, addressed a shocked nation. With solemn and fervent words he urged “let us continue” and pledged to carry on the martyred leader’s programs—such as the Peace Corps, education, care for the elderly, and civil rights. Six weeks later at the annual State of the Union address, Johnson invoked the cause of Kennedy’s programs again, raising them up as essential to the memory of the martyred leader. Nineteen days after giving his State of the Union speech, the new president delivered another message to Congress, his first on a single subject, and laid out his housing program for the year.
    [Show full text]
  • Hubert Humphrey on the Death of F.D.R
    Hubert Humphrey on the Death of F.D.R. JOHN NEWMAN April 12, 1970, marks the twenty-fifth anniversary of the death of President Franklin D. Roosevelt. To commemorate this anniversary, The University of Iowa Libraries are publishing here, for the first time, a letter from Hubert Humphrey to Henry A. Wallace written at the time of President Roosevelt’s death. This letter, with a copy of Wallace’s reply, was found in 1968 during the processing of the Henry A. Wallace Manuscript Collection in The University of Iowa Librar­ ies.1 President Roosevelt died in Warm Springs, Georgia, on April 12, 1945.2 He had been vacationing and resting at the Warm Springs Foundation since the end of March on the advice of his physicians. The President had spent the morning of April 12 chatting with friends and relatives. At 1:15 p.m., while sitting for a portrait, he had col­ lapsed in his chair and was taken to his bedroom. He was attended by his physician, Commander Howard G. Bruenn, and later by Dr. James E. Paullin. Despite their efforts, President Roosevelt died of a cerebral hemorrhage at 3:35 p.m. Mrs. Roosevelt, other members of the family, and certain government officials were informed privately before Stephen Early, the White House press officer, released the news si­ multaneously to the three major news services at 5:47 p.m. While it was the announcement of the President’s death which prompted Hubert Humphrey to write the fascinating postscript to his letter to Secretary Wallace, it will be helpful in understanding the letter as well as the postscript to place both the writer and the re­ 1 This collection, which numbers some fifty-four thousand items, is currently being indexed in detail.
    [Show full text]
  • Lyndon Johnson and the Rise and Fall of the “Liberal Hour”
    “LET US CONTINUE” – Lyndon Johnson and the Rise and Fall of the “Liberal Hour” After Kennedy’s tragic death, Johnson addressed the Congress and urged members to pass Kennedy’s legislative agenda as a tribute to the slain president. This was the very agenda that the southern members of his own Democratic party had refused to support during the previous two years. Now, however, the grieving public responded positively to Johnson’s efforts to push the Kennedy agenda, and Congress, sensing that opposing the public mood could be politically risky, allowed his Civil Rights bills to come to a vote. Over the next two years, the landmark Civil Rights bills of 1964 and 1965 became law. The first ended segregation and empowered the federal government to enforce anti- segregation laws; the second gave black voters the protection of the federal government, making it a federal crime for white state and local officials to deny blacks their constitutional right to vote. Similarly, Johnson was able to convince Congress to pass Kennedy’s tax cut and to take up legislation intended to fight poverty. (This was the beginning of the “War on Poverty” – more associated with the Johnson administration, than the Kennedy administration, but part of the same liberal, activist approach to government that characterized the first half of the 1960s.) 1964-1965 marked the high point of post-World War II liberalism. When Johnson won a landslide victory in the presidential election of 1964, it appeared that liberalism had secured a place as the dominant political ideology in the United States.
    [Show full text]