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VICE PRESIDENTS OF THE 1789–1993

[ i ] President Gerald R. Ford congratulating Vice President Rockefeller after his swearing in on December 19, 1974

[ ii ] VICE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES 1789–1993

Mark O. Hatfield United States Senator

Donald A. Ritchie Jo Anne McCormick Quatannens Richard A. Baker William T. Hull U.S. Historical Office

Edited by Wendy Wolff U.S. Senate Historical Office

U.S. Printing Office

[ iii ] 104th Congress, 2d Session S. Con. Res. 34

Senate Document 104–26 U.S. Government Printing Office Washington: 1997

Supt. of Docs. No.: 052–071–01227–3

Much of the material in this volume is protected by copyright. Photographs have been used with the consent of their respec- tive owners. No republication of copyrighted material may be made without permission in writing from the copyright holder.

Cover illustration: Vice President Henry A. Wallace (center); Senator Harry S. (right), who had recently won the Democratic nomination for vice president; and Senate Majority Leader Alben W. Barkley (left) in August 1944.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Vice Presidents of the United States, 1789–1993 / Mark O. Hatfield . . . [et al.] ; edited by Wendy Wolff. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Vice-Presidents—United States—Biography. I. Hatfield, Mark O., 1922– . II. Wolff, Wendy. E176.49.V53 1997 973’ .09’9 [B]—DC21 96–51492 CIP

For sale by the U.S. Government Printing Office, Superintendent of Documents, Mail Stop; SSOP, Washington, DC 20402–9328

[ iv ] To Gerald W. Frank

An exemplary citizen and leader in many civic causes. A longtime friend, chief of staff, and confidant.

MOH

[ v ]

CONTENTS

Alphabetical List of Vice Presidents ...... ix Introduction ...... xi 1 John (, 1789-1797) ...... 1 2 (, 1797-1801) ...... 15 3 Aaron (Thomas Jefferson, 1801-1805) ...... 29 4 George Clinton (died in office, , 1812) (Thomas Jefferson, 1805-1809; , 1809-1812) ...... 47 5 (died in office , 1814) (James Madison, 1813-1814) ...... 61 6 Daniel D. Tompkins (, 1817-1825) ...... 71 7 John Caldwell Calhoun (resigned December 28, 1832) ( Adams, 1825-1829; , 1829-1832) ...... 81 8 (Andrew Jackson, 1833-1837) ...... 103 9 (Martin Van Buren, 1837-1841) ...... 119 10 (succeeded to presidency, April 6, 1841) (, 1841) ...... 135 11 George Mifflin (James K. Polk, 1845-1849) ...... 149 12 (succeeded to presidency, , 1850) (, 1849-1850) ...... 165 13 William (died April 18, 1853) (, 1853) ...... 179 14 John (, 1857-1861) ...... 191 15 (Abraham , 1861-1865) ...... 201

[ vii ] 16 (succeeded to presidency, , 1865) (, 1865) ...... 211 17 (Ulysses S. , 1869-1873) ...... 221 18 (died in office, , 1875) (Ulysses S. Grant, 1873-1875) ...... 231 19 William Almon Wheeler (Rutherford B. Hayes, 1877-1881) ...... 241 20 Chester Alan Arthur (succeeded to presidency, September 20, 1881) (James A. Garfield, 1881) ...... 249 21 Thomas Andrews Hendricks (died in office, November 25, 1885) (Grover , 1885) ...... 259 22 Levi Parsons Morton (, 1889-1893) ...... 267 23 Adlai Ewing Stevenson (, 1893-1897) ...... 277 24 Garret Augustus Hobart (died in office, , 1899) (William McKinley, 1897-1899) ...... 287 25 (succeeded to presidency, September 14, 1901) (William McKinley, 1901) ...... 295 26 Warren Fairbanks (Theodore Roosevelt, 1905-1909) ...... 311 27 James Schoolcraft Sherman (died in office, , 1912) (William H. Taft, 1909-1912) ...... 323 28 Thomas Riley Marshall (, 1913-1921) ...... 335 29 (succeeded to presidency, August 3, 1923) (Warren G. Harding, 1921-1923) ...... 345 30 Charles Gates Dawes (Calvin Coolidge, 1925-1929) ...... 357 31 (Herbert C. Hoover, 1929-1933) ...... 371 32 (Franklin D. Roosevelt, 1933-1941) ...... 383 33 Henry Agard Wallace (Frankin D. Roosevelt, 1941-1945) ...... 397 34 Harry S. Truman (succeeded to presidency, April 12, 1945) (Franklin D. Roosevelt, 1945) ...... 409

[ viii ] 35 Alben W. Barkley (Harry S. Truman, 1949-1953) ...... 421 36 Richard Milhous Nixon (Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1953-1961) ...... 431 37 Lyndon Baines Johnson (succeeded to presidency, November 22, 1963) (John F. Kennedy, 1961-1963) ...... 451 38 Hubert Horatio Humphrey (Lyndon B. Johnson, 1965-1969) ...... 463 39 Spiro Theodore Agnew (resigned October 10, 1973) (Richard M. Nixon, 1969-1973) ...... 479 40 Gerald Rudolph Ford (succeeded to presidency, August 9, 1974) (Richard M. Nixon, 1973-1974) ...... 491 41 Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller (Gerald R. Ford, 1974-1977) ...... 503 42 Walter Frederick Mondale (James E. (Jimmy) Carter, 1977-1981) ...... 515 43 George H.W. Bush (, 1981-1989) ...... 527 44 J. Danforth Quayle (George H.W. Bush, 1989-1993) ...... 541 Appendix: Major Party Presidential and Vice-Presidential Candidates, 1788-1992 ...... 555 Bibliography ...... 559 Credits for illustrations ...... 571 Index ...... 573

[ ix ]

VICE PRESIDENTS

(Alphabetical)

Vice President Chapter Page

Adams, John 1 1 Agnew, Spiro Theodore 39 479 Arthur, Chester Alan 20 249 Barkley, Alben W. 35 421 Breckinridge, John Cabell 14 191 Burr, Aaron 3 29 Bush, George H. W. 43 527 Calhoun, John Caldwell 7 81 Clinton, George 4 47 Colfax, Schuyler 17 221 Coolidge, Calvin 29 345 Curtis, Charles 31 371 Dallas, George Mifflin 11 149 Dawes, Charles Gates 30 357 Fairbanks, Charles Warren 26 311 Fillmore, Millard 12 165 Ford, Gerald Rudolph 40 491 Garner, John Nance 32 383 Gerry, Elbridge 5 61 Hamlin, Hannibal 15 201 Hendricks, Thomas Andrews 21 259 Hobart, Garret Augustus 24 287 Humphrey, Hubert Horatio 38 463 Jefferson, Thomas 2 15 Johnson, Andrew 16 211 Johnson, Lyndon Baines 37 451 Johnson, Richard Mentor 9 119 King, William Rufus 13 179 Marshall, Thomas Riley 28 335 Mondale, Walter Frederick 42 515 Morton, Levi Parsons 22 267 Nixon, Richard Milhous 36 431 Quayle, J. Danforth 44 541 Rockefeller, Nelson Aldrich 41 503 Roosevelt, Theodore 25 295 Sherman, James Schoolcraft 27 323 Stevenson, Adlai Ewing 23 277 Tompkins, Daniel D. 6 71 Truman, Harry S. 34 409

[ xi ] Vice President Chapter Page

Tyler, John 10 135 Van Buren, Martin 8 103 Wallace, Henry Agard 33 397 Wheeler, William Almon 19 241 Wilson, Henry 18 231

[ xii ] INTRODUCTION

Holding the least understood, most ridiculed, and most often ignored con- stitutional office in the federal government, vice presidents have in- cluded some remarkable individuals. Fourteen of the forty-four former vice presi- dents became president of the United States—more than half of them after a president had died. One defeated the sitting president with whom he served. One murdered a man and became a fugitive. One joined the Confederate army and led an invasion of Washington, D.C. One was the wealthiest banker of his era. One received the Nobel and composed a popular melody. One served as a corporal in the Coast Guard while vice president. One had cities in and named after him. Two resigned the office. Two were never elected by the people. One was the target of a failed assassination plot. One was mobbed in his car while on a goodwill mission. Seven died in office—one in his room in the U.S. Capitol and two fatally stricken while on their way to preside over the Senate. And one piano-playing vice president suffered political repercussions from a photograph showing him playing that instrument while famous movie ac- tress Lauren Bacall posed seductively on top of it. I have encountered these and many other stories over the past four years in the course of my inquiry into the history of the American vice-presidency. As is apparent from such examples, the men who served as vice president of the United States varied greatly in their talents and aptitude for the post. What they generally had in common was political ambition and experience in public office. Most hoped the position would prove a stepping stone to the presidency, but some—old and tired near the close of their careers—simply hoped that it would offer a quiet refuge from political pressures and turmoil. The stories of these diverse individuals attempt to sketch the development of the vice presidency itself—that colorful, important, and routinely disparaged American political institution.

I. Constitutional Origins and Structural Changes

Electoral system Our ’s framers created the vice-presidency almost as an after- thought. In setting up a system for electing presidents, they devised an and provided that each of its members was to vote for two persons, ‘‘of whom one at least shall not be an Inhabitant of the same State with themselves.’’ In those days when loyalty to one’s state was stronger than to the new nation, the framers recognized that individual electors might be inclined to choose a leader from their own immediate political circle, creating the danger of a crip- pling deadlock, as no one candidate would win a plurality of all votes cast. By being required to select one candidate from outside their own states, electors would be compelled to look for individuals of national stature. Under the system

[ xiii ] the framers created, the candidate receiving the most electoral votes would be president. The one coming in second would be vice president. In the election of 1800, however, the constitutional system for electing presi- dents broke down, as both Jefferson and received the same number of electoral votes. This impasse threw the contest into the House of Representa- tives, where for thirty-five separate ballots, neither candidate was able to gain a majority. When the stalemate was finally broken, the House elected Jefferson president, thus making Aaron Burr our third vice president. Within four years of this deadlocked election, Congress had passed, and the necessary number of states had ratified, the Twelfth Amendment to the Constitution, instituting the present system wherein electors cast separate ballots for president and for vice president.

Presidential succession Although the office of vice president did not exist under the Continental congresses or the Articles of Confederation, the concept of a concurrently elected successor to the was not without precedent for the framers of the Con- stitution in 1787. Prior to the , lieutenant governors presided over the governors’ councils of the royal colonies—which, in their legislative capacities, functioned as upper houses. John Adams was certainly familiar with this arrange- ment, since the lieutenant presided over the in his own state of . After the states declared their independence, they adopted new , retaining, in some instances, earlier forms recast to meet cur- rent needs. As Alexander noted in The No. 68, ’s 1777 constitution provided for ‘‘a Lieutenant Governor chosen by the people at large, who presides in the senate, and is the constitutional substitute for the Gov- ernor in casualties similar to those, which would authorise the vice-president to exercise the and discharge the duties of the president.’’ The Constitu- tion established the office of vice president primarily to provide a successor in the event of the president’s death, disability, or resignation. The document, however, was vague about the way the presidential succes- sion would work, stating only that, in cases of presidential death or disability, the ‘‘Powers and Duties of the said Office . . . shall devolve on the Vice Presi- dent’’ (Article II, section 1). What did ‘‘devolve’’ mean? Would the vice president become acting president until another was chosen, or would he become president in his own right? A half-century would pass before the nation would have to ad- dress that murky constitutional language. Although the Constitution’s framers kept their intentions about presidential succession shrouded in ambiguity, they left no doubt about vice-presidential succession. There was to be none. ‘‘[I]n the absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the Office of the Presi- dent of the United States’’ the Senate would simply choose a president pro tempore. The framers’ failure to provide a method for filling a vice-presidential va- cancy continued to plague the nation. In 1792 Congress made a first stab at ad- dressing the problem by adopting the Presidential Succession Act, providing that, if a president should die when there was no vice president, the Senate president pro tempore and the Speaker of the House of Representatives, in that order, would succeed to the office. In 1886, responding to a concern that few presidents

[ xiv ] pro tempore had executive branch experience, Congress altered the line of succes- sion to substitute for the congressional officials cabinet officers in order of rank, starting with the . In 1947, after the vice-presidency had been vacant for most of a presidential term, Congress again changed the line of succes- sion. Concerned that cabinet officers had not been elected, it named the House Speaker as the first official to succeed if a president died during a vacancy in the vice-presidency, followed by the president pro tempore. Finally, after the death of President John F. Kennedy in 1963 and the result- ing vice-presidential vacancy, Congress debated what became the second con- stitutional amendment related to the structure of the vice-presidency. In 1967, the Twenty-fifth Amendment, addressing presidential vacancy and disability, became part of our Constitution. The absence of any provision for filling a vice-presi- dential vacancy had become intolerable in the nuclear age. Added impetus for the change came from a growing public concern at the time about the advanced ages of President pro tempore , who was eighty, and House Speaker John W. McCormack, who was seventy-six. The amendment states that the presi- dent may appoint a vice president to fill a vacancy in that office, subject to ap- proval by both houses of Congress. Before a decade had passed, the provision was used twice, first in 1973 when President Nixon appointed Gerald R. Ford to replace , who had resigned, and again in 1974, with the appointment of after Nixon himself resigned and Ford became president. The amendment also sets forth very specifically the steps that would permit the vice president to serve as acting president if a president becomes ‘‘unable to dis- charge the powers and duties of his office.’’ Each of these changes further re- flected the increased importance of the office.

Vice-presidential duties The framers also devoted scant attention to the vice president’s duties, pro- viding only that he ‘‘shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no Vote, un- less they be evenly divided’’ (Article I, section 3). In practice, the number of times vice presidents have exercised this right has varied greatly. More than half the total number of 233 tie-breaking votes occurred before 1850, with John Adams holding the record at 29 votes, followed closely by John C. Calhoun with 28. Since the 1870s, no vice president has cast as many as 10 tie-breaking votes. While vice presidents have used their votes chiefly on legislative issues, they have also broken ties on the election of Senate officers, as well as on the appoint- ment of committees in 1881 when the parties were evenly represented in the Senate. The vice president’s other constitutionally mandated duty was to receive from the states the tally of electoral ballots cast for president and vice president and to open the certificates ‘‘in the Presence of the Senate and House of Rep- resentatives,’’ so that the total votes could be counted (Article II, section 1). Only a few happy vice presidents—John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, Martin Van Buren, and —had the pleasure of announcing their own election as presi- dent. Many more were chagrined to announce the choice of some rival for the office. Several framers ultimately refused to sign the Constitution, in part because they viewed the vice president’s legislative role as a violation of the separation

[ xv ] of powers doctrine. Elbridge Gerry, who would later serve as vice president, de- clared that the framers ‘‘might as well put the President himself as head of the .’’ Others thought the office unnecessary but agreed with delegate that ‘‘if the vice-President were not to be President of the Senate, he would be without employment, and some member [of the Senate, acting as presiding officer] must be deprived of his vote.’’ Under the original code of Senate rules, the presiding officer exercised great power over the conduct of the body’s proceedings. Rule XVI provided that ‘‘every question of order shall be decided by the President [of the Senate], with- out ; but if there be a doubt in his mind, he may call for a sense of the Senate.’’ Thus, contrary to later practice, the presiding officer was the sole judge of proper procedure and his rulings could not be turned aside by the full Senate without his assent. The first two vice presidents, Adams and Jefferson, did much to shape the nature of the office, setting precedents that were followed by others. During most of the nineteenth century, the degree of influence and the role played within the Senate depended chiefly on the personality and inclinations of the individual in- volved. Some had great parliamentary skill and presided well, while others found the task boring, were incapable of maintaining order, or chose to spend most of their time away from Washington, leaving the duty to a president pro tempore. Some made an effort to preside fairly, while others used their position to promote the political agenda of the administration. During the twentieth century, the role of the vice president has evolved into more of an executive branch position. Now, the vice president is usually seen as an integral part of a president’s administration and presides over the Senate only on ceremonial occasions or when a tie-breaking vote may be needed. Yet, even though the nature of the job has changed, it is still greatly affected by the person- ality and skills of the individual incumbent.

II. The Individuals

Political Experience Most of our former vice presidents have brought to that office significant public service experience. Thirty-one of the forty-four served in Congress, and fif- teen had been state or territorial governors. Five—Schuyler Colfax, Charles Cur- tis, John Garner, Alben Barkley, and Lyndon Johnson—gave up powerful con- gressional leadership posts to run for that much-derided office. Another, House Minority Leader , observed that he had been trying for twenty-five years to become Speaker of the House. ‘‘Suddenly, I am a candidate for the Presi- dent of the Senate, where I can hardly ever vote, and where I will never get a to speak.’’ Nineteen former vice presidents came to their role as president of the Senate already familiar with the body, having served as U.S. senators. Several vice presi- dents later returned to serve again in the Senate, among them former President Andrew Johnson. Nine vice presidents won renomination and election to a sec- ond term. Two of these, George Clinton and John C. Calhoun, held the office under two different presidents.

[ xvi ] Of the fourteen vice presidents who fulfilled their ambition by achieving the presidency, eight succeeded to the office on the death of a president. Three of these and six other former vice presidents were later elected president. Four former vice presidents ran unsuccessfully for president. Two unlucky vice presi- dents, Hannibal Hamlin and Henry Wallace, were dropped from the ticket after their first term, only to see their successors become president months after taking office, when the assassination of Abraham Lincoln made Andrew Johnson presi- dent and the death of Franklin D. Roosevelt raised Harry Truman to the presi- dency. Similarly, when Spiro Agnew resigned, he was replaced under the Twen- ty-fifth Amendment by Gerald R. Ford, who became president when Richard M. Nixon resigned less than a year later. The vice-presidency was generally held by men of mature years—thirty-two of them were in their fifties or sixties when they took office—but ten were in their forties, and the youngest, John C. Breckinridge of , was thirty-six at the beginning of his term. At seventy-two, Alben Barkley, another Kentuckian, was the oldest when his term began.

The earliest vice presidents: Adams and Jefferson The nation’s first vice presidents were men of extraordinary ability. Both John Adams and Thomas Jefferson gained the office as runners-up in presidential contests, with the support of those who believed they were amply qualified to hold the top office. Each recognized, in assuming this new and as yet loosely de- fined position, that his actions would set precedents for future vice presidents. But one precedent established by Adams and Jefferson would not be repeated for over three decades; although both men won election as president immediately following their terms as vice president, no sitting vice president would repeat this until 1836, when Martin Van Buren succeeded Andrew Jackson. (The gap thereafter was even longer. More than 150 years elapsed before George Bush won the presidency in 1988 at the conclusion of his eight years as Ronald Reagan’s vice president.) During his two vice-presidential terms, Adams maintained a cordial, but dis- tant, relationship with the president, who sought his advice only occasionally. In the Senate, Adams played a more active role, particularly during his first term. On at least one occasion, he persuaded senators to vote against legislation he op- posed, and he frequently lectured the body on procedural and policy matters. He supported Washington’s policies by casting the twenty-nine tie-breaking votes that no successor has equalled. Thomas Jefferson, learning in 1797 that he had been elected vice president, and always happy to return to his beloved , expressed his pleasure. ‘‘A more tranquil and unoffending station could not have been found for me. It will give me philosophical evenings in the winter [while at the Senate] and rural days in the summer [at Monticello].’’ Unlike Adams, who shared the political beliefs of the president with whom he served, Jefferson and his president belonged to different political parties. Although two later vice presidents, George Clinton and John C. Calhoun, joined with anti-administration forces in their efforts to prevent the reelection of the presidents with whom they served, Jefferson’s situation would prove to be unique in all the nation’s history. No one expected Jefferson to be President Adams’ principal assistant. Instead he devoted his four-year term

[ xvii ] to preparing himself for the next presidential election and to drafting a guidebook on legislative procedure. Jefferson hoped that his Manual of Parliamentary Practice would allow him and his successors to preside over the Senate with fairness, in- telligence, and consistency. That classic guide has retained its usefulness to both the Senate and the House of Representatives through the intervening two centuries.

Nineteenth-century vice presidents Adoption of the Twelfth Amendment, together with the strategy employed by the Republicans in their successful effort to capture the presidency in 1800— and to retain it for the next quarter century—proved to have a serious impact on the overall quality of individuals drawn to the vice-presidency. Aaron Burr, whose refusal to defer to Jefferson had precipitated the electoral crisis of 1800, became one of the most maligned and mistrusted figures of his era and, without question, the most controversial vice president of the early . He was also a man of extraordinary ability, and a key player in New York poli- tics—a consideration of overriding importance for Republicans, given the fact that New York’s electoral votes accounted for over 15 percent of the total needed to achieve an electoral majority. Burr was the first of a series of vice presidents who hailed from the northern states, chosen more for their ability to bring geographi- cal balance to presidential tickets headed by Republicans than for their capacity to serve as president. During the quarter century that the ‘‘Virginia dy- nasty’’ presidents (Jefferson, James Madison, and James Monroe) held sway, the vice-presidency was the province of men widely regarded as party hacks or men in the twilight of illustrious careers. Much of the scholarship on the vice-presi- dency makes but passing mention of these individuals, or focuses on their obvi- ous shortcomings. But these vice presidents (Burr, George Clinton, Elbridge Gerry, and Daniel D. Tompkins)—all of them New Yorkers, with the single ex- ception of Elbridge Gerry, a Massachusetts man—helped cement the ‘‘Virginia- New York’’ alliance that enabled the Republicans to control the presidency for six consecutive terms. Their ties to local and state party organizations, which they maintained during their vice-presidential terms, helped ensure the continued alle- giance of northern Republicans. For the most part, these vice presidents presided over the Senate with an easy or indifferent hand, while a series of presidents pro tempore attended to administrative matters at the beginning and end of each leg- islative session. John C. Calhoun’s vice-presidency stands in vivid contrast to the experience of his immediate predecessors. He accepted the second office, under , after his 1824 presidential bid failed, offering himself as Andrew Jack- son’s four years later in hopes of eventually succeeding Jackson. A man of formidable intellect and energy, Calhoun approached his legislative du- ties with a gravity, dedication, and concern for maintaining order not seen since the time of Adams and Jefferson. A scrupulous guardian of the Senate’s written rules, he disdained its unwritten customs and practices. After a quarter century of ineffective or incapacitated vice presidents, the Senate chafed under Calhoun’s tutelage and began a lengthy examination of the role of its presiding officer. Cal- houn’s endorsement of nullification effectively killed his chances of becoming

[ xviii ] president. In 1836, his successor and rival, Martin Van Buren, became the first vice president since Jefferson to win the presidency. Richard Mentor Johnson, Martin Van Buren’s vice president, came to the of- fice along a unique path not yet followed by any subsequent vice president. The Twelfth Amendment provides that if no vice-presidential candidate receives a majority, the Senate shall decide between the two highest vote getters. A con- troversial figure who had openly acknowledged his slave mistress and mulatto daughters and devoted himself more to the customers of his tavern than to his Senate duties, Johnson received one electoral vote less than the majority needed to elect. The Senate therefore met on , 1837, and elected Johnson by a vote of 33 to 16 over the runner-up. Johnson’s successor, John Tyler, wrote an important chapter in American presidential and vice-presidential history in 1841 when William Henry Harrison became the first president to die in office. Interpreting the Constitution in a way that might have surprised its framers, Vice President Tyler refused to consider himself as acting president. What ‘‘devolved’’ on him at Harrison’s death were not the ‘‘powers and duties’’ of the presidential office, he contended, but the of- fice itself. Tyler boldly claimed the presidency, its full $25,000 salary (vice presi- dents were paid 20 percent of that amount—$5,000), and all its prerogatives. Con- gressional leaders and members of Harrison’s cabinet who were inclined to chal- lenge Tyler eventually set aside their concerns in the face of the accomplished fact. Nine years later, when Vice President Millard Fillmore succeeded to the presidency after Zachary Taylor’s death, no serious question was raised about the propriety of such a move. During the nineteenth century, the vice-presidency remained essentially a legislative position. Those who held it rarely attended cabinet meetings or other- wise involved themselves in executive branch business. Their usefulness to the president generally ended with the election. While those who had served in Con- gress might offer helpful political information and connections to a presidential candidate, or might attract electoral votes in marginal states, their status and value evaporated after inauguration day. In fact, as political circumstances altered during their first term, some presidents began considering a new running mate for the reelection campaign. Abraham Lincoln, for example, had no need of Vice President Hannibal Hamlin of for a second term, since his state was cer- tain to vote to reelect Lincoln in 1864. Success being less assured in the border state of , party leaders chose Senator Andrew Johnson to replace Ham- lin in the second position. Relegated to presiding over the Senate, a few nineteenth-century vice presi- dents took that task seriously. Men such as George Dallas, Levi Morton, and Gar- ret Hobart studied the Senate’s rules and precedents and presided most effec- tively. Others, such as Henry Wilson—Grant’s second vice president—spent their time as they pleased. As vice president, Wilson wrote a three-volume history of before dying in his Capitol office. The vice-presidency in the nineteenth century seldom led to the House, because vice presidents of the era were rarely men of presidential stature. Of the twenty-one individuals who held that office from 1805 to 1899, only Mar- tin Van Buren managed to be elected president. Four others achieved the presi-

[ xix ] dency only because the incumbent died, and none of those four accidental presi- dents subsequently won election in his own right.

Twentieth-century vice presidents The twentieth century opened without a vice president. Vice President Gar- ret Augustus Hobart had died in November 1899, leaving the office vacant, as it had been on ten previous occasions for periods ranging from a few months to nearly four years. The nation had gotten along just fine. No one much noticed. People noticed the next vice president. Cowboy, scholar, naturalist, impetu- ous enthusiast for numerous ideas and causes, Theodore Roosevelt owed his nomination to the desire of New York state political bosses to get him out of the state’s politics. The former Rough Rider held presidential ambitions and worried that the job could be ‘‘a steppingstone to . . . oblivion.’’ He also felt that he lacked the financial resources needed to entertain on the grand scale expected of his im- mediate predecessors. Roosevelt argued in vain that the party should find some- one else, but Republican leaders wanted him, believing he would bring a new kind of glamour and excitement to President McKinley’s candidacy. When his magnetic presence at the national fired the enthusiasm of his par- tisans, the nomination was his. Roosevelt then defied conventional practice by waging an active national campaign for the ticket, publicizing the Republican cause in a way that President McKinley could not. Had not an assassin’s bullet in September 1901 propelled Roosevelt to the , his impact on the vice-presidency during a four-year term would most likely have been profound. In 1904, Theodore Roosevelt became the first vice president who succeeded to the presidency to be elected president in his own right. For the next forty years, the role of the office grew slowly but perceptibly. Party leaders rather than presidential candidates continued to make vice-presi- dential selections to balance the ticket, often choosing someone from a different party faction who was not personally close to the presidential nominee. In fact, Presidents Theodore Roosevelt, , and pro- tested the individuals selected to be their running mates. The feeling was often mutual. When Charles Curtis gave the customary vice-presidential inaugural ad- dress in the Senate chamber, he omitted any reference to his running mate, Presi- dent Hoover. A few minutes later, Hoover returned the favor by neglecting to mention Curtis in his official remarks on the Capitol’s east portico. The principal twentieth-century growth in the vice president’s role occurred when the national government assumed a greater presence in American life, be- ginning with the era and extending through the years. That era brought to the vice-presidency such major political leaders as House Speaker John ‘‘Cactus Jack’’ Garner and Senate Majority Leaders Alben Barkley and Lyn- don Johnson. This distinguished cast of elected vice presidents also included Sen- ators Harry Truman, , , , and (who is serving as vice president at this writing and is therefore not in- cluded in this book). The group also includes George Bush, whose previous expe- rience ranged from the House of Representatives to the Central Intelligence Agen- cy. With the exception of Garner and possibly Truman, these men were selected not by party wheelhorses but by the presidential candidates themselves. Com- petence and compatibility became the most sought-after qualities in a running

[ xx ] mate. These characteristics were especially evident in the Truman-Barkley and Clinton-Gore tickets, both of which set aside the traditional selection consider- ations of geographical and ideological balance. During the twentieth century, the focus of the vice-presidency has shifted dramatically from being mainly a legislative position to a predominately execu- tive post. As modern-era presidents began playing an increasing role as legisla- tive agenda setters, their vice presidents regularly attended cabinet meetings and received executive assignments. Vice presidents represented their presidents’ ad- ministrations on Capitol Hill, served on the National Security Council, chaired special commissions, acted as high level representatives of the government to for- eign heads of state, and assumed countless other chores—great and trivial—at the president’s direction. Beginning with Richard Nixon, they have occupied spacious quarters in the Executive Office Building and assembled staffs of specialists to ex- tend their reach and influence. From fewer than 20 staff members at the end of Nixon’s vice-presidency, the number increased to 60 during the 1970s, with the addition of not only political and support staff but advisers on domestic policy and national security. Walter Mondale expanded the vice president’s role as pres- idential adviser, establishing the of weekly lunches with the president, and subsequent vice presidents have continued to be active participants in their administrations. Expansion of the office did not come without a cost, however. In assuming substantive policy responsibilities, vice presidents often ran afoul of cabinet sec- retaries whose territories they invaded. As administration lobbyists, they also irri- tated members of Congress. My favorite example of this problem occurred in 1969. President Nixon had pledged to give his vice president a significant policy- making role and—for the first time—an office in the White House itself. Spiro Agnew was determined to make the most of that role and to expand his legisla- tive functions as well. Since he lacked previous legislative experience, he had the Senate parliamentarian tutor him on the intricacies of Senate floor procedure. Soon he began to inject himself into the course of Senate proceedings, contrary to the well-worn practice that constrained his predecessors. During the debate over the Anti-Ballistic-Missile Treaty, Agnew approached Republican Sen- ator Len Jordan and asked how he was going to vote. ‘‘You can’t tell me how to vote!’’ said the shocked senator. ‘‘You can’t twist my arm!’’ At the next regular luncheon of Republican senators, Jordan accused Agnew of breaking the separa- tion of powers by lobbying on the Senate floor, and announced the ‘‘Jordan Rule.’’ Under his rule, if the vice president tried to lobby him on anything, the senator would automatically vote the other way. Agnew concluded from this ex- perience, ‘‘after trying for a while to get along with the Senate, I decided I would go down to the other end of Avenue and try playing the executive game.’’ In 1886 the Senate initiated the practice of honoring former vice presidents by acquiring marble busts of those who had held the office, with the expenses paid from the contingent fund of the Senate. The previous year, in 1885, the Sen- ate had placed in the Vice President’s Room a bust of Henry Wilson, who had died in that room a decade earlier. Under the 1886 , busts of former vice presidents, beginning with those of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, were placed in the niches around the gallery level of the Senate chamber. Once those

[ xxi ] twenty spaces were filled, the Senate adopted an amended resolution in 1898 to place future vice-presidential busts elsewhere in the Senate wing of the Capitol. The practice continues today.

III. Goals and Execution of the Project During the commemoration of the bicentennials of the U.S. Constitution and the U.S. Congress in the late 1980s, I realized that the vice-presidency and those who have held the office were largely neglected in the various two-hundred-year celebrations. Clearly, there was a need to look more closely at both the institution and the individuals. Although the debate over the Twenty-fifth Amendment in the had inspired a number of books on the history and operations of the vice-presidency, most of those works were narrowly drawn, serving only to make a case for or against the amendment. The ones that took a biographical approach focused on just the most ‘‘significant’’ vice presidents. Yet, obscure as many of those who have held this office may be today, most were active in public service at both the state and federal levels, often reaching the vice-presidency after long and valuable careers in both Congress and the ex- ecutive branch. Studying the lives of even the men of less than presidential stat- ure and the they were selected for the post—as well as the reasons they failed to reach the White House—provides useful insights into the history of our nation’s political process. Examining the successive stories of the former vice presidents in chronological order illuminates the way in which their strengths and personalities helped to shape the evolution of this office that was so vaguely defined by the framers. The changes in the vice-presidency, in turn, shed light on the nation’s political development; for example, the growing importance of the office in the decades since World War II mirrors the expansion of the role of the federal government during that period. Having conceived the idea for this project, I met in the summer of 1991 with the director of the Senate Historical Office. We discussed a plan that would focus on the role of all our former vice presidents within the institutional context of the . We agreed that the resulting book should include for each vice president: brief biographical background, the circumstances surround- ing his selection, a summary of the major issues confronting the nation during his service, the nature of his relations with the president, his broader national and international role, and his contributions to the office and the nation. Such a study had never before been undertaken. In the course of our work, we conducted a major search for source materials and consulted all significant book- and article- length biographies of these forty-four men, as well as appropriate Senate records.

Acknowledgements When I proposed this book to Dr. Richard A. Baker, the Senate historian, he expressed great interest, sharing my view that this topic had received too little attention. The staff of the Senate Historical Office prepared the forty-four chapters discussing each of the former vice presidents, under the direction of Secretary of the Senate Kelly D. Johnston and his predecessors, Walter J. Stewart, Martha Pope, and Sheila Burke. I carefully reviewed and critiqued each of these chapters in and have reviewed them again in proofs. I believe that, collectively, these

[ xxii ] essays make the case that the institution of the vice-presidency and those who have held the office have made a substantial contribution to our nation. I would particularly like to thank Dr. Baker for his crucial role in shaping the concept and content of this book. He and his colleagues, Dr. Donald A. Ritch- ie and Dr. Jo Anne McCormick Quatannens, wrote the bulk of the chapters, drawing upon their deep understanding of the nation’s political history, as well as the extensive professional expertise that each has in a particular period of the Senate’s history. Others who participated by writing one or more chapters were Mark Clifford, Richard Hill, Jonathan Marcus, and the late William T. Hull. Mr. Hull, a gifted historian whose promising career was tragically cut short by cancer in the fall of 1995, contributed the chapters on Theodore Roosevelt, Charles Fair- banks, and Richard Nixon, as well as offering insights into his particular interest, the Republican party in the period between the New Deal and the Eisenhower administration. Others in the Senate Historical Office who contributed to this project were Wendy Wolff, who prepared the appendix and index and edited the text for pub- lication, and Matthew T. Cook, who researched and assisted me in selecting the illustrations. As one who has greatly enjoyed and profited from the study of American presidential history, I relish this project and trust that it will add new color to the rich mosaic of our nation’s political development. Statesmen and murderers; scholars and scoundrels; piano players and composers; military heroes and invad- ing generals—what a fascinating lot!

MARK O. HATFIELD

[ xxiii ] Chapter 1 JOHN ADAMS 1789–1797

[ 1 ] JOHN ADAMS Chapter 1 JOHN ADAMS

1st Vice President: 1789–1797

It is not for me to interrupt your deliberations by any general observations on the state of the nation, or by recommending, or proposing any particular measures. —JOHN ADAMS

On , 1789, John Adams, the first vice A Tradition of Public Service president of the United States, began his duties John Adams was born in Braintree, Massachu- as president of the Senate. setts, on October 19, 1735, into a family with an Adams’ role in the administration of George established tradition of public service. As a child, Washington was sharply constrained by the con- he attended town meetings with his father, who stitutional limits on the vice-presidency and his was at various times a officer, a deacon own reluctance to encroach upon executive pre- and tithe collector of the local congregation, and rogative. He enjoyed a cordial but distant rela- selectman for the town of Braintree. Determined tionship with President Washington, who sought that his namesake attend , the his advice on occasion but relied primarily on the elder Adams sent young John to a local ‘‘dame’’ cabinet. Adams played a more active role in the school and later to Joseph Cleverly’s Senate, however, particularly during his first school. Adams was an indifferent student until term. the age of fourteen, when he withdrew from the As president of the Senate, Adams cast twenty- Latin school to prepare for college with a private nine tie-breaking votes—a record that no succes- tutor, ‘‘Mr. Marsh.’’ 2 Adams entered Harvard sor has ever threatened.1 His votes protected the College in 1751, and plunged into a rigorous president’s sole over the removal of ap- course of study. After his graduation in 1755, he pointees, influenced the location of the national accepted a position as Latin master of the capital, and prevented war with Great Britain. Worcester, Massachusetts, Grammar School. The On at least one occasion he persuaded senators following year, finding himself ‘‘irresistibly im- to vote against legislation that he opposed, and pelled’’ toward a legal career, Adams appren- he frequently lectured the Senate on procedural ticed himself to James Putnam, a local attorney. and policy matters. Adams’ political views and He continued to teach school while his active role in the Senate made him a natural at night until his admission to the Supe- target for critics of the Washington administra- rior Court bar on November 6, 1758.3 tion. Toward the end of his first term, he began His legal studies completed, Adams returned to exercise more restraint in the hope of realizing to Braintree to establish his legal practice, which the goal shared by many of his successors: elec- grew slowly. In the spring of 1761, on the death tion in his own right as president of the United of his father, Adams inherited farm— States. a bequest that enabled him, as a ‘‘freeholder’’

[ 3 ] JOHN ADAMS with a tangible interest in the community, to take could not tax the colonies without their express an active part in town meetings. He served on consent and added the charge, soon to become several local committees and led a crusade to re- a part of the rhetoric, that the vice- quire professional certification of practitioners admiralty courts violated the colonists’ as before the local courts. In February 1761, on one Englishmen to trial by . Although the crown of his regular trips to Boston to attend the Court eventually withdrew the charges against Han- of Common Pleas, Adams observed James Otis’ cock, Adams continued his assault on the vice- arguments against the writs of assistance before admiralty courts in the instructions he wrote for the Massachusetts Supreme Court. Adams re- the Boston general court representatives in 1768 called in later years that Otis’ impassioned ora- and 1769.6 against these general search and seizure Adams subsequently agreed to defend the Brit- warrants convinced Adams that England and the ish soldiers who fired upon the Boston mob dur- colonies had been ‘‘brought to a Collision,’’ and ing the spring of 1770. His able and dispassionate left him ‘‘ready to take arms’’ against the writs. argument on behalf of the defendants in the Bos- However, Adams’ political career remained lim- ton massacre case won his clients’ acquittal, as ited to local concerns for several more years until well as his election to a brief term in the Massa- 1765, when he played a crucial role in formulat- chusetts assembly, where he was one of Gov- ing Massachusetts’ response to the Stamp Act.4 ernor Thomas Hutchinson’s most vocal oppo- A Lawyer and a Legislator nents. The enmity was mutual; when the general court elected Adams to the Massachusetts coun- As a member of the , Adams cil, or upper house, in 1773, the governor denied drafted instructions for the Braintree delegate to Adams his seat. The general court reelected the Massachusetts provincial assembly, known Adams the following year, but Hutchinson’s suc- as the General Court, which met in October 1765 cessor, , again prevented him from to formulate the colony’s response to the Stamp serving on the council. The general court subse- Act. Adams’ rationale, that the colonies could not quently elected Adams to the first and second be taxed by a parliament in which they were not Continental congresses. Although initially reluc- represented, and that the stamp tax was ‘‘incon- tant to press for immediate armed resistance, sistent with the spirit of the and of Adams consistently denied Parliament’s right to the essential fundamental principles of the Brit- regulate the internal affairs of the colonies, a po- ish constitution,’’ soon appeared in the Massachu- sition he elaborated in a series of thirteen news- setts Gazette and Boston News Letter. His cousin, paper essays published under the name , incorporated John’s argument in ‘‘Novanglus’’ during the winter and spring of the instructions that he drafted for the Boston 1775. Like Adams’ other political writings, the delegates, and other towns adopted the same Novanglus essays set forth his tenets in rambling 5 stance. and disjointed fashion, but their primary focus— With the repeal of the Stamp Act, Adams fo- the fundamental rights of the colonists—was cused his energies on building his law practice clear.7 and attending to the demands of the growing family that followed from his marriage to Abi- An Architect of Independence gail Smith in 1764. Finding few opportunities for An avowed supporter of independence in the a struggling young attorney in Braintree, the second , Adams was a young family moved in 1768 to Boston, where member of the committee that prepared the Dec- John’s practice flourished. Adams soon found laration of Independence. Although Thomas Jef- himself an active participant in the local resist- ferson of Virginia composed the committee draft, ance to British authority as a consequence of his Adams’ contribution was no less important. As defense of before the vice admi- Jefferson later acknowledged, Adams was the ralty court for customs duty violations. He ar- Declaration’s ‘‘pillar of support on the floor of gued in Hancock’s defense that the Parliament Congress, its ablest advocate and defender.’’ [ 4 ] JOHN ADAMS

New Jersey delegate Richard Stockton and others American independence—‘‘the happiest event styled Adams ‘‘the ‘Atlas’ of independence.’’ 8 and the greatest action of my life, past or fu- Adams further served the cause of independence ture.’’ 12 Adams remained abroad as a member as chairman of the and Ordnance. of the peace commission and ambassador to the Congress assigned to the board the onerous tasks Court of St. James until 1788. On his return to of recruiting, provisioning, and dispatching a the United States, he found to his surprise that ; as chairman, Adams coordi- he was widely mentioned as a possible candidate nated this Herculean effort until the winter of for the office of vice president of the United 1777, when Congress appointed him to replace States.13 as commissioner to the Court of 1788 Election .9 Adams served as commissioner until the Although George Washington was the inevi- spring of 1779. On his return to Massachusetts, table and unanimous choice for president, there he represented Braintree in the state constitu- were several contenders for the second office. At tional convention. The convention asked him to the time of the first federal elections, political draft a model constitution, which it adopted with sentiment was divided between the ‘‘Federal- amendments in 1780. Adams’ model provided ists,’’ who supported a strong central govern- for the three branches of government—execu- ment and toward that end had worked to secure tive, legislative, and judicial—that were ulti- the of the Constitution, and the mately incorporated into the United States Con- ‘‘Antifederalist’’ advocates of a more limited na- stitution, and it vested strong powers in the exec- tional government. Adams was the leading Fed- utive. ‘‘His ,’’ as the governor was to eralist candidate for vice president. The New be addressed, was given an absolute over England strongly supported him, and the legislature and sole power to appoint officers he also commanded the allegiance of a few key of the militia.10 Throughout his life, Adams was Antifederalists, including and Rich- an advocate of a strong executive. He believed ard Henry Lee of Virginia. and that only a stable government could preserve so- William Maclay of Pennsylvania also backed cial order and protect the of the people. Adams, hinting that he could assure his election His studies of classical antiquity convinced him by supporting their efforts to locate the national that republican government was inherently vul- capital in . Other contenders were nerable to corruption and inevitably harbored ‘‘a John Hancock of Massachusetts, whose support never-failing passion for tyranny’’ unless bal- for the new Constitution was predicated on his anced by a stabilizing force.11 In 1780, Adams assumption that he would assume the second of- considered a strong executive sufficient to fice, and George Clinton, a New York Anti- achieve this end. In later years, he grew so fearful federalist who later served as vice president of the ‘‘corruption’’ he discerned in popular elec- under Thomas Jefferson and James Madison.14 tions that he suggested more drastic alter- As much as he coveted the vice-presidency, natives—a hereditary senate and a hereditary ex- Adams did not actively campaign for the office, ecutive—which his opponents saw as evidence refusing the deal proffered by Rush and Maclay. of his antidemocratic, ‘‘monarchist’’ intent. Maclay later explained that the Pennsylvanians Before the Massachusetts convention began its played to Adams’ ‘‘Vanity, and hoped by laying deliberations over Adams’ draft, Congress ap- hold of it to render him Useful.’’ They failed to pointed him minister to nego- take into account the strong Puritan sense of tiate peace and commerce treaties with Great moral rectitude that prevented Adams from Britain and subsequently authorized him to ne- striking such a bargain, even to achieve an office gotiate an alliance with the , as well. to which he clearly felt entitled. Maclay, who Although Adams’ attempts to negotiate treaties served in the Senate for the first two years of with the British proved unavailing, in 1782 he fi- Adams’ initial vice-presidential term, never for- nally persuaded the Netherlands to recognize gave Adams and petulantly noted in his diary [ 5 ] JOHN ADAMS that the vice president’s ‘‘Pride Obstinacy And ensure Washington a unanimous electoral vic- Folly’’ were ‘‘equal to his Vanity.’’ 15 tory. Adams was bitterly disappointed when he The principal threat to Adams came from Fed- learned that he had received only thirty-four eralist leader , who per- electoral votes to Washington’s sixty-nine, and ceived in the New Englander’s popularity and called his election, ‘‘in the scurvy manner in uncompromising nature a threat to his own ca- which it was done, a curse rather than a reer aspirations. Acting secretly at Hamilton’s blessing.’’ 17 behest, General tried but failed to Hamilton’s duplicity had a more lasting effect persuade Adams that he was too prominent a on the new vice president’s political fortunes: the figure in his own right to serve as Washington’s election confirmed his fear that popular elections subordinate. When Hamilton realized that in ‘‘a populous, oppulent, and commercial na- Adams commanded the overwhelming support tion’’ would eventually lead to ‘‘corruption Sedi- of the Federalists and could not be tion and civil war.’’ The remedies he suggested— dissuaded, he grudgingly backed his rival but re- a hereditary senate and an executive appointed solved that Adams would not enjoy an over- for life 18—prompted charges by his opponents whelming electoral victory.16 that the vice president was the ‘‘monarchist’’ Hamilton exploited to his advantage the con- enemy of republican government and popular stitutional provision governing the election of liberties. the president and vice president. Article II, sec- The First Vice President tion 1 of the Constitution authorized each presi- dential elector to cast votes ‘‘for two Persons, of Adams took office as vice president on April whom one at least shall not be an Inhabitant of 21, 1789.19 Apart from his legislative and ceremo- the same State with themselves.’’ The candidate nial responsibilities, he did not assume an active with the greatest number of electoral votes role in the Washington administration. Although would become president and the candidate with relations between the two men were cordial, if the next-highest number would become vice somewhat restrained, a combination of personal- president. The Constitution’s framers created the ity, circumstance, and principle limited Adams’ vice-presidency, in part, to keep presidential influence. Adams attended few cabinet meetings, electors from voting only for state or regional fa- and the president sought his counsel only infre- vorites, thus ensuring deadlocks with no can- quently.20 Hesitant to take any action that might didate receiving a majority vote. By giving each be construed as usurping the president’s prerog- presidential elector two ballots, the framers ative, he generally forwarded applications for of- made it possible to vote for a favorite-son can- fices in the new government to Washington. As didate as well as for a more nationally acceptable president of the Senate, Adams had no reserva- individual. In the event that no candidate re- tions about recommending his friend Samuel ceived a majority, as some expected would be the Allyne Otis for the position of secretary of the case after George Washington passed from the Senate, but declined to assist Otis’ brother-in- national stage, the House of Representatives law, General , and Abigail’s broth- would decide the election from among the five er-in-law, Richard Cranch, in obtaining much- largest vote getters, with each state casting one needed sinecures. Adams was similarly hesitant vote. when Washington solicited his advice regarding The framers, however, had not foreseen the po- Supreme Court nominations.21 tential complications inherent in this ‘‘double- Although Washington rarely consulted Adams balloting’’ scheme. Hamilton realized that if each on domestic or foreign policy matters, the two Federalist elector cast one vote for Washington men, according to Adams’ most recent biog- and one for Adams, the resulting tied vote would rapher, John Ferling, ‘‘jointly executed many throw the election into the House of Representa- more of the executive branch’s ceremonial un- tives. Hamilton persuaded several electors to dertakings than would be likely for a contem- withhold their votes from Adams, ostensibly to porary president and vice-president.’’ 22 Wash- [ 6 ] JOHN ADAMS ington invited the vice president to accompany a ‘‘scapegoat for all of Washington’s unpopular him on his fall 1789 tour of New England—an decisions.’’ During the furor over Washington’s invitation that Adams declined, although he met 1793 proclamation of American neutrality, a the president in Boston—and to several official weary Adams confided to his wife that he had dinners. The Washingtons routinely extended ‘‘held the office of Libellee General long their hospitality to John, and to Abigail when she enough.’’ 27 was in the capital, and Adams frequently accom- In the Senate, Adams brought energy and panied the president to the theater.23 dedication to the presiding officer’s chair, but For his own part, Adams professed a narrow found the task ‘‘not quite adapted to my char- interpretation of the vice president’s role in the acter.’’ 28 Addressing the Senate for the first time new government. Shortly after taking office, he on April 21, 1789, he offered the caveat that al- wrote to his friend and supporter Benjamin Lin- though ‘‘not wholly without experience in public coln, ‘‘The Constitution has instituted two great assemblies,’’ he was ‘‘more accustomed to take offices . . . and the nation at large has created a share in their , than to preside in their two officers: one who is the first of the two deliberations.’’ Notwithstanding his lack of ex- . . . is placed at the Head of the Executive, the perience as a presiding officer, Adams had defi- other at the Head of the Legislative.’’ The follow- nite notions regarding the limitations of his of- ing year, he informed another correspondent fice. ‘‘It is not for me,’’ he assured the Senate, ‘‘to that the office of vice president ‘‘is totally de- interrupt your deliberations by any general ob- tached from the executive authority and con- servations on the state of the nation, or by rec- fined to the legislative.’’24 ommending, or proposing any particular But Adams never really considered himself measures.’’ 29 ‘‘totally detached’’ from the executive branch, as President of the Senate the Senate discovered when he began signing legislative documents as ‘‘John Adams, Vice Adams’ resolve was short-lived. His first in- President of the United States.’’ Speaking for a cursion into the legislative realm occurred short- majority of the senators, William Maclay of ly after he assumed office, during the Senate de- Pennsylvania quickly called Adams to account. bates over titles for the president and executive ‘‘[A]s President of the Senate only can [y]ou sign officers of the new government. Although the or authenticate any Act of that body,’’ he lec- House of Representatives agreed in short order tured the vice president. Uneasy as some sen- that the president should be addressed simply as ators were at the prospect of having a member ‘‘George Washington, President of the United of the executive branch preside over their delib- States,’’ the Senate debated the issue at some erations, they would permit Adams to certify length. Adams repeatedly lectured the Senate legislation as president of the Senate, but not as vice that titles were necessary to ensure proper re- president. Never one to acquiesce cheerfully spect for the new government and its officers. when he believed that important principles were Pennsylvania Senator William Maclay com- at stake, Adams struck an awkward com- plained that when the Senate considered the promise, signing Senate documents as ‘‘John matter on May 8, 1789, the vice president ‘‘re- Adams, Vice President of the United States and peatedly helped the speakers for Titles.’’ The fol- President of the Senate.’’ 25 lowing day, Adams ‘‘harangued’’ the Senate for To the extent that Adams remained aloof from forty minutes. ‘‘What will the common people of the administration, his stance was as much the foreign countries, what will the sailors and sol- result of personality and prudence as of prin- diers say,’’ he argued, ‘‘George Washington ciple. He held the president in high personal es- president of the United States, they will despise teem and generally deferred to the more forceful him to all eternity.’’ The Senate ultimately de- Washington as a matter of course.26 Also, as his ferred to the House on the question of titles, but biographer has explained, the vice not before Adams incurred the lasting enmity of president always feared that he would become the Antifederalists, who saw in his support for [ 7 ] JOHN ADAMS titles and distressing evidence of his of other senators, as well. Shortly after the sec- ‘‘monarchist’’ leanings.30 ond session of the First Congress convened in Adams was more successful in preventing the January 1790, warned his friend Senate from asserting a role in the removal of that he faced growing opposition in the Senate, presidential appointees. In the July 14, 1789, de- particularly among the southern senators. bates over the organization of executive depart- Adams’ enemies resented his propensity for join- ments, several senators agreed with William ing in Senate debates and suspected him of Maclay that removals of cabinet officers by the ‘‘monarchist’’ sentiments. Trumbull cautioned president, as well as appointments, should be that ‘‘he who mingles in debate subjects himself subject to the of the Senate. to frequent retorts from his opposers, places him- Adams and his Federalist allies viewed the pro- self on the same ground with his inferiors in posal as an attempt by Antifederalists to enhance rank, appears too much like the leader of a party, the Senate’s powers at the expense of the execu- and renders it more difficult for him to support tive. After a series of meetings with individual the dignity of the chair and preserve order and senators, Adams finally convinced Tristram Dal- regularity in the debate.’’ Although Adams de- ton of Massachusetts to withdraw his support for nied that he had ever exceeded the limits of his Maclay’s proposal. Richard Bassett of authority in the Senate, he must have seen the followed suit. When the Senate decided the ques- truth in Trumbull’s observations, for he assured tion on July 18 in a 9-to-9 vote, Adams performed his confidant that he had ‘‘no desire ever to open his sole legislative function by casting a tie- my mouth again upon any question.’’ Acutely breaking vote against Maclay’s proposal.31 His aware of the controversy over his views and be- action was purely symbolic in this instance, how- havior, Adams became less an active participant ever, as a tie vote automatically defeats a and more an impartial moderator of Senate measure. debates.33 During the protracted debates over the Resi- Although stung by Trumbull’s comments and dence bill to determine the location of the capital, the of less tactful critics, Adams contin- Adams thwarted another initiative dear to ued to devote a considerable portion of his time Maclay’s heart: a provision to establish the per- and energy to presiding over the Senate; Abigail manent capital ‘‘along the banks of the Adams observed that her husband’s schedule Susquehannah’’ in convenient proximity to the ‘‘five hours constant sitting in a day for six Pennsylvania senator’s extensive landholdings. months together (for he cannot leave his Chair) The disgruntled speculator attributed his defeat is pretty tight service.’’ 34 to the vice president’s tie-breaking votes and the In the absence of a manual governing Senate ‘‘barefaced partiality’’ of Adams’ rulings from debates, Adams looked to British parliamentary the chair. Maclay was enraged that Adams al- procedures for guidance in deciding questions of lowed frequent delays in the September 24, 1789, order.35 Despite complaints by some senators debates, which permitted Pennsylvania Senator that Adams demonstrated inconsistency in his , whose sympathies lay with Phila- rulings, Delaware Senator George Read in 1792 delphia, to lobby other senators against the praised his ‘‘attentive, upright, fair, and Susquehannah site. After Morris’ motion to unexceptionable’’ performance as presiding offi- strike the provision failed, Adams granted his cer, and his ‘‘uncommonly exact’’ attendance in motion to reconsider over Maclay’s strenuous the Senate.36 objection that ‘‘no business ever could have a de- Still, as a national figure and Washington’s cision, if minority members, were permitted to probable successor, Adams remained controver- move reconsiderations under every pretense of sial, particularly as legislative political parties new argument.’’ Adams ultimately cast the de- emerged in the . Although sectional dif- ciding vote in favor of Morris’ motion.32 ferences had in large part shaped the debates of The vice president’s frequent and pedantic lec- the First Congress, two distinct parties began to tures from the chair earned him the resentment develop during the Second Congress in 1791 to [ 8 ] JOHN ADAMS

1793. The Federalists, adopting the name earlier priate ceremony its own ‘‘natural ’’ of used by supporters of the Constitution, were the talented and propertied public men. Adams even conservative, prosperous advocates of a strong went so far as to predict that a hereditary Amer- central government. They supported Treasury ican aristocracy would be necessary in the event Secretary Alexander Hamilton’s proposals to as- that the ‘‘natural’’ variety failed to emerge. The sume and fund the states’ revolutionary debts, Davila essays were consistent with Adams’ long- encourage manufactures, and establish a Bank of standing belief that a strong stabilizing force— the United States. Hamilton’s fiscal program ap- a strong executive, a hereditary senate, or a natu- pealed to the mercantile, financial, and artisan ral aristocracy—was an essential bulwark of segments of the population but sparked the popular liberties. They also reflected his recent growth of an agrarian-based opposition party— humiliation at the hands of Alexander Hamilton. initially known as Antifederalists and later as Still smarting from his low electoral count in the ‘‘Republicans’’—led by Secretary of State Thom- 1788 presidential election, Adams observed in as Jefferson.37 Adams supported Hamilton’s fis- the thirty-second essay that ‘‘hereditary succes- cal proposals and, with the Federalists still firmly sion was attended with fewer evils than frequent in command of the Senate and the controversy elections.’’ As Peter Shaw has noted in his study over public finance largely confined to the House of Adams’ character, ‘‘it would be difficult to of Representatives, 38 he emerged unscathed imagine . . . a more impolitic act.’’ The Discourses from the battles over fiscal policy. on Davila, together with Adams’ earlier support The outbreak of the for titles and ceremony, convinced his Repub- prompted a more divisive debate. Republicans lican opponents that he was an enemy of repub- greeted the overthrow of the French monarchy lican government. Rumors that Washington with enthusiasm while the Federalists heard in would resign his office once the government was the ’ egalitarian rhetoric a threat established on a secure footing, and his near to the order and stability of and America. death from influenza in the spring of 1790, added ’s 1793 declaration of war on Great Britain to the Republicans’ anxiety. In response, they further polarized the argument, with the Repub- mounted an intense but unsuccessful campaign licans celebrating each British defeat, the Fed- to unseat Adams in the 1792 presidential eralists dreading the consequences of a French election.40 victory, and both belligerents preying on Amer- ican shipping at will. While Washington at- Second Term tempted to hold the United States to a neutral Persuaded by Hamilton, Jefferson, and Madi- course, his vice president—who considered po- son to run for a second term, George Washington litical parties ‘‘the greatest political evil under was again the obvious and unanimous choice for our Constitution,’’ and whose greatest fear was president. Adams was still the preferred vice- ‘‘a division of the republic into two great parties, presidential candidate of the New England Fed- each arranged under its leader, and concerting eralists, but he faced a serious challenge from Re- measures in opposition to each other’’—became, publican candidate George Clinton of New York. as he had anticipated, the target of concerted Re- Although many of his earlier supporters, includ- publican opposition.39 ing Benjamin Rush, joined the opposition in sup- Adams articulated his thoughts on the French port of Clinton, Adams won reelection with 77 Revolution and its implications for the United electoral votes to 50 for Clinton.41 On , States in a series of newspaper essays, the Dis- 1793, in the Senate chamber, Washington took courses on Davila. He predicted that the revolu- the oath of office for a second time. Adams, as tion, having abolished the aristocratic institu- always, followed Washington’s example but tions necessary to preserve stability and order, waited until the Third Congress convened on was doomed to failure. He warned that the Unit- December 2, 1793, to take his second oath of of- ed States would share a similar fate if it failed fice. No one, apparently, gave much thought to to honor and encourage with titles and appro- the question of whether or not the nation had a [ 9 ] JOHN ADAMS vice president—and a successor to Washington, ican trade with Great Britain.45 Despite these should he die in office or become incapacitated— votes, Adams made every effort to stay aloof during the nine-month interval between these from the bitter controversy over foreign policy, two inaugurations.42 remaining silent during the Senate’s 1795 de- Early in Adams’ second vice-presidential term, bates over the controversial . Privately, France declared war on Great Britain. Washing- Adams considered the Jay Treaty essential to ton’s cabinet supported the president’s policy of avert war with Great Britain, but the Federalists neutrality, but its members disagreed over the still commanded sufficient votes to ratify the implementation of that policy. Hamilton urged treaty without the vice president’s assistance.46 the president to issue an immediate proclama- 1796 Election tion of American neutrality; Jefferson warned that only Congress could issue such a declaration The popular outcry against the Jay Treaty and counseled that delaying the proclamation strengthened Washington’s resolve to retire at would force concessions from France and Eng- the end of his second term, and he announced land. Recognizing the United States’ commercial his intentions in September 1796. Although the dependence on Great Britain, Hamilton pro- majority of the Federalists considered Adams the posed that the nation conditionally suspend the logical choice to succeed Washington, Hamilton treaties that granted France access to U. S. ports preferred their more pliant vice-presidential can- and guaranteed French possession of the West didate, former minister to Great Britain Thomas Indies. Secretary of State Jefferson insisted that Pinckney. The Republican candidates were the United States honor its treaty obligations. Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr. Once again The secretaries similarly disagreed over extend- Hamilton proved a greater threat to Adams than ing recognition to the emissary of the French re- the opposition candidates. The Federalists lost public, ‘‘Citizen’’ Edmond Geneˆt. the vice-presidency because of Hamilton’s Adams considered absolute neutrality the only scheming and came dangerously close to losing prudent course. As a Federalist, he was no sup- the presidency as well. Repeating the tactics he porter of France, but his reluctance to offend a had used to diminish Adams’ electoral count in former ally led him to take a more cautious the 1788 election, Hamilton tried to persuade stance than Hamilton. Although Washington ’s Federalist electors to withhold sought his advice, Adams scrupulously avoided enough votes from Adams to ensure Thomas public comment; he had ‘‘no constitutional vote’’ Pinckney’s election to the presidency. This time, in the matter and no intention of ‘‘taking any however, the New England Federalist electors side in it or having my name or opinion quoted learned of Hamilton’s plot and withheld suffi- about it.’’ 43 After the president decided to recog- cient votes from Pinckney to compensate for the nize Geneˆt, Adams reluctantly received the con- lost South Carolina votes. These intrigues re- troversial Frenchman but predicted that ‘‘a little sulted in the election of a president and vice more of this indelicacy and indecency may in- president from opposing parties, with president- volve us in a war with all the world.’’ 44 elect Adams receiving 71 electoral votes to 68 for Although Adams, as vice president, had ‘‘no Thomas Jefferson.47 constitutional vote’’ in the administration’s for- Vice president Adams addressed the Senate for eign policy, he cast two important tie-breaking the last time on February 15, 1797. He thanked foreign policy votes in the Senate, where Repub- current and former members for the ‘‘candor and lican gains in the 1792 elections had eroded the favor’’ they had extended to him during his eight Federalist majority. In both cases, Adams voted years as presiding officer. Despite the frustra- to prevent war with Great Britain and its allies. tions and difficulties he had experienced as vice On , 1794, he voted in favor of an em- president, Adams left the presiding officer’s bargo on the domestic sale of vessels and goods chair with a genuine regard for the Senate that seized from friendly nations. The following was in large part mutual. He expressed gratitude month, he voted against a bill to suspend Amer- to the body for the ‘‘uniform politeness’’ ac- [ 10 ] JOHN ADAMS corded him ‘‘from every quarter,’’ and declared and he was further outraged when Adams that he had ‘‘never had the smallest misunder- purged two of his sympathizers from the cabinet standing with any member of the Senate.’’ Not- in May 1800. In a letter to Federalist leaders, withstanding his earlier pronouncements in Hamilton detailed his charges that Adams’ ‘‘un- favor of a hereditary Senate, Adams assured the governable indiscretion’’ and ‘‘distempered jeal- members that the ‘‘eloquence, patriotism, and ousy’’ made him unfit for office. With the Fed- independence’’ that he had witnessed had con- eralist party split between the Hamilton and vinced him that ‘‘no council more permanent Adams factions, Adams lost the election. After than this . . . will be necessary, to defend the thirty-five ballots, the House of Representatives rights, liberties, and of the people, and broke the tied vote between Republican presi- to protect the Constitution of the United States.’’ dential candidate Thomas Jefferson and vice- The Senate’s message expressing presidential candidate Aaron Burr in Jefferson’s ‘‘gratitude and affection’’ and praising his ‘‘abili- favor.49 ties and undeviating impartiality’’ evoked a Adams spent the remainder of his life in retire- frank and emotional response from Adams the ment at his farm in Quincy, Massachusetts. In an following day. The Senate’s ‘‘generous approba- attempt to vindicate himself from past charges tion’’ of his ‘‘undeviating impartiality’’ had that he was an enemy of American liberties, served to ‘‘soften asperities, and conciliate ani- Adams in 1804 began his Autobiography, which mosities, wherever such may unhappily exist,’’ he never finished. He also wrote voluminous let- for which the departing vice president offered ters to friends and former colleagues toward the his ‘‘sincere thanks.’’ 48 same end. In 1811, Adams resumed his friend- ship with Jefferson, and the two old patriots President began a lively correspondence that continued for Adams served as president from 1797 to 1801. fifteen years. Although largely content to ob- He failed to win a second term due to the popu- serve political events from the seclusion of Quin- lar outcry against the repressive Alien and Sedi- cy and to follow the promising career of his eld- tion Acts, which he had reluctantly approved as est son, John Quincy, Adams briefly resumed his necessary wartime measures, as well as the rup- own public career in 1820, when he represented ture in party over the end of hos- the town of Quincy in the Massachusetts con- tilities with France. Hamilton was determined to stitutional convention. Adams died at Quincy on defeat Adams after the president responded fa- , 1826, the fiftieth anniversary of American vorably to French overtures for peace in 1799, independence.50

[ 11 ] NOTES 1 Linda Dudik Guerrero, in her study of Adams’ vice pared by the U.S. Senate Historical Office. In 1789, Adams presidency, found that Adams cast ‘‘at least’’ thirty-one asked Washington to appoint his improvident son-in-law, votes, a figure accepted by Adams’ most recent biographer. William Smith, federal marshal for New York—a The Senate Historical Office has been able to verify only request that the president obliged. In 1791, Adams sought twenty-nine tie-breaking votes by Adams—still a record, al- Smith’s appointment as minister to Great Britain. Although though George Dallas claimed that he cast thirty tie-break- the president did not send Smith to the Court of St. James, ing votes during his vice-presidency (See Chapter 11, page he subsequently named Smith supervisor of revenue for 158 and note 35). Linda Dudik Guerrero, John Adams’ Vice New York. Adams’ concern for his daughter ‘‘Nabby’’ and Presidency, 1789–1797: The Neglected Man in the Forgotten Of- her children prompted these departures from his cus- fice (New York, 1982), p. 128; U.S., Congress, Senate, The tomary practice. Ferling, pp. 323–24; Guerrero, p. 82, fn. 41. Senate 1789–1989, by Robert C. Byrd, S. Doc. 100–20, 100th 22 Ferling, p. 310. Cong., 1st sess., vol. 4, Historical Statistics, 1789–1992, 1993, 23 Ibid.; Guerrero, pp. 166–69. p. 640; John Ferling, John Adams: A Life (Knoxville, 1992), 24 John Adams to Lincoln, May 26, 1789, and John Adams p. 311. to Hurd, April 5, 1790, quoted in Guerrero, p. 185. 2 Peter Shaw, The Character of John Adams (Chapel Hill, 25 David P. Currie, ‘‘The Constitution in Congress: The 1976), pp.1–6; Page Smith, John Adams (Westport, CT, 1969, First Congress and the Structure of Government, 1789– reprint of 1962–1963 ed.), 1:1–14. 1791,’’ University of Law School Roundtable 2 (1995): 3 Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed. L.H. 161. Butterfield, The Adams Papers, Series I (Cambridge, 1962), 26 Howe, p. 212; Ferling, p. 310. pp. 263–64; Smith, 1:27–43. 27 Smith, 2:763, 842–43. 4 Shaw, pp. 43–46; Smith, 1:54–80; Theodore Draper, A 28 Ibid., 2:769. Struggle for Power: The (New York, 29 Senate Legislative Journal, pp. 21–23. 1996), pp. 184–89. 30 Senate Legislative Journal, pp. 44–45; Howe, 176–79; 5 Smith, 1:80–81. Diary of William Maclay, pp. 27–32; Shaw, pp. 227–30. 6 Shaw, p. 57; Smith, 1:94–104. 31 Senate Legislative Journal, pp. 83–87; Smith, 2:774–76; 7 Shaw, pp. 58–85; Smith, 1:121–26. Diary of William Maclay, pp. 109–19. 8 Shaw, pp. 94–98; Ferling, pp. 149–50. 32 Diary of William Maclay, pp. 132–35, 152–64. 9 Shaw, pp. 106–7; Smith, 1:266–67, 285–350. 33 Smith, 2:788–91. 10 Shaw, pp. 128–30; Smith, 1:438–44. 34 Quoted in U.S., Congress, Senate, The United States Sen- 11 Shaw, pp. 218–22. ate, 1787–1801: A Dissertation on the First Fourteen Years of 12 Ibid., pp. 131–63; Smith, 1:444–535. the Upper Legislative Body, by Roy Swanstrom, S. Doc. 100– 13 Shaw, pp. 157–225. 31, 100th Cong., 1st sess., 1988, p. 254. 14 Kenneth R. Bowling and Helen E. Veit, eds., The Diary 35 Richard Allan Baker, ‘‘The Senate of the United States: of William Maclay and Other Notes On Senate Debates, Docu- ‘Supreme Executive Council of the Nation,’ 1787–1800,’’ in mentary History of the First Federal Congress of the United The Congress of the United States, 1789–1989, vol. 1, ed. Joel States of America, vol. 9 (, 1988), pp. 85–86; Smith, Silbey (, NY, 1991), p. 148, originally published in 2:734–37. Prologue 21 (Winter 1989): 299–313; Diary of William Maclay, 15 Diary of William Maclay, pp. 85–86; Shaw, p. 225, Smith, p. 36. 2:737–39. 36 George Read to Gunning Bedford, quoted in 16 Smith, 2:739–41. Swanstrom, p. 254. 17 Ibid., 2:739–42. 37 John C. Miller, The , 1789–1801 (New York, 18 Shaw, pp. 231–32. 1963; reprint of 1960 ed.), pp. 99–125. 19 Linda Grant De Pauw, Charlene Bangs Bickford, and 38 Howe, p. 197; Swanstrom, pp. 274–76. LaVonne Marlene Siegel, eds., Senate Legislative Journal, Doc- 39 Howe, 193–97; Miller, pp. 126–54. umentary History of the First Federal Congress of the United 40 Howe, pp. 133–49; Shaw, pp. 229–37; Smith, 2:794, 826– States of America, vol. 1 (Baltimore, 1972), pp. 21–23. 33. 20 Shaw, p. 226; Guerrero, pp. 169–83. 41 Miller, p. 96; Smith, 2:826–33. 21 John R. Howe, Jr., The Changing Political Thought of John 42 Stephen W. Stathis and Ronald C. Moe, ‘‘America’s Adams (Princeton, 1966), pp. 212–13; Shaw, p. 288; Smith, Other Inauguration,’’ Presidential Studies Quarterly 10 (Fall 2:761–63; ‘‘Biographical Sketches of the Twenty-Two Sec- 1980): 552. retaries of the United States Senate,’’ undated report pre- 43 Miller, pp. 128–30; Smith, 2:838–44.

[ 12 ] JOHN ADAMS

44 Smith, 2:845. 48 U.S., Congress, Senate, Annals of Congress, 4th Cong., 45 Miller, p. 154; Smith, 2:853; U.S., Congress, Senate, An- 2d sess., pp. 1549–58. nals of Congress, 3d Cong., 1st sess., pp. 66, 90. 49 Miller, pp. 251–77; Smith, 2:1056–62. 46 Smith, 2:873–75; Swanstrom, pp. 120–23. 50 Smith, 2:1067–1138. 47 Miller, pp. 198–202; Smith, 2:898–910.

[ 13 ]

Chapter 2 THOMAS JEFFERSON 1797–1801

[ 15 ] THOMAS JEFFERSON Chapter 2 THOMAS JEFFERSON

2nd Vice President: 1797–1801

. . . a more tranquil & unoffending station could not have been found for me. . . . It will give me philosophical evenings in the winter, & rural days in the summer. —THOMAS JEFFERSON TO BENJAMIN RUSH, JANUARY 22, 1797 1

Thomas Jefferson entered an ill-defined vice- from the College of William and after only presidency on March 4, 1797. For guidance on two years, at the age of nineteen. Dr. William how to conduct himself, he had to rely on a brief Small, the chair of at the college, reference in the U.S. Constitution, the eight-year helped cultivate Jefferson’s intellectual interests, experience of John Adams, and his own common especially in . In addition to his academic sense. Of a profoundly different political and pursuits, young Thomas excelled as a horseman personal temperament from his predecessor, Jef- and violinist. He studied law under George ferson knew his performance in that relatively Wythe, Virginia’s most eminent legal scholar of new office would influence its operations well that era. Admitted to the Virginia bar in 1767, Jef- into the future. Unlike Adams, who shared the ferson maintained a successful practice until political beliefs of the president with whom he abandoning the legal profession at the start of the served, Jefferson and his president belonged to American Revolution.3 different political parties—a situation that would Jefferson’s political career began in May 1769 prove to be unique in all the nation’s history. No when he became a member of the Virginia house one who knew the two men expected that Vice of burgesses. He served there until the body was President Jefferson would be inclined to serve as dissolved in 1775. While not considered an effec- President Adams’ principal assistant. More like- tive public speaker, Jefferson gained a reputation ly, he would confine his duties to presiding over as a gifted writer. Unable to attend the Virginia the Senate and offering leadership to his anti-ad- convention of 1774, he sent instructions for the ministration Republican party in quiet prepara- Virginia delegates to the first Continental Con- tion for the election of 1800.2 gress. These proposals, eventually published as A Summary View of the Rights of , Scholar and Legislator asserted that the American colonies’ only legiti- Thomas Jefferson was born on April 13, 1743, mate political connection to Great Britain was in what is now Albemarle , Virginia. He through the king, to whom they had submitted was the third child of , a surveyor, voluntarily, and not to Parliament. and Jane Randolph, daughter of a distinguished In 1775, the thirty-two-year-old Jefferson Virginia family. Classical languages formed the gained a seat in the Continental Congress, where base of his early formal education. A thorough he was appointed to a committee to draft a dec- and diligent student, inspired by the laration of independence from the mother coun- Enlightenment’s belief in the power of to try. He became the declaration’s principal author govern human behavior, Jefferson graduated and later counted it, along with establishment of [ 17 ] THOMAS JEFFERSON the and creation of the Vir- and served on several major committees. During ginia statute for Religious , among his his service, he prepared various influential com- three proudest lifetime accomplishments. The mittee papers, including a report of March 22, Declaration of Independence and the Summary 1784, calling for prohibition of slavery in the View ensured Jefferson’s standing in the mid- territory after the year 1800. The report as the American Revolution’s most signifi- also declared illegal any western regional seces- cant literary theorist. sion. Although Congress did not adopt the re- After spending less than a year in the Con- port as presented, Jefferson’s language subse- tinental Congress, Jefferson resigned that post quently influenced the drafting of the 1787 and entered the Virginia house of delegates. with its highly significant While he produced an admirable legislative slavery restrictions. record during his service from October 1776 to June 1779, his tenure as Virginia’s governor from Diplomacy and the Cabinet 1779 to mid-1781 was less successful. Although Jefferson prepared a report in December 1783 the Virginia assembly had made sizeable con- on the procedure for negotiating commercial tributions to the Continental effort, it failed to treaties. His recommendations became general make adequate provision for local defenses, and practice, and in May 1784 Congress appointed the state offered only token resistance to the Brit- him to assist in arranging ish invasion in early 1781. Jefferson narrowly es- commercial agreements with France. Within a caped capture, fleeing on horseback as Lt. Col. year he succeeded Franklin as minister to that ’s forces ascended Carter’s country. While Jefferson would later make light Mountain toward Monticello, two days after his of his accomplishments during his ministerial gubernatorial term expired but before the Vir- tenure, he proved to be a talented diplomat. Fol- ginia legislature could designate a successor. Jef- lowing his own pro-French leanings, and his be- ferson had already decided not to seek reelection lief that France could serve to counter Britain’s to a third term, but his perceived abdication at threat to American interests, Jefferson worked this critical juncture earned him considerable hard for improved relations. scorn. The Virginia house of delegates imme- diately ordered an investigation of his conduct, On returning home in December 1789, Jeffer- only to join with the state Senate in exonerating son accepted President George Washington’s ap- the former governor after he appeared before pointment to be the nation’s first secretary of both houses six months later to explain his ac- state. Progressively harsher disputes with Treas- tions. Deeply mortified by the public scrutiny ury Secretary Alexander Hamilton troubled his and increasingly alarmed by his wife’s serious tenure in that office. Their differences extended illness, Jefferson retreated to Monticello.4 from financial policy to foreign affairs and grew In what proved to be a temporary retirement out of fundamentally conflicting interpretations from public life, Jefferson turned his attention to of the Constitution and the scope of federal farming and scientific endeavors—pursuits that power. he found more enjoyable. During this time, he The rise of two rudimentary political organized and published his Notes on the State of groupings during the early 1790s reflected Ham- Virginia, which his preeminent biographer, ilton’s and Jefferson’s differing philosophical Dumas Malone, believed ‘‘laid the foundations views. Formed generally along sectional lines, of Jefferson’s high contemporary reputation as a these early parties were known as Federalists universal scholar and of his enduring fame as a (with strong support in the North and East) and pioneer American scientist.’’ 5 Republicans (with a southern base). In later years On the death of his wife Martha in September the Republicans would come to be called 1782, Jefferson returned to public life. In June of ‘‘Democrats,’’ but in the 1790s, that term carried the following year he became a delegate to the a negative connotation associated with mob Congress under the Articles of Confederation rule.6 [ 18 ] THOMAS JEFFERSON

In May 1790, Pennsylvania Senator William fided to Madison that he hoped he would receive Maclay, with his customarily acerbic pen, re- either the second- or third-largest number of corded the following physical description of the electoral votes. A third-place finish would allow secretary of state: him to remain home the entire year, while a sec- When I came to the Hall Jefferson and the rest ond-place result—making him the vice presi- of the Committee were there. Jefferson is a slen- dent—would permit him to stay home two- 11 der Man [and] has rather the Air of Stiffness in thirds of the year. Jefferson made no effort to his Manner. His cloaths seem too small for him. influence the outcome. He believed that Madi- He sits in a lounging Manner on One hip, com- son, as an active party leader, would have been monly, and with one of his shoulders elevated a more suitable candidate. But even though Jef- much above the other. His face has a scrany as- ferson had left the political stage more than two pect. His Whole figure has a loose shackling Air. years earlier, he remained the symbol of Repub- He had a rambling Vacant look & nothing of that lican values—in no small part due to Hamilton’s firm collected deportment which I expected unremitting attacks. would dignify the presence of a Secretary or Min- In devising the constitutional system that obli- ister. I looked for gravity, but a laxity of Manner, gated each presidential elector to cast two bal- seemed shed about him. He spoke almost with- out ceasing, but even his discourse partook of his lots, the framers intended to produce a winning personal demeanor. It was lax & rambling and candidate for president who enjoyed a broad na- Yet he scattered information wherever he went, tional consensus and, in second place, a vice and some even brilliant sentiments sparkled from president with at least strong regional support. him.7 They assumed that electors would give one vote to a home state favorite, reserving the second for Worn out from his battles with Hamilton, Jef- a person of national reputation, but this view ferson resigned as secretary of state at the end failed to anticipate the development of political of 1793 and handed leadership of the emerging parties. Thus the framers apparently gave little Republican party to his fellow Virginian James consideration to the potential for competing Madison. For the next three years, Madison slates of candidates—seen for the first time in the worked to strengthen the party in Congress, 1796 presidential contest. transforming it from a reactive faction to a posi- As part of a strategy to erode Jefferson’s south- tive political force with its own distinctive pro- ern support, the Federalists selected as Adams’ grams and, by April 1796, a congressional party running mate of South Caro- to establish legislative priorities.8 lina, author of the popular 1795 treaty with The 1796 Election .12 Hamilton, Adams’ bitter rival within the When President Washington announced in , encouraged Federalist electors September 1796 that he would not run for a third in the North to give both their votes to Adams term, a caucus of Federalists in Congress selected and Pinckney. On the safe assumption that Vice President Adams as their presidential can- Pinckney would draw more votes than Adams didate. Congressional Republicans turned to Jef- from the other regions, and recognizing that Jef- ferson as the only person capable of defeating ferson lacked support north and east of the Dela- Adams, who enjoyed a strong following in New ware River, Hamilton mistakenly concluded this England and was closely associated with the suc- tactic would assure Pinckney’s election.13 cess of the American Revolution.9 Jefferson had Adams’ supporters countered Hamilton’s plan told friends in 1793 that his ‘‘retirement from of- by convincing a number of their party’s electors fice had meant from all office, high or low, with- to vote for someone other than Pinckney. As a out exception.’’ 10 While he continued to hold result, Adams won the presidency with 71 of a those views in 1796, he reluctantly allowed Re- possible 138 electoral votes. But Jefferson with 68 publican leader Madison to advance his can- votes, rather than Pinckney with 59 votes, be- didacy—in part to block the ambitions of his came vice president. Aaron Burr, the Republican archrival, Alexander Hamilton. Jefferson con- vice-presidential contender, received only 30 [ 19 ] THOMAS JEFFERSON votes, while 48 other votes were scattered among coach. He stayed the first night with James Madi- nine minor candidates.14 This election produced son and then moved to a nearby hotel for the re- the first and only mixed-party presidential team mainder of his week-and-a-half visit. in the nation’s history. The Senate convened at 10 a.m. on Saturday, Not looking forward to reentering the political March 4, in its ornate chamber on the second fray and feeling unprepared to assume presi- floor of at the corner of Sixth and dential responsibilities for foreign policy at a Chestnut Streets. As the first order of business, time when relations with European nations were Senate President Pro Tempore strained, Jefferson may have been the only per- administered the brief oath to the new vice presi- son in the history of American politics to cele- dent. Over six feet tall, with reddish hair and brate the fact that he lost a presidential election. hazel eyes, and attired in a single-breasted long He preferred the quietness of the vice-presi- blue frock coat, Jefferson established a com- dency. He wrote Benjamin Rush, ‘‘a more tran- manding presence as he in turn swore in the quil & unoffending station could not have been eight newly elected members among the twenty- found for me.’’ And he told James Madison, ‘‘I seven senators who were present that day. He think they [foreign affairs] never wore so gloomy then read a brief inaugural address. an aspect since the year 83. Let those come to the In that address Jefferson apologized in ad- helm who think they can steer clear of the dif- vance for any shortcomings members might per- ficulties. I have no confidence in myself for the ceive in the conduct of his duties. Anticipating undertaking.’’ 15 In a classic assessment of the the role that would most define his vice-presi- presidency’s thankless nature, Jefferson wrote dential legacy, Jefferson promised that he would , ‘‘I know well that no man will approach his duties as presiding officer with ever bring out of that office the reputation which ‘‘more confidence because it will depend on my carries him into it. The honey moon would be will and not my capacity.’’ He continued: as short in that case as in any other, & its mo- The rules which are to govern the proceedings ments of extasy would be ransomed by years of of this House, so far as they shall depend on me torment & hatred.’’ 16 for their application, shall be applied with the most rigorous and inflexible impartiality, regard- Vice President ing neither persons, their views, nor principles, On February 8, 1797, Vice President Adams, as and seeing only the abstract proposition subject one of his final official duties, presided over a to my decision. If in forming that decision, I con- joint session of Congress in the Senate chamber cur with some and differ from others, as must of to tally electoral votes for the nation’s two high- necessity happen, I shall rely on the liberality and est offices. To his obvious satisfaction, he an- candor of those from whom I differ, to believe nounced his own victory for the first office and that I do it on pure motives. that of Thomas Jefferson for the second.17 When Having devoted half of his less than three- the confirming news of his election reached Jef- minute speech to his role as presiding officer, Jef- ferson in Virginia, he initially hoped to avoid the ferson briefly referred to the Constitution and its trip to Philadelphia by seeking a senator who defense. But he quickly returned to his own more would administer the oath of office at his limited station, supposing that ‘‘these declara- home.18 But rumors were beginning to spread tions [are] not pertinent to the occasion of enter- that Jefferson considered the vice-presidency be- ing into an office whose primary business is neath his dignity. To quash that mistaken notion, merely to preside over the forms of this the Virginian decided to attend the inauguration; House.’’ 19 Concluding his remarks, Jefferson led but he requested that local officials downplay his the Senate downstairs to the House of Represent- arrival at the capital. Despite these wishes, an ar- atives’ chamber to attend President-elect Adams’ tillery company and a sixteen-gun greeted inaugural address and subsequent oath-taking. Jefferson on March 2 at the completion of his ar- Three potential roles awaited the new vice duous ten-day journey by horseback and stage president in his as yet only marginally defined [ 20 ] THOMAS JEFFERSON office. He could serve as an assistant to the presi- While in Philadelphia to commence his vice- dent; he could concentrate on his constitutional presidential duties, Jefferson acceded to a second duties as the Senate’s presiding officer; or he leadership position—the presidency of the could become an active leader of the Republican American Philosophical . Conveniently party. Jefferson had no interest in being an assist- located near Congress Hall, this august scientific ant to the chief executive. He told Elbridge Gerry and philosophical body counted among its pre- that he considered his office ‘‘constitutionally vious leaders Benjamin Franklin and mathemati- confined to legislative functions,’’ 20 and he cian . Jefferson attained the hoped those functions would not keep him away post on the strength of his Notes on the State of from his cherished Monticello. In any event, the Virginia (first English edition, 1787), which se- job provided a comfortable and needed regular cured his reputation as a preeminent scholar and salary—$5,000 paid in quarterly installments.21 scientist and is today considered ‘‘the most im- Adams and Jefferson started off cordially. The portant scientific work published in America in Virginian, having enjoyed Adams’ friendship in the eighteenth century.’’ 24 Within days of his in- the second Continental Congress and while in re- augural address to the Senate, Jefferson deliv- tirement at Monticello, set out to forge a good ered his presidential address to the society—a public relationship with him as his vice presi- task that he found considerably more gratifying. dent. Although he realized that they would His subject: the recently discovered fossil re- probably disagree on many issues, Jefferson mains of a large animal, found in western Vir- deeply respected Adams’ prior service to the ginia, that he called the ‘‘Megalonyx’’ or ‘‘Great 25 nation.22 Claw.’’ Jefferson would preside over the soci- On the eve of their inaugurations, Adams and ety until 1815. He considered his contributions Jefferson met briefly to discuss the possibility of to its proceedings among his proudest sending Jefferson to France as part of a three- endeavors. member delegation to calm the increasingly tur- A Republican Leader bulent relations between the two countries. After his inauguration, Jefferson had written to When the two men concluded that this would be Aaron Burr (the former New York senator and an improper role for the vice president, they intended vice-presidential candidate on the Re- agreed on substituting Jefferson’s political ally, publican ticket) to complain about the partisan James Madison. The bond between president direction of the new Federalist administration and vice president seemed—for the moment— and seek his aid in building Republican support particularly close. in the northeast. This move signalled Jefferson’s Several days after the inauguration, Jefferson intention to play an active political role during encountered the president at a dinner party. He his vice-presidency. With James Madison retired took the opportunity to report that Madison was from the House of Representatives and the new not interested in the diplomatic mission to House leader, , preoccupied with France. Adams replied that, in any event, he the nation’s financial problems, Jefferson stood would not have been able to select Madison be- as the country’s preeminent Republican leader. cause of pressure from within his cabinet to ap- Considering himself separate from the executive point a Federalist. This confirmed Jefferson’s branch, he felt free to criticize the Adams admin- view that the new president lacked his own po- istration. Yet, to avoid public controversy, he litical and was too easily swayed by limited his criticism to private communications partisan advisers. Thereafter, Adams never con- with political allies, particularly after the distor- sulted Jefferson on an issue of national signifi- tion of a letter he had written in April 1796 to cance.23 For his part, the vice president turned the Italian intellectual . exclusively to his political role as leader of the In that letter, composed as Federalists and Re- Republicans and to his governmental duty as the publicans battled over the pro-British Jay Treaty, Senate’s presiding officer. Jefferson had complained about the Federalists [ 21 ] THOMAS JEFFERSON as ‘‘an Anglican monarchical, and aristocratical ‘‘Do not let the enclosed paper be seen in my party’’ whose intention was to impose the sub- handwriting.’’ 28 A month later, after Tazewell’s stance of British government, as well as its forms, effort failed, Jefferson confided to Madison that on the United States. Federalists in high govern- the Federalists ‘‘consider themselves as the bul- ment posts were ‘‘timid men who prefer the calm warks of the government, and will be rendering of to the boisterous sea of .’’ 26 that the more secure, in proportion as they can A translated version of his strongly worded com- assume greater powers.’’ 29 munication appeared in several European news- Alien and Acts papers and in a May 1797 edition of the New Deteriorating relations with France pre- York Minerva. Liberties taken in translation occupied the government during Jefferson’s served only to increase the letter’s tone of par- vice-presidency and fostered anti-French senti- tisan intemperance. Federalists offered the letter ment at home. No one event caused the conflict, as evidence of the vice president’s demagoguery, but a decree of the ruling Directory and a series and the affair increased animosity between the of French proposals fueled the spreading fire. political parties. Unhappy with the consequences The decree declared that neutral ships with Eng- of the Mazzei letter, Jefferson cautioned all fu- lish merchandise or commodities could be ture correspondents to ‘‘[t]ake care that nothing seized. Congress, in turn, sought to protect 27 from my letters gets into the newspapers.’’ American commerce by authorizing the arming Although Jefferson greatly respected the insti- of private vessels. tution of the Senate, he had little affection for the In what proved to be a futile attempt to im- Federalist senators over whom he presided. The prove relations, President Adams sent three en- Federalists enjoyed a 22-to-10 majority in 1797 voys to France. When they reached Paris in Octo- and Jefferson expected the worst. Fearing that ber 1797, however, the French government re- the majority might routinely employ the Senate’s fused to receive them until they satisfied require- power to try impeachments to quiet senators ments that the considered insulting. who harbored contrary views, Jefferson took Minor French officials—publicly labeled ‘‘X, Y, more than a passing interest in the impeachment and Z’’—met with the envoys and presented proceedings against his fellow Republican, proposals that included a request for a $12 mil- former Tennessee senator , whose lion loan and a $250,000 bribe in exchange for trial he presided over in December 1798. Almost recognition of the United States and the estab- a year earlier, as the Senate worked to establish lishment of formal ties. Despite his sympathies rules and procedures for the first impeachment for France, Jefferson viewed the proposals as a trial, the vice president had secretly reinforced supreme insult, yet he understood that a war Virginia Senator ’s argument could undermine the nation’s newly set constitu- that Blount had a Sixth Amendment right to a tional foundations and strengthen the pro-British , providing precedents he extracted Federalist leadership. from the parliamentary writings of William The publication in April 1798 of what became Blackstone and Richard Woddeson. ‘‘The object known as the ‘‘XYZ papers’’ produced wide- in supporting this engraftment into impeach- spread anger and created a frenzied atmosphere ments,’’ he wrote Tazewell on January 27, 1798, in which overzealous patriotism flourished. In ‘‘is to lessen the dangers of the court of impeach- an effort to restore their party’s popularity, Fed- ment under its present form & to induce disposi- eralist legislators—recently the targets of public tions in all parties in favor of a better constituted scorn for their support of the unpopular Jay trea- court of impeachment, which I own I consider ty with England—seized on the anti-French hos- as an useful thing, if so composed as to be clear tility that the XYZ affair had generated. Federal- of the spirit of faction.’’ Anxious to conceal his ists in Congress, their numbers expanded in re- role in the Republican effort to circumscribe the sponse to public anger against France, quickly impeachment power, he cautioned Tazewell, passed a series of tough measures to set the na- [ 22 ] THOMAS JEFFERSON tion on a war footing. Most notorious of these By chance, Nicholas encountered John Breckin- statutes were the Sedition Act, the ridge, a member of the Kentucky house of rep- Act, and the Alien Act, all viewed by their Re- resentatives, many of whose members strongly publican opponents as distinctly partisan meas- opposed these repressive laws. Breckinridge ures to curtail individual rights.30 agreed to introduce Jefferson’s resolutions in his The Senate approved the Sedition Act on July legislature while keeping their author’s identity 4, 1798, in the final days of the Fifth Congress secret. after Jefferson had left for Virginia. The statute The first sentence of Jefferson’s ‘‘Kentucky curtailed the rights of Americans to criticize their Resolutions’’ asserted: government and provided punishment for any That the several states composing the United person writing, uttering, or publishing ‘‘any States of America are not united on the principle false, scandalous and malicious writing’’ against of unlimited submission to their general govern- the president or Congress with the intent of in- ment, but that, by a compact under the style and flaming public passions against them.31 The Fed- title of a Constitution for the United States, and eralists immediately invoked the law’s provi- of amendments thereto, they constituted a gen- sions to suppress Republican criticism. eral government for special purposes,—dele- The Naturalization Act was also a decidedly gated to that government certain definite powers, partisan measure in that it targeted immigrants, reserving, each State to itself, the residuary mass who tended to support the Republican party, by of right to their own self-government; and that lengthening the residency requirements for U.S. whensoever the general government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, citizenship from five to fourteen years.32 Finally, void, and of no force.36 President Adams, on June 25, 1798, signed a third repressive law passed by the Federalist Although the vice president had no desire to Congress. The Alien Act, which Jefferson called subvert the Union, his suggestion that any state ‘‘a most detestable thing,’’ authorized the presi- had the power to nullify a federal law if it deter- dent, acting unilaterally, to deport any nonciti- mined the legislation to be unconstitutional whom he viewed as ‘‘dangerous to the peace harbored grave consequences for the nation’s and safety of the United States.’’ 33 Adams never stability. He also argued that the federal judici- exercised this power, but the Act inflamed the ary should not decide issues of constitutionality dispute over the scope of presidential power in because it was a partisan arm of the federal gov- the young nation. ernment. Jefferson did not specifically call for the Jefferson recognized that these measures nullification of the , but raised fundamental questions regarding the divi- he did use the word ‘‘nullify,’’ which was subse- sion of between the national and quently dropped from the version of the resolu- state and the means for settling dis- tion that the Kentucky legislature adopted in No- putes between the two levels of government. As vember 1798. vice president and head of the party that this leg- The Virginia legislature passed similar meas- islation was designed to restrain, Jefferson found ures prepared in a less strident form by James himself powerless at the national level to combat Madison who, like Jefferson, found the Sedition these measures that he believed were ‘‘so pal- and Alien laws to be constitutionally flawed and pably in the teeth of the Constitution as to shew dangerous to individual freedom. To Jefferson’s they mean to pay no respect to it.’’ 34 chagrin, no other states joined in this action, as Looking to the states to provide an arena for most thought Jefferson’s ideas too constructive action, Jefferson drafted a set of res- extreme. The resolutions as passed in Kentucky olutions assailing these acts as unconstitutional and Virginia simply called on states to seek re- violations of .35 He sent them to peal of the odious statutes through their rep- Wilson Nicholas, a member of the Virginia as- resentatives at the next session of Congress.37 sembly, with a request that he arrange for their The Kentucky legislature passed additional reso- introduction in the legislature. lutions in 1799—specifically calling for nullifica- [ 23 ] THOMAS JEFFERSON tion of objectionable laws. Although Jefferson of the late twentieth century as it was to the Sen- sympathized with their aim, he had no part in ate of the late eighteenth century. Reflecting the their drafting. Congress did not renew the Alien Manual’s continuing value, the Senate in 1993 and Sedition acts in 1801 when they expired. provided for its publication in a special edition Thomas Jefferson’s involvement with the Ken- to commemorate the 250th anniversary of Jeffer- tucky Resolutions reflected his passion for pro- son’s birth. tecting from repressive measures Jefferson had conceived the idea of a par- by omnipotent government. He favored a gov- liamentary manual as he prepared to assume the ernmental system that would resist tyranny and duties of the vice-presidency early in 1797. John corruption. He found to be closest Adams offered an inadequate model for the role to his ideal of a balanced and strong yet non- of presiding officer, for he had earned a reputa- intrusive form of government. ‘‘The legitimate tion for officious behavior in the Senate presi- powers of government,’’ he wrote, ‘‘extend to dent’s chair. To avoid the criticism that attended such acts only as are injurious to others.’’ 38 Yet Adams’ performance, Jefferson believed the Sen- his philosophy did allow for a distinction be- ate’s presiding officer needed to follow ‘‘some tween the relative powers of the state and federal known system of rules, that he may neither leave governments. himself free to indulge caprice or passion, nor Conditioned by his overriding fear of central- open to the imputation of them.’’ 40 The lack of ized power, Jefferson argued that the federal carefully delineated rules, he feared, would government could not infringe on the freedom make the Senate prone to the extremes of chaos of the press. He vehemently opposed the Sedi- and tyranny. He was particularly concerned tion Act, but he believed the states had the right about the operation of Senate Rule 16, which pro- to restrict the press to some degree. The possibil- vided that the presiding officer was to be solely ity that states might abuse this power did not responsible for deciding all questions of order, concern Jefferson. On the contrary, he saw the ‘‘without debate and without appeal.’’ 41 states as the bulwarks of freedom, as his involve- Before leaving Virginia to take up his new du- ment with the Kentucky Resolutions dem- ties, Jefferson had contacted his old mentor, onstrated. Years later, he would write, ‘‘the true . Acknowledging that he had not barriers of our liberty in this country are our concerned himself about legislative matters for State governments; and the wisest conservative many years, Jefferson asked Wythe to help re- power ever contrived by man, is that of which fresh his memory by loaning him notes on par- our Revolution and present government found liamentary procedure that Wythe had made us possessed.’’ 39 years earlier. To Jefferson’s disappointment, the Jefferson sought to enhance the authority of eminent jurist reported that he had lost track of the states only to further the cause of individual his notes and that his memory no longer served rights. But when a foreign nation posed a threat him well. Jefferson then consulted his ‘‘Par- to the country, Jefferson was quick to underscore liamentary Pocketbook,’’ which included notes the importance of the Union, which he described on parliamentary procedure he had taken when as ‘‘the last anchor of our hope.’’ Though he he studied under Wythe and during his service would eschew war at all costs, Jefferson believed as a member of the Virginia house of burgesses. the states had an obligation to support the Although he considered these notes his ‘‘pillar,’’ Union, even if it blundered into war. he realized they would be of little direct assist- ance in resolving Senate procedural disputes. Jefferson’s Manual The new vice president admired the British Thomas Jefferson’s Manual of Parliamentary House of Commons’ rules of procedure because, Practice is, without question, the distinguishing in the words of a former Speaker, they provided feature of his vice-presidency. The single greatest ‘‘a shelter and protection to the minority, against contribution to the Senate by any person to serve the attempts of power.’’ 42 ‘‘Its rules are probably as vice president, it is as relevant to the Senate as wisely constructed for governing the debates [ 24 ] THOMAS JEFFERSON of a deliberative body, and obtaining its true his predecessor and left every successor his sense, as any which can become known to us.’’ 43 debtor.’’ 46 A Senate in which the Federalists had a two-to- one majority over the Republicans accentuated President Jefferson’s fears and made him particularly sen- On , 1801, after thirty-six ballots, sitive to the preservation of minority rights. Dis- the House of Representatives elected Thomas Jef- trusting the process in which small committees ferson president of the United States.47 Follow- under majority party control made key decisions, ing the precedent that Vice President Adams set the vice president wished to protect minority in- in February 1797, Jefferson delivered a brief fare- terests by emphasizing those procedures that well address to the Senate on February 28, 1801. permitted each senator to have a say in impor- He thanked members for their indulgence of his tant matters. weaknesses. Jefferson compiled his Manual of Parliamentary Practice during the course of his four-year vice- In the discharge of my functions here, it has presidency. He designed it to contain guidance been my conscientious endeavor to observe im- for the Senate drawn from ‘‘the precepts of the partial without regard to persons or sub- Constitution, the regulations of the Senate, and jects; and if I have failed of impressing this on where these are silent, the rules of Parliament.’’ the mind of the Senate, it will be to me a cir- To broaden his understanding of legislative pro- cumstance of the deepest regret. . . . I owe to truth and justice, at the same time, to declare, that the cedure, Jefferson studied noteworthy works on habits of order and decorum, which so strongly the British Parliament such as John Hatsell’s characterize the proceedings of the Senate, have three-volume Precedents of Proceedings in the rendered the umpirage of their President an of- House of Commons (1785), Anchitell Grey’s ten- fice of little difficulty; that, in times and on ques- volume edition of Debates in the House of Com- tions which have severely tried the sensibilities mons (1769), and Richard Wooddeson’s three- of the House, calm and temperate discussion has volume A Systematical View of the Laws of England rarely been disturbed by departures from (1792, 1794). The resulting Manual, loaded with order.48 references to these British parliamentary authori- After completing these remarks, Jefferson fol- ties, contained fifty-three sections devoted to lowed another Adams precedent by stepping such topics as privileges, petitions, motions, res- olutions, bills, treaties, conferences, and im- aside a few days prior to the end of the session. peachments. This action allowed the Senate to appoint a presi- Jefferson’s Manual was first published in 1801, dent pro tempore, a post filled only when the shortly after he became president. A second edi- vice president was absent from the capital. Next tion followed in 1812, and in 1837 the House of to the vice president in the line of presidential Representatives established that the rules listed succession at that time, the president pro tem- in the Manual would ‘‘govern the House in all pore would serve until the swearing in of a new cases to which they are applicable and in which vice president at the start of the next session. they are not inconsistent with the standing rules On March 4, 1801, Jefferson took the oath of and orders of the House and the joint rules of office as president of the United States, thereby the Senate.’’ 44 Although the Manual has not been successfully accomplishing the nation’s first treated as ‘‘a direct authority on parliamentary transfer of presidential power between the two procedure in the Senate,’’ 45 it is the Senate that major political parties. He served two terms as today more closely captures Jefferson’s ideal of president, retiring at last from public life in 1809. a genuinely deliberative body. His emphasis on He renewed his friendship with John Adams, order and decorum changed the way the Senate and the two men corresponded regularly until of his day operated. In the assessment of Dumas their deaths—both dying on July 4, 1826, the fif- Malone, Jefferson ‘‘exercised his limited func- tieth anniversary of Jefferson’s Declaration of tions [as presiding officer] with greater care than Independence. [ 25 ] THOMAS JEFFERSON

Jefferson’s Contributions His popular success was due in considerable Thomas Jefferson infused the vice-presidency part to his identification of himself with causes with his genius through the contribution of his for which time was fighting—notably the broad- ening of the political base—and to his remarkable Manual of Parliamentary Practice—a magisterial sensitivity to fluctuations in public opinion. As guide to legislative procedure that has retained a practical politician, he worked through other its broad utility through two centuries. He also men, whom he energized and who gave him to contributed to the office his example of skillful an extraordinary degree their devoted coopera- behind-the-scenes legislative leadership, and he tion. His leadership was due not to self-assertive- offered a philosophical compass on the issues of ness and imperiousness of will but to the fact that constitutionalism and individual rights. Biog- circumstances had made him a symbolic figure rapher Dumas Malone provides a final analysis and that to an acute intelligence and unceasing of Jefferson’s style as party leader during his industry he joined a dauntless and contagious vice-presidential tenure: faith. 48

[ 26 ] NOTES 1 Paul Leicester Ford, The Writings of Thomas Jefferson 15 Jefferson to Rush, January 22, 1797, in Ford, 7:114; Ma- (New York, 1892–1899), vol. 7, p. 114. lone, Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty, p. 292. 2 Biographical accounts of Jefferson’s life are plentiful and 16 Ford, 7:93–94. rich. The definitive modern study is Dumas Malone, Jeffer- 17 Only two other vice presidents subsequently shared son and His Time, 6 vols. (Boston, 1948–1981). The volume Adams’ pleasant task: Martin Van Buren in 1837 and in that series that covers the years of his vice-presidency George Bush in 1989. is Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty (Boston, 1962). A first- 18 Malone, Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty, p. 295. rate single-volume biography is Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., 19 U.S., Congress, Annals of Congress, March 4, 1797, pp. In Pursuit of Reason: The Life of Thomas Jefferson (Baton Rouge, 1580–82. 1987). For the period of Jefferson’s vice-presidency, see 20 Jefferson to Gerry, May 13, 1797, in Ford, 7:120. Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., The Jeffersonian Republicans: The 21 Malone, Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty, p. 300. Formation of Party Organization, 1789–1801 (Chapel Hill, 22 Ibid., p. 293; Cunningham, In Pursuit of Reason, pp. 206– 1957). For a series of twenty-five excellent essays that focus 7; John Ferling, John Adams: A Life (Knoxville, 1992), pp. 332– on each of Jefferson’s ‘‘extraordinary collection of talents,’’ 34. see Merrill D. Peterson, ed., Thomas Jefferson: A Reference Bi- 23 Malone, Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty, p. 299. ography (New York, 1986). This work also contains a com- 24 Silvio A. Bedini, ‘‘Man of Science,’’ in Peterson, ed., p. prehensive bibliography. There are several major collections 257. of Jefferson’s writings, including Paul Leicester Ford, The 25 Cunningham, In Pursuit of Reason, 206–7; Malone, Jeffer- Writings of Thomas Jefferson, 10 vols. (New York, 1892–1899) son and the Ordeal of Liberty, chapter XXII; Bedini, in Peter- and the more comprehensive, but as yet incomplete, Julian son, ed., pp. 253–76. P. Boyd, et al., eds., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson 26 Ford, 7: 76; Cunningham, The Jeffersonian Republicans, (1950–). The latter work has appeared to date only to the p. 119. mid-1790s and thus is of no assistance for the vice-presi- 27 Jefferson to Colonel Bell, May 18, 1797, in Andrew A. dential period. One volume associated with this massive Lipscomb and Albert Ellery Bergh, ed., The Writings of project, however, is of direct value; appearing as part of the Thomas Jefferson (Washington, 1903), 9:387; Cunningham, project’s ‘‘Second Series’’ is Wilbur Samuel Howell, ed., Jef- The Jeffersonian Republicans, pp. 118–19. ferson’s Parliamentary Writings: ‘Parliamentary Pocket-Book’ 28 Thomas Jefferson to Henry Tazewell, January 27, 1798, and A Manual of Parliamentary Practice (Princeton, 1988). in Ford, 7:194–95. 3 For a thorough study of Jefferson’s early years see Marie 29 Thomas Jefferson to James Madison, February 22, 1798, Kimball, Jefferson: The Road to Glory, 1743 to 1776 (New York, in Ford, 7:206–8. 1943) and Dumas Malone, Jefferson the Virginian (Boston, 30 Malone, Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty, chapter XXIV. 1948). 31 1 Stat. 596–597. 4 Cunningham, In Pursuit of Reason, pp. 64–75. 32 1 Stat. 566–569. 5 Dumas Malone, ‘‘The Life of Thomas Jefferson,’’ in Pe- 33 1 Stat. 570–572. terson, ed., p. 7. 34 Jefferson to James Madison, , 1798, in Ford, 7:267. 6 Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., ‘‘The Jeffersonian Republican 35 This issue is treated in full detail in Malone, Jefferson Party,’’ in History of U.S. Political Parties, ed. Arthur M. and the Ordeal of Liberty, chapter XXV. Schlesinger, Jr. (New York, 1973), 1:240. 36 Ford, 8:458–61. 7 Kenneth R. Bowling and Helen E. Veit, eds., The Diary 37 Cunningham, In Pursuit of Reason, pp. 217–18. of William Maclay and Other Notes on Senate Debates, Docu- 38 Quoted in Malone, Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty, p. mentary History of the First Federal Congress of the United 393. States of America, vol. 9 (Baltimore, 1988), p. 275. 39 Jefferson to Destutt de Tracy, January 16, 1888, in Ford, 8 Cunningham, ‘‘The Jeffersonian Republican Party,’’ pp. 9:308–10; Malone, Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty, p. 394. 246–47. 40 Thomas Jefferson, A Manual of Parliamentary Practice for 9 Malone, Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty, pp. 274–75. the Use of the Senate of the United States, in The Papers of 10 Quoted in Cunningham, ‘‘The Jeffersonian Republican Thomas Jefferson, Second Series, Jefferson’s Parliamentary Party,’’ p. 249. Writings, Wilbur Samuel Howell, ed., p. 355. Howell has 11 Malone, Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty, p. 291. produced the definitive scholarly edition of Jefferson’s Man- 12 Ibid., p. 274. ual (pp. 339–444). 13 Ibid., p. 278. 41 U.S., Congress, Senate, History of the Committee on Rules 14 Congressional Quarterly’s Guide to U.S. Elections, 3d ed. and Administration, United States Senate, S. Doc. 96–27, 96th (Washington, 1994), p. 361. Cong., 1st sess., p. 6.

[ 27 ] THOMAS JEFFERSON

42 Speaker Arthur Onslow quoted in Section I of Jeffer- has abetted self-government in countries as far away as the son’s Manual of Parliamentary Practice, Howell ed., p. 357. Philippines, where over one-hundred years later it was 43 Howell, ed., p. 355. adopted as a supplementary guide in that nation’s senate 44 The Senate has regularly published that work as a com- and house of representatives. panion to the body’s formal rules. The Manual was included 45 U.S., Congress, Senate, Riddick’s Senate Procedure: Prece- as a section within the Senate Manual from 1886 to 1975 and dents and Practices, by Floyd M. Riddick and Alan S. Frumin, was republished in 1993, on the occasion of the 250th anni- S. Doc. 101–28, 101st Cong., 1st sess., p. 754. versary of Jefferson’s birth, in the original 1801 edition. 46 Malone, Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty, pp. 452–53. Some practices discussed in Jefferson’s Manual set core 47 A description of this election and the resulting Twelfth precedents that the Senate has followed ever since, although Amendment to the Constitution appears in Chapter 3 of this the work is not considered a direct authority on procedure. volume, ‘‘Aaron Burr.’’ The Manual’s influence quickly extended beyond domestic 48 Annals of Congress, 6th Cong., 1st sess., pp. 753–54. legislatures, as editors translated the work into other lan- 48 Malone, ‘‘The Life of Thomas Jefferson,’’ in Peterson, guages. At least 143 editions have been printed. The work ed., p. 15.

[ 28 ] Chapter 3 AARON BURR 1801–1805

[ 29 ] AARON BURR Chapter 3 AARON BURR

3rd Vice President: 1801–1805

Was there in Greece or Rome a man of virtue and independence, and supposed to possess great tal- ents, who was not the subject of vindictive and unrelenting persecution? —AARON BURR TO 1

I never, indeed thought him an honest, frank-dealing man, but considered him as a crooked gun, or other perverted machine, whose aim or stroke you could never be sure of. —THOMAS JEFFERSON 2

Col. Burr . . . [is] Not by any means a model man . . . but not so bad as it is the fashion to paint him. —GEORGE W. JOHNSON 3

Congressional Republicans were in a festive respondence, entrusted to his daughter for safe- mood on January 24, 1804, as they gathered at keeping, was lost in 1812, when the ship carrying Stelle’s Hotel on Capitol Hill for a banquet cele- Theodosia Burr Alston from South Carolina to brating the transfer of the Territory to New York for a long-awaited reunion with her the United States. The festivities began at noon father disappeared off the North Carolina with the discharge of ‘‘three pieces of cannon.’’ Coast.5 President Thomas Jefferson and Vice President Burr was one of the most maligned and mis- Aaron Burr were among the honored guests; trusted public figures of his era—and, without they departed after the banquet, but the revelry question, the most controversial vice president of continued until nightfall. ‘‘A number of the the early republic—but he never attempted to guests drank so many toasts that in the night justify or explain his actions to his friends or to they returned to their houses without their hats,’’ his enemies. One editor of Burr’s papers has la- one contemporary reported. But when one cele- mented, ‘‘Almost alone among the men who brant offered a toast to Vice President Burr, the held high office in the early decades of this na- effect was pronounced and chilling: ‘‘few tion, Burr left behind no lengthy recriminations cheered him,’’ the chronicler observed, ‘‘& many against his enemies . . . no explanations and jus- declined drinking it.’’ 4 tifications for his actions.’’ He seems to have None of Aaron Burr’s contemporaries knew cared very little what his contemporaries quite what to make of this complex and fascinat- thought of him, or how historians would judge ing individual. As Senator Robert C. Byrd ob- him.6 Few figures in American history have been served in his November 13, 1987, address on the as vilified, or as romanticized, by modern writ- life and career of this controversial vice presi- ers.7 Urbane and charming, generous beyond dent, ‘‘there is much that we will never know prudence, proud, shrewd, and ambitious, he about the man.’’ Much of Burr’s early cor- stood apart from other public figures of his day. [ 31 ] AARON BURR

An anomaly in an era when public office was a biographer relates, ‘‘come to the conclusion that duty to be gravely and solemnly accepted but the road to Heaven was open to all alike.’’ 10 In never pursued with unseemly enthusiasm, Burr May 1774, he moved to Litchfield, Connecticut, enjoyed the ‘‘game’’ of politics. His zest for poli- to study law under his brother-in-law, Tapping tics enabled him to endure the setbacks and de- Reeve, but the outbreak of the American Revolu- feats he experienced throughout his checkered tion interrupted his studies. career, but, as Mary-Jo Kline, the editor of Burr’s Burr joined the march on Quebec as an uncom- papers suggests, it also gave him the ‘‘spectacu- pensated ‘‘gentleman volunteer’’ in the summer lar ability to inspire suspicion—even fear— of 1775. His bravery under fire during the ill- among the more conventional Founding fated assault on that heavily fortified city on De- Fathers.’’ 8 cember 31, 1775, won him a coveted appoint- ment as an aide to the American commander in Early Years chief, General George Washington, but he was Aaron Burr was born at Newark, , almost immediately reassigned to General Israel on , 1756. His father, Aaron Burr, Sr., Putnam. Burr served as Putnam’s aide until 1777, was a highly respected clerical scholar who when he finally received a commission as a lieu- served as pastor of the Newark First Pres- tenant colonel and command of his own regi- byterian Church and as president of the College ment. Washington seems to have taken an imme- of New Jersey (now ). His diate dislike to his ambitious young aide, and mother, , was the daughter Burr appears to have reciprocated this sentiment. of the noted Puritan theologian and scholar, Jon- When Washington ordered the court-martial of athan Edwards, who is most often remembered General for dilatory conduct at the for his passionate and fiery sermons. The family Courthouse, New Jersey, in moved to Princeton when the college relocated June 1778, Burr sided with Lee. His own regi- there soon after the future vice president’s birth, ment had suffered heavy losses during the en- but Burr did not remain there long. His father gagement after Washington ordered Burr to hold contracted a fever and died when young Aaron an exposed position in the blazing ninety-six-de- was only a year-and-a-half old. His mother and gree heat. But notwithstanding his dislike for her parents died soon thereafter. An orphan by Colonel Burr, Washington respected his abilities, the age of two, Burr and his older sister, Sally, assigning him the difficult but crucial task of de- moved to Philadelphia, where they lived with termining the future movements of the British family friends until 1759, when their uncle, Tim- forces in New York. Burr later commanded the othy Edwards of Stockbridge, Massachusetts, be- troops stationed at Westchester, New York, im- came their legal guardian. posing a rigid but effective discipline that Edwards and his young wards moved to Eliza- brought order to the frontier outpost where un- beth Town, New Jersey, the following year. ruly soldiers and footloose marauders had for- Uncle Timothy soon discovered that Esther’s merly terrorized the nearby settlers. Burr re- ‘‘Little dirty Noisy Boy’’ had inherited much of signed his commission in early 1779, his health the Edwards family’s renowned intellect but lit- broken by the accumulated stresses of several ex- tle of their piety. High-spirited, independent, hausting campaigns. He always took pride in his precocious and self-confident, young Aaron at military record, and for the remainder of his long first studied with a private tutor. In 1769 he life, admirers referred to him as ‘‘Colonel began his studies at the College of New Jersey, Burr.’’ 11 Of his many accomplishments, only graduating in 1772. In 1773, he enrolled in the two are memorialized on the stone that marks Reverend ’s school at Bethlehem, his grave: Colonel in the Army of the Revolution, Connecticut, to prepare for the ministry but soon and Vice President of the United States.12 realized that he could neither wholly accept the Aaron Burr lived an unsettled existence after Calvinist discipline of his forebears nor forgo the leaving the army, travelling about the country- distractions of the town.9 He had, his authorized side, visiting friends and family, and studying [ 32 ] AARON BURR law as his health permitted. In 1782, he began to forgive Burr or shrewd enough to realize that his legal practice and married Theodosia Bartow the brilliant young newcomer would soon Prevost, the widow of a officer. In emerge as a key player in New York politics, ap- November 1783, the Burr family—which in- pointed him attorney general in 1789. In 1791, cluded his wife’s two sons by her first husband Clinton helped orchestrate Burr’s election to the and an infant daughter, named Theodosia for her U. S. Senate, unseating Senator mother—moved to New York after British forces and making a lifelong enemy of Schuyler’s son- evacuated the city. Burr lavished special atten- in-law, Alexander Hamilton.17 tion on his only child, carefully supervising her Senator Burr had acquired a taste for politics— education and cultivating her intellect. Young a profession that, he would later advise an aspir- ‘‘Theo,’’ in turn, idolized her father, and she be- ing candidate, he found ‘‘a great deal of fun.’’ 18 came his closest confidante after her mother died In 1792, he entered the New York gubernatorial in 1794.13 race but soon withdrew in Clinton’s favor. Northern Republicans mentioned him as a pro- Early Political Career spective vice-presidential candidate in 1792, but Burr was an able lawyer. A New York law bar- Burr deferred to Clinton again after southern Re- ring non-Whigs from the legal profession publicans refused to support the ambitious worked to his advantage as he rose to promi- young senator. Better to select ‘‘a person of more nence in that calling. At this stage in his career, advanced life and longer standing in publick he was not, apparently, an adherent of any par- trust,’’ James Monroe of Virginia cautioned, ticular political persuasion. Despite his alacrity ‘‘particularly one who in consequence of such in responding to the call for volunteers at the service had given unequivocal proofs of what his outbreak of the Revolution, he seems to have principles really were.’’ 19 been curiously detached from the political fer- Burr was a vehement partisan in the Senate, ment that brought it about. Once Burr began his siding with the anti-administration forces who political career, he served a single term in the opposed Hamilton’s financial system and Wash- New York assembly during the 1784–1785 ses- ington’s foreign policy. He mounted a spirited, sion, 14 not returning to public life until 1788. though unsuccessful, defense of Pennsylvania Then, as the editors of his papers suggest, he Senator Albert Gallatin, the Swiss-born Repub- ‘‘appears to have played a minor and equivocal lican who was unseated in 1794 after the Federal- role’’ in the New York debate over ratification ist majority determined that he did not meet the of the proposed federal constitution. The radical Constitution’s nine-year citizenship requirement touted Burr as a possible delegate for senators. He voted against Washington’s to the ratification convention, but, for reasons he nomination of as an envoy to Great Brit- never elaborated, he declined to serve.15 Before ain in 1794, on the grounds that it would be long, however, he abandoned whatever reserva- ‘‘mischievous and impolitic’’ to appoint Jay, the tions he may have had with respect to the new chief justice of the United States, to ‘‘any other Constitution. ‘‘After adoption by ten states,’’ he office or employment emanating from, and hold- advised one correspondent, ‘‘I think it became en at the pleasure of, the executive.’’ Burr was both politic and necessary to adopt it.’’ 16 also one of the most outspoken opponents of the Burr was soon actively involved in New York unpopular ‘‘Jay Treaty,’’ which the Federalist- politics. Joining forces with his future rival, Alex- dominated Senate approved in 1795.20 ander Hamilton, he supported Richard Yates— In 1796, the determined senator again set his a moderate Antifederalist and a longstanding sights on the vice-presidency, and—in a striking friend who had helped him win admission to the departure from eighteenth-century electoral eti- bar—in the 1789 gubernatorial election. Yates quette—began an energetic campaign to secure lost to George Clinton, a more ardent Anti- the support of his fellow Republicans. On June federalist who had served as governor of New 26, 1796, the Republican caucus endorsed him as York since 1777. Governor Clinton, either willing their vice-presidential candidate, although, as [ 33 ] AARON BURR

Burr’s biographers have noted, ‘‘For their party’s ted, ‘‘by his arts & intrigues . . . done a great deal vice-presidential nomination, the Republicans towards revolutionizing the State,’’ 24 building a were less unified than in their determination that political base that would help launch his national [Thomas Jefferson] was the man to head their career. Burr’s vehement opposition to the Alien party’s drive to oust the ‘aristocrats.’’’ Repub- and Sedition Acts in the New York assembly had licans concentrated on capturing the presidency won Republicans the support of New York’s but succeeded only in electing Thomas Jefferson large and rapidly growing immigrant commu- vice president. Over half of the electors who nity. In a feat one admirer attributed to ‘‘the voted for Jefferson failed to cast their second intervention of a Supreme Power and our friend votes for Burr, who finished a disappointing Burr the agent,’’ he ensured that fourth with only thirty electoral votes.21 elected a Republican delegation to the state legis- Burr retired from the Senate in 1797. The fol- lature in 1800, laying the groundwork for a Re- lowing year, he returned to the New York assem- publican victory in the presidential contest later bly, making several enemies during his brief and that year. New York was one of the states in troubled term. He advocated defensive measures which the legislature selected presidential elec- to protect New York harbor as relations with tors, and its 12 electors comprised over 15 per- France worsened in the wake of the ‘‘X,Y,Z af- cent of the 70 votes necessary to achieve an elec- fair’’—a prudent stance, given New York’s stra- toral majority. Republican control of the New tegic importance and vulnerable location, but York legislature was crucial, and New York one that prompted accusations from more doc- City’s thirteen-member delegation gave the trinaire Republicans that Burr had joined the party a majority.25 Federalist camp. He became vulnerable to The Election of 1800 charges that he had abused the public trust for his personal benefit when he participated in a In 1800, Republican strategists hoped to ce- private land speculation venture in western New ment their fledgling coalition by seeking, for geo- York and then sought to enact legislation remov- graphical balance, a New Yorker as their vice- ing restrictions on land ownership by nonciti- presidential candidate. One obvious choice was —a measure that would increase the value New York’s elder statesman, George Clinton, but of his western lands. Working in concert with his reluctance to enter the race 26 cleared the way Hamilton, Burr helped secure a charter and raise for Burr’s unanimous nomination by the Repub- subscriptions for a private company to improve lican caucus on May 11, 1800. Although Jefferson the water supply of pestilence-ridden Manhat- would later claim—after Burr discredited him- tan, but New Yorkers were shocked to learn that self by his behavior during the election and in the surplus capital from the venture had been office—that he had harbored reservations about used to establish the Bank of . Al- his New York lieutenant from the time of their though Federalists were heavily involved in the first meeting in 1791 or 1792, contemporary cor- , the bank was controlled by Repub- respondence suggests that their relationship was licans. New York voters, suspicious as they were cordial during the 1790s. If Jefferson had reserva- of banks, deserted the party in droves in the 1799 tions about Burr in 1800, he laid them aside to state election, and Burr was turned out of of- secure a Republican victory, using his influence fice.22 One observer commented in disgust that to ensure that all of Virginia’s twenty-one elec- the Republicans ‘‘had such a damn’d ticket that tors would cast their second votes for his run- no decent man could hold up his head to support ning mate.27 it.’’ 23 Jefferson waged a behind-the-scenes cam- But although some Republicans were increas- paign, writing letters to his political lieutenants ingly uncomfortable with Burr’s questionable fi- and encouraging the preparation and dissemina- nancial dealings and his willingness to cooperate tion of pamphlets and press accounts critical of with Federalists to achieve his ends, he remained John Adams’ administration, which had sup- a valuable asset. He had, one Federalist admit- ported the Alien and Sedition Acts and increased [ 34 ] AARON BURR the military establishment. Burr was an active Pinckney of South Carolina, they had failed to campaigner, visiting and Connecti- elect a president. Jefferson and Burr, whether by cut in late August to shore up Republican sup- neglect or miscalculation, would each receive 73 port. ‘‘The Matter of V.P—is of very little com- electoral votes. The election would be decided by parative Consequence,’’ he informed one cor- the House of Representatives, as provided in Ar- respondent as he speculated that the election ticle II, section 1, of the Constitution, which di- might result in the election of Jefferson as presi- rected that ‘‘if there be more that one [candidate] dent and Adams as vice president, ‘‘and any Sac- who have such a majority, and have an equal rifice on that head ought to be made to obtain Number of Votes, then the House of Representa- a single vote for J————.’’ 28 Surprising as it tives shall immediately chuse by Ballot one of might appear to modern observers, Burr’s clearly them for President,’’ with ‘‘each State having one successful political prowess in the 1800 election Vote.’’ 30 The representatives from each state only raised suspicions among his rivals and al- would poll their delegation to determine how that he was not to be trusted. He did not fit their state would cast its single vote, with dead- the mold of the dispassionate statesmen who re- locked states abstaining. mained aloof from the fray of politics while their As soon as the outcome of the election became supporters worked to secure their election. But apparent, but before Congress met to count the ‘‘the creation of nationwide, popularly based po- electoral votes on , 1801, the Federal- litical parties,’’ one Burr scholar explains, ‘‘de- ists began a last-ditch effort to defeat Jefferson. manded men who were willing to . . . bargain Some, while resigned to a Republican victory, be- regional alliances, men able to climb the ladder lieved that the less partisan and more flexible of popular support and to convey their own en- Burr was by far the lesser of two evils. Others joyment of the ‘fun’ of politics.’’ In this respect, supported Burr in the hope that, if a deadlock she suggests, Burr was ‘‘The Ghost of Politics Yet could be prolonged indefinitely, the Federalist- to Come.’’ 29 dominated Congress could resolve the impasse Jefferson soon had ample reason to distrust with legislation authorizing the Senate to elect a Burr. In 1800, as in the three previous presi- Federalist president—a hope that had no con- dential elections, each elector cast two votes stitutional basis but demonstrated the uncertain without distinguishing between presidential and temper of the times. Alexander Hamilton, a vice-presidential candidates. Republican strate- prominent New York Federalist, actively op- gists expected that all of their electors would cast posed Burr, repeatedly attempting to convince one vote for Jefferson and that most—enough to his colleagues that Burr was a man whose ‘‘pub- guarantee that Burr would receive the second lic principles have no other spring or aim than highest number of votes but not enough to jeop- his own aggrandisement.’’ 31 ardize Jefferson’s margin—would cast their sec- Burr never explained his role in the drama that ond votes for Burr. Jefferson and his lieutenants subsequently unfolded in the House of Rep- left the implementation of this scheme to chance, resentatives, which cast thirty-six ballots before never asking even a single elector to withhold a finally declaring Jefferson the winner on Feb- vote from Burr, although Jefferson’s friend and ruary 17, 1801. The few comments he ventured adviser, James Madison, would later allege that at the time were guarded, evasive, and contradic- Republicans had been lulled by ‘‘false assurances tory. Professing indignation at rumors that he dispatched at the critical moment to the electors was soliciting Federalist support in an attempt of one state, that the votes of another would be to wrest the presidency from Jefferson, Burr ini- different from what they proved to be.’’ tially denied ‘‘that I could submit to be instru- Increasingly confident of victory as the news mental in counteracting the wishes & expecta- of the election filtered in from the states, Repub- tions of the U. S.,’’ instructing his friend Samuel licans were stunned to learn by mid-December Smith ‘‘to declare these sentiments if the occa- that, although they had clearly defeated Adams sion shall require.’’ One prominent Federalist, and his running mate, Charles Cotesworth of South Carolina, ad- [ 35 ] AARON BURR vised Burr against withdrawing from the presi- the House cast its thirty-sixth ballot on February dential contest, urging that he ‘‘take no step 17, and Federalists would whatsoever, by which the choice of the House of withhold their votes, a move that freed their pre- Representatives can be impeded or embarassed,’’ viously deadlocked delegations to vote for Jeffer- and instead ‘‘keep the game perfectly in your son. Bayard and the South Carolina representa- own hand.’’ Burr appears to have followed tives would cast blank ballots, further eroding Harper’s advice to the letter during the tense and Burr’s margin. Jefferson, with ten votes, would confused days that followed. He never actively become president, while Burr, with four, would solicited Federalist votes but seemed willing become vice president.35 enough to accept them. In late December, he in- The election, and the confusion that followed, formed Samuel Smith that, if the House elected exposed a critical flaw in the constitutional pro- him president, he would not step aside for vision governing the election of the president Jefferson.32 and the vice president. The Twelfth Amendment, Rumors of Burr’s change of heart soon ap- which passed both houses during the fall of 1803 peared in the press. Tempers flared and reports and was ratified by the requisite number of states of impending armed conflict spread, but Burr re- in time for the 1804 election, changed the method mained silent. When the House cast the first bal- of election by requiring electors to designate one lot on February 11, eight of the sixteen states— vote for a presidential candidate and the other one less than the simple majority required to for a vice-presidential candidate. Intended to elect the president—voted for Jefferson. Six prevent an unscrupulous vice-presidential can- states voted for Burr, with two states divided didate (or his supporters) from subverting the and not voting. This ratio remained constant electoral process, the amendment was a Repub- through thirty-four subsequent ballots taken lican initiative, sponsored in the House of Rep- over the course of a week. The deadlock was not resentatives by John Dawson (R-VA) and in the 36 resolved until February 17, when Jefferson re- Senate by Burr’s rival Clinton (R-NY). ceived the votes of ten states on the thirty-sixth Vice President Aaron Burr ballot. Representative James A. Bayard (F-DE) If Burr was at all chagrined by the outcome of and Burr himself finally resolved the impasse. As the election, or by the taint he had acquired from Delaware’s only representative, Bayard con- not emphatically renouncing his widely rumored trolled his state’s vote. He voted for Burr on the presidential aspirations, he gave no sign of it. ‘‘I first several ballots, but was under considerable join my hearty Congratulations on the Auspi- pressure from Hamilton to change his vote and cious events of the 17th:,’’ he wrote to Albert Gal- resolve the contest in Jefferson’s favor. (In thus latin while en route to Washington for the March throwing his support to Jefferson, Hamilton rose 4 inauguration; ‘‘as to the infamous slanders above partisan interests and helped to save the which have been so industriously circulated— nation.) Concluding that Burr could not muster they are now of little Consequence & those who enough Republican support to win the election believed them will doubtless blush at their own (and having received assurances with respect to Weakness.’’ 37 Burr arrived in Washington three Jefferson’s fiscal and appointments policies), days before the inauguration and found accom- Bayard finally informed his fellow Federalists modations in nearby Georgetown. that he could not ‘‘exclude Jefferson at the ex- On March 4, 1801, Senate President pro tem- pense of the Constitution.’’ 33 Correspondence pore (F-CT) administered the from Burr, who was awaiting the outcome of the oath of office to Burr in the Senate chamber on election in New York, had arrived on February the ground floor of the new Capitol in Washing- 15; these letters, now lost, revealed that he had ton. The new vice president offered a brief ex- abandoned any hope of winning the presi- temporaneous address of ‘‘about three sen- dency.34 His supporters finally agreed that, tences,’’ which the press ignored in favor of Jef- when the state delegations were polled before ferson’s elegant and conciliatory inaugural ad- [ 36 ] AARON BURR dress. Burr assumed the president’s chair and party, De Witt spared no effort to discredit the administered the oath of office to the newly elect- vice president in his home state. Assisted by ed senators who presented their credentials. [New York] American Citizen editor James When Jefferson and the presidential party ar- Cheetham, he waged a savage war against the rived in the Senate chamber, Burr left the Senate vice president in the local press.40 ‘‘The handbills president’s seat and joined Chief Justice John were numerous, of various descriptions, uniform Marshall to listen to Jefferson’s inaugural ad- however in Virulent and indecent abuse,’’ Burr dress. He later described the day as ‘‘serene & reported. ‘‘[T]o Vilify A.B. was deemed of so temperate—The Concourse of people im- much consequence, that packages of them were mense—all passed off handsomely—great joy sent to Various parts of the country.’’ It was be- but no riot.’’ 38 coming painfully apparent, one of his allies ob- The new vice president soon received a flood served, that the vice president’s ‘‘influence and of letters from friends, political allies and rel- weight with the Administration is in my opinion atives, seeking appointments in the new admin- not such as I could wish.’’ 41 Bereft of the political istration or demanding the removal of Adams’ base that had made him a formidable force in Federalist appointees. Burr, who could never New York politics and an attractive vice-presi- refuse a friend and considered a dential prospect, he was now a liability to the ad- means of cementing alliances and paying politi- ministration. During Burr’s single term in office, cal debts, passed a number of these requests whatever influence or status he enjoyed would along to Jefferson. The president, however, be- derive solely from his position as president of the came increasingly uncomfortable with each new Senate.42 recommendation. Most damning, as historian President of the Senate Mary-Jo Kline has explained, were the ‘‘repeated requests for consideration of the claims of the Burr was one of the most skilled parliamentar- ‘faithful’ from other states and territories.’’ Jeffer- ians to serve as president of the Senate, a striking son was perfectly willing to replace Adams’ contrast to Adams and a worthy successor to Jef- ‘‘midnight appointments’’ with marshals and ferson. ‘‘Mr. Burr, the Vice President, presides in court officers who were loyal Republicans, as the Senate with great ease, dignity & propriety,’’ well as to remove Federalists who displayed Senator (F-NH) observed. ‘‘He ‘‘malversation or inherent disqualification’’ for preserves good order, silence—& decorum in de- office, appointing Republicans to the vacant bate—he confines the speaker to the point. He posts. Still, mindful of the charges of nepotism has excluded all spectators from the area of the and cronyism he had levelled against the Adams Senate chamber, except the members from the administration, he hesitated to dismiss civil serv- other House. A measure which contributes much ants solely for political reasons. Nor did he think to good order.’’ 43 it appropriate for the ambitious New Yorker to But, although Burr was universally respected concern himself with appointments to federal of- for his parliamentary skills and his impartial rul- fices in other states. The final insult appears to ings, Senate Republicans noted with mounting have occurred in the fall of 1801 with Burr’s cam- concern his easy familiarity with his many Fed- paign to secure an appointment for his ally, Mat- eralist friends. Alienated from his own party, thew L. Davis, to a naval post in New York. The pragmatic at the expense of principle, and beset president, already suspicious of the enterprising by the chronic financial difficulties that dogged vice president who had jeopardized his election, him throughout his career, Burr was increasingly soon began to distance himself from Burr.39 regarded by his fellow Republicans as an unprin- Thereafter, in making federal appointments in cipled opportunist who would stop at nothing to New York, he relied on George Clinton or Clin- rebuild his shattered political and personal for- ton’s nephew De Witt. tunes.44 They found ample evidence of the vice After the Clintons replaced Burr as the admin- president’s apostasy on January 27, 1802, when istration’s liaison to the New York Republican Burr cast a tie-breaking vote that undercut the [ 37 ] AARON BURR

Republican effort to repeal the Act of Republicans who resented Burr’s treachery 1801. were outraged when he announced the members That act, signed into law less than a week be- of the select committee. During the early , fore Jefferson’s election, enacted badly needed senators voted to choose members of these tem- reforms, providing judges to relieve porary committees, which normally consisted of the Supreme Court from the burdensome three members, but on this occasion two senators and exhausting chore of riding circuit, and re- tied for first place and three for second place. The ducing the number of justices from six to five, committee would therefore, Burr announced, be effective with the next vacancy. The act became comprised of five members: two Republicans effective in time to allow John Adams to appoint who favored repeal; two Federalists who had Federalist judges to the new circuit courts, a de- voted against repeal and subsequently voted to velopment that heightened Republican fears of refer the bill to committee in hopes of effecting a Federalist-controlled judiciary. And, with one a compromise; and one Republican moderate, less Supreme Court justice, it appeared unlikely John Ewing Colhoun (R-SC), who had sided with 47 that Jefferson would ever have an opportunity the Federalists. An account of the proceedings to appoint a Republican nominee to the Supreme in the New York Evening Post reveals that Burr Court. On , 1802, Senator John Breckin- answered Republican challenges to this unex- ridge (R-KY) introduced a bill to repeal the Judi- pected development with his customary ease and composure: ciary Act. Burr’s vote would prove crucial in the Senate, where the absence of one Republican and . . . The Democratic [Republican] members ap- the resignation of another had eroded the admin- peared extremely discontented at the apparent istration’s already slim majority. Republicans result; and before the vote was finally declared were greatly relieved when the Senate dead- by the Vice President, General [James] Jackson locked on a vote to proceed to a third reading [R-GA] rose and proposed, that the Senate should ballot again for the committee. This dash- of the repeal bill on January 26, and Burr re- ing proposition did not materially interrupt the solved the tie in favor of the repealers. But he regularity of the scrutiny. had secretly informed Federalists that he would The Vice President was very deliberate. He support their attempts to block repeal by adding took the ballots of the respective Senators, exam- amendments that would make the Judiciary Act ined them attentively, stated the number of them, acceptable to moderate Republicans. Thus, the and holding them up in his hand, mentioned that next day, when his friend (F- gentlemen, if they chose, might come and exam- NJ) moved to refer the bill to ‘‘a select committee, ine them. Mr. G[ouverneur] Morris [F-NY] hoped with instructions to consider and report the alter- never to see, in the Senate a proceeding implying so much distrust. ations which may be proper in the Judiciary sys- After a pause, the Vice President declared his tem of the United States,’’ Burr resolved the tie opinion, that the ballots were truly counted. Of 45 in favor of the Federalists. Burr explained that course, the committee was composed as stated he had voted for referral in hopes of reaching a above, to the no small chagrin of some of the compromise: Democratic members of Congress, in both Houses.48 I am for the affirmative, because I never can resist the reference of a measure where the senate Although Burr had substantive objections to is so nicely balanced, when the object is to effect the repeal bill, 49 and told one correspondent that amendment, that may accommodate it to the he was troubled at the prospect ‘‘of depriving the opinions of a larger majority; and particularly twenty-six judges of office and pay,’’ 50 his grow- when I can believe that gentlemen are sincere in ing estrangement from the administration was wishing a reference for this purpose. Should it, also a factor. He may, as one scholar of the early however, at any time appear that delay only is judiciary suggests, have hoped to ‘‘enhance his 46 intended, my conduct will be different. stature not only with moderates of his own party [ 38 ] AARON BURR but also with Federalists, and perhaps even pave 1800. He lost the election by an overwhelming the way for the eventual formation of a third 8,000-vote margin.55 party under his leadership,’’ 51 but the imme- Burr’s defeat left him bitter and disillusioned. diate result of Burr’s abortive attempt to reach He blamed Hamilton for his predicament, and a compromise was his further isolation from his when he learned that his rival and former ally party. He had, as Jefferson’s biographer has had referred to him, at a private dinner party, noted, ‘‘offended one side without satisfying the as a ‘‘dangerous man, and who ought not to be other.’’ 52 Among the advisers who comprised trusted,’’ he demanded an explanation. The con- Jefferson’s inner circle, only Treasury Secretary flict escalated, as Burr and Hamilton exchanged Albert Gallatin continued to support the increas- a series of letters, and finally came to a head on ingly troublesome vice president.53 June 27, 1804, when Burr challenged Hamilton Burr soon abandoned any hope of winning re- to a . The grim engagement took place on nomination to a second term. In early 1804, he at Weehawken, New Jersey, and resulted called on Jefferson to inform him that he recog- in Hamilton’s death the following day.56 nized ‘‘it would be for the interest of the repub- Burr’s opponents called for his arrest, but the lican cause for him to retire; that a disadvanta- outcry against him was by no means universal. geous schism would otherwise take place,’’ but Duelling was expressly prohibited by law in he was concerned that ‘‘were he to retire, it most states, and murder was a crime in every would be said that he shrunk from the public state. But encounters on the ‘‘field of honor’’ still sentence.’’ He would need, Burr suggested, took place during the early nineteenth century, ‘‘some mark of favor . . . which would declare particularly in the southern states. Burr had pre- to the world that he retired with [Jefferson’s] viously challenged Hamilton’s brother-in-law, confidence.’’ Jefferson replied that he had not at- John Church, to a duel—a bloodless encounter tempted to influence the 1800 election on his own that enabled them to confront and then forget or Burr’s behalf, nor would he do so in the next their differences—and Hamilton’s son, Philip, election—a cool rejoinder that masked his now had incurred a mortal wound on the duelling considerable resentment of the man whom, he ground the previous year. , Andrew claimed, he had ‘‘habitually cautioned Mr. Madi- Jackson, and others of similar stature subscribed son against trusting too much.’’ 54 to the Code Duello, but few suffered the stigma The Republicans ultimately settled on George that Burr carried after that fatal morning at Clinton as their new vice-presidential candidate. Weehawken. He left New York a month after Burr retired from national politics, without Jef- Hamilton’s death to allow ‘‘public opinion’’ to ferson’s ‘‘mark of favor,’’ entering the 1804 New ‘‘take its proper course,’’ travelling south in York gubernatorial race in a desperate attempt hopes of a reunion with his daughter Theodosia, to restore his rapidly failing career. now the wife of , a South Carolina The Burr-Hamilton Duel planter with impeccable Republican credentials, and his young grandson, Aaron Burr Alston. He Burr no longer commanded the respect and was eventually indicted in New York and New support from New York Republicans that he had Jersey, but never stood trial in either once enjoyed. He entered the gubernatorial race jurisdiction.57 as an independent and actively sought Federalist Burr returned to the Senate in early November, support when it became apparent that the Fed- in time for the second session of the Eighth Con- eralists would not offer a candidate of their own. gress. It was, as Senator Plumer noted, an awk- But Alexander Hamilton was soon ‘‘intriguing ward occasion: for any candidate who can have a chance of suc- cess against A.B.’’ Burr plunged enthusiastically Nov. 7, 1804 into the campaign, delivering speeches and dis- This day the Senate made a quorum for the tributing campaign literature, but he could not first time this session [which began two days ear- overcome the liabilities he had acquired since lier]. Mr. Burr, the Vice President, appeared and [ 39 ] AARON BURR

took his seat in the Senate the very first day of eralists were stunned by the Republicans’ new- the session. It has been unusual for the Vice Presi- found respect for Burr, which Plumer attributed dent to take his seat the first day of the session. to ‘‘their joy for the death of Hamilton.’’ 62 But But this man, though indicted in New York & the real reason for Republicans’ apparent change New Jersey for the murder of the illustrious of heart, as Burr’s biographers Herbert Parmet Hamilton, is determined to brave public opinion. and Marie Hecht have suggested, was the im- What a humiliating circumstance that a man Who for months has fled from Justice—& who by the pending impeachment trial of Supreme Court 63 legal authorities is now accused of murder, Justice . should preside over the first branch of the Na- The Impeachment Trials of and tional Legislature! Samuel Chase I have avoided him—his presence to me is odi- ous—I have merely bowed & spoken to him— Burr had earlier presided over the impeach- Federalists appear to despise neglect & abhor ment trial of Judge John Picker- him. The democrats [Republicans], at least many ing, a revered patriot and the author of his state’s of them, appear attentive to him—& he is very 1784 constitution, who by 1803 had become in- familiar with them—What line of conduct they sane and an alcoholic. The House of Representa- will generally observe to him is yet uncertain.58 tives impeached Pickering on March 2, 1803, for Republicans had indeed become ‘‘more atten- conduct ‘‘contrary to his trust and duty as tive’’ to Burr; even Jefferson seemed anxious to judge,’’ and the trial in the Senate was held a mend fences with his errant vice president. ‘‘Mr. year later. Even the judge’s Federalist supporters Jefferson has shewn more attention & invited Mr. were embarrassed by his ravings from the bench, Burr oftener to his house within this three weeks but they saw in the charges against him the than ever he did in the course of the same time opening salvo in the Republicans’ assault on the before,’’ Plumer marvelled. ‘‘Mr. Gallatin, the federal judiciary. They would defend him at all Secy of the Treasury, has waited upon him often costs, maintaining throughout his trial that in- at his (Burr’s) lodging—& on one day was clos- sanity did not constitute grounds for removal. eted with him more than two hours. The Sec- Republicans were forced to counter that the retary of State, Mr. Madison, formerly the inti- judge was perfectly sane, but guilty of mis- mate friend of Genl. Hamilton, had taken his conduct that justified his removal from office, al- murderer into his carriage rode with him—ac- though Jefferson and some moderate Repub- companied him on a visit to M. Terreau the licans were uneasy at the thought of subjecting French Minister.’’ 59 United States Attorney Al- a man so obviously tormented to the ordeal of exander Dallas wrote to New Jersey Governor Jo- an impeachment trial.64 seph Bloomfield, urging him to grant clemency The trial was a highly partisan proceeding, and to the vice president.60 on March 12, 1804, the final vote that removed Republicans in Congress, particularly in the Pickering from office split along party lines. The Senate, were equally solicitous of Burr. ‘‘The pro- vice president made ‘‘very formal arrange- ceedings in New York in consequence of the duel ments’’ for the trial, Representative Manasseh are deemed by a number of the Senators to be Cutler, a Federalist from Massachusetts, in- harsh and unprecedented,’’ Senator Samuel L. formed a correspondent, ‘‘and the court was Mitchill (R-NY) explained to his wife. ‘‘They be- opened with a dignified solemnity.’’ 65 Burr pre- lieve it very unfair and partial to make him the sided over the preliminary proceedings and victim of justice, while several other persons who most of the trial with his customary tact and skill, have killed their opponents in at Hoboken deferring to the Senate to resolve the difficult are suffered to go at large without molestation. procedural issues that arose after Pickering failed Under these impressions an address has been to appear and his son’s attorney, Robert Goodloe drawn up to Governor Bloomfield for the pur- Harper, informed the court that the judge, pose of inducing him to quash or suspend the ‘‘being in a state of absolute and long continued proceedings against the Vice President.’’ 61 Fed- insanity,’’ could ‘‘neither appear nor authorize [ 40 ] AARON BURR another to appear for him.’’ But on March 10, talents of Burr.’’ The vice president appeared Burr, concerned about his gubernatorial cam- ‘‘friendly to them,’’ he reflected, but ‘‘[s]ome of- paign in New York, ‘‘abruptly left the Senate,’’ fice must be given him—what office can that be, departing in the midst of a heated debate over that he will accept, & not injure them?’’ 70 Connecticut Federalist ’s motion to Burr imposed a rigid discipline on the conduct postpone the trial until the following session. of the Chase impeachment trial, conducting the President pro tempore , a North proceedings, as one reporter observed, ‘‘with the Carolina Republican, presided for the remainder dignity and impartiality of an angel, but with the of the trial, and Burr’s unexpected departure rigor of a devil.’’ 71 reported made no apparent difference in the outcome of that the trial was ‘‘conducted with a propriety the proceedings.66 Pickering’s trial, as Jefferson’s and solemnity throughout which reflects honor biographer has stressed, was a ‘‘confused and upon the Senate. It must be acknowledged that tragic episode.’’ 67 The participants in this sorry Burr has displayed much ability, and since the spectacle all realized that Pickering was a deeply first day I have seen nothing of partiality.’’ 72 Al- disturbed man and were greatly relieved when though the managers appointed by the House of the trial ended with his removal from office. Representatives and led by Republican Rep- But the impending trial of Associate Supreme resentative John Randolph of Virginia were re- Court Justice Samuel Chase, impeached for judi- sponsible for trying the case, Burr would occa- cial misconduct by the House of Representatives sionally intervene, posing questions of his own on March 12, 1804—the day Pickering’s trial to a witness when the irrational and ineffective ended—was another matter. Appointed to the Randolph (or another interrogator) failed to pur- court by President Washington and confirmed sue a particular line of questioning, or seeking by a narrow margin, Chase was an inveterate clarification of an incomplete or ambiguous re- Federalist, known for his intemperate and par- sponse. When either side objected to a question tisan harangues from the bench and for his fla- posed by the other, Burr took careful note of the grant prejudice against defendants accused of objection, ordering that the offending question violating the Sedition Act. For many Repub- be ‘‘reduced to writing’’ and put to the Senate licans, Chase personified all the evils inherent in for a determination.73 the Federalist-controlled judiciary. As his im- But at times Burr’s rigid insistence on absolute peachment trial approached, these Republicans decorum only increased the tensions that sim- were painfully aware that they could ill afford mered in the Senate chamber, elaborately redeco- to offend the man whose rulings would govern rated for the occasion under his careful super- the proceedings, and they thus treated Burr with vision. Although Senator Plumer would con- studied deference.68 clude by the end of the trial that Burr had ‘‘cer- But it was an uneasy truce, at best. Burr was tainly, on the whole, done himself, the Senate & noticeably uncomfortable in the Senate chamber. the nation honor by the dignified manner in ‘‘After the minutes of the preceding day have which he has presided over this high & numer- been read—the little business before us dis- ous Court,’’ he was outraged at Burr’s treatment patched,’’ Plumer observed, the vice president of Chase on January 2, 1805, when the judge ap- would ‘‘leave the chair—come to some one Sen- peared before the Senate to enter his plea. Before ator, & intimate in strong terms that it was best the court opened, Plumer had overheard the vice to adjourn—& sometimes request a senator to president’s caustic comment as he ordered Ser- move an adjournment—& in a few minutes he geant at Arms James Mathers to remove the chair was gone.’’ He seemed to have ‘‘lost those easy set aside for the aged justice: ‘‘Let the Judge take graceful manners that beguiled the hours away care to find a seat for himself.’’ Mathers replaced the last session—He is now uneasy, dis- the chair, after Chase ‘‘moved that a seat be as- contented, & hurried.’’ 69 Plumer also sensed ‘‘an signed him,’’ and the vice president ‘‘in a very unusual concern & anxiety in the leading demo- cold formal insolent manner replied he pre- cratic members of the senate,’’ who feared ‘‘the sumed the Court would not object to taking a [ 41 ] AARON BURR seat,’’ but Burr would not permit Mathers to pro- Burr’s Final Days in the Senate vide a table for the judge’s convenience. Burr re- Burr’s final days in the Senate would have peatedly interrupted the aged and frail judge as been unpleasant even without the strain of pre- Chase, at times breaking into tears, requested ad- siding over a taxing and bitterly contested im- ditional time to prepare his answer to the im- peachment trial. He presided over the February peachment.74 13, 1805 joint session of Congress, counting the Burr’s ‘‘peevishness’’ continued as the pro- electoral returns. In that capacity, he announced ceedings unfolded; on one occasion, he notified that Jefferson had been reelected and that his old one of Chase’s attorneys, , rival, George Clinton, would succeed him as vice ‘‘that he must not appear as counsel in his loose president. Senator Samuel Mitchill reported that coat’’ [‘‘greatcoat,’’ or overcoat], a proviso that Burr performed this ‘‘painful duty’’ with ‘‘so senators criticized and Key ignored. By the first much regularity and composure that you would week of February, the Senate’s now ‘‘remarkably not have seen the least deviation from his com- testy’’ president was ‘‘in a rage because we do mon manner, or heard the smallest departure not sit longer.’’ 75 Unruly senators on both sides from his usual tone.’’ But, Mitchill observed, the of the aisle bristled, Plumer observed, when Burr always impeccably attired vice president ‘‘ap- lectured them on judicial etiquette after the high peared rather more carefully dressed than court of impeachment had adjourned for the day usual’’ for the occasion.78 on February 12: A week later, Republican Senator John Smith Just as the time for adjourning to tomorrow of New York introduced a bill ‘‘freeing from was to be put in the Secretary’s office—Mr. Burr postage all letters and packets to and from Aaron said he wished to inform the Senate of some Burr,’’ and Burr found himself in the unenviable irregularities that he had observed in the Court. position of listening as senators questioned the Some of the senators as he said during the trial propriety of granting him the franking privilege. & while a witness was under examination Although surviving accounts of the debate do walked between him & the Managers—Others not indicate that the issue of Burr’s character was eat apples—& some eat cake in their seats. ever raised in his presence, it was certainly an Mr. [Timothy] Pickering [F-MA] said he [did] unspoken consideration. The debate was particu- eat an apple—but it was at a time when the Presi- dent had retired from the chair. Burr replied he larly intense on February 27. Senator John Quin- did not mean him—he did not see him. cy Adams, a Massachusetts Federalist, proposed Mr. [Robert] Wright [R-MD] said he did eat an amendment to extend the frank to all former cake—he had a just right so to do—he was faint— vice presidents (omitting the explicit reference to but he disturbed nobody—He never would sub- Burr), and Republican James Jackson of mit to be schooled & catechised in this manner. cautioned in response that ‘‘We might hereafter At this instance a motion was made by Mr. have a Vice President to whom it would be im- [Stephen Row] Bradley [R-VT], who also had proper to grant the privilege.’’ After Federalist eaten cake, for an adjournment—Burr told Senators of Massachusetts Wright he was not in order—sit down—The Sen- and James Hillhouse of Connecticut finally ‘‘ad- 76 ate adjourned—& I left Wright & Burr scolding. vocated the indelicacy of the situation of having Although rightfully concerned about maintain- Mr. Burr in the chair,’’ the vice president volun- ing an atmosphere of judicial decorum, Burr had teered that ‘‘he was apprehensive that tomorrow obviously lost much of the ‘‘easy grace’’ and con- he should be afflicted with pain in the head & summate tact that had made him such an effec- should be unable to attend.’’ With Burr absent tive presiding officer. The ordeal ended on from the chamber, his opponents were free to March 1, when Burr announced, after a separate speak their minds. The debate was bitter and in- vote on each article of impeachment, ‘‘that there tense; Senator Hillhouse was resolutely opposed is not a Constitutional majority of votes finding to giving Burr such a dangerous privilege. ‘‘The Samuel Chase, Esq., guilty, on any one article.’’ 77 Vice President is an ambitious man,’’ he warned [ 42 ] AARON BURR his colleagues. ‘‘[H]e aspired to the Presidency— Constitution be destined ever to perish by the disappointed ambition will be restless. You put sacrilegious hands of the demagogue or the arms into his hands to attack your government— usurper, which God avert, its expiring agonies He may disseminate seditious pamphlets, news will be witnessed on this floor.’’ papers & letters at the expence of the very gov- Concluding his remarks with the customary ernment he is destroying.’’ Senator Pickering expressions of respect and good will, Burr left feared that Burr would ‘‘sell the right of franking the Senate chamber, closing the door behind him, to commercial houses—And in the city of New Senator Mitchill noted, ‘‘with some force.’’ ‘‘[A] York alone it might give him a fortune.’’ But solemn and silent weeping’’ filled the Senate Burr’s supporters countered, ‘‘The reason why chamber ‘‘for perhaps five minutes.’’ Mitchill, for gentlemen oppose this bill is because Mr. Burr one, had ‘‘never experienced any thing of the has fought a duel and killed a man.’’ Although kind so affecting,’’ and New York Republican the bill passed by a vote of 18 to 13, with all but John Smith, ‘‘stout and manly as he is . . . laid three of the New England senators voting his head upon his table and did not recover from against it, the House subsequently postponed the his emotion for a quarter of an hour or more.’’ 80 measure.79 But De Witt Clinton’s ally, [New York] American Burr’s Farewell Address Citizen editor James Cheetham, and others who suspected that Burr’s ‘‘melodio, harmonico pa- Burr left the Senate the day after the Chase trial thos’’ was merely an effort to restore his political concluded and just two days before George Clin- fortunes, doubted that ‘‘the flowing tear’’ could ton took office as the nation’s fourth vice presi- ‘‘wash away the dingy stains’’ of Burr’s ‘‘political dent. Federalists and Republicans alike were degeneracy.’’ 81 deeply moved by his March 2, 1805, farewell ad- dress, still one of the most celebrated speeches The ‘‘’’ in the history of the early Republic. His remarks The forty-nine-year-old former vice president were intended for the senators alone, unexpect- was heavily in debt at the time of his forced re- edly delivered at the conclusion of a closed-door tirement from politics. He had been involved in executive session. a number of speculative ventures throughout his Burr began his twenty-minute address with an career, many of which had resulted in substantial acknowledgement that ‘‘he must at times have losses. Generous beyond prudence, Burr could wounded the feelings of individual members.’’ never refuse a relative or a friend in need, even But he had ‘‘avoided entering into explanations if it meant going further into debt. He had as- at the time,’’ he explained, ‘‘because a moment sumed responsibility for a number of young of irritation was not a moment for explanation; wards throughout the years—some of them the because his position (being in the chair) rendered children of clients, others rumored to have been it impossible to enter into explanations without his own offspring—and his generosity to his obvious danger of consequences which must in- charges further strained his always precarious fi- jure the dignity of the Senate, or prove disagree- nances. Burr had always lived, dressed and en- able and injurious in more than one point of tertained well, even when he could ill afford to view.’’ Only ‘‘the ignorant and unthinking,’’ he do so.82 Surveying his limited prospects, the op- continued, ‘‘affected to treat as unnecessary and timistic and always enterprising former vice fastidious a rigid attention to rules and deco- president now looked to the West. rum.’’ But Burr ‘‘thought nothing trivial which The full extent of Burr’s business and other touched, however remotely, the dignity’’ of the ventures in the West will probably never be Senate, and he cautioned senators ‘‘to avoid the known, but his first undertaking appears to have smallest relaxation of the habits which he had en- been the Canal Company. Burr and his deavored to inculcate and establish.’’ Likening fellow investors intended to construct a canal to the Senate to ‘‘a sanctuary, a citadel of law, of circumvent the River rapids at Louisville, order, and of liberty,’’ Burr predicted that ‘‘if the but, as his biographers have explained, the re- [ 43 ] AARON BURR sourceful vice president had ‘‘more than one ‘‘Theo’’ and his grandson Aaron Burr Alston but plan for the future but several alternate ones de- soon learned that young ‘‘Gampy,’’ as Burr pending on change and history.’’ His most ambi- called his namesake, had died. In late December tious scheme was contingent upon the outbreak 1812, the grief-stricken Theo set out from her of war with Spain, which was still in possession home in Georgetown, South Carolina, to visit her of West and and increasingly father in New York and was never seen again. hostile toward the burgeoning new nation that The schooner that carried Theodosia Burr Alston pressed along its eastern border. Burr planned an and her escort probably sank in a storm off Cape assault on Mexico and anticipated that the west- Hatteras, North Carolina, but the mysterious cir- ern states would leave the Union to join in a cumstances of her disappearance, and the con- southeastern confederacy under his leadership. troversy and mystery that always dogged Burr’s One of Burr’s accomplices, Louisiana Governor career, spawned legends that the unfortunate , betrayed the conspiracy before Mrs. Alston had been forced to walk the plank Burr could begin his expedition, and the former by pirates or mutineers, or was still alive as a vice president was arrested on charges of trea- prisoner in the West Indies.85 son. Chief Justice presided over Although devastated by his daughter’s death, Burr’s trial, which opened on August 3, 1807, in Burr continued to practice law and to supervise Richmond, Virginia. The jury, guided by Mar- the education of his young wards. Snubbed by shall’s written opinion that two witnesses must many of his former acquaintances and wholly re- testify to a specific, overt act to establish trea- moved from the ‘‘game of politics’’ that had once son—a standard that the prosecution failed to been his joy and delight, Burr followed the inde- meet—ultimately found ‘‘that Aaron Burr is not pendence movements that were changing the proved to be guilty under this indictment.’’ face of with a lively but cautious Pressed by debts and fearful of further prosecu- interest. In 1829, he petitioned the government tion, Burr departed for Europe under an as- for a pension based on his military service dur- 83 sumed name in June 1808. ing the Revolution, a crusade that continued Burr’s Later Years until his plea was finally granted in 1834. He be- Burr spent the next four years in self-imposed came progressively more eccentric and impover- exile. He travelled throughout England and the ished as the years passed. In 1831, William Sew- continent, sightseeing, reading, entertaining the ard found him living in a dirty garret, shabbily ladies, who found him an attractive companion, dressed but optimistic as ever. and seeking support for another southwestern In 1833, Aaron Burr married a second time. His expedition. His overtures to the British and new bride, a wealthy widow with a past almost French courts failed miserably. In the spring of as controversial as his own, soon became dis- 1812, convinced that a war between the United enchanted with her husband when she discov- States and Great Britain was imminent, Burr re- ered that he had mismanaged her assets, and she turned home under the alias, ‘‘M. Arnot.’’ He divorced him the following year. Incapacitated took a room near the Boston waterfront—a far by a series of strokes in 1834, Burr lived on the cry from the handsome and well-furnished New charity of friends and relatives until his death at York mansion, Richmond Hill, that he main- Port Richmond, , on September 14, tained in better times—while testing the waters 1836. During his final hours, a clergyman in- to determine whether he could safely return to quired about his prospects for salvation. Evasive New York.84 and cryptic to the end, Burr only replied, ‘‘On Burr reappeared in New York in June 1812, that subject I am coy.’’ Aaron Burr was buried ready to resume his legal career. He eagerly with military honors at Princeton, New Jersey, looked forward to a reunion with his beloved on September 16, 1836.86

[ 44 ] NOTES 1 Herbert S. Parmet and Marie B. Hecht, Aaron Burr: Por- 25 Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., ‘‘Election of 1800,’’ in History trait of an Ambitious Man (New York, 1967), p. 285. of American Presidential Elections, 1789–1968, vol. 1, ed. Ar- 2 Paul L. Ford, ed., The Writings of Thomas Jefferson (New thur M. Schlesinger, Jr., and Fred L. Israel (New York, 1985), York, 1905) 10:387, quoted in Parmet and Hecht, p. 287. pp. 108–10; Dumas Malone, Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty 3 Milton Lomask, Aaron Burr, vol. 2 (New York, 1982), pp. (Boston, 1962), pp. 473–74; Parmet and Hecht, pp. 131–48. 372–73. 26 See Chapter 4 of this volume, ‘‘George Clinton,’’ p. 53. 4 Everett Somerville Brown, ed., William Plumer’s Memo- 27 Malone, Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty, p. 474; Kline randum of Proceedings in the United States Senate, 1803–1807 and Ryan, 1:389–90, 430–34; Kline, ‘‘Aaron Burr as a Symbol (New York, 1923), p. 123. of Corruption in , p. 70; Cunningham, 5 Remarks of Senator Robert C. Byrd, ‘‘Profile of ’That ’’Election of 1800,’’ p. 110. Great Enigma’: Aaron Burr,’’ U.S., Congress, Senate, Con- 28 Cunningham, ‘‘Election of 1800,’’ pp. 104, 113–15; Kline gressional Record, 100th Cong., 1st sess., p. 31910. and Ryan, 1:443–49; Malone, Jefferson and the Ordeal of Lib- 6 Mary-Jo Kline, ‘‘Aaron Burr as a Symbol of Corruption erty, pp. 473–83. in the New Republic,’’ in Before Watergate: Problems of Cor- 29 Kline, ‘‘Aaron Burr as a Symbol of Corruption in the ruption in American Society, ed. Abraham S. Eisenstadt, Ari New Republic,’’ p. 75. Hoogenboom and Hans L. Trefousse (Brooklyn, NY, 1978), 30 Malone, Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty, pp. 489–94; p. 74. Mary-Jo Kline and Joanne Wood Ryan’s two-volume Thomas Jefferson to Aaron Burr, December 15, 1800, in letterpress edition of Burr’s public papers, published by Kline and Ryan, 1:469–70. Princeton University Press in 1983, is an invaluable resource 31 Malone, Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty, pp. 489–96; for scholars. Parmet and Hecht, pp. 158–60; Cunningham, ‘‘Election of 7 See, for example, Samuel H. Wandell, Aaron Burr in Lit- 1800,’’ pp. 131–32. erature: Books, Pamphlets, Periodicals, and Miscellany Relating 32 Kline and Ryan, 1:469–87, see especially Aaron Burr to to Aaron Burr and His Leading Political Contemporaries (Port Samuel Smith, December 16, 1800, p. 471, and Aaron Burr Washington, NY, 1972; reprint of 1936 edition). to Samuel Smith, December 29, 1800, pp. 478–79; Malone, 8 Kline, ‘‘Aaron Burr as a Symbol of Corruption in the Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty, pp. 499–505; Parmet and New Republic,’’ p. 70. Hecht, pp. 144–67. 9 Parmet and Hecht, pp. 1–16. 33 Kline and Ryan, 1:486–87; Malone, Jefferson and the Or- 10 Matthew L. Davis, Memoirs of Aaron Burr (Freeport, NY, deal of Liberty, pp. 502–5; Cunningham, ‘‘Election of 1800,’’ 1970; reprint of 1836 edition), 1:45. pp. 131–34; Parmet and Hecht, pp. 162–67; Richard E. Ellis, 11 Parmet and Hecht, pp. 17–51. The Jeffersonian Crisis: Courts and Politics in the Young Repub- 12 Byrd, p. 31910. lic (New York, 1974; reprint of 1971 edition), p. 28; Forrest 13 Parmet and Hecht, pp. 52–58, 64–65. A second daugh- McDonald, Alexander Hamilton: A Biography (New York, ter, Sally Reeve Burr, was born in 1785 and died in February 1979), pp. 352–53. 1789. 34 Kline and Ryan, 1:486. 14 Parmet and Hecht, pp. 58–62. 35 Ibid., 1:486–87; Malone, Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty, 15 Kline, Mary-Jo, and Joanne Wood Ryan, eds., Political pp. 502–5; Cunningham, ‘‘Election of 1800,’’ pp. 131–34; Correspondence and Public Papers of Aaron Burr, vol. 1 (Prince- Parmet and Hecht, pp. 162–67; Ellis, p. 28. ton, 1983), p. 46. 36 U.S., Congress, House, Annals of Congress, 8th Cong., 16 Aaron Burr to Richard Oliver, July 29, 1788, in Kline 1st sess., pp. 372–77; U.S., Congress, Senate, Annals of Con- and Ryan, 1:33. gress, 8th Cong., 1st sess., pp. 21–25, 81–210; Dennis J. 17 Parmet and Hecht, pp. 65–66. Mahoney, ‘‘Twelfth Amendment,’’ Encyclopedia of the Amer- 18 Kline, ‘‘Aaron Burr as a Symbol of Corruption in the ican Constitution, vol. 4 (New York, 1986), p. 1927; Tadahisa New Republic,’’ p. 74. Kuroda, The Origins of the Twelfth Amendment: The Electoral 19 Parmet and Hecht, p. 84. College in the Early Republic, 1787–1804 (Westport, CT, 1994). 20 Ibid., pp. 68–110. 37 Aaron Burr to Albert Gallatin, February 25, 1801, in 21 Ibid., pp. 108–10. Kline and Ryan, 1:509. 22 Ibid., pp. 112–43. 38 Aaron Burr to Caesar A. Rodney, March 3, 1801 (with 23 [New York] Commercial Advertiser, May 4, 1799, quoted March 4 postscript), in Kline and Ryan, 1:517–19; Annals of in Kline and Ryan, 1:402. Congress, 6th Cong., 2d sess., pp. 762–63. 24 to Rufus King, May 6, 1799, quoted in 39 Kline and Ryan, 1:519–45; Dumas Malone, Jefferson the Kline and Ryan, 1:420. President: First Term, 1801–1805 (Boston, 1970), pp. 69–89;

[ 45 ] AARON BURR

Kline, ‘‘Aaron Burr as a Symbol of Corruption in the New 62 Brown, p. 203. Republic,’’ pp. 70–71; Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., The Jeffer- 63 Parmet and Hecht, p. 224. sonian Republicans in Power (Chapel Hill, NC, 1963), pp. 38– 64 Ellis, pp. 69–75; Malone, Jefferson the President, First 44. Term, pp. 460–64, 469; Annals of Congress, 8th Cong., 1st 40 Kline and Ryan, 2:641–46, 724–28. sess., pp. 315–68. 41 Cunningham, Jeffersonian Republicans in Power, pp. 38– 65 Manasseh Cutler to the Rev. Dr. Dana, March 3, 1804, 44; Parmet and Hecht, pp. 172–77. in Life, Journals and Correspondence of Rev. Manasseh Cutler, 42 Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., The Process of Government LL.D., by William Parker Cutler and Julia Perkins Cutler, Under Jefferson (Princeton, 1978), p. 16. vol. 2 (, 1888), pp. 164–66. 43 Brown, pp. 74–75. 66 Brown, pp. 97–177; Ellis, pp., 69–75; Manasseh Cutler 44 Kline, ‘‘Aaron Burr as a Symbol of Corruption in the to Dr. Torrey, March 13, 1804, Life, Journals and Correspond- New Republic,’’ pp. 69–76; Parmet and Hecht, pp. 168–93. ence of Rev. Manasseh Cutler 2:166–68; Annals of Congress, 8th 45 Parmet and Hecht, p. 184; Ellis, pp. 15–16, 36–52; Kline Cong., 1st sess., pp. 315–68; Peter Charles Hoffer and N.E.H. and Ryan, 2:653–73; Malone, Jefferson the President, First Hull, Impeachment in America, 1635–1805 (New Haven, Term, 121–30. 1984), pp. 206–20. 46 Aaron Burr, ‘‘Comment on a Motion to Repeal the Judi- 67 Malone, Jefferson the President, First Term, p. 464. ciary Act,’’ [New York] American Citizen, February 3, 1802, 68 Parmet and Hecht, p. 224; Malone, Jefferson the President, in Kline and Ryan, 2:656. According to Kline and Ryan, this First Term, pp. 464–69; Ellis, pp. 76–79. version of Burr’s remarks, which differs slightly from the 69 Brown, p. 213. version printed in the Annals (Annals of Congress, 7th Cong., 70 Ibid., pp. 218–19. 1st sess., p. 150), is ‘‘the version closest to a direct quotation 71 Quoted in Byrd, p. 31914. that survives among contemporary accounts.’’ Ibid., p. 655. 72 Manasseh Cutler to Dr. Torrey, March 1, 1805, Life, Jour- 47 Annals of Congress, 7th Cong., 1st sess., p. 150. nals and Correspondence of Manasseh Cutler 2:192–94. 48 New York Evening Post, February 2, 1801; Kline and 73 Report of the Trial of Samuel Chase, Annals of Congress, Ryan, 2:655. 8th Cong., 2d sess., pp. 81–676. 49 Parmet and Hecht, p. 179. 74 Ibid., pp. 92–98; Brown, pp. 235–39; Ellis, p. 96; Hoffer 50 Ibid., p. 179. and Hull, p. 238. 51 Ellis, p. 48. 75 Brown, pp. 239–311. 52 Malone, Jefferson the President, First Term, pp. 123–24. 76 Ibid., p. 285. 53 Ibid., pp. 395–98. 77 Annals of Congress, 8th Cong., 2d sess., p. 669. 54 Thomas Jefferson, Memorandum of a Conversation 78 Ibid., pp. 55–57; Samuel L. Mitchill to Mrs. Mitchill, with Burr, January 26, 1804, Kline and Ryan, 2:819–22. February 14, 1805, ‘‘Dr. Mitchill’s Letters from Washing- 55 Parmet and Hecht, pp. 194–201; Kline, ‘‘Aaron Burr as ton,’’ p. 749. a Symbol of Corruption in the New Republic,’’ pp. 72–73. 79 Brown, pp. 302–7; Annals of Congress, 8th Cong., 2d 56 Parmet and Hecht, pp. 194–215. sess., pp. 63–66; Kline and Ryan, 2:910. 57 Ibid., pp. 210–23; Samuel L. Mitchill to Mrs. Mitchill, 80 Annals of Congress, 8th Cong., 2d sess., pp. 71–72; Dr. November 20, 1804, ‘‘Dr. Mitchill’s Letters from Washing- Mitchill to Mrs. Mitchill, March 2, 1805, ‘‘Dr. Mitchill’s Let- ton: 1801–1813,’’ Harper’s New Monthly Magazine 58 (April ters from Washington,’’ p. 750; Kline and Ryan, 2:909–17. 1879): 748; W.J. Rorabaugh, ‘‘The Political Duel in the Early 81 Kline and Ryan, 2:911–12. Republic: Burr v. Hamilton,’’ Journal of the Early Republic 15 82 Parmet and Hecht, passim; Lomask, vols. 1 and 2, (Spring 1995): 14. passim; Kline and Ryan, vols. 1 and 2, passim. 58 Brown, p. 185. 83 Parmet and Hecht, pp. 233–310. 59 Ibid., pp. 203–4. 84 Ibid., pp. 305–26. 60 Parmet and Hecht, p. 224. 85 Ibid., pp. 326–31. 61 Samuel L. Mitchill to Mrs. Mitchill, , 1804, 86 Ibid., pp. 332–41; Kline and Ryan, 2:1169–1229. ‘‘Dr. Mitchill’s Letters from Washington,’’ p. 748.

[ 46 ] Chapter 4 GEORGE CLINTON 1805–1812

[ 47 ] GEORGE CLINTON Chapter 4 GEORGE CLINTON

4th Vice President: 1805–1812

George Clinton the Vice President . . . is an feeble old man . . . What a vast difference between him & Aaron Burr! One would think that the office was made for Clinton, & not he for the office. —SENATOR WILLIAM PLUMER (F-NH), DECEMBER 16, 1805.1

George Clinton took office as the nation’s senators could not ‘‘hear the one half of what he fourth vice president on March 4, 1805. He was says.’’ 4 the second vice president to serve under Thomas Clinton’s age and infirmity had, if anything, Jefferson, having replaced fellow New Yorker enhanced his value to the president, because Jef- Aaron Burr whose intransigence in 1800 had ferson intended to pass his party’s mantle to Sec- nearly cost Jefferson the presidency. A Revolu- retary of State James Madison when he retired tionary War hero who had served as governor after his second term, yet he needed an honest, of New York for two decades, Clinton seemed ‘‘plain’’ Republican vice president in the mean- an ideal choice to supplant Burr while preserving time. Clinton would be sixty-nine in 1808, too the New York-Virginia alliance that formed the old, Jefferson anticipated, to challenge Madison backbone of the Republican coalition. for the Republican presidential nomination. Clin- Even though Republican senators may have ton had already retired once from public life, in been relieved to be rid of Burr, the contrast be- 1795, pleading ill health.5 But, for all Clinton’s tween their new presiding officer and his urbane, apparent frailty, he was still a force to be reck- elegant predecessor must have been painfully oned with. His earlier decision to retire owed as apparent when Chief Justice John Marshall ad- much to the political climate in New York, and ministered the oath of office to Jefferson and to his own political misfortunes, as to his chronic Clinton in the Senate chamber. Jefferson offered rheumatism. He had been an actual or prospec- a lengthy inaugural speech celebrating the ac- tive vice-presidential candidate in every election complishments of his first term, but Clinton de- since the first one in 1788, and later capped his clined to address the members of Congress and elective career with a successful run for the office the ‘‘large concourse of citizens’’ present.2 Two in 1808. days earlier, on March 2, 1805, Burr had regaled Clinton was, in the words of a recent biog- the Senate with a ‘‘correct and elegant’’ farewell rapher, ‘‘an enigma.’’ The British forces that oration so laden with emotion that even Clin- torched Kingston, New York, during the Revolu- ton’s friend, Senator Samuel L. Mitchill (R-NY), tion, as well as the 1911 conflagration that de- pronounced the scene ‘‘one of the most affecting stroyed most of Clinton’s papers at the New . . . of my life.’’ 3 But when Clinton assumed the York Public Library, have deprived modern re- presiding officer’s chair on December 16, 1805, searchers of sources that might have illuminated two weeks into the first session of the Ninth Con- his personality and explained his motives.6 gress, he was so ‘‘weak & feeble’’ of voice that, Much of the surviving evidence, however, cou- according to Senator William Plumer (F-NH), the pled with the observations of Clinton’s contem- [ 49 ] GEORGE CLINTON poraries, support historian ’s assess- scholar relates, ‘‘a man of powerful physique, ment that ‘‘Clinton crafted a masterful, compel- whose mere presence commanded respect.’’ 12 ling public persona . . . [T]hat . . . masked and In 1768, the twenty-nine-year-old Clinton was permitted an array of contradictions that would elected to the New York assembly, where he sup- have ruined a lesser, more transparent politi- ported the ‘‘Livingston’’ faction, an alliance that cian.’’ 7 He was, in Taylor’s view, ‘‘The astutest he cemented two years later with his marriage politician in Revolutionary New York,’’ a man to Cornelia Tappan, a Livingston relative. The who ‘‘understood the power of symbolism and Livingstons and their allies, who represented the the new popularity of a plain style especially wealthy, predominantly Presbyterian land- when practiced by a man with the means and owners of the Hudson Valley, assumed a vehe- accomplishments to set himself above the com- mently anti-British posture as relations between mon people.’’ 8 England and her North American colonies dete- riorated during the early 1770s. Clinton emerged War and Politics as their leader in 1770, when he defended a George Clinton’s parents were Presbyterian member of the Sons of Liberty imprisoned for immigrants who left Longford County, , ‘‘seditious libel’’ by the royalist majority that still in 1729 to escape an intolerant Anglican regime controlled the New York assembly. He was a del- that imposed severe disabilities on religious dis- egate to the second Continental Congress in senters. Charles and Elizabeth Denniston Clinton 1775, where a fellow delegate observed that settled in County, New York, where the ‘‘Clinton has Abilities but is silent in general, and future vice president was born on July 26, 1739. wants (when he does speak) that Influence to Charles Clinton was a farmer, surveyor, and land which he is intitled.’’ Clinton disliked legislative speculator, whose survey of the New York fron- service, because, as he explained, ‘‘the duty of tier so impressed the governor that he was of- looking out for danger makes men cowards,’’ fered a position as sheriff of New York City and and he soon resigned his seat to accept an ap- the surrounding county in 1748. After the elder pointment as a brigadier general in the New Clinton declined the honor, the governor des- York militia. He was assigned to protect the New ignated young George as successor to the clerk York frontier, where his efforts to prevent the of the Ulster County Court of Common Pleas, a British from gaining control of the position he would assume in 1759 and hold for and splitting New England from the rest of the the rest of his life. struggling confederacy earned him a brigadier George Clinton studied under a Scottish cler- general’s commission in the Continental army gyman to prepare for his future responsibilities, and made him a hero among the farmers of the interrupting his education at the age of eighteen western counties.13 in 1757 to serve in the . The social and political changes that the Revo- After the war, he read law in New York City lution precipitated worked to Clinton’s advan- under the renowned attorney William Smith. He tage, and he made the most of his opportunities. began his legal practice in 1764 and became dis- As Edward Countryman so forcefully dem- trict attorney the following year. Clinton’s apti- onstrated in his study of revolutionary New tude for surveying and his penchant for land York, ‘‘the independence crisis . . . shattered old speculation eventually made him one of the New York, both politically and socially.’’ 14 The wealthier residents of Ulster County, 9 but, de- state’s new constitution greatly expanded the spite his considerable fortune, he was a man of and increased the size of the state legis- frugal habits and congenial, unassuming man- lature. The ‘‘’’ farmers of small and mid- ners. Even in later life, when chronic ill health dling means, who had previously deferred to the made it difficult for him to perform his public Livingstons and their royalist rivals, the duties, observers remarked on his ‘‘pleasing DeLanceys, emerged as a powerful political en- cheerfulness’’ and ‘‘flow of good humor.’’ 10 tity in their own right, and George Clinton be- Large-boned and coarse-featured, 11 he was, one came their champion and spokesman. Their sup- [ 50 ] GEORGE CLINTON port proved crucial in the 1777 gubernatorial lucrative source of income. He had long believed election, when Clinton defeated Edward Living- that Congress should facilitate and protect the ston in a stunning upset that ‘‘signalled the dis- foreign commerce that was so important to New memberment of the old Livingston party.’’ 15 The York. Toward that end, he had supported Hamil- election also signalled Clinton’s emergence as a ton’s efforts to strengthen the Articles of Confed- dominant figure in New York politics; he served eration during the war. But the specter of a na- as governor from 1777 until 1795 and again from tional helped convince him that a national 1801 until 1804, exercising considerable influence government with vastly enlarged powers might over the state legislature.16 overwhelm the states and subvert individual lib- Before leaving the battlefield to assume his erties. ‘‘[W]hen stronger powers for Congress new responsibilities, Clinton promised his com- would benefit New York,’’ his biographer ex- mander in chief, General George Washington, plains, ‘‘Clinton would endorse such measures. that he would resume his military duties ‘‘sh’d In purely domestic matters, the governor would the Business of my new appointm’t admit of it.’’ put New York concerns above all others.’’ 19 The True to his word, he soon returned to the field governor’s primary concern, according to an- to help defend the New York frontier. There, other scholar, ‘‘was to avoid any measure which American troops under his command prevented might burden his agrarian constituents with Sir Henry Clinton (said to have been a ‘‘distant taxes.’’ The tariff had supplied nearly a third of cousin’’) from relieving the main British force New York’s revenue during the , and Clin- under General , precipitating ton feared that if this critical source of income Burgoyne’s surrender at Saratoga on October 17, was diverted to national coffers, the state legisla- 1777.17 The Saratoga victory, which helped con- ture would be forced to raise real estate and per- vince the French that the struggling colonies sonal taxes.20 were worthy of the aid that proved so crucial to A Perennial Candidate for Vice President the revolutionary effort, marked a turning point in the war. Clinton emerged as one of the most prominent Governor Clinton’s civilian labors were equal- opponents of the new Constitution. He was a ly impressive. Like other wartime governors, he delegate to the New York ratification convention, was responsible for coordinating his state’s war where an Antifederalist majority elected him effort. New York’s strategic importance and presiding officer. But with the establishment of large Loyalist population, coupled with Ver- the federal union almost a foregone conclusion mont’s in 1777, posed special problems by the time the convention assembled at Pough- for the beleaguered governor, but he proved an keepsie on June 17, 1788 (eight states had already able administrator. He was increasingly frus- ratified, with the enabling ninth expected to fol- trated, however, as war expenses mounted, and low) Clinton’s options were sharply limited. He as the Continental Congress, which lacked the had initially hoped to secure a conditional ratifi- power to raise revenues and relied on state con- cation, contingent upon the adoption of ‘‘amend- tributions, looked to New York to make up the ments calculated to abridge and limit’’ federal shortfall that resulted when other states failed to power, but after the Antifederalists failed to meet their quotas. He supported Alexander agree on a common strategy and popular senti- Hamilton’s call for a stronger Congress with ment shifted in favor of unconditional ratifica- independent revenue-raising powers, warning tion, there was little he could do to accomplish Continental Congress President in even this limited objective. Bowing to the inevi- 1781 that ‘‘we shall not be able without a Change table, he finally signalled his allies that, if their in our Circumstances, long to maintain our civil constituents had come to favor unconditional Government.’’ 18 ratification, they should vote accordingly. He did Clinton’s perspective changed in 1783, after so, as biographer John Kaminski suggests, be- Congress asked the states to approve a national cause he ‘‘sensed that he might make the perfect tariff that would deprive New York of its most vice presidential candidate. . . . Once elected, [ 51 ] GEORGE CLINTON

Vice President Clinton could advise Washington, rasive Vice President Adams. They considered support constitutional amendments as he pre- the ‘‘yeoman politician’’ from New York the can- sided over the first United States Senate, and per- didate most likely to unseat him.26 haps be heir apparent when Washington decided Clinton’s candidacy faced several obstacles. He to retire.’’ 21 was still widely suspect as an opponent of the Friends of the new Constitution were much Constitution, and the circumstances of his reelec- alarmed when New York and Virginia Anti- tion as governor earlier in the year had aroused federalists proposed Clinton as a vice-presi- the consternation of even his most steadfast sup- dential candidate in 1788.22 James Madison was porters. John Jay, the Federalist candidate, had horrified that ‘‘the enemies to the Government received a majority of the votes in the guber- . . . are laying a train for the election of Governor natorial race, but the destruction of ballots from Clinton,’’ 23 and Alexander Hamilton worked to Federalist-dominated Otsego County on highly unite Federalists behind John Adams.24 Well- suspicious technical grounds by Antifederalist placed rumors tainted Clinton’s candidacy by in- canvassers had tipped the balance in Clinton’s dicating that Antifederalist electors intended to favor. Jefferson worried that the New York elec- cast one of their two electoral votes for Richard tion would jeopardize ‘‘the cause of republican- Henry Lee or for president and the ism,’’ and Madison went so far as to suggest that other vote for the New York governor. Prior to Clinton should resign the governorship if he be- the ratification of the Twelfth Amendment in lieved that he had been fraudulently elected.27 1804, electors cast two votes in presidential elec- Even though Adams was reelected vice presi- tions without distinguishing between presi- dent with 77 electoral votes, Clinton managed to dential and vice-presidential candidates, and the garner a respectable 50 votes, carrying Virginia, runner-up in the presidential race simply became Georgia, New York, and North Carolina.28 The vice president. Each elector, however, voted with election provided a limited measure of comfort the clear intent of electing one individual as to Jefferson and Madison, who saw in the returns president and the other as vice president. In the a portent of future success for the emerging Re- charged and expectant atmosphere surrounding publican coalition.29 the first election under the new Constitution, Despite his strong showing in the national Federalists who learned of the rumored conspir- election, Governor Clinton found it increasingly acy to elect Lee or Henry president feared that difficult to maintain his power base in New a vote for Clinton would be tantamount to a vote York. Pleading exhaustion and poor health, he against George Washington. Popular enthusiasm announced his retirement in 1795. Although his for the new government and Clinton’s well- rheumatism was by that time so severe that he known opposition to the Constitution also could no longer travel to Albany to convene the worked against him. John Adams won the vice- state legislature, other factors influenced his de- presidency with 34 electoral votes; Clinton re- cision. The circumstances of his 1792 reelection ceived 3 of the 35 remaining electoral votes that remained a serious liability, and his effectiveness were distributed among a field of ten ‘‘favorite had been greatly diminished when the Federal- son’’ candidates.25 ists gained control of the state legislature in 1793. Clinton fared better in the 1792 election. By the Clinton was further compromised when his end of Washington’s first term, the cabinet was daughter Cornelia married the flamboyant and seriously divided over Treasury Secretary Alex- highly suspect French emissary, ‘‘Citizen’’ Ed- ander Hamilton’s financial system, and all par- mond Geneˆt, in 1794.30 ties agreed that Washington’s reelection was es- Clinton remained an attractive vice-presi- sential to the survival of the infant republic. In dential prospect for Republican leaders hoping spite of their earlier reservations about Clinton, to preserve the Virginia-New York nexus so cru- Secretary of State Thomas Jefferson and his Vir- cial to their strategy, although he was never en- ginia allies, Madison and James Monroe, were tirely comfortable with the southern wing of the determined to replace the ‘‘monarchist’’ and ab- party. Party strategists tried to enlist Clinton as [ 52 ] GEORGE CLINTON their vice-presidential candidate to balance the Burr would resign the vice-presidency and try to ticket headed by Thomas Jefferson in 1796, but recoup his shattered fortunes by running for he refused to run. He soon found himself at odds . De Witt apparently per- with Jefferson, who became vice president in suaded his uncle that he was the only prospec- 1797 after receiving the second highest number tive candidate who could prevent Burr from tak- of electoral votes. In his March 4, 1797, inaugural ing control of the state Republican party. George address to the Senate, Jefferson praised his pred- Clinton was elected governor by an overwhelm- ecessor, President John Adams, as a man of ‘‘tal- ing margin, carrying traditionally Federalist ents and integrity.’’ Clinton was quick to voice New York City and all but six counties.33 his outrage at this apparent ‘‘public contradic- During his last term as governor, Clinton was tion of the Objections offered by his Friends overshadowed by his increasingly powerful and against Mr. Adams’s Election.’’ In 1800, how- ambitious nephew. Still, although De Witt was ever, when approached by an emissary from now ‘‘the real power in New York politics,’’ Representative Albert Gallatin (R-PA), Clinton George Clinton was much revered by New York did agree to become Jefferson’s running mate, al- voters. Anxious to preserve the Virginia-New though he seemed noticeably relieved when Re- York coalition, but determined to limit Burr’s publicans finally chose his fellow New Yorker, role in his administration, Jefferson turned to Aaron Burr, to balance the ticket.31 Clinton for advice in making federal appoint- Governor Once More ments in New York. ‘‘[T]here is no one,’’ he as- sured Clinton, ‘‘whose opinion would command Clinton ended his retirement in 1800, when he me with greater respect than yours, if you would was elected to a seat in the New York legislature. be so good as to advise me.’’ 34 Jefferson was, in He had entered the contest at Burr’s urging, to practical effect, repudiating Burr, although he ensure the selection of Republican presidential never publicly disavowed or openly criticized electors, and probably intended to retire when his errant vice president.35 One Federalist ob- his term expired. But when New York Repub- server soon noted that ‘‘Burr is completely an in- licans, anticipating Jefferson’s victory in the na- sulated man in Washington.’’ 36 As the 1804 elec- tional election and hoping to consolidate their tion approached, De Witt wrote to members of gains on the local level, asked him to enter the the Republican caucus suggesting his uncle 1801 gubernatorial election, he agreed. He was George as a replacement for Burr.37 at first reluctant to seek the nomination—his ac- ceptance was subject to the caveat that he would Vice President at Last resign the governorship if the office proved too Widely respected for his heroism during the much for him—but Burr soon provided him with war and for his devotion to Republican prin- a compelling reason to remain in the contest.32 ciples, George Clinton was a candidate who Eleven years earlier, Governor Clinton had ap- could replace Burr without alienating New York pointed Aaron Burr attorney general of New voters. His age and precarious health were im- York. In 1789, with Federalists in control of the portant considerations for Jefferson, who cal- state legislature, he had been anxious to add Burr culated that in 1808 the sixty-five-year-old hero and his allies to the Clinton coalition. But he would be too old to challenge his intended suc- never completely trusted Burr, and his sus- cessor, Secretary of State James Madison, for the picions were confirmed when Burr refused to Republican presidential nomination.38 But Clin- defer to Thomas Jefferson after the two can- ton had no intention of deferring to Madison in didates received an equal number of electoral 1808. As Madison’s biographer, Ralph Ketcham, votes in the 1800 presidential contest. After the has explained, New York Republicans were furor subsided, and after the House of Rep- deeply jealous of the Virginians who had domi- resentatives finally declared Jefferson the winner nated their party’s councils since 1792. ‘‘George on the thirty-sixth ballot, Clinton’s nephew and Clinton’s replacement of Burr as Vice President political heir, De Witt Clinton, predicted that in 1804 was not so much a reconciliation with the [ 53 ] GEORGE CLINTON

Virginians,’’ he suggests, ‘‘as a play for better le- ward way of putting a question,’’ and ‘‘Preserves verage to oust [the Virginians] in 1808.’’ 39 little or no order.’’ 48 Senator John Quincy After the election, Clinton was all but shunted Adams (F-MA) shared Plumer’s concern. The aside by a president who had no wish to enhance Senate’s new president was ‘‘totally ignorant of his vice president’s stature in the administration all the most common forms of proceeding in the or encourage his presidential ambitions. Jeffer- Senate,’’ he wrote in his diary. ‘‘His judgement son no longer asked Clinton’s advice in making is neither quick nor strong: so there is no more political appointments in New York or else- dependence upon the correctness of his deter- where, or on any other matter of substance, 40 re- mination from his understanding than from his lying instead on the counsel of Madison and experience . . . a worse choice than Mr. Clinton Treasury Secretary Albert Gallatin. When he felt could scarcely have been made.’’ 49 Clinton’s it necessary to consult Republican legislators, he parliamentary skills failed to improve with expe- did so in person 41 or through Gallatin, whose rience, as Plumer observed a year later: Capitol Hill residence served as the meeting The Vice President preserves very little order 42 place for the Republican caucus. (Now known in the Senate. If he ever had, he certainly has not as the Sewell-Belmont House, this building still now, the requisite qualifications of a presiding of- stands, adjacent to the Hart Senate Office ficer. Age has impaired his mental powers. The Building.) conversation & noise to day in our lobby was Clinton also took little part in the social life of greater than I ever suffered when moderator of the administration.43 Washington society had a a town meeting. It prevented us from hearing the distinctly southern flavor, and, as the vice presi- arguments of the Speaker. He frequently, at least dent confided to Senator Plumer, he found the he has more than once, declared bills at the third ‘‘habits, manners, costoms, laws & country’’ of reading when they had been read but once—Puts New England ‘‘much preferable to the southern questions without any motion being made— States.’’ 44 A widower for four years at the time Sometimes declares it a vote before any vote has been taken. And sometimes before one bill is de- of his election, Clinton and his daughter Maria cided proceeds to another. From want of author- lived frugally with House of Representatives ity, & attention to order he has prostrated the dig- 45 Clerk John Beckley and seldom entertained. nity of the Senate. His disposition appears Even in an administration that consciously good,—but he wants mind & nerve.50 avoided ceremony and ostentatious display in favor of the simple, republican style that shocked Although Plumer and others attributed the foreign visitors and scandalized Federalists, vice president’s ineptitude to his advanced age and feeble health, Clinton’s longstanding ‘‘aver- Clinton’s parsimony was legend. ‘‘Mr. Clinton, 51 always comes to the city in his own carriage,’’ sion to councils’’ probably compounded his Plumer noted. ‘‘He is immensely rich—but lives difficulties. He had little patience with long- out at board like a common member—keeps no winded senators, as a chagrined John Quincy table—or invites anybody to dine. A style of liv- Adams discovered after an extended discourse ing unworthy of the 2d officer in our govern- that was, by his own admission, ‘‘a very tedious ment.’’ 46 Another senator observed that ‘‘Mr. one to all my hearers.’’ ‘‘The Vice-President,’’ he Clinton . . . lives snug at his lodgings, and keeps concluded, ‘‘does not love long speeches.’’ Clin- aloof from . . . exhibitions.’’ 47 Clinton’s sole func- ton could do little to alleviate his discomfort, tion was to preside over the Senate. given the fact that the Senate’s rules permitted extended debate, but on at least one occasion he An Ineffectual Presiding Officer asked a special favor: ‘‘that when we were about Nor was he an effective presiding officer. Sen- to make such we should give him notice; that he ator Plumer observed, when Clinton assumed might take the opportunity to warm himself at the presiding officer’s chair on December 16, the fire.’’ 52 1805, that he seemed ‘‘altogether unacquainted’’ Clinton was frequently absent from the Senate, with the Senate’s rules, had a ‘‘clumsey awk- but he apparently summoned the strength to at- [ 54 ] GEORGE CLINTON tend when he found a compelling reason to do tlers, but the House rejected the measure.54 With so. A case in point was his tie-breaking vote to sentiment against compensation steadily mount- approve the nomination of John Armstrong, Jr., ing, the Senate on February 11, 1807, enacted a a childhood friend and political ally, as a com- bill ‘‘to prevent settlements on lands ceded to the missioner to Spain. Federalist senators, and United States unless authorized by law.’’ The fol- many of their Republican colleagues, vehe- lowing day, Adams recorded in his diary that mently opposed Armstrong’s nomination, alleg- ‘‘The Vice-President this morning took [Adams] ing that he had mishandled claims relating to the apart and advised [him] to ask leave to bring in ship New Jersey while serving as minister to a bill on behalf of the Yazoo claimants, like that France. At issue was Armstrong’s finding that which passed the Senate at the last session, to re- the 1800 convention with France indemnified move the effect of the bill passed yesterday.’’ only the original owners of captured vessels, a Clinton apparently abandoned the effort after position he abandoned after Jefferson insisted Adams responded that he did ‘‘not think it that insurers should also receive compensation. would answer any such purpose.’’ 55 Senator Samuel Smith (R-MD), a member of Jef- Clinton’s always tenuous relationship with Jef- ferson’s own party and the brother of Navy Sec- ferson became increasingly strained as the presi- retary Robert Smith, so effectively mustered the dent responded to English and French assaults opposition forces that, by Adams’ account, no on American shipping with a strategy of diplo- senator spoke on Armstrong’s behalf when the matic maneuvering and economic coercion. Clin- Senate debated his nomination on March 17, ton viewed the escalating conflict between Eng- 1806. After Senator (R-KY) ‘‘left his land and France with alarm. He believed that seat to avoid voting,’’ the vice president, who war with one or both nations was inevitable and had earlier informed Plumer ‘‘that he had in- became increasingly frustrated with Jefferson’s tended not to take his seat in the Senate this ses- seeming reluctance to arm the nation for battle. sion,’’ resolved the resulting 15-to-15 tied vote in The vice president’s own state was particularly Armstrong’s favor. ‘‘I apprehended,’’ Plumer vulnerable, because New York shippers and surmised, that ‘‘they found it necessary & pre- merchants suffered heavily from British raids, vailed on him to attend.’’ Clinton was absent for yet Jefferson’s proposed solution of an embargo the remainder of the session.53 on foreign trade would have a devastating im- pact on the state’s economy. New York’s limited Clinton’s only known attempt to influence leg- coastal defenses, Clinton feared, would prove islation as vice president occurred in early 1807, painfully inadequate in the event that the presi- when he asked John Quincy Adams to sponsor dent’s strategy failed to prevent war.56 a bill to compensate settlers who had purchased western Georgia lands from the Yazoo land com- The Election of 1808 panies. In 1795, the Georgia legislature had sold Congress approved the Embargo Act, closing thirty-five million acres of land to four land spec- United States ports to foreign trade, in December ulation companies, which resold the properties 1807. When the Republican congressional caucus to other land jobbers and to individual investors met the following month to select the party’s before the legislature canceled the sale and ceded 1808 presidential candidate, the vice president’s the lands to the United States. A commission ap- supporters were conspicuously absent. Clinton pointed to effect the transfer to the United States knew that the caucus would choose Madison, the proposed that five million acres be earmarked to architect of Jefferson’s foreign policy, as their indemnify innocent parties, but Representative presidential candidate but apparently believed John Randolph (R-VA) charged that congres- that he could win the presidency without the sional approval of the arrangement would support of the caucus. ‘‘[O]ur venerable friend ‘‘countenance the fraud a little further’’ and the Vice-President,’’ Senator Mitchill observed, blocked a final settlement. In March 1806, the ‘‘considers himself as fully entitled to the first Senate passed a bill to compensate the Yazoo set- place in the nation.’’ Clinton was so ‘‘self-com- [ 55 ] GEORGE CLINTON placent,’’ Mitchill marvelled, that he failed to The tension between Jefferson and his refrac- ‘‘discern what was as plain as daylight to any tory vice president flared into open hostility after body else,’’ that there was not ‘‘the remotest Clinton read confidential diplomatic dispatches probability of his success as President.’’ But Clin- from and Paris before an open session ton still commanded a substantial following of the Senate on February 26, 1808. The president among disaffected Republicans from the Middle had transmitted the reports to the Senate with Atlantic states. Because New Yorkers, in particu- a letter expressly warning that ‘‘the publication lar, resented Virginia’s near-monopoly of the of papers of this description would restrain inju- presidency since 1789, Madison’s campaign riously the freedom of our foreign correspond- managers considered Clinton enough of a threat ence.’’ But, as John Quincy Adams recorded, to suggest him as a possible running mate.57 ‘‘The Vice-President, not remarking that the first Much to Clinton’s chagrin, the caucus renomi- message was marked on the cover, confidential, nated him to a second term as vice president. His suffered all the papers to be read without closing only public response was a letter to De Witt— the doors.’’ Clinton claimed that the disclosure subsequently edited for maximum effect and re- was inadvertent, but the dispatches had seemed leased to the press by the calculating nephew— to affirm his own conviction that ‘‘war with denying that he had ‘‘been directly or indirectly Great Britain appears inevitable.’’ 63 Much to his consulted on the subject’’ or ‘‘apprised of the embarrassment, the blunder was widely re- meeting held for the purpose, otherwise, than by ported in the press. Entering the Senate chamber having accidentally seen a notice.’’ 58 George ‘‘rather late than usual’’ one morning, Adams Clinton neither accepted nor expressly refused witnessed an unusual display of temper: the vice-presidential nomination, a posture that caused considerable consternation among Re- The Vice President had been formally com- publican strategists. When caucus representa- plaining of the President for a mistake which was really his own. The message of the twenty-sixth tives called on him to discuss the matter, his of February was read in public because the Vice- ‘‘tart, severe, and puzzling reply’’ left them ‘‘as President on receiving it had not noticed the much in a quandary as ever what to do with their word ‘‘confidential’’ written on the outside cover. nomination of him.’’ He was, Senator Mitchill This had been told in the newspapers, and com- theorized, ‘‘as much a candidate for the Presi- mented on as evidence of Mr. Clinton’s declining dency . . . as for the Vice Presidency.’’ 59 years. He thinks it was designedly done by the As far as Clinton was concerned, he remained President to ensnare him and expose him to deri- a presidential candidate. While he affected the sion. This morning he asked [Secretary of the disinterested posture that early nineteenth-cen- Senate Samuel] Otis for a certificate that the mes- tury electoral etiquette demanded of candidates sage was received in Senate without the word for elective office, his supporters mounted a vig- ‘‘confidential;’’ which Otis declining to do, he orous attack on Jefferson’s foreign policy, warn- was much incensed with him, and spoke to the ing that Madison, the president’s ‘‘mere organ or Senate in anger, concluding by saying that he thought the Executive would have had more mag- mouth piece,’’ would continue along the same nanimity than to have treated him thus.64 perilous course. But Clinton, one pamphleteer promised voters, would ‘‘protect you from for- Support for Clinton’s presidential bid steadily eign and domestic foes.’’ 60 Writing under the eroded as the election approached and even the , ‘‘A Citizen of New-York,’’ the vice most ardent Clintonians realized that their can- president’s son-in-law, Edmond Geneˆt, prom- didate had no chance of winning. Some bowed ised that Clinton would substitute ‘‘a dignified to the will of the caucus as a matter of course, 65 plan of neutrality’’ for the hated embargo.61 while the prospect of a Federalist victory eventu- Turning their candidate’s most obvious liability ally drove others into the Madison camp.66 New to their advantage, Clintonians portrayed the England Federalists, energized by their opposi- vice president as a seasoned elder statesman, ‘‘a tion to the embargo, briefly considered endors- repository of experimental knowledge.’’ 62 ing Clinton as their presidential candidate but ul- [ 56 ] GEORGE CLINTON timately nominated Charles Cotesworth Pinck- dential term, but he lacked the support and the ney of South Carolina after intelligence reports vitality to muster an effective opposition. Still, he from New York indicated that Republicans there dealt the administration a severe blow when he ‘‘were disposed to unite in the abandonment of cast the deciding vote in favor of a measure to Clinton.’’ 67 Madison won an easy victory with prevent the recharter of the Bank of the United 122 electoral votes; Clinton finished a distant States. Madison had once opposed Hamilton’s third with only six electoral votes—a face-saving proposal to establish a national bank, but by by sympathetic New York Republicans, 1811, ‘‘twenty years of usefulness and public ap- who cast the state’s thirteen remaining votes for proval’’ had mooted his objections. Treasury Sec- Madison.68 retary Gallatin considered the bank an essential The vice-presidential contest posed a unique component of the nation’s financial and credit problem for Republican electors.69 Clinton was system, but Clinton and other ‘‘Old Repub- still the Republican vice-presidential candidate, licans’’ still considered the institution an uncon- notwithstanding the fact that, as Senator Wilson stitutional aggrandizement of federal power. The Cary Nicholas (R-VA) observed, his conduct had Senate debated Republican Senator William H. ‘‘alienated [him] from the republicans.’’ Al- Crawford of Georgia’s recharter bill at great though painfully aware that ‘‘among the warm length before voting on a motion to kill it on Feb- friends of Mr. Clinton are to be found the ruary 20, 1811. Clinton voted in favor of the mo- bitterest enemies of the administration,’’ they ul- tion after the Senate deadlocked by a vote of 17 timately elected him vice president because they to 17. His vote did not in itself defeat the bank, feared that repudiating the caucus nomination since the recharter bill had already failed in the would set a dangerous precedent. ‘‘[I]f he is not House of Representatives, 74 but this last act of elected,’’ Nicholas argued, ‘‘there will not in fu- defiance dealt a humiliating blow to the adminis- ture be any reliance upon such nominations, all tration and particularly to Gallatin, who ob- confidence will be lost and there can not be the served many years later that ‘‘nothing can be 70 necessary concert.’’ As Virginia Republican more injurious to an Administration than to have General Committee Chairman Philip Norborne in that office a man in hostility with that Admin- Nicholas stressed, it would be impossible to re- istration, as he will always become the most for- ject Clinton ‘‘without injury to the Republican midable rallying point for the opposition.’’ 75 cause.’’ 71 In a brief and dignified address to the Senate, The Final Term Clinton explained his vote, declaring his long- Clinton left for New York before Congress as- standing conviction that ‘‘Government is not to sembled in the House of Representatives cham- be strengthened by an assumption of doubtful ber to count the electoral votes on February 8, powers.’’ Could Congress, he asked, ‘‘create a 1809, thus avoiding the unpleasant task of pro- body politic and corporate, not constituting a claiming Madison’s election as president and his part of the Government, nor otherwise respon- own reelection as vice president. He did not re- sible to it by forfeiture of charter, and bestow on turn in time to witness Madison’s inauguration its members privileges, immunities, and exemp- on March 4 (and surviving records do not indi- tions not recognised by the laws of the States, nor cate where or when he took his own oath).72 In enjoyed by the citizens generally? . . . The power the meantime, his supporters had already joined to create corporations is not expressly granted forces with disaffected Republican Senators Sam- [by the Constitution],’’ he reasoned, but ‘‘[i]f . . uel Smith of Maryland, William B. Giles of Vir- . the powers vested in the Government shall be ginia, and of Pennsylvania in a suc- found incompetent to the attainment of the ob- cessful attempt to prevent Madison from nomi- jects for which it was instituted, the Constitution nating Albert Gallatin as secretary of state.73 happily furnishes the means for remedying the Clinton opposed Madison’s foreign and do- evil by amendment.’’ 76 Then-Senator Henry mestic policies throughout his second vice-presi- Clay, a Kentucky Republican, later claimed that [ 57 ] GEORGE CLINTON he was the author of the vice president’s re- of ‘‘the death of our venerable fellow-citizen, marks. Long after Clinton’s death, but before GEORGE CLINTON, Vice President of the Unit- Clay reversed his own position to become one ed States.’’ 79 of the bank’s leading advocates during the , The following afternoon, a joint delegation the ever-boastful Clay asserted that the speech from the Senate and the House of Representa- ‘‘was perhaps the thing that had gained the old tives accompanied Clinton’s body to the Senate man more credit than anything else that he ever chamber. He was the first person to in state did.’’ Clay, however, admitted that ‘‘he had writ- in the Capitol, for a brief two-hour period, before ten it . . . under Mr. Clinton’s dictation, and he the funeral procession escorted his remains to never should think of claiming it as his nearby . President composition.’’ 77 Madison was among the official mourners, al- Clinton’s February 20, 1811, speech was his though he and the held their customary first and last formal address to the Senate. Two reception at the Executive Mansion the following days later, he notified the senators that he would day. In the Senate chamber, crepe adorned be absent for the remainder of the session.78 He the presiding officer’s chair for the remainder of returned for the opening session of the Twelfth the session, and each senator wore a black arm Congress on November 4, 1811, and faithfully band for thirty days ‘‘from an unfeigned respect’’ presided over the Senate throughout the winter, for their departed president.80 Clinton’s former but by the end of March 1812 he was too ill to rival, , later offered a mov- continue. President pro tempore William ing—if brutally frank—tribute to the fallen ‘‘sol- Crawford presided for the remainder of the ses- dier of the Revolution.’’ Clinton had rendered a sion, while Clinton’s would-be successors en- lifetime of service to New York and the nation, gaged in ‘‘[e]lectioneering . . . beyond descrip- Morris reminded his audience, but ‘‘to share in tion’’ for the 1812 vice-presidential nomination. the measures of the administration was not his On April 20, 1812, Crawford informed the Senate part. To influence them was not in his power.’’ 81

[ 58 ] NOTES 1 Everett Somerville Brown, ed., William Plumer’s Memo- 24 As noted in Chapter 1 of this volume, ‘‘John Adams,’’ randum of Proceedings in the United States Senate, 1803–1807 p. 6, Hamilton perceived Adams as a threat to his own am- (New York, 1923), pp. 352–53. bitions and schemed—successfully—to erode his electoral 2 U.S., Congress, Senate, Annals of Congress, 8th Cong., 2d count in 1788. Yet, even though, as Kaminski acknowledges, sess., pp. 77–80; Stephen W. Stathis and Ronald C. Moe, ‘‘Hamilton did not particularly care for Adams,’’ Adams’ ‘‘America’s Other Inauguration,’’ Presidential Studies Quar- support for the Constitution made him infinitely preferable, terly 10 (Fall 1980): 561. in Hamilton’s estimation, to Clinton. Kaminski, pp. 173–74. 3 Brown, pp. 312–13; Samuel L. Mitchill to Mrs. Mitchill, 25 Cunliffe, p. 18; Annals of Congress, 1st Cong., 1st sess., March 2, 1805, ‘‘Dr. Mitchill’s Letters from Washington: p. 17. 1801–1818,’’ Harper’s New Monthly Magazine 58 (April 1879): 26 Kaminski, p. 231. 749. 27 Ibid., pp. 211–27; and Eric McKitrick, The 4 Brown, pp. 353–53. Age of (New York, 1993), p. 288. 5 John Kaminski, George Clinton: Yeoman Politician of the 28 Clinton also received one of Pennsylvania’s 15 electoral New Republic (Madison, WI, 1993), pp. 247, 255–56, 274. votes. 6 Kaminski, p. 1. 29 Ralph Ketcham, James Madison: A Biography (Charlottes- 7 Alan Taylor, review of Kaminski, George Clinton, in ville, VA, 1992; reprint of 1971 edition), p. 336. Journal of the Early Republic 13 (Fall 1993): 414–15. 30 Young, p. 430; Kaminski, p. 237–49. 8 Alan Taylor, William Cooper’s Town: Power and Persuasion 31 Kaminski, pp. 249–55; Annals of Congress, 5th Cong., on the Frontier of the Early American Republic (New York, special sess., March 4, 1797, pp. 1581–82. 1995), p. 156. 32 Kaminski, pp. 249–56; Annals of Congress, 5th Cong., 9 Kaminski, pp. 11–14; U.S., Congress, Senate, Biographical special sess., March 4, 1797, pp. 1581–82. Directory of the , 1774–1989, S. Doc. 33 Kaminski, pp. 192, 256–60. 100–34, 100th Cong., 2d sess., 1989, p. 795. 34 Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., The Jeffersonian Republicans 10 Brown, pp. 450, 635. in Power: Party Operations, 1801–1809 (Chapel Hill, NC, 11 Several portraits of Clinton, at various stages of his ca- 1963), p. 39; Dumas Malone, Jefferson the President: First reer, are reproduced in Kaminski, pp. 22, 58, 112, 190, 228. Term, 1801–1805 (Boston, 1970), p. 88; Noble E. 12 Manning Dauer, ‘‘Election of 1804,’’ in History of Amer- Cunningham, Jr., The Process of Government under Jefferson ican Presidential Elections, 1789–1968, ed. Arthur M. Schles- (Princeton, NJ, 1978), p. 16; Kaminski, p. 261. inger, Jr., and Fred L. Israel, vol. 1 (New York, 1971), p. 161. 35 Cunningham, Jeffersonian Republicans in Power, pp. 42– 13 Kaminski, pp. 14–25, 251, 293. 43, 205–13; Noble E. Cunningham, Jr., In Pursuit of Reason: 14 Edward Countryman, A People in Revolution: The Amer- The Life of Thomas Jefferson (Baton Rouge, LA, 1987), p. 271; ican Revolution and Political Society in New York, 1760–1790 Malone, Jefferson the President: First Term, pp. 123–24, 141, (New York, 1989; reprint of 1981 edition), p. 162. 432; Kaminski, pp. 261–64. 15 Kaminski, pp. 19–25; Countryman, pp. 161–202. 36 Cunningham, Jeffersonian Republicans in Power, p. 205. 16 As Countryman has noted, during the Confederation 37 Kaminski, pp. 262–73. period alone, ‘‘some 170 laws were passed and 40 other ac- 38 Dauer, pp. 159–69; Kaminski, p. 274. tions taken . . . in response to the governor’s suggestions.’’ 39 Ketcham, p. 466. Countryman, p. 210. 40 Kaminski, p. 279; Cunningham, The Process of Govern- 17 Kaminski, pp. 26–36; Robert Middlekauff, The Glorious ment Under Jefferson, p. 16; Cunningham, Jeffersonian Repub- Cause: The American Revolution, 1763–1789 (New York, 1982), licans in Power, passim; and Dumas Malone, Jefferson the pp. 382–84; Countryman, p. 211. President: Second Term, 1805–1809 (Boston, 1974), passim. 18 Kaminski, pp. 23–57. 41 Cunningham, The Process of Government Under Jefferson, 19 Ibid., pp. 60–63, 85–96, 115–21. pp. 188–93; Alexander B. Lacy, Jr., ‘‘Jefferson and Congress: 20 Alfred F. Young, The Democratic Republicans of New Congressional Method and Politics, 1801–1809,’’ Ph.D. dis- York: The Origins, 1763–1791 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1967), pp. 56– sertation (University of Virginia, 1964), pp. 97–101. 57. 42 Lacy, p. 102; Leonard D. White, The Jeffersonians: A 21 Kaminski, pp. 113–69. Study in Administrative History, 1801–1809 (New York, 1951), 22 Marcus Cunliffe, ‘‘The Elections of 1789 and 1792,’’ in p. 50. Schlesinger and Israel, ed., 1:15. 43 Kaminski, pp. 274–75. 23 Kaminski, p. 171.

[ 59 ] GEORGE CLINTON

44 Brown, pp. 348–49. 68 Ibid., p. 288; Brant, 1:202; Ketcham, pp. 466–69. Pinck- 45 Kaminski, p. 275. ney carried the New England states with 76 electoral votes. 46 Brown, pp. 634–35. 69 The Twelfth Amendment, which provides that electors 47 Samuel L. Mitchill to Mrs. Mitchill, November 23, 1807, ‘‘shall name in their ballots the person voted for as Presi- ‘‘Dr. Mitchill’s Letters from Washington,’’ p. 748. dent, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice- 48 Brown, pp. 352–53. President,’’ was ratified on , 1804. This procedure— 49 Adams’ criticism followed his account of a debate in designed to prevent a recurrence of the situation that oc- which Clinton ruled his motion to amend a resolution out curred in 1800, when the Republican presidential and vice- of order. Charles F. Adams, ed., Memoirs of John Quincy presidential candidates received an equal number of elec- Adams (12 vols., Philadelphia, 1874–1877), 1:382–85. toral votes—was first employed during the 1804 election. 50 Brown, p. 593. 70 Cunningham, Jeffersonian Republicans in Power, pp. 122– 51 Kaminski, p. 292. 23. 52 Adams, 1:400. 71 Ibid., p. 123. 53 Ibid., 1:421; Brown, pp. 452, 455–57; Malone, Jefferson 72 Annals of Congress, 10th Cong., 2d sess., pp. 337, 344– the President: Second Term, pp. 88–89. 45; U.S., Congress, Senate, Journal, 10th Cong., special ses- 54 Cunningham, In Pursuit of Reason, pp. 281–82; Annals sion, March 4–March 7, 1809, pp. 365–68; and Journal, 11th of Congress, 9th Cong., 1st sess., p. 208; U.S., Congress, Cong., 1st sess., pp. 373–74; Stathis and Moe, pp. 561, 566n. House, Annals of Congress, 9th Cong., 1st sess., pp. 906–21. Neither the Annals nor the Senate Journal indicates where, 55 Adams, 1:452–53. The controversy was eventually set- or on what date, Clinton took his oath of office. He was tled by the Supreme Court’s 1810 ruling in Fletcher v. Peck. not present for the special session of March 4–March 7, 1809. 56 Kaminski, pp. 278–79; Malone, Jefferson the President: The Senate Journal notes that ‘‘[t]he Honorable George Clin- Second Term, pp. 469–506. ton, Vice President of the United States and President of 57 Samuel L. Mitchill to Mrs. Mitchill, January 25, 1808, the Senate,’’ was present when the Eleventh Congress con- ‘‘Dr. Mitchill’s Letters to Washington,’’ p. 752; Irving Brant, vened on , 1809, but does not indicate that he took ‘‘Election of 1808,’’ in Schlesinger and Israel, 1:185–221; the oath of office at that time. Ketcham, pp. 466–67. 73 Ketcham, pp. 481–82. Gallatin continued to serve as sec- 58 ‘‘Letter from Vice-President George Clinton to De Witt retary of the treasury until 1814. Clinton, March 5, 1808,’’ in Schlesinger and Israel, 1:228; 74 Ketcham, pp. 506; Annals of Congress, 11th Cong., 3d Brant, 1:202; Kaminski, pp. 280–81, 332n. sess., pp. 121–347; Kaminski, pp. 289–90; Chase C. Mooney, 59 Samuel L. Mitchell to Mrs. Mitchell, April 1, 1808, ‘‘Dr. William H. Crawford, 1772–1834 (Lexington, KY, 1974), pp. Mitchell’s Letters from Washington,’’ p. 753. 17–26; Robert V. Remini, Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union 60 Kaminski, pp. 285–86. (New York, 1991), pp. 68–71. 61 ‘‘A Citizen of New-York,’’ quoted in Kaminski, pp. 75 Kaminski, p. 289. 286–87. 76 Annals of Congress, 11th Cong., 3d sess., pp. 346–47. 62 Kaminski, p. 284. 77 Adams, 7:64; Remini, pp. 68–71, 379, and passim. 63 Adams, 1:516; Annals of Congress, 10th Cong., 1st sess., 78 Annals of Congress, 11th Cong., 3d sess., pp. 350–70. p. 150. 79 Ibid., pp. 9, 177, 205–6. The ‘‘electioneering’’ for Clin- 64 Adams, 1:529. ton’s office was mentioned in correspondence from First 65 Cunningham, Jeffersonian Republicans in Power, pp. 118– Lady to Anna Cutts, quoted in Ketcham, 21. p. 521. 66 Brant, 1:218. 80 Kaminski, p. 291; Annals of Congress, 12th Cong., 1st 67 Kaminski, p. 283. sess., p. 206; Ketcham, p. 520. 81 Kaminski, pp. 292–93.

[ 60 ] Chapter 5 ELBRIDGE GERRY 1813–1814

[ 61 ] ELBRIDGE GERRY Chapter 5 ELBRIDGE GERRY

5th Vice President: 1813–1814

It is the duty of every man, though he may have but one day to live, to devote that day to the good of his country. —ELBRIDGE GERRY 1

The vice-presidency had been vacant for near- Gerry’s side of the family. The Gerrys were also ly a year by the time Elbridge Gerry took office pious, faithfully attending the First Congrega- as the nation’s fifth vice president on March 4, tional Church and avoiding ostentatious display. 1813. His predecessor, George Clinton, an un- Young Elbridge was probably educated by a pri- compromising ‘‘Old Republican’’ with frustrated vate tutor before his admission to Harvard Col- presidential ambitions, had died in office on lege in 1758. Like many of his fellow scholars, April 20, 1812. Clinton’s constant carping about he paid careful attention to the imperial crisis President James Madison’s foreign policy had that would eventually precipitate the American put him at odds with the administration. Gerry, Revolution, arguing in his master’s thesis that who replaced Clinton as the Republican vice- the colonists were justified in their resistance to presidential nominee in the 1812 election, was a ‘‘the new Prohibitory Duties, which make it use- vice president more to Madison’s liking. An en- less for the People to engage in Commerce.’’ 2 thusiastic supporter of Jefferson’s embargo and Gerry returned home after graduation to join Madison’s foreign policy, he offered a welcome the family business. A thriving port and com- contrast to the independent-minded and cantan- mercial center, Marblehead was a hotbed of anti- kerous New Yorker who had proved so trouble- British activity during the and 1770s. The some during the president’s first term. But, like future vice president played a limited role in the Clinton, Gerry would die in office before the end resistance movement until the spring of 1770, of his term, leaving Madison—and the nation— when he served on a local committee to enforce once again without a vice president. the ban on the sale and consumption of tea. He was elected to the Massachusetts legislature in Early Career 1772, and later to its successor body, the Provin- Elbridge Gerry was born in Marblehead, Mas- cial Congress, serving as chairman of the com- sachusetts, on July 17, 1744, one of Thomas and mittee on supplies during the fall and winter of Elizabeth Greenleaf Gerry’s eleven children. A 1774–1775.3 The historian — former ship’s who emigrated from Eng- a contemporary—later recalled that Gerry co- land in 1730, Thomas Gerry was a pillar of the ordinated the procurement and distribution of Marblehead community, serving as a justice of arms and provisions with ‘‘punctuality and inde- the peace and selectman and as moderator of the fatigable industry,’’ 4 an effort he would continue town meeting. The family was prosperous, while serving in the Continental Congress. Fol- thanks to a thriving mercantile and shipping lowing a practice that was neither unusual nor business and an inheritance from Elizabeth illegal at the time, Gerry awarded several supply [ 63 ] ELBRIDGE GERRY contracts to his family’s business. But, unlike personal or financial gain. Like many of his con- many of his fellow merchants, he refused to take temporaries, he believed that the ideal form of excessive profits from wartime commerce, ex- government was a ‘‘mixed’’ constitution, incor- plaining that he would ‘‘prefer any Loss to the porating in a delicately balanced equilibrium the least Misunderstanding with the public relative best features of a monarchy, an aristocracy, and of Interest.’’ 5 a . A constitution that inclined too Gerry was elected to the second Continental much toward any of the three would, Gerry Congress in December 1775, serving until 1780 feared, threaten the stability of the government and again from 1783 to 1785. If he was, as his or jeopardize the liberties of the people. This biographer George Athan Billias admits, a ‘‘sec- stance accounts for his seemingly inconsistent ond rank figure’’ in a body that included such behavior during the Constitutional Convention luminaries as Thomas Jefferson and John and and the ensuing ratification debate.11 Samuel Adams, he was also a diligent legislator. Constitutional Convention His efforts to persuade wavering middle colony delegates to support independence during the One of four delegates chosen by the Massachu- summer of 1776 evoked paeans of praise from setts legislature to attend the 1787 Constitutional John Adams. ‘‘If every Man here was a Gerry,’’ Convention, Gerry was, in his biographer’s Adams claimed, ‘‘the Liberties of America would words, ‘‘one of the most active participants in the be safe against the Gates of Earth and Hell.’’ 6 entire Convention.’’ 12 A member of the mod- But, like Adams, Gerry could also be trying erate bloc—he was neither an extreme nationalist and impractical—even Adams despaired of his nor a committed states’ rights advocate—he friend’s ‘‘obstinacy that will risk great things to acted as a conciliator during the first phases of secure small ones.’’ 7 He was ‘‘of so peculiar a the convention. As chair of the committee that cast of mind,’’ Continental Congress Secretary resolved the impasse between the large and marvelled, ‘‘that his pleasure small states over representation in the national seems proportioned to the absurdity of his legislature, Gerry made several impassioned schemes.’’ 8 Modern scholars agree that ‘‘his speeches in support of the ‘‘Great Compromise,’’ work in Congress was remembered most for its which provided for equal representation of the capriciousness and contrariness,’’ citing the states in the Senate and proportional representa- ‘‘phobias against sword, purse, and centralized tion in the House of Representatives.13 power’’ that ‘‘drove him to oppose any kind of Soon after the convention adopted the com- peacetime army and any taxing scheme to raise promise, Gerry began to worry that the constitu- revenue for the central government.’’ 9 But tion that was slowly emerging during those hot Gerry’s biographer discerns a fundamental logic and tense days in Philadelphia would create a in his seemingly erratic career. The Revolution powerful national legislature capable of jeopard- was Gerry’s defining moment, Billias empha- izing the people’s liberties and overshadowing sizes, and the future vice president considered the states. Although the convention adopted sev- ‘‘the signing of the Declaration of Independence eral of his proposals to limit congressional . . . the greatest single act of his entire life.’’ 10 power, including the prohibition against bills of All of his subsequent actions, inconsistent and attainder and ex post facto laws, these provisions idiosyncratic as they may have appeared to oth- failed to satisfy his apprehensions. Struggling to ers, were driven by his single-minded goal of save a document that he now considered seri- preserving the hard-won gains of the Revolution. ously flawed, Gerry offered a motion to include For all his commitment to Revolutionary prin- a bill of rights and several specific proposals to ciples, however, Gerry was no egalitarian. He be- safeguard popular liberties. The convention’s lieved that a ‘‘natural elite’’ of able and talented majority disagreed with this approach and de- individuals should govern the new nation. As a feated each of these initiatives. On September 15, member of that favored class, he considered pub- 1787, a dispirited Gerry stated ‘‘the objections lic service a responsibility, not an opportunity for which determined him to withhold his name [ 64 ] ELBRIDGE GERRY from the Constitution,’’ concluding that ‘‘the best Constitution with recommendations for that could be done . . . was to provide for a sec- amendments.16 ond general Convention.’’ Two days later, as his The New Nation more optimistic colleagues prepared to sign the new Constitution, Gerry explained his change of Gerry served in the United States House of heart. James Madison, whose notes of the con- Representatives during the First and Second con- vention provide the only authoritative account of gresses (1789–1793). A conciliatory and moderate its proceedings, recorded the awkward scene: legislator, he supported Treasury Secretary Alex- ander Hamilton’s proposals to fund the Revolu- Mr. Gerry described the painful feelings of his tionary War debt and to establish a national situation, and the embarrassment under which bank. Disillusioned by the increasingly partisan he rose to offer any further observations on the nature of the debate that Hamilton’s proposals subject which had finally been decided. Whilst the plan was depending, he had treated it with generated, Gerry retired at the end of his second all the freedom he thought it deserved. He now term, returning to Elmwood, his Cambridge, felt himself bound as he was disposed to treat it Massachusetts, estate, to attend to his business with the respect due to the Act of the Convention. affairs and to care for his large and growing fam- He hoped he should not violate that respect in ily. He had remained a bachelor until the age of declaring on this occasion his fears that a Civil forty-one, marrying Ann Thompson, the Euro- war may result from the present crisis of the pean-educated daughter of a wealthy New York U.S.14 merchant, in 1786. Ann Gerry’s frequent preg- Gerry objected to several provisions in the new nancies—ten children arrived between 1787 and Constitution, including the language in Article I, 1801—placed a severe strain on her health, and section 3, specifying that ‘‘The Vice President of Elbridge was needed at home.17 the United States shall be President of the Sen- Gerry’s brief retirement ended in 1796, when ate.’’ During the September 7 debate over the he served as a presidential elector, supporting ‘‘mode of constituting the Executive,’’ he had his friend and former colleague, John Adams. In voiced his reservations about assigning legisla- 1797, with relations between the United States tive responsibilities to the vice president. ‘‘We and France steadily worsening after the adoption might as well put the President himself at the of the Jay Treaty, President Adams appointed head of the Legislature,’’ he had argued. ‘‘The Gerry an envoy to France. The mission failed close intimacy that must subsist between the after representatives of the French government President & vice-president makes it absolutely demanded a bribe before they would begin nego- improper.’’ But, he now admitted, he could have tiations. Gerry’s fellow commissioners left Paris, accepted this provision and others that he found but Gerry, who had been meeting privately with troubling had the Constitution not granted Con- the French in an effort to facilitate negotiations, gress such sweeping powers.15 remained behind, believing that accommodation Fearful as he was about the new Constitution, was possible. Eventually, he left France empty- Gerry was equally worried that ‘‘anarchy may handed but convinced that his efforts had avert- ensue’’ if the states failed to ratify it. He did not, ed war. Attacks on American shipping contin- therefore, reject it outright during the ratification ued, however, and Gerry was widely criticized struggle. Abandoning his earlier call for a second for the failure of the mission.18 convention, he worked to build support for Maligned by Federalists who believed him amendments ‘‘adapted to the ‘exigencies of Gov- partial to France, and courted by Republicans for ernment’ & the preservation of Liberty.’’ Reviled the same reason, Gerry tried to remain aloof as a traitor to his class by elites who strongly fa- from the partisan warfare of the late 1790s. Then, vored ratification, Gerry suffered an overwhelm- in 1800, energized by President John Adams’ ing defeat in the 1788 Massachusetts guber- warning that Hamilton would use the army to natorial election. Still, he noted with some satis- gain control of the government, he aligned him- faction that his state and four others ratified the self with the moderate wing of the Jeffersonian [ 65 ] ELBRIDGE GERRY coalition, eventually emerging as the leader of Jefferson’s embargo and Madison’s foreign pol- the Massachusetts Republicans. After a brief sec- icy, remaining steadfast after the United States ond retirement from politics between 1804 and declared war against Great Britain in June 1812. 1809, Gerry was elected governor of Massachu- Like Madison, he believed that the war was nec- setts in 1810. The success of his efforts to rec- essary to protect the liberties that both men had oncile Federalists and Republicans, who were labored so hard to secure during the bitterly divided over foreign policy issues, led to Revolution.21 his reelection the following year. During his sec- Although Gerry was certainly no liability, he ond term, however, Governor Gerry adopted a turned out not to be as valuable an asset as the more ‘‘hard-line’’ approach, as Massachusetts Republicans had hoped. Of Massachusetts’ 22 Federalists became increasingly outspoken in electors, only 2 voted for Gerry and none voted their opposition to Madison’s foreign policy. He for Madison. In an election that was, as one prosecuted Federalist editors for libel, appointed scholar has observed, ‘‘a virtual ’’ on family members to state office, and approved a the , editors and electioneers paid controversial redistricting plan crafted to give relatively little attention to the vice-presidential Republicans an advantage in the state senatorial candidates. By a margin of 39 electoral votes, elections. The Federalist press responded to this Madison defeated opposition candidate De Witt plan with cartoon figures of a salamander- Clinton, and Gerry triumphed over Jared Inger- shaped election district—the ‘‘Gerrymander’’— soll of Pennsylvania.22 adding to the American political lexicon a term Gerry remained at home in Massachusetts on that is still used to connote an irregularly shaped inauguration day, March 4, 1813, taking his oath district created by legislative fiat to benefit a par- of office there from U.S. District Judge John ticular party, politician, or other group. Gov- Davis.23 When the Senate convened at the begin- ernor Gerry’s highly partisan agenda led to his ning of the Thirteenth Congress on May 24, 1813, defeat in the April 1812 gubernatorial election. he appeared in the chamber with a certificate at- Heavily in debt after cosigning a note for a broth- testing to the fact that he had taken the oath of er who defaulted on his obligation, and saddled office. Gerry’s inaugural address, an extended with the expenses of a large family, Gerry asked oration condemning the British and praising President James Madison to appoint him collec- Madison, was unusual in content and length. He tor of customs at Boston.19 explained that ‘‘to have concealed’’ his ‘‘political principles and opinions’’ during ‘‘a crisis like Vice-Presidential Career this might have savored too much of a deficiency Madison had other plans for Gerry. With the of candor.’’ 24 He was now on record as a sup- 1812 presidential election fast approaching and porter of the war effort and a loyal ally of the the vice-presidency vacant since George Clin- president. ton’s death in April, Madison was more anxious Gerry’s early hopes that ‘‘unanimity should to find a suitable running mate than to fill a cus- prevail’’ in the Senate 25 soon faded, as the war toms post. He preferred a candidate who would deepened the divisions between the parties and attract votes in the New England states yet threatened to split the Republican coalition. Re- would not threaten the succession of the ‘‘Vir- publicans far outnumbered Federalists in the ginia dynasty’’ in the 1816 election. Former Sen- Senate, but mounting opposition to the war ef- ator John Langdon of New Hampshire, the par- fort among disaffected Republicans steadily ty’s first choice, was too old and too ill to accept eroded the administration’s 28-to-8 majority. The the nomination. After he declined, the Repub- president was such an inept commander in chief lican caucus turned to the sixty-seven-year-old that even his loyal ally, House Speaker Henry Gerry, a choice that Madison approved despite Clay of Kentucky, considered him ‘‘wholly unfit Albert Gallatin’s prediction that the Massachu- for the storms of War.’’ 26 As anti-administration setts patriot ‘‘would give us as much trouble as sentiment reached a fever pitch after American our late Vice-President.’’ 20 Gerry had supported forces suffered humiliating defeats in [ 66 ] ELBRIDGE GERRY and at sea, 27 several members of the president’s would retire from the Chair two or three weeks party balked at the nomination of Treasury Sec- before the time of adjournment, and would thus retary Albert Gallatin as envoy to Great Britain give to the Senate an opportunity for choosing and . Instead, they supported a resolution a President pro tempore,’’ he later explained, but ordering Madison to inform the Senate whether ‘‘other gentlemen expressed a contrary desire, Gallatin would retain his cabinet post (and, if so, and thought that the President should remain in who would serve in his absence). Ultimately, the Chair, and adjourn the Senate.’’ Gerry ulti- these Republicans joined with Federalists to de- mately decided that, as ‘‘a war existed and had feat the nomination by a vote of 18 to 17.28 produced a special session of Congress,’’ he was Elbridge Gerry found it increasingly difficult ‘‘differently circumstanced from any of his pred- to remain impartial in such a highly charged at- ecessors, and was under an obligation to remain mosphere, especially after Madison became seri- in the Chair until the important business of the ously ill in mid-June 1813. Gerry, himself, was session was finished.’’ 30 (Decades later, in March in poor health. He had recently suffered a 1890, the Senate established the current practice ‘‘stroke,’’ and old age had so withered his slight of having presidents pro tempore hold office physique that one observer likened his appear- continuously until the election of another presi- ance to that of a ‘‘scant-patterned old skeleton dent pro tempore, rather than serving only dur- of a French Barber.’’ The March 1, 1792, act ing the absence of a vice president.) which at that time governed the presidential suc- With the presidential succession safe and cession provided that if the president and the Madison’s physical condition much improved by vice president died in office—a development the time the Senate adjourned, Gerry was free to that many considered possible, if not imminent, return home. He was absent when the second during the summer of 1813—the president pro session of the Thirteenth Congress convened in tempore of the Senate would serve as president. December and did not return to Washington And if Gerry left the Senate before Congress ad- until early February 1814.31 Partisan sentiments journed, as all of his predecessors had done to remained strong in the Senate, he soon discov- allow election of a president pro tempore, anti- ered. By one observer’s count, the administra- administration forces might combine to elect an tion’s opponents outnumbered its supporters by individual hostile to Madison’s agenda. One a margin of 20 to 16. The vice president sus- Federalist editor had already suggested New pected that a Senate stenographer was York Federalist Senator Rufus King as a possible of recent anti-administration articles in the local successor, while Secretary of State James Monroe press, but with opposition forces now in the ma- warned that disaffected Senate Republicans had jority he was reluctant to ‘‘meddle with ser- ‘‘begun to make calculations, and plans, founded pents,’’ and he let the matter drop.32 on the presumed death of the President and Unpleasant as his Senate duties had become, Vice-President, and it has been suggested to me Gerry still enjoyed the endless round of dinners, that [Virginia Senator William Branch] Giles is receptions, and entertainments that crowded his thought of to take the place of the President of calendar. With his elegant manners and personal the Senate.’’ 29 charm, the vice president was a favorite guest of But if Gerry remained in the chair, and if he Washington’s Republican hostesses, including survived until the end of the session, the person first lady Dolley Madison. He maintained an ac- next in the line of succession would be Speaker tive social schedule that belied his advanced of the House Henry Clay, an outspoken years and failing health, visiting friends from his ‘‘warhawk.’’ Breaking with the precedent estab- earlier days, who were now serving as members lished by John Adams, Gerry therefore refused of Congress or administration appointees, and to vacate the chair, presiding over the Senate paying special attention to Betsy Patterson Bona- until the first session of the Thirteenth Congress parte, the American-born sister-in-law of Napo- adjourned on August 2, 1813. ‘‘[S]everal gentle- leon, whose revealing attire caused a stir wher- men of the Senate had intimated a wish that he ever she went.33 [ 67 ] ELBRIDGE GERRY

Gerry remained in Washington until the sec- termined to perform his public responsibilities, ond session of the Thirteenth Congress ad- he arrived at the temporary capitol in the Patent journed on April 18, 1814, leaving the Senate Office Building later that morning. Then, realiz- chamber only a few moments before adjourn- ing that he was in no condition to preside over ment to permit the election of South Carolina Re- the Senate, he returned to his boardinghouse. publican as president pro tempore. Members of the Senate, assembling in the cham- Mindful that the war had ‘‘increased his respon- ber at their customary hour and hearing reports sibility,’’ and apprehensive of ‘‘the tendency of of Gerry’s death, sent Massachusetts Senators Jo- contrary conduct to prostrate the laws and Gov- seph Varnum and to the vice ernment,’’ however, he had refused to relinquish president’s lodgings ‘‘to ascertain the fact.’’ the chair ‘‘whilst any important bill or measure When they returned with confirmation that the was pending, and was to be finished at that reports were true, the Senate appointed five sen- 34 session.’’ ators to a joint committee ‘‘to consider and report Gerry spent the summer of 1814 in Massachu- measures most proper to manifest the public re- setts, awaiting news of the war effort from Madi- spect for the memory of the deceased.’’ The body son.35 He found the capital much changed when then adjourned as a mark of respect to its de- he returned in the fall; British troops had burned parted president. On the following day, the Sen- most of the city’s public buildings, including the ate ordered that the president’s chair ‘‘be Capitol, and the Senate would meet in temporary shrouded with black during the present session; quarters for the remainder of his term. He was outraged to learn that Massachusetts Federalists and as a further testimony of respect for the de- had called for a convention of the New England ceased, the members of the Senate will go into states to consider defensive measures and to pro- mourning, and wear black crape round the left 37 pose constitutional amendments. In the fall of arm for thirty days.’’ Although the Senate 1814, the , which would not passed legislation providing for payment of issue its recommendations until after Gerry’s Gerry’s vice-presidential salary to his financially death, was widely rumored to be a secessionist strapped widow for the remainder of his term, initiative. The vice president therefore urged the House rejected the plan. Madison to counter with a ‘‘spirited manifesto’’ Not long after Gerry’s interment at Congres- against the proceedings.36 sional Cemetery, the United States claimed vic- Gerry was still an energetic defender of the ad- tory over Great Britain. The young nation re- ministration and of the war, but, by that autumn, ceived few tangible concessions from the British his public responsibilities, coupled with his re- under the Treaty of , 38 but a new genera- lentless socializing, had sapped his strength. He tion of leaders viewed America’s ‘‘victory’’ in the became seriously ill in late November 1814, retir- War of 1812 as a reaffirmation of the ideals that ing early on the evening of November 22 and had animated and sustained Elbridge Gerry complaining of chest pains the next morning. De- since the summer of 1776.

[ 68 ] NOTES 1 Inscription on the Elbridge Gerry monument, Congres- gural address. U.S., Congress, Senate, Annals of Congress, sional Cemetery, Washington, D.C., reproduced in James T. 13th Cong., 2d sess., pp. 10–13. Austin, The Life of Elbridge Gerry, vol. 2 (New York, 1970; 22 Risjord, ‘‘Election of 1812,’’ pp. 249–72; Norman K. reprint of 1829 edition), p. 403. Risjord, ‘‘1812,’’ in Running for President: The Candidates and 2 George Athan Billias, Elbridge Gerry, Founding Father and Their Images, ed. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., vol. 1, 1789–1896 Republican Statesman (New York, 1976), pp. 1–7. (New York, 1994), pp. 67–72. 3 Ibid., pp. 7–54. 23 Stephen W. Stathis and Ronald C. Moe, ‘‘America’s 4 Quoted in ibid., p. 53. Other Inauguration,’’ Presidential Studies Quarterly 10 (Fall 5 Ibid., pp. 73–75. 1980), p. 561. Gerry’s legislative duties would not com- 6 Quoted in ibid., p. 70. mence until the Thirteenth Congress convened two months 7 Quoted in , ‘‘Elbridge Gerry, Gen- later, which may account for his decision to remain in Cam- tleman-Democrat,’’ New England Quarterly 2 (1929), re- until that time. Samuel Eliot Morison speculates that printed in By Land and By Sea: Essays and Addresses (New Ann Gerry’s illness may have prevented her from accom- York, 1953), p. 190. panying her husband to Washington in 1813; her condition 8 Quoted in Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick, The Age might also have delayed her husband’s departure. Morison, of Federalism: The Early American Republic, 1788–1800 (New ‘‘Elbridge Gerry,’’ pp. 197–98. York, 1993), p. 557. 24 Annals of Congress, 13th Cong., 1st sess., pp. 9–13. 9 Elkins and McKitrick, p. 557. 25 Ibid., p. 10. 10 Billias, p. 70. 26 Robert V. Remini, Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union 11 Ibid., pp. xiii-xvii and passim; Jackson Turner Main, The (New York, 1991), p. 97. Antifederalists: Critics of the Constitution, 1781–1788 (Chapel 27 Ibid., pp. 94–97. Hill, NC, 1961). p. 171. 28 Ketcham, p. 560; Robert Ernst, Rufus King: American 12 Billias, p. 158; Ralph Ketcham, James Madison: A Biog- Federalist (Chapel Hill, NC, 1968), pp. 324–25; Annals of Con- raphy (Charlottesville, VA, 1992; reprint of 1971 edition), p. gress, 13th Cong., 1st sess., pp. 84–90. 194. 29 The vice president’s social life is chronicled in the diary 13 Billias, pp. 153–84. of his son, Elbridge Gerry, Jr., who visited his father in 14 Ibid., pp. 185–205; Notes of Debates in the Federal Conven- Washington during the summer of 1813. Elbridge, Jr.’s diary tion of 1787 Reported By James Madison (New York, 1987; re- makes no mention of his father’s health, but the vice presi- print of 1966 edition), pp. 652–58. dent’s most recent biographer notes that the elder Gerry 15 Notes of Debates in the Federal Convention, pp. 594–97, suffered a ‘‘stroke’’ while Madison was ill. , 652. ed., The Diary of Elbridge Gerry, Jr. (New York, 1927), passim; 16 Billias, pp. 206–17. Ketcham, pp. 560–62; Billias, pp. 326–29. 17 Ibid., pp. 147, 218–35. 30 Annals of Congress, 13th Cong., 2d sess., pp. 776–78. 18 Ibid., pp. 245–86. 31 Ketcham, p. 562; Annals of Congress, 13th Cong., 2d 19 Ibid., pp. 287–325. sess., pp. 537–622. 20 Ketcham, p. 523; Norman K. Risjord, ‘‘Election of 1812,’’ 32 Billias, p. 327. in History of American Presidential Elections, 1789–1968, 33 Ibid., pp. 327–28. edited by Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. and Fred L. Israel, vol. 34 Annals of Congress, 13th Cong., 2d sess., pp. 622–778. 1 (New York, 1971). p. 252. 35 Rutland, p. 151. 21 According to Madison scholar Robert Allen Rutland, 36 Billias, p. 326; Marshall Smelser, The Democratic Repub- the president believed that ‘‘war with Britain would reaf- lic, 1801–1815 (New York, 1968), pp. 296–99. firm the commitment of 1776.’’ Robert Allen Rutland, The 37 Billias, pp. 328–29; Annals of Congress, 13th Cong., 3d Presidency of James Madison (Lawrence, KS, 1990), p. 97. sess., pp. 109–110. Gerry elaborated his sentiments in his May 24, 1813, inau- 38 Smelser, pp. 308–11.

[ 69 ]

Chapter 6 DANIEL D. TOMPKINS 1817–1825

[ 71 ] DANIEL D. TOMPKINS Chapter 6 DANIEL D. TOMPKINS

6th Vice President: 1817–1825

The name of Daniel Tompkins deserves to be more kindly remembered than it has been. —New York Herald-Tribune EDITORIAL, JUNE 21, 1932 1

Daniel D. Tompkins was by all accounts an ex- alone prevented him from becoming President of ceptionally handsome individual. He had a ‘‘face the United States.’’ 4 of singular masculine beauty,’’ one essayist noted, and a ‘‘gentle, polished and unpre- Tompkins’ Early Years tentious’’ demeanor. Tompkins’ biographer dis- Daniel D. Tompkins was born in Westchester covered that ‘‘almost every noted American art- County, New York, on June 21, 1774, one of elev- ist’’ of the time painted the handsome New York en children of Jonathan Griffin Tompkins and Republican, 2 and the images reproduced in Ray- Sarah Ann Hyatt Tompkins. His parents were mond Irwin’s study of Tompkins’ career depict tenant farmers, who acquired middle-class status an attractive and obviously self-confident young only shortly before his birth when they pur- politician. John Trumbull’s 1809 portrait, for ex- chased a farm near Scarsdale. Jonathan Griffin ample, shows Tompkins as he appeared during Tompkins joined several local resistance commit- tees during the Revolution, serving as an adju- his first term as governor of New York: a care- tant in the county militia. After the war, he fully dressed, poised, and seemingly contented served several years as a town supervisor and public man, his dark hair framing an even-fea- as a delegate to the state legislature. A self-edu- tured and not-yet-careworn face.3 cated man, the elder Tompkins was determined But had Trumbull painted Tompkins in 1825, to provide young Daniel with a classical the year he retired from public life after two education. terms as vice president during James Monroe’s The future vice president began his education administration, he would have captured a vastly at a New York City grammar school, later trans- different likeness. A decade of financial privation ferring to the Academy of North Salem and en- and heavy drinking, coupled with accusations tering in 1792. An excep- that he had mishandled state and federal funds tional scholar and a gifted essayist, Tompkins while serving as governor of New York during graduated first in his class in 1795, intent on pur- the War of 1812, had prematurely aged Tomp- suing a political career. In 1797, he was admitted kins. He was, at the age of fifty, an embittered to the New York bar and married Hannah and tortured old man, his once-promising career Minthorne, the daughter of a well-connected Re- brought to an untimely end. ‘‘There was a time publican merchant. Tompkins’ father-in-law was when no man in the state dared compete with a prominent member of the Tammany Society, him for any office in the gift of the people,’’ a a militant, unabashedly democratic political or- contemporary reflected after Tompkins’ death on ganization that would one day challenge the , 1825, ‘‘and his habits of intemperance Clinton dynasty for control of the New York Re- [ 73 ] DANIEL D. TOMPKINS publican party. Also known as ‘‘Bucktails,’’ after stressed their candidate’s humble origins— the distinctive plumes worn at official and cere- Tompkins was the ‘‘the Farmer’s Boy,’’ with not monial gatherings, the Tammanyites were a di- a drop of ‘‘aristocratical or oligarchical blood’’ in verse lot. As Tompkins’ biographer has noted, his veins—and won a solid victory. During his the society was comprised of ‘‘laborers . . . Revo- first months in office, the new governor appar- lutionary War veterans . . . who admired repub- ently took his marching orders from Clinton, lican France and hated monarchical England; sending him advance copies of his official ad- more than a sprinkling of immigrants . . . be- dresses for review and comment. But he soon as- friended by the Society . . . and, of course, hope- serted his independence by supporting President ful politicians.’’ 5 Thomas Jefferson’s foreign policy and backing Tompkins began his political career in 1800, Clinton’s rival, James Madison, in the 1808 presi- canvassing his father-in-law’s precinct on behalf dential election.7 of candidates for the state legislature who would, Reelected governor in 1810, Tompkins was a if elected, choose Republican electors in the loyal supporter of the Madison administration. forthcoming presidential contest. He was a He advised Treasury Secretary Albert Gallatin skilled and personable campaigner, never forget- about patronage appointments in New York and, ting a name or a face; by the time the election after the United States declared war on Great was over, he knew nearly every voter in the Sev- Britain in the summer of 1812, did his best to enth Ward. Resourceful and energetic, he man- comply with War Department directives and aged to circumvent New York’s highly restrictive requisitions. With Federalists in control of the voter-qualification laws by pooling resources state legislature and the Clintonians resolutely with other young men of modest means to pur- opposed to the war, Tompkins was hard pressed chase enough property to qualify for the fran- to comply with the constant stream of requests chise. The engaging and tactful Tompkins never for men and materiel. He used his own funds to allowed politics to interfere with personal friend- pay and arm the militia and personally endorsed ships—an enormous asset for a New York politi- a series of loans from local banks in a desperate cian, given the proliferation of factions in the effort to buttress the state’s defenses. It was a risk Empire State during the early 1800s. Tompkins Tompkins could ill afford to take; he had already served as a New York City delegate to the 1801 made substantial contributions to the war effort state constitutional convention and was elected and had borrowed heavily to finance several to the New York assembly in 1803. In 1804 he large purchases of land on Staten Island. When won a seat in the United States House of Rep- President Madison offered him a cabinet ap- resentatives, but he resigned before Congress pointment in the fall of 1814, Tompkins protested convened to accept an appointment as an associ- that he would be more useful to the administra- ate justice of the .6 tion as governor of New York. But, he later con- War Governor fessed, ‘‘One of the reasons was the inadequacy of my circumstances to remove to Washington Tompkins was a popular and fair-minded ju- & support so large and expensive family as mine rist, well respected by members of the several is, on the salary of that office.’’ 8 factions that were struggling for control of the state Republican party during the early 1800s. He The Election of 1816 was also a close associate of De Witt Clinton, Tompkins’ able and energetic leadership dur- who supported him in the 1807 gubernatorial ing the war made him one of the best-loved men race in an effort to unseat . Lewis in his state. One of his aides, novelist Washing- was a ‘‘Livingston’’ Republican, supported by ton Irving, pronounced him ‘‘absolutely one of the landed aristocracy who sided with the Liv- the worthiest men I ever knew . . . honest, can- ingston clan, wealthy landlords whose extensive did, prompt, indefatigable,’’ 9 a sentiment that holdings had assured them of a prominent role many shared. The editor of the Albany Argus sug- in New York politics. In contrast, the Clintonians gested in January 1816 that ‘‘if private worth— [ 74 ] DANIEL D. TOMPKINS if public service—if fervent patriotism and prac- opposition to the war. In this euphoric atmos- tical talents are to be regarded in selecting a phere, Monroe and Tompkins won an easy vic- President then Governor Tompkins stands forth tory over Federalist presidential candidate Rufus to the nation with unrivalled pretensions.’’ 10 Re- King and an array of vice-presidential can- publicans in the state legislature endorsed him didates.12 as their presidential candidate on February 14, Absentee Vice President 1816, and a week later he was renominated as the party’s gubernatorial candidate. Tompkins Tompkins’ first term began auspiciously. He defeated Federalist Rufus King by a comfortable returned to his Staten Island home soon after tak- margin in the gubernatorial race after an in- ing the oath of office on March 4, 1817. There he tensely partisan campaign focusing on the can- welcomed President Monroe, who began the didates’ wartime records. But the victory was term with a tour of the northern states in the marred by Federalist accusations that Governor summer of 1817. A gesture reminiscent of Presi- Tompkins had misused public monies during the dent Washington’s 1789 New England tour, the war, charges that would haunt him for the re- trip was intended to quell the partisan mainder of his life.11 resentments that had so bitterly divided the Encouraged by Tompkins’ victory, his sup- country during the Jefferson and Madison ad- porters redoubled their efforts to secure his pres- ministrations. After the president’s brief visit to idential nomination. Outside of New York, how- Staten Island, Tompkins accompanied him to ever, few Americans had ever heard of Tomp- Manhattan, where they attended a military re- kins, and few Republicans believed him capable view and a reception at City Hall and toured of winning the presidency. Not even all New New York’s military installations. When Monroe York Republicans backed Tompkins; some, like was made an honorary member of the Society for Albany Postmaster Samuel Southwick, a Madi- Encouragement of American Manufactures on son appointee and the editor of the Albany Reg- June 13, 1817, Tompkins, the society’s president, ister, declared for Republican ‘‘heir apparent’’ chaired the proceedings.13 James Monroe, who received the Republican But Tompkins paid only sporadic attention to presidential nomination on March 16, 1816. In a his vice-presidential duties after Monroe left to New York Republicans, who were New York to continue his tour. The vice presi- crucial to the party’s national strategy, Daniel dent was in poor health, the result of a fall from Tompkins did receive the vice-presidential nom- his horse during an inspection tour of Fort ination. Tompkins, like many New Yorkers, be- Greene in 1814. By the fall of 1817, Tompkins was lieved that Virginians had monopolized the pres- complaining that his injuries had ‘‘increased idency long enough, but, he assured one sup- upon me for several years until finally, for the porter, he had ‘‘no objection to being vice Presi- last six weeks, they have confined me to my dent under Mr. Munro.’’ He declared, however, house and . . . sometimes to my bed. . . . My that he could not accept a cabinet post in the present prospect is that kind of affliction and Monroe administration because ‘‘the emolu- confinement for the residue of my life.’’ The ments . . . would not save his private fortune problem was so severe that he expected to ‘‘re- from encroachment . . . the vice Presidency in sign the office of Vice President at the next ses- that respect would be more eligible to him—as sion, if not sooner, as there is very little hope of he could discharge the Duties of that office and my ever being able to perform its duties suffer his family to remain at home & probably hereafter.’’ 14 save something for the support of his family.’’ Tompkins’ health eventually improved The end of the war, by then popularly ac- enough to permit his return to public life, but his claimed as an American triumph, brought a re- financial affairs were in such a chaotic state by surgence in popularity for the Republicans and 1817 that he found little time to attend the Sen- marked the beginning of the end for the Federal- ate. In his haste to raise and spend the huge sums ists, who had become suspect because of their required for New York’s wartime defense, he [ 75 ] DANIEL D. TOMPKINS had failed to document his transactions, com- political capital’’ out of Tompkins’ financial em- mingling his own monies with state and federal barrassments, one contemporary observed, ‘‘and funds. An 1816 audit by the New York comptrol- each party thought it could make more than the ler had revealed a $120,000 shortfall in the state other.’’ 18 In the spring of 1820, the New York treasury, the rough equivalent of $1.2 million Senate voted to award Tompkins $11,870.50 to 1991 dollars.15 A state commission appointed to settle his accounts, but Clinton’s allies in the state investigate the matter indicated that Tompkins assembly blocked a final settlement and affirmed had apparently used the funds to make interest the comptroller’s contention that Tompkins was payments on an 1814 loan incurred ‘‘on the still in arrears.19 pledge of the United States stock and Treasury Tompkins grew increasingly bitter with each notes, and on his personal responsibility, for de- new assault on his integrity, but many New fraying the expenses of carrying on the war.’’ In Yorkers, having themselves suffered severe fi- 1819 the New York legislature awarded him a nancial reverses during the , sym- premium of $120,000, but currency values had pathized with his plight, and continued to hold plummeted since 1814. Tompkins maintained him in high regard. In 1820, the Bucktails nomi- that the state now owed him $130,000, setting the nated Tompkins as their candidate to oppose stage for a long and bitter battle that continued Clinton in the gubernatorial race—a move that through his first term as vice president.16 heightened public scrutiny of the charges against Tompkins’ efforts to settle accounts with the him while foreclosing any possibility of reaching federal treasury proved equally frustrating. Per- a settlement before the election. Some questioned plexed by the intricacies of the government’s ru- the wisdom of nominating Tompkins. Repub- dimentary accounting system and lacking ade- lican strategist Martin Van Buren tried, without quate documentation of his claims, he received success, to replace him with a less controversial no acknowledgement of the government’s in- candidate. But Tompkins, fearful that his with- debtedness to him until late 1822 and no actual drawal would only lend credence to the charges compensation until 1824. In the meantime, against him, refused to step aside. Although Tompkins could neither make mortgage pay- Clinton ultimately won reelection by a narrow ments on his properties nor satisfy the judg- margin, Tompkins achieved a personal victory ments that several creditors, including his father- when the state legislature finally approved a in-law and a former law tutor, obtained against compromise settlement of his accounts in No- him. Tompkins slid deeper into debt and began vember 1820.20 to drink heavily.17 When Tompkins did find time to attend the The vice president’s financial troubles, and his Senate, he was an inept presiding officer. His continuing involvement in New York politics, shortcomings were painfully apparent during kept him away from Washington for extended the debates over the admission of into periods. He spent much of his first term in New the Union, a critically important contest that be- York, trying to develop his Staten Island prop- came, in the words of historian Glover Moore, erties and negotiating with Comptroller Archi- ‘‘a struggle for political power between the bald McIntyre to settle his wartime accounts— North and South.’’ 21 New York Representative a nearly impossible task, given the political cli- James Tallmadge, Jr. had sparked the debate mate in the state. De Witt Clinton had succeeded when he offered an amendment to the Missouri Tompkins as governor, and Comptroller McIn- statehood bill prohibiting ‘‘the further introduc- tyre was Clinton’s staunch ally. Governor Clin- tion of slavery or involuntary servitude’’ in the ton’s resentment of the ‘‘’’ knew prospective state and requiring the emanci- no bounds, and with Tompkins now on record pation, at the age of twenty-five, of all slave chil- as a supporter of the Monroe administration, the dren born after Missouri’s admission into the long-simmering rivalry between the vice presi- Union. The Senate took up the Missouri question dent and his former mentor finally came to a in February 1819, with Senator Rufus King of head. ‘‘[B]oth parties thought they could make New York leading the restrictionist charge and [ 76 ] DANIEL D. TOMPKINS southern Republicans opposing the effort to re- kins.’’ In one his last official acts as governor, strict the spread of slavery. The debates contin- Tompkins had petitioned the New York legisla- ued through the spring of 1820, when Congress ture to set a date certain for emancipation, and finally approved the .22 northern senators apparently expected some In this contentious atmosphere, Tompkins type of support from his quarter during the Mis- found it difficult to maintain order. Mrs. William souri debate. They were bitterly disappointed. A. Seaton, who followed the debate with avid in- Rufus King, for one, lamented that Tompkins terest from the Senate gallery, recounted one par- had ‘‘fled the field on the day of battle.’’ 26 ticularly chaotic session that took place in Janu- The vice president was, admittedly, distracted ary 1820: by the New York election and obsessed with . . . There have been not less than a hundred clearing his name, but in ‘‘fleeing the field,’’ he ladies on the floor of the Senate every day on had also avoided taking a public stand that which it was anticipated that Mr. Pinckney 23 would certainly have alienated the president, an would speak . . . Governor Tompkins, a very gal- important consideration since Tompkins had lant man, had invited a party of ladies who he every intention of remaining on the ticket as met at Senator Brown’s, 24 to take seats on the Monroe’s running mate in 1820. Monroe never floor of the Senate, having, as President of the commented publicly on the Missouri con- Senate, unlimited power, and thinking proper to troversy, although he privately informed some use it, contrary to all former precedent. I was one advisers that he would veto any statehood bill of the select, and gladly availed myself of the in- incorporating a restrictionist proviso. Because vitation, with my good friend Mrs. Lowndes, of his overriding concern had been to resolve the South Carolina, and half a dozen others. The crisis before the 1820 election, he had worked company in the gallery seeing a few ladies very comfortably seated on the sofas, with warm foot- quietly behind the scenes to help fashion a com- stools and other luxuries, did as they had a right promise acceptable to northern and southern Re- to do,—deserted the gallery; and every one, old publicans. Monroe’s biographer has suggested and young, flocked into the Senate. ’Twas then that, given the controversy over his unsettled ac- that our Vice-President began to look alarmed, counts, Tompkins knew that he had little chance and did not attend strictly to the member ad- of winning the New York gubernatorial election dressing the chair. The Senators (some of them) and ‘‘intended to protect his career by remaining frowned indignantly, and were heard to mutter on the national ticket as Vice-President.’’ 27 audibly, ’Too many women here for business to Whatever his motives, the vice president was be transacted properly!’ Governor Tompkins by 1820 a bitter and desperate man, his judgment found it necessary the next morning to affix a and once-considerable abilities severely im- note to the door, excluding all ladies not intro- paired both by the strain of his ordeal and by duced by one of the Senators.25 his heavy drinking. Still, even though some Re- Tompkins left for New York shortly after this publicans attempted to block his renomination, embarrassing incident, turning his attention to most remained faithful to ‘‘the Farmer’s Boy.’’ the gubernatorial race while the Missouri debate The 1820 presidential contest generated surpris- dragged on. His abrupt departure angered anti- ingly little interest, given the problems then fac- slavery senators, who were thus deprived of the ing the nation. The country was suffering from vice president’s tie-breaking vote in the event of a severe depression, and the American occupa- a deadlock between the free states and the slave tion of had unleashed a torrent states. There is little evidence to suggest that of anti-administration criticism from House Tompkins’ absence had any effect on the ulti- Speaker Henry Clay of Kentucky. Although the mate outcome of the Missouri debate, since his Missouri controversy had been resolved for the vote was never needed to resolve an impasse, but moment, the truce between North and South was restrictionists reviled him as a ‘‘miserable Syco- still perilously fragile. Historian Lynn W. Turner phant who betrayed us to the lords of the South has suggested that the reelection of Monroe and . . . that smallest of small men Daniel D. Tomp- Tompkins in 1820 can perhaps be attributed to [ 77 ] DANIEL D. TOMPKINS

‘‘the nineteenth-century time-lapse between the fered so much on my journey’’ and since his ar- perception of political pain and the physical reac- rival in town, he intended, ‘‘as soon as the tion to it.’’ Monroe ran virtually unopposed, weather and the state of the roads permit, to re- winning all but one of the electoral votes cast— turn to my family.’’ 33 a ‘‘unanimity of indifference, not of approba- Tompkins was clearly losing control. During tion,’’ according to .28 his brief stay in Washington, he had managed to Some of the electors who were willing to grant alienate Monroe, having severely criticized the Monroe another term balked at casting their sec- president during a meeting with Postmaster ond votes for Tompkins. Among these was Fed- General Return J. Meigs and others.34 Not long eralist elector of Massachusetts, after his departure, one observer ventured that who predicted that ‘‘[t]here will be a number of Tompkins had never been ‘‘perfectly sober dur- us . . . in this state, who will not vote for Mr. ing his stay here. He was several times so drunk Tompkins, and we must therefore look up some- in the chair,’’ Dr. James Bronaugh informed An- body to vote for.’’ Federalist elector and former drew Jackson, ‘‘that he could with difficulty put Senator William Plumer of New Hampshire felt the question.’’ 35 Tompkins would spend the next ‘‘compelled to withhold my vote from . . . Tomp- several months trying to settle his accounts with kins . . . because he grossly neglected his the federal treasury. Before leaving Washington, duty.’’ 29 The vice president’s only official func- he assigned what property he still owned, in- tion, Plumer maintained, was to preside over the cluding his Staten Island home, to a group of Senate, ‘‘for which he receives annually a salary trustees, and on his return to New York he of five thousand dollars.’’ But ‘‘during the last moved into a run-down boardinghouse in three years he was absent from the Senate nearly Manhattan.36 three fourths of the time, & thereby occasioned Tompkins’ absence spared him the humiliation an extra expense to the nation of nearly twenty of presiding over the Senate as it considered a five hundred dollars. He has not that weight of provision in the 1822 General Appropriation bill character which his office requires—the fact is he to withhold the salaries of government officials is grossly intemperate.’’ 30 But Tompkins, like who owned money to, or had failed to settle their Monroe, ran virtually unopposed. He was easily accounts with, the Treasury. The provision, part reelected with 218 electoral votes. of a continuing effort to reform the government’s auditing process and to insure greater account- Vindication ability in public administration, prompted exten- Tompkins’ second term was, in his biog- sive debate.37 The session would have rapher’s words, a time of ‘‘intensifying personal been particularly difficult for Tompkins, with trial, and even of crushing misfortune.’’ 31 In New York Senator Martin Van Buren asking 1821, he attended the New York constitutional whether ‘‘gallant and heroic men, who had sus- convention and was deeply honored when his tained the honor of their country in the hour of fellow delegates chose him to chair the proceed- danger, should be kept out of their just dues’’— ings. But his detractors complained that ‘‘Mr. an oblique reference, perhaps, to the vice presi- Tompkins’’—now ‘‘a degraded sot’’—owed his dent’s plight—and South Carolina Senator Wil- election only to ‘‘the madness of party.’’ 32 liam Smith exhibiting ‘‘voluminous lists of those Tompkins missed the opening session of the who had been reported public debtors of more Seventeenth Congress on , 1821, but than three years’ standing,’’ lists that included he was back in the Senate by December 28. He the name of Daniel Tompkins.38 attended regularly until January 25, 1822, when The General Appropriation Act became law on the Senate was forced to adjourn until the follow- April 30, 1822, depriving Tompkins of his last re- ing day, ‘‘the Vice President being absent, from maining source of funds.39 In a desperate at- indisposition.’’ Less than a week later, Senator tempt to settle his accounts, Tompkins petitioned King arrived with a letter from Tompkins in- the United States District Court for the District forming the Senate that, his health having ‘‘suf- of New York to bring suit against him for the [ 78 ] DANIEL D. TOMPKINS

‘‘supposed balance for which I have been re- just over $35,000, a finding that Monroe, con- ported among the defaulters.’’ His trial began on vinced that ‘‘a larger sum ought to be allowed , 1822, with the U.S. district attorney seek- him,’’ delayed transmitting to Congress. But ing a judgment of over $11,000 and the defend- Tompkins and his family were in dire straits, al- ant coordinating his own defense. For three days, though rumors of his confinement to a New York the jurors heard accounts of Tompkins’ wartime debtors’ prison ultimately proved false. On De- sacrifices: bankers who had lent him funds to cember 7, 1823, Monroe asked Congress for a pay and arm the militia testified in his behalf, $35,000 interim appropriation to provide the vice and Senator Rufus King recounted that he had president with ‘‘an essential accommodation.’’ urged his friend to take out personal loans for Congress approved the request in late the common defense. Another witness gave a de- December.42 tailed accounting of Tompkins’ transactions. But On , 1824, Tompkins returned to the the high point of the trial was Tompkins’ highly Senate. He was ‘‘determined to take no part in emotional summation to the jury, a detailed the approaching election,’’ he informed John chronicle of ‘‘long ten years’ . . . accumulated and Quincy Adams, ‘‘and wished for nothing there- protracted wrongs.’’ After deliberating for sev- after but quiet and retirement.’’ He still suffered eral hours, the jury finally decided in favor of from bouts of insomnia but was finally ‘‘relieved Tompkins. Although the court could by law de- of all his embarrassments.’’ He remained in only a general verdict, the jurors pro- Washington until the end of the session, taking claimed that ‘‘there is moreover due from the his final leave from the Senate on May 20 with United States of America to the Defendant Dan- ‘‘a few brief remarks’’ expressing ‘‘his sense of iel D. Tompkins the sum of One hundred and the kind and courteous treatment he had experi- thirty six thousand seven hundred and ninety enced from the members, collectively and indi- nine dollars and ninety seven cents.’’ 40 Tompkins returned to Washington by Decem- vidually.’’ On May 26, the Senate approved ber 3, 1822, to resume his duties in the Senate. Monroe’s request for an additional appropriation Finally exonerated after a decade-long struggle, of just over $60,000 ‘‘for the payment of the 43 Tompkins seemed a changed man. ‘‘[T]he ver- claims of Daniel D. Tompkins.’’ dict . . . had an evident effect on his spirits,’’ The 1823 and 1824 appropriations came too Niles’ Weekly Register reported. ‘‘His mind ap- late to be of much use to the impoverished vice peared to resume all its former strength, and, president. He continued to drink heavily, and during the last session, in his attention to the du- after years of indebtedness his business affairs ties of his office as president of the senate, it is were convoluted beyond resolution. Daniel the opinion of many of the older members, that Tompkins died intestate on June 11, 1825, and no one ever conducted himself more satisfac- was interred in St. Mark’s Church in New York torily, or with greater dignity filled the chair.’’ City. After his death, his creditors squabbled He remained until February 18, 1823; two days over his once-magnificent Staten Island estate, later, the Senate approved a bill to ‘‘adjust and until it was finally disposed of in a series of sher- settle the accounts and claims of Daniel D. iff’s sales. In 1847, Congress approved a payment Tompkins’’ and to restore his salary.41 of close to $50,000 to Tompkins’s heirs.44 But Tompkins received no actual remuneration even this amount, one scholar noted long after until much later, however. Government account- the fact, ‘‘was only part of what was due him as ants ultimately recommended a settlement of generally admitted.’’ 45

[ 79 ] NOTES 1 Quoted in Ray W. Irwin, Daniel D. Tompkins: Governor 21 Glover Moore, The Missouri Controversy, 1819–1821 of New York and Vice President of the United States (New York, (Gloucester, MA, 1967; reprint of 1953 edition), p. 126. 1968), p. 309, n. 55. 22 Moore, passim; Robert Ernst, Rufus King: American Fed- 2 Irwin, pp. 59, 227. eralist (Chapel Hill, NC, 1968), pp. 369–74; Ammon, pp. 449– 3 Reproduced in ibid., facing p. 66. 57. 4 , quoted in ibid., p. 309. 23 Maryland Senator . 5 Ibid., pp. 1–36. 24 Louisiana Senator . 6 Ibid., pp. 25–50. 25 Josephine Seaton, of The ‘‘Na- 7 Ibid., pp. 51–75. tional Intelligencer’’ (New York, 1970; reprint of 1871 edi- 8 Ibid., pp. 83–84, 145–213; Harry Ammon, James Monroe: tion), pp. 146–47. The Quest for National Identity (Charlottesville, Va., 1990; re- 26 Irwin, pp. 211–12, 249–50; Moore, p. 182 and passim. print of 1971 edition), pp. 314–37. 27 Ammon, pp. 450–58. 9 to William Irving, October 14, 1814, 28 Turner, pp. 312–21. quoted in Pierre M. Irving, ed., The Life and Letters of Wash- 29 Ibid., pp. 312–18. ington Irving, vol. 1 (, 1967; reprint of 1863 edition), 30 Irwin, p. 262. pp. 320–21. 31 Ibid., p. 279. 10 Quoted in Irwin, pp. 197–98. 32 Ibid., pp. 264–80. 11 Ibid., pp. 197–205. 33 U.S., Congress, Senate, Annals of Congress, 17th Cong., 12 Donald B. Cole, Martin Van Buren and the American Po- 1st sess., pp. 9–43, 157, 174. litical System (Princeton, NJ, 1984), pp. 46–47; Irwin, pp. 206– 34 Irwin, p. 282. 11; Lynn W. Turner, ‘‘Elections of 1816 and 1820,’’ in History 35 Dr. James Bronaugh to Andrew Jackson, February 8, of American Presidential Elections, 1789–1968, ed., Arthur M. 1822, quoted in Irwin, p. 283, n. 9. Schlesinger, Jr., and Fred L. Israel, vol. 1 (New York, 1985), 36 Irwin, pp. 280–84. pp. 299–321. 37 Leonard D. White, The Jeffersonians: A Study in Adminis- 13 Irwin, pp. 221–23; Ammon, pp. 371–79. trative History, 1801–1829 (New York, 1961), pp. 162–79. 14 Irwin, pp. 185, 223. 38 Annals of Congress, 17th Cong., 1st sess., pp. 391–408. 15 Based on 1860 Composite Consumer Price Index, in 39 Irwin, p. 284; White, p. 179. John J. McCusker, How Much Is That in Real Money? A Histor- 40 Irwin, pp. 286–94. ical Price Index for Use as a Deflator of Money Values in the 41 Niles’ Weekly Register, quoted in Irwin, p. 295; Annals Economy of the United States (Worcester, MA, 1992; reprint of Congress, 17th Cong., 2d sess., pp. 10–260. of 1991 edition), pp. 326–32. 42 Annals of Congress, 18th Cong., 1st sess., p. 26; Irwin, 16 Irwin, pp. 231–32, and passim. pp. 297–99. 17 Ibid., pp. 279–305, and passim. 43 Annals of Congress, 18th Cong., 1st sess., pp. 127, 766, 18 Jabez Hammond, quoted in ibid., p. 234. 788; Irwin, pp. 273, 300. 19 Ibid., pp. 220–63. 44 Irwin, pp. 300–311. 20 Ibid., pp. 243–63; Cole, Martin Van Buren and the Amer- 45 Henry A. Holmes, quoted in ibid., p. 301, n.43. ican Political System, pp. 61–62.

[ 80 ] Chapter 7 JOHN C. CALHOUN 1825–1832

[ 81 ] JOHN C. CALHOUN Chapter 7 JOHN C. CALHOUN

7th Vice President: 1825–1832

. . . There are no two events in my life, in which I take greater pride, than those to which you have so kindly alluded. My first public act was to contribute . . . to the maintenance of our national rights against foreign aggressions, and my last had been to preserve in their integrity, as far as it de- pended on men, those principles of presiding in the Senate, which are essentially the most vital of political rights, the freedom of debate . . . it will ever to me be a proud reflection, that I have been thought worthy of suffering in a great cause, . . . the freedom of debate, a cause more sacred than even the liberty of the press. —JOHN C. CALHOUN, SEPTEMBER 7, 1826 1

John C. Calhoun assumed office as the nation’s In this momentous contest, John Quincy seventh vice president on March 4, 1825, during Adams had emerged the winner, but his victory a period of extraordinary political ferment. The came at great cost to his administration and to demise of the Federalist party after the War of the nation. The election was decided in the 1812 had not, as former President James Monroe House of Representatives, where Clay had used had hoped, ushered in an ‘‘Era of Good Feel- his influence as leader of the western bloc and ings,’’ free from party divisions. Contrary to as Speaker to secure Adams’ election. Adams, in Monroe’s expectations, the partisan strife of ear- turn, had appointed Clay secretary of state, a lier years had not abated during his two terms nomination that stunned Jackson supporters, as president but had, instead, infected the Re- strict constructionists, and particularly Vice publican party, which had declined into a broad- President Calhoun. The ‘‘’’ deep- based but rapidly disintegrating coalition of dis- ly offended Calhoun’s strict sense of honor and parate elements. Five individuals, all of them Re- propriety, pushing him toward the opposition publicans, had entered the 1824 presidential con- camp, a fragmented assortment of Radicals, test, one of the most controversial and bitterly southern agriculturalists, and men of conscience contested races in the nation’s history. The ‘‘Na- who shared the vice president’s conviction that tional Republicans,’’ a group that included Cal- Adams and Clay had subverted the popular will. houn, House Speaker Henry Clay, and Secretary These diverse elements, which were frequently of State John Quincy Adams, supported an ex- at odds with one another, would eventually coa- pansive, nationalist agenda; the ‘‘Radicals,’’ al- lies of Treasury Secretary William Crawford, lesce to form the Democratic party. But the na- were strict constructionists and advocates of lim- tion would first pass through a chaotic and tur- ited government. Other Republicans had rallied bulent period of , which to the standard of Andrew Jackson, a former Calhoun described for his friend and mentor, Tennessee senator and the military hero whose Monroe, in the summer of 1826: stunning victory at the Battle of . . . Never in any country . . . was there in so had salvaged the nation’s pride during the War short a period, so complete an anarchy of politi- of 1812. cal relations. Every prominent publick man feels, [ 83 ] JOHN C. CALHOUN

that he has been thrown into a new attitude, and Calhoun, who presided over the Senate at the has to reexamine his position, and reapply prin- dawning of its Golden Age, had reached the ciples to the situation, into which he was so unex- height of his career. Given his meteoritic rise to pectedly and suddenly thrown, as if by some national prominence as a talented young con- might[y] political revolution . . . Was he of the gressman during the War of 1812 and his solid old Republican party? He finds his prominent record of accomplishment as secretary of war political companions, who claim and take the during Monroe’s administration, he had every lead, to be the very men, against who, he had reason to assume that he would one day become been violently arrayed till the close of the late president. war; and sees in the opposite rank, as enemies, those with whom he was proud to rank . . . Calhoun’s Early Life and Career Taking it altogether, a new and dangerous John Caldwell Calhoun was born on March 18, state of things has suddenly occurred, of which 1782, near Long Canes Creek, an area later no one can see the result. It is, in my opinion, known as the Abbeville District, located in more critical and perilous, than any I have ever present-day McCormick County, South Carolina. 2 seen. His parents, Patrick and Martha Caldwell Cal- Congress was changing, as well. The Senate, houn, were of Scotch-Irish ancestry. The Cal- as Senator Robert C. Byrd has noted in his au- houns had immigrated to Pennsylvania during thoritative history, was ‘‘beginning to challenge the and moved steadily southward until the House as the principal legislative forum of 1756, when Patrick reached the South Carolina the nation.’’ Before the , the press and pub- backcountry.4 One of the most prosperous plant- lic had paid relatively little attention to the Sen- ers (and one of the largest slaveowners) in his ate’s deliberations, being drawn instead to the district, Patrick Calhoun was a leader in local livelier and more entertaining theater in the politics; he served in the South Carolina legisla- House of Representatives. By 1825, the House ture from 1768 to 1774. During the late 1760s, he had become too large to permit the lengthy was a Regulator, one of the self-appointed vigi- speeches and extended debates that had drawn lantes whose well-intentioned but rough efforts to impose justice on a crime-racked frontier observers to its galleries, while in the Senate, wholly lacking in judicial institutions finally growth had brought increased influence. ‘‘At the prompted the South Carolina legislature to es- formation of the Government,’’ Calhoun ob- tablish circuit courts in the backcountry. During served in his inaugural remarks, ‘‘the members the Revolution, he sided with the patriot cause.5 of the Senate were, probably, too small to attract Young John received only a sporadic education the full confidence of the people, and thereby during his early years, attending a ‘‘field school’’ give to it that weight in the system which the for a few months each year. In 1795, he entered Constitution intended. This defect has, however, a private academy in Appling, Georgia, but the been happily removed by an extraordinary school closed after a few months. The boy growth’’—eleven new states, and twenty-two plunged into an exhausting course of self-study, senators, in a thirty-six-year period. The 1819– but his father’s death soon forced him to return 1820 debate over the extension of slavery into the to Abbeville to manage the family farm. The dis- Missouri territory signalled that an era of in- appointed young scholar remained at home until creasingly virulent sectional discord had arrived. 1800, when his mother and brothers, having rec- The Senate, with its equality of representation ognized his formidable intellectual abilities, re- among states and rules permitting extended de- turned him to the academy, which had since re- bate, would become the forum where sectional opened. He was a diligent student, qualifying for concerns were aired, debated, and reconciled admission to in 1802. during the next quarter century, a momentous Calhoun completed his studies at Yale in 1804. era known to scholars as ‘‘The Golden Age of the After graduation, he spent a month at the New- Senate.’’ 3 port, Rhode Island, summer retreat of Floride [ 84 ] JOHN C. CALHOUN

Bonneau Colhoun.6 Mrs. Colhoun was the a very high degree of regularity.’’ 9 Calhoun’s widow of the future vice president’s cousin, Sen- mess mates included two members of the South ator John Ewing Colhoun; her daughter, also Carolina delegation, and Wil- named Floride, was attractive, well-connected in liam Lowndes; of Tennessee; and South Carolina lowcountry circles, and socially the newly elected Speaker of the House of Rep- accomplished. John C. Calhoun married his resentatives, Henry Clay of Kentucky.10 They, young cousin in 1811. The union conferred and other like-minded young congressmen wealth and social prestige on the earnest young known as the ‘‘warhawks,’’ believed that noth- upcountry lawyer, but Calhoun was also at- ing short of war would stop British raids on tracted to Floride’s ‘‘beauty of mind . . . soft and American shipping and restore the young na- sweet disposition,’’ and ‘‘amiable and lovable tion’s honor. character.’’ 7 Not until later would he experience Calhoun, who had been appointed to the For- her stubborn will and unwavering sense of eign Affairs Committee 11 at the beginning of his moral rectitude, so like his own. first term and became its chairman in the spring Calhoun began his legal education in 1804 of 1812, played a leading role in the effort, sup- soon after leaving Newport, studying first in porting legislation to strengthen the nation’s de- Charleston and later at the Litchfield, Connecti- fenses. Working in concert with Secretary of cut, school of , a distinguished State James Monroe, he introduced the war bill scholar who counted among his former students that Congress approved in June 1812.12 Although such notables as James Madison and Aaron Burr. Calhoun soon realized that Madison was ‘‘whol- He returned to South Carolina in 1806 and ly unfit for the storms of war,’’ he labored so dili- served brief apprenticeships at Charleston and gently to defend the administration and to assist Abbeville. Admitted to the bar in Abbeville in in the war effort that he became known as ‘‘the 1807, Calhoun soon found another calling. In the young Hercules who carried the war on his summer of 1807, he helped organize a town shoulders.’’ He was, as a historian of the period meeting to protest the British attack on the has noted, ‘‘an administration leader second only American vessel Chesapeake off the Virginia coast. to Clay.’’ 13 His speech recommending an embargo and an Calhoun served in the House until 1817. So- enhanced defense posture electrified the mili- bered by the nation’s near-defeat during the War tantly nationalistic crowd assembled at the of 1812, he continued his interest in military af- Abbeville courthouse, winning him immediate fairs, opposing troop reductions and advocating acclaim. He was elected to the South Carolina the establishment of two additional service acad- legislature, where he served two terms, and in emies. As his modern biographer has observed, 1810 he won a seat in the United States House Calhoun ‘‘equated defense with national self-suf- of Representatives.8 ficiency.’’ Toward that end, he accepted protec- Congressman Calhoun tive tariffs and helped draft legislation to estab- lish the Second Bank of the United States in 1816. Calhoun arrived in Washington shortly after Concerned that the nation’s interior settlements the Twelfth Congress convened on November 4, lacked the roads and other improvements that he 1811, taking quarters in a boardinghouse soon to believed essential to economic development and be known as the ‘‘War Mess.’’ The nation’s cap- national security, he proposed legislation to ear- ital boasted few amenities during the early nine- mark for the $1.5 million teenth century, and members of Congress rarely charter fee the bank paid to the federal govern- brought their families to town. They lodged in- ment, as well as the yields of government-owned stead with colleagues from their own states or bank stocks.14 regions and, as one student of early Washington discovered, ‘‘the members who lived together, Secretary of War took their meals together, and spent most of their Calhoun resigned from the House in Novem- leisure hours together also voted together with ber 1817 to accept an appointment as secretary [ 85 ] JOHN C. CALHOUN of war in President James Monroe’s cabinet, a Crawford’s 1819 annual report projected a budg- post he would hold for more than seven years. et deficit for 1820 of $7 million (later adjusted to Calhoun was not the president’s first choice; $5 million). Postwar economic expansion had Monroe had approached several others, but all given way to a depression of unprecedented se- had declined. With the nation’s military estab- verity, and the panic of 1819 had left hundreds lishment in complete disarray after the war, re- of speculators impoverished and in debt. These forming a badly managed department with over conditions, and Crawford’s dire forecast, $45 million in outstanding accounts (at a time prompted calls for sharp reductions in govern- when the government’s annual budget amount- ment expenditures. The war department came ed to less than $26 million) seemed to most a under immediate attack, which intensified when near-impossible task. But Calhoun believed that the press reported that one of Calhoun’s pet a strong defense establishment was essential to projects, an expedition to plant a military outpost maintaining the nation’s honor and security, and on the Yellowstone River, had run significantly he welcomed the chance to reform the troubled over budget.20 department. The thirty-two-year-old cabinet offi- Some scholars have suggested that Crawford cer was also ambitious and well aware that, as timed the release of his report both to embarrass another biographer has noted, ‘‘no man had yet Monroe and Calhoun and to enhance his own held the presidency . . . who had not proved his presidential prospects. Shortly afterwards, the worth in some executive capacity.’’ 15 president received an anonymous letter alleging President Monroe relied heavily on his cabinet that Calhoun’s chief secretary had realized sub- and submitted all matters of consequence to his stantial profits from an interest in a materials department heads before deciding upon a course contract. The transaction was not illegal, for war of action, a practice that assured the gifted young department officials enjoyed considerable lati- war secretary a prominent role in the new ad- tude in awarding government contracts, and the ministration.16 Monroe seems to have felt a spe- primary contractor had submitted the lowest bid, cial fondness for Calhoun—and for Floride, who but the appearance of impropriety gave moved to Washington and soon became one of Crawford additional ammunition. Congress the capital’s most popular hostesses. Official pro- began an exhaustive review of the war depart- tocol during the early nineteenth century dic- ment, with the ‘‘Radicals’’ taking the lead. Al- tated that the president refrain from ‘‘going though the investigation found no evidence of abroad into any private companies,’’ but when malfeasance on Calhoun’s part, Republicans the Calhouns’ infant daughter contracted a fatal were inherently suspicious of standing armies, illness in the spring of 1820, Monroe visited their and even the National Republicans were reluc- 17 residence every day to check on her condition. tant to fund a peacetime army on the scale envi- Calhoun began his first term as secretary of sioned by Calhoun. Congress ultimately reduced war with an exhaustive review and audit of the the war department budget by close to 50 18 department’s operations and accounts. Acting percent.21 on his recommendations, Congress reorganized the army’s command and general staff structure, The 1824 Presidential Election revamped the accounting and procurement sys- Calhoun declared himself a candidate for the tems, and voted annual appropriations to con- presidency in December 1821, much to the sur- struct fortifications and pay down the war debt. prise of Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, By the end of Calhoun’s second term as sec- widely considered to be Monroe’s heir apparent retary, outstanding accounts had been reduced by virtue of his office. Calhoun and Adams were from $45 to $3 million.19 Congress, however, re- friends; both avid nationalists, they had also fused to approve Calhoun’s proposals for a net- been political allies until the Missouri crisis in work of coastal and frontier fortifications and 1820 exposed their profound disagreement over military roads, imposing steep cuts in the de- slavery. Calhoun, however, became convinced fense budget after Treasury Secretary William that Adams was too weak a candidate to defeat [ 86 ] JOHN C. CALHOUN

Crawford, who enjoyed a significant following Jackson camp.22 He ‘‘would probably have coa- within the congressional nominating caucus. The lesced with the Jacksonians in any event,’’ one South Carolinian, determined to prevent scholar of the period has surmised, since South Crawford’s election at any cost, therefore de- Carolina and Pennsylvania, the two states crucial cided to become a candidate himself. to Calhoun’s abortive presidential strategy, had In addition to Calhoun, Adams, and Crawford, gone for Jackson.23 But politics alone could not the crowded field of prospective candidates for fully account for Calhoun’s shift. He knew that 1824 soon included House Speaker Henry Clay the Kentucky legislature had expressly in- and the revered hero of New Orleans, Andrew structed its delegation to vote for Jackson, who Jackson—all Republicans. Calhoun believed that had run second to Clay in the general election. he was the only candidate who could command Yet, at Clay’s urging, the Kentuckians had cast a national following; he had been warmly re- their state’s vote for Adams, who had received ceived during a visit to the northern and middle few, if any, popular votes in the state. ‘‘Mr. Clay states in 1820, and his efforts to strengthen the has made the Prest [President] against the voice nation’s defenses had won him a following in the of his constituents,’’ Calhoun confided to a West, as well. His quest, however, lost momen- friend, ‘‘and has been rewarded by the man ele- tum after the South Carolina legislature voted to vated by him by the first office in his gift, the endorse another favorite son, William Lowndes. most dangerous stab, which the liberty of this Not only did Calhoun face formidable opposi- country has ever received.’’ 24 tion from Crawford’s supporters, now ably led by New York Senator Martin Van Buren, but, to The Senate Examines the Role of the Presiding Officer the amazement of many, Jackson soon emerged as a leading contender. Calhoun’s Pennsylvania Wholly lacking in experience as a presiding of- supporters eventually declared for Jackson, en- ficer, Calhoun prepared himself for his new re- dorsing Calhoun as their vice-presidential can- sponsibilities by studying Jefferson’s Manual of didate. As other states followed suit, the ambi- Parliamentary Practice and other parliamentary tious young secretary of war was, in one schol- authorities.25 But even this rigorous course of ar’s words, ‘‘everybody’s ’second choice.’’’ Thus, study could not adequately prepare him for the in the general election, Calhoun was overwhelm- challenges he would face. The Senate, experienc- ingly elected vice president, with support from ing ‘‘growing pains’’ as it completed its trans- both the Jackson and Adams camps. formation from the ‘‘chamber of revision’’ envi- None of the presidential candidates, however, sioned by the Constitution’s framers to a full- achieved an electoral majority—although Jack- fledged legislative body in its own right, was be- son received a plurality. The election was there- ginning to reconsider rules and procedures that fore thrown into the House of Representatives, seemed outdated or impractical. As the Senate’s where each state delegation had a single vote. debates became increasingly contentious, the Having come in fourth in the general election, body began rethinking the role of its presiding Clay was not a contender in the House balloting, officer, as well. but he played a pivotal part in determining the Calhoun’s difficulties began shortly after the outcome by persuading the delegations of the Nineteenth Congress convened in December three states he had carried (Ohio, Kentucky and 1825, when he announced appointments to the Missouri) to vote for Adams. These three west- Senate’s standing committees. Prior to 1823, the ern states, as well as New York, after heavy lob- Senate had elected committee members by ballot, bying by Clay and Massachusetts Representative an awkward and time-consuming process. The Daniel Webster, gave Adams the margin he rule was revised during the Eighteenth Congress needed to defeat Jackson. to provide that ‘‘all committees shall be ap- Clay’s maneuvering and his subsequent ap- pointed by the presiding officer of this House, pointment as Adams’ secretary of state deeply unless specially ordered otherwise by the Sen- offended Calhoun, nudging him toward the ate.’’ Before Calhoun became vice president, the [ 87 ] JOHN C. CALHOUN new procedure had been used only once, on De- tions that he had made the offending appoint- cember 9, 1823, the day the Senate adopted the ments after Adams ignored Calhoun’s demand revised rule. On that occasion, Vice President to dissociate himself from Henry Clay.29 Daniel Tompkins was absent, a frequent occur- In the meantime, Senator Van Buren had en- rence during his troubled tenure, and President listed Calhoun’s support for a concerted chal- pro tempore John Gaillard of South Carolina had lenge to the expansive agenda that President appointed the chairmen and members of the Sen- Adams outlined in his , 1825, annual ate’s standing committees. message to Congress. Adams had proposed a na- As one scholar of the period has noted, Cal- tional university, a national observatory, and a houn made ‘‘an honest effort to divide control network of internal improvements unprece- of the committees between friends and enemies dented in the nation’s history, as well as foreign of the administration.’’ 26 An analysis of his ap- policy initiatives. In particular, Calhoun, not yet pointments suggests that he took into account a the strict constructionist he would later become, senator’s experience. He reappointed nine of the was concerned that Adams’ plan to send observ- fifteen standing committee chairmen whom ers to a conference of South and Central Amer- Gaillard had chosen two years earlier. The two ican ministers scheduled to meet in the chairmen who had left the Senate he replaced following year would reinvigorate the sectional with individuals who had previously served on tensions that had emerged during the Missouri their respective committees. Of the four remain- crisis. Calhoun saw United States participation in ing committees, three were chaired by senators the Panama Congress as a perilous first step to- friendly to the administration. After Military Af- ward extending diplomatic recognition to , fairs Committee Chairman Andrew Jackson re- a nation of former slaves. He had cautioned signed his seat in October 1825, Calhoun chose Adams, through an intermediary, that the initia- as his replacement the only member of the Senate tive would ‘‘in the present tone of feelings in the whose military record could match Jackson’s— south lead to great mischief.’’ But Clay, an early Senator William Henry Harrison, the hero of the and enthusiastic supporter of the Latin American .27 independence movements, had prevailed.30 As a result of Calhoun’s appointments, sen- The president sent the names of prospective ators hostile to the administration retained or delegates to Panama to the Senate for approval gained control of several important committees: in late December 1825, touching off a protracted Maryland Senator Samuel Smith, a Crawford Re- and contentious debate that continued through publican who would eventually join the Jackson March 14, 1826, when the Senate approved the camp, remained in charge of the influential Fi- mission by a narrow margin. Missouri Senator nance Committee, while New York Senator Mar- Thomas Hart Benton later reflected that ‘‘no tin Van Buren, who would soon unite the opposi- question, in its day, excited more heat and intem- tion forces behind Andrew Jackson, continued to perate discussion, or more feeling between a chair the Judiciary Committee. Administration President and Senate, than this proposed mis- supporters were outraged to learn that the For- sion.’’ Although the vice president had ‘‘no vote, eign Relations Committee included only one the constitutional contingency to authorize it not Adams-Clay man and that its new chairman was having occurred,’’ Benton recalled, Calhoun had of North Carolina, who had been ‘‘full and free in the expression of his opin- voted against confirming Clay as secretary of ion against the mission.’’ 31 It was a costly victory state.28 Bitter divisions between administration for the administration. The United States delega- supporters and the opposition forces were begin- tion arrived too late to have any impact on the ning to infect the Senate, and Calhoun, in his at- deliberations, and all but one of the Latin Amer- tempt to please everyone, had satisfied no one. ican failed to ratify the accords ap- The pro-administration Philadelphia Democratic proved at the convention. The president had Press and several other papers vehemently criti- wasted a great deal of political capital in a con- cized Calhoun, publishing unfounded allega- frontation that hardened the party divisions in [ 88 ] JOHN C. CALHOUN the Senate, and Calhoun and Van Buren had effect.’’ As for Calhoun, he promised that ‘‘no taken the first tentative steps toward an alliance one who knows me, can doubt where I will be that would drive Adams from office in the next found.’’ 32 election. The constitutional debate over the select com- Calhoun also endorsed the opposition’s efforts mittee’s report took an unexpected turn on to curtail the powers of the executive, through March 30, 1826, when Virginia Senator John Ran- constitutional amendments to abolish the elec- dolph rose to address the Senate after North toral college and to limit the president to two Carolina Senator offered a resolu- terms. Although the Senate had considered simi- tion protesting the president’s appointment of lar amendments in previous sessions, the move ministers to the Panama Congress ‘‘without the acquired a new urgency after the 1824 election. advice and consent of the Senate.’’ Randolph was Thomas Hart Benton renewed the initiative on a diehard ‘‘Old Republican,’’ a strict construc- December 15, 1825, with a resolution to appoint tionist and a resolute opponent of change in any a select committee ‘‘to inquire into the expedi- form. Stubbornly clinging to the customs, attire, ency’’ of choosing the president and vice presi- and rhetoric of a bygone era, he regarded any dent ‘‘by a direct vote of the People, in districts.’’ departure from the dicta of the Founding Fathers Other senators suggested amendments to pro- as tantamount to heresy. Calhoun thought him vide for the election of the president and vice ‘‘highly talented, eloquent, severe and eccen- president ‘‘without the intervention of the Senate tric,’’ while others, alternately amused and of- or House of Representatives’’ and to ‘‘prohibit fended by his rambling and caustic speeches, his the appointment of any to eighteenth-century dress and manners, and his any office of honor or trust under the United bizarre behavior, dismissed him as thoroughly States during the term for which such Senator or insane. His March 30 address was vintage Ran- Representative should have been elected.’’ The dolph: a disjointed litany of personal grievances latter proposal represented an obvious slap at interspersed with his objections to the adminis- Secretary of State Henry Clay, who had resigned tration, the Panama Congress, and the ‘‘practice from the House to take the executive post. . . . that the Secretary of State shall succeed the Calhoun appointed Benton chairman of the se- President.’’ Calhoun remained silent as the agi- lect committee, which the Senate directed to de- tated Virginian took Adams to task for elevating termine ‘‘the best, most preferable, and safest patronage above patriotism—‘‘buying us up mode in regard to such elections.’’ Benton was with our own money’’—and suggested that Clay pleased that the other members of the nine-man had ‘‘manufactured’’ the invitation to the Pan- select committee ‘‘were . . . carefully selected, ama Congress. Even Randolph’s likening of both geographically as coming from different Adams and Clay to ‘‘Bliful and Black George,’’ sections of the Union, and personally and politi- two unsavory characters from the popular novel, cally as being friendly to the object.’’ Only one, Tom Jones, brought no rebuke from the chair.33 Senator John Holmes of Maine, was an Adams After Randolph ended his harangue, the Sen- man. Calhoun had appointed the administra- ate turned to the select committee report. Ran- tion’s most vocal critics to the committee, which dolph, trumpeting his opposition ‘‘to all amend- reported to the Senate on January 19, 1826, a con- ments to the Constitution,’’ moved to table the stitutional amendment calling for the direct elec- report. New Jersey Senator , tion of the president and vice president. Calhoun who had spoken at great length the previous day confided to a correspondent that he expected the in support of his own proposal to limit the presi- administration to resist ‘‘all attempts that can dent to two terms in office, prepared to speak limit or counteract the effects of patronage. They in opposition to Randolph’s motion. He had just will in particular resist any amendment of the started to explain his position when Calhoun cut Constitution,’’ he predicted, ‘‘which will place him short, ruling him out of order on the the Presl [Presidential] election in the hands of grounds that ‘‘the motion now pending . . . did the voters, where patronage can have little, or no not admit of debate.’’ Randolph added that ‘‘it [ 89 ] JOHN C. CALHOUN is unreasonable, after having spoken an hour and March 30, 1826, spectacle, however, any discus- thirty-five minutes [the previous day], to speak sion of Senate rules inevitably invited comment again to-day’’ and explained that he would op- on the vice president’s legislative duties and on pose any effort to amend the Constitution. When Calhoun’s conduct as president of the Senate. Dickerson attempted to respond to Randolph’s On April 13, 1826, John Randolph offered a remarks, Calhoun ruled him out of order a sec- motion to rescind ‘‘so much of the new rules of ond time. Randolph finally agreed to Dickerson’s this House, which give to the presiding officer request to postpone the discussion until the next of this body the appointment of its committees, day, bringing the awkward exchange to an end. and the control over the Journal of its proceed- On April 3, 1826, the Senate approved the select ings.’’ The debate continued on April 15, as sev- committee’s amendment providing for the direct eral Calhoun supporters, including Van Buren, election of the president and vice president.34 reviewed ‘‘the considerations that had led the Fallout from the explosive session of March 30, Senate’’ to change its rules in 1823 and 1824. The 1826, would haunt Calhoun for the remainder of fragmentary published accounts in the Register of his term. Deeply offended at Randolph’s Debates suggest that, when the Senate vested in charges, Clay demanded a duel with the Vir- the presiding officer the power to appoint com- ginian. The resulting nerve-wracking but blood- mittees, it had done so assuming that the presi- less encounter ended with a after two dent pro tempore would actually make the selec- exchanges of fire. Those who had expressed tions—a reasonable assumption when the debili- amusement at Randolph’s March 30 perform- tated Daniel D. Tompkins served as vice presi- ance, or agreed with him in principle, were sud- dent. Randolph’s cryptic remarks on April 12, denly sobered at the thought that the vice presi- when he notified the Senate that he would pro- dent’s failure to restrain an intemperate senator pose the rules changes on the following day, also had resulted in a near-tragedy.35 Calhoun’s en- hint that the Senate had given the presiding offi- emies criticized him for twice calling the sedate cer the responsibility of supervising the Journal and congenial Dickerson to order while permit- because the secretary of the Senate had been neg- ting Randolph to vent his spleen at will. In the ligent in performing this important task. following weeks the Senate, for the first time in The reporter who followed the April 15 debate its history, attempted to define the vice presi- was careful to note that ‘‘the gentlemen who fa- dent’s legislative duties and responsibilities. vored the present motion, as well as the one who In the decade prior to 1826, the Senate had paid offered it, disclaimed the remotest intention to increasing attention to organizational matters, a impute to the Vice President an improper exer- clear indication of its increased workload, en- cise of the duties devolved on him by the rules.’’ larged membership, and heightened importance But the debate took a personal turn after Ran- as a national forum. It had established standing dolph, sensitive to mounting and widespread committees in 1816, revised its rules in 1820, and criticism of Calhoun for failing to stifle his recent required the publication of regular financial re- outburst, asserted that ‘‘it is not the duty, nor the ports by the secretary of the Senate after 1823. right, of the President of the Senate to call a The body also enhanced the powers of the chair. member to order.’’ That right, Randolph argued, Not only had it authorized the presiding officer was reserved to members of the Senate. At the in 1823 to appoint members of standing and se- conclusion of the debate, the Senate voted, by lect committees, but in 1824 it also directed the overwhelming margins, to resume its former presiding officer to ‘‘examine and correct the practice of selecting committee members by bal- Journals, before they are read,’’ and to ‘‘have the lot, and ‘‘to take from the President of the Senate, regulation of such parts of the Capitol . . . as are the control over the Journal of the . . . set apart for the use of the Senate and its offi- Proceedings.’’ 37 cers.’’ 36 These changes reflect an institution in Some contemporary observers, as well as mod- transition, conscious of its changing role in a rap- ern day scholars, have interpreted the April 15 idly altering political environment. After the vote as a pointed rebuke of a vice president who [ 90 ] JOHN C. CALHOUN had exceeded his authority and offended the diate removal ‘‘for any neglect of duty.’’ The Sen- Senate. On the other hand, the caveats of Van ate chamber would ‘‘be arranged under the di- Buren and opposition senators suggest that, al- rection of the Vice President, . . . so as to keep though some senators may well have intended order more effectually in the lobby and the gal- to curtail Calhoun’s authority, others were ani- lery,’’ a change intended to regulate the crowds mated by concern for maintaining the Senate’s who were flocking to the Senate galleries in in- institutional prerogatives. Calhoun, edging to- creasing numbers. ward the strict constructionist stance he would As this first session of the Nineteenth Congress champion in later years, seems to have approved neared its end, Senator John Holmes submitted of the changes, or at least to have accepted them a resolution, for consideration in the next ses- with his customary grace. ‘‘[N]o power ought to sion, to appoint a committee that would consider be delegated which can be fairly exercised by the rules to clarify and enhance the powers of the constituent body,’’ he agreed shortly after the chair. Randolph moved to take up the Holmes vote, ‘‘and . . . none ought ever to be delegated, resolution immediately, but Calhoun ruled him but to responsible agents . . . and I should be in- out of order on the grounds that ‘‘when a mem- consistent with myself, if I did not give my entire ber offered a resolution, if he did not desire its assent to the principles on which the rules in consideration, it would lie one day on the table.’’ question have been rescinded.’’ Calhoun did Undaunted, Randolph moved to instruct the bristle, however, at the suggestion that he had committee that it would be ‘‘inconsistent with the rights and privileges of the States’’ to author- been negligent in not calling Randolph to order. ize the chair to call a member. He then proceeded He had diligently studied the Senate’s rules, he to castigate a Massachusetts editor for his alleged informed the senators, and had concluded that, misconduct in the chamber. The debate degen- although the chair could issue rulings on proce- erated into a shouting match after Massachusetts dural matters, ‘‘the right to call to order, on ques- Senator James Lloyd rose to defend his constitu- tions touching the latitude or freedom of debate, ent, but Calhoun remained impassive until Ala- belongs exclusively to the members of this body, bama Senator William R. King intervened with and not to the Chair. The power of the presiding a call to order. Rigidly adhering to the Senate’s officer . . . is an appellate power only; and . . . rule governing the conduct of debate, Calhoun the duties of the Chair commence when a Sen- instructed King ‘‘to reduce the exceptionable ator is called to order by a Senator.’’ He had been words to writing.’’ King responded that ‘‘it was elected vice president by ‘‘the People,’’ he re- not necessary to reduce the words to writing,’’ minded the Senate, and ‘‘he had laid it down as since he had merely intended to ‘‘check the gen- an invariable rule, to assume no power in the tlemen when they were giving way to effer- 38 least degree doubtful.’’ vescence of feeling.’’ Calhoun explained that he The debate over the vice president’s role in the had ‘‘no power beyond the rules of the Senate;’’ Senate continued a month later on May 18. A se- if King would not comply, Randolph was free to lect committee chaired by Randolph that had continue. After Randolph finished his diatribe, been appointed ‘‘to take into consideration the Calhoun again reminded the Senate that ‘‘The present arrangement of the Senate chamber,’’ re- Chair . . . would never assume any power not ported a resolution that would make access to vested in it.’’ 39 the Senate floor by anyone other than past and A weary Calhoun left the chair on May 20, current members of Congress and certain mem- 1826, two days before the Nineteenth Congress bers of the executive and judicial branches con- adjourned, in order to allow for the election of tingent upon written authorization by the vice a president pro tempore, but the controversy president. The resolution also specified that the over his conduct in the Senate continued officers of the Senate would be responsible to the throughout the spring and summer and into fall. vice president and that all, except for the sec- On April 24, the had pub- retary of the Senate, would be subject to imme- lished a letter from Senator Dickerson, who [ 91 ] JOHN C. CALHOUN maintained that Calhoun had treated him with ‘‘Onslow’’ maintained in his October 12 epistle, appropriate courtesy and respect during the ‘‘The only correct rule is, to appoint the able, ex- March 30 debate, 40 as well as a submission from perienced, and independent, without regard to an anonymous ‘‘Western Senator’’ defending the their feelings towards the Executive.’’ To appoint vice president. On May 1, the pro-administration only pro-administration partisans, he argued, National Journal published the first in a series of would have drastically expanded the power of five articles by ‘‘Patrick Henry,’’ an anonymous an executive who already had ‘‘the whole pa- writer friendly to the administration, charging tronage of the Government’’ at his disposal.41 that Calhoun had abused his office. These essays, These arguments, the modern-era editors of Cal- which continued through , cited an im- houn’s papers have stressed, reveal ‘‘the ground pressive array of parliamentary scholarship to principles of all Calhoun’s later thinking,’’ and support the author’s contention that Calhoun mark ‘‘the ‘turning point’ in Calhoun’s career had been negligent in permitting the ‘‘irrelative from nationalist and latitudinarian to sectionalist rhapsodies of a once powerful mind’’ to disturb and strict constructionist.’’ 42 the Senate ‘‘without one effort of authority, or Not until 1828 did the Senate finally revise the one hint of disapprobation from its president.’’ rule governing debate to authorize the presiding The vice president had also allowed ‘‘selfish con- officer, or any senator, to call a member to order. siderations’’ to influence his committee appoint- After this revision was adopted, Calhoun stub- ments, ‘‘Henry’’ charged. ‘‘From the commence- bornly remarked that ‘‘it was not for him’’ to ment of the Government until the last session of comment on the change, assuring the Senate Congress,’’ the essayist scolded Calhoun in his ‘‘that he should always endeavor to exercise it August 4 installment: with strict impartiality.’’ He did heartily approve order had been preserved in the Senate under of another change adopted in 1828, a revision every Vice-President, and decorum, almost rising that made rulings of the chair subject to appeal. to solemnity, had been a distinctive feature of its ‘‘It was not only according to strict principle,’’ proceedings. But no sooner were you sent to pre- he informed the Senate, ‘‘but would relieve the side over it, than its hall became, as if by some Chair from a most delicate duty.’’ 43 magic agency, transformed into an arena where political disappointment rioted in its madness. The Calhoun-Jackson Alliance Modern scholars have never conclusively es- On June 4, 1826, Calhoun notified Andrew tablished the identity of ‘‘Patrick Henry,’’ al- Jackson that he would support his 1828 presi- though Calhoun and many others believed him dential bid. Calhoun, with his disciplined intel- to be President Adams. The vice president re- lect and rigid sense of propriety, presented a sponded in his own series of essays, published striking contrast to the popular and dashing mili- in the National Intelligencer between May 20 and tary hero. The two were never close, and Cal- October 12, 1826, under the pseudonym houn never completely trusted Jackson. In fact, ‘‘Onslow,’’ in honor of a distinguished eight- several years earlier, while serving in Monroe’s eenth-century Speaker of the British House of cabinet, the South Carolinian had urged the Commons. Echoing Calhoun’s pronouncements president to discipline Jackson for his unauthor- in the Senate, the writer’s opening salvo offered ized invasion of Spanish Florida during the Sem- a forceful defense of the vice president’s refusal inole War.44 But Calhoun needed time to recoup to restrain ‘‘the latitude or freedom of debate.’’ his political fortunes, and Jackson had vowed to The decision to rule Dickerson out of order had serve but a single term if elected president. The involved a procedural matter, well within the old hero welcomed Calhoun’s support, assuring scope of the vice president’s authority; silencing him that they would ‘‘march hand in hand in Randolph’s outburst would have required ‘‘a their [the people’s] cause,’’ cementing one of the despotic Power, worse than the sedition law.’’ As most ill-starred partnerships in the history of the for the vice president’s committee appointments, vice-presidency.45 [ 92 ] JOHN C. CALHOUN

When Calhoun returned to the Senate for the Wright had finessed a through second session of the Nineteenth Congress in the Senate in the spring of 1828. This so-called early December, he was relieved to find that he ‘‘’’ included no conces- was not ‘‘the object of the malignant attack of sions to southern agricultural interests, as had those in power.’’ He did observe, however, that previous tariffs, and imposed severe hardships in the Senate ‘‘the line of separation is better on the region. Still, Calhoun convinced the South drawn, and the feelings on both sides higher Carolina delegation to hold its fire, fearing that than in the last session.’’ 46 Calhoun’s respite the backlash might cost Jackson the election and came to an abrupt halt on December 28, when hoping that Jackson would, if elected, reform the the Alexandria, Virginia, Phoenix Gazette, an ad- tariff schedules.51 ‘‘[T]he Tariff of the last session ministration mouthpiece, resurrected the old excites much feelings in this and the other South- charges that Calhoun’s chief secretary at the War ern atlantick states,’’ he wrote to Jackson from Department had improperly profited from his in- South Carolina in July, continuing, terest in a materials contract.47 On the following day, Calhoun notified Secretary of the Senate The belief that those now in power will be dis- Walter Lowrie that he had asked the House of placed shortly, and that under an administration formed under your auspices, a better order will Representatives to investigate the charges and commence, in which an equal distribution of the would not preside over the Senate until the mat- burden and benefit of government . . . and finally ter was resolved. ‘‘[A] sense of propriety forbids the removal of oppressive duties will be the pri- me from resuming my station till the House has mary objects of policy is what mainly consoles 48 disposed of this subject,’’ he explained. this quarter of the Union under existing embar- On January 2, 1827, the Senate chose Nathaniel rassment.52 Macon of North Carolina to preside over its de- liberations while a House select committee pur- Jackson and Calhoun won 56 percent of the sued the allegations. Henry Clay, who still com- popular vote in 1828—a sweeping victory widely manded enormous influence in the House of acclaimed as a triumph for ‘‘the common man.’’ Representatives, played a silent role in the ap- The ‘‘Jacksonians’’ boasted an organization vast- pointment of the House select committee, which ly more efficient than that of Adams’ National was heavily weighted against Calhoun. Even Republicans, a factor that had helped them gain though the committee cleared Calhoun after six control of both houses in the 1827 congressional weeks of hearings, press accounts of the inves- elections. The presidential campaign was one of tigation, combined with the muddled language the most bitterly contested in the nation’s his- that Clay had persuaded his allies to insert in the tory. Adams’ supporters charged Jackson and his select committee’s February 13, 1827, report, con- wife with immoral conduct (the two had married tributed to the widespread perception that the before Rachel’s divorce from her first husband) vice president had done something wrong while and Jacksonians countered by reminding the serving as secretary of war.49 Some Jacksonians electorate of the ‘‘corrupt bargain.’’ Calhoun and would have gladly withdrawn their support for the National Republican vice-presidential can- Calhoun’s vice-presidential bid at that point. But didate were barely noticed in the Jackson’s chief strategist, Martin Van Buren, in- fray.53 sisted that Calhoun was essential to his strategy Candidate Calhoun had spent most of the elec- of forging a coalition of ‘‘planters of the South tion year at ‘‘Fort Hill,’’ his Pendleton, South and the plain Republicans of the North’’ to drive Carolina estate, supervising farm operations Adams from the White House.50 and, at the request of the South Carolina legisla- The vice president, for his part, was increas- ture, preparing a critique of the tariff. His point ingly disturbed at the concessions that Van of departure for the resulting South Carolina Buren seemed willing to make to secure Jack- ‘‘Exposition’’ was an argument that Jefferson son’s election, particularly with respect to the had marshalled three decades earlier in his cru- tariff. Van Buren and New York Senator Silas sade against the Alien and Sedition Acts: that the [ 93 ] JOHN C. CALHOUN

Union was a compact between states, which re- Hayne received a steady stream of handwritten tained certain rights under the Constitution. But notes from the chair as he articulated Calhoun’s Calhoun carried the argument several steps far- doctrines for several hours on January 21, and ther, asserting that a state could veto, or ‘‘nul- Webster clearly directed at the vice president his lify,’’ any act by the federal government that en- second reply to Hayne of January 26–27. His croached on its sovereignty or otherwise violated charge that ‘‘leading and distinguished gentle- the Constitution. The ‘‘Exposition’’ and an ac- men from South Carolina’’ had reversed their companying set of ‘‘Protest’’ resolutions were stand on internal improvements brought an im- widely circulated by the South Carolina legisla- mediate and pointed inquiry from the vice presi- ture. Calhoun, wary of jeopardizing his national dent: ‘‘Does the chair understand the gentleman standing, was careful not to claim authorship, from Massachusetts to say that the person now but Jackson and Van Buren soon suspected that occupying the chair of the Senate had changed the vice president had written the controversial his opinions on the subject of internal improve- tract.54 ments?’’ Webster responded: ‘‘If such change has The Senate Debates Nullification taken place, I regret it. I speak generally of the 57 Calhoun’s second vice-presidential term was State of South Carolina.’’ even more of an ordeal than his first. His sus- The president, although not directly involved picions that Jackson might pose as great a threat in the debate, was clearly interested in the out- to popular liberties as his predecessor were soon come. Jackson sympathized with advocates of confirmed. The president failed to repudiate the states’ rights, but, as a passionate defender of the tariff—clear evidence that he had fallen under Union, he regarded nullification as tantamount Van Buren’s spell—and his appointment of the to . When his friend and adviser, William ‘‘Little Magician’’ as secretary of state boded ill B. Lewis, having witnessed the sparring between for Calhoun. The vice president was soon iso- Hayne and Webster from the Senate gallery, re- lated within an administration where Van Buren ported that Webster was ‘‘demolishing our and his protectionist allies appeared to be gain- friend Hayne,’’ the president responded with a ing the upper hand.55 succinct ‘‘I expected it.’’ 58 An open confrontation Calhoun’s novel theory came under attack in between Jackson and Calhoun soon followed, at the Senate early in his second term, during a de- the April 13, 1830, banquet commemorating Jef- bate over the disposition of western lands, a ferson’s birthday. The event was a longstanding lengthy exchange that one historian has termed tradition among congressional Republicans, but ‘‘the greatest debate in the history of the Sen- the recent use of Jefferson’s writings to justify ate.’’ 56 The debate began on December 29, when nullification imbued the 1830 celebration with Connecticut Senator Samuel Foot offered a reso- particular significance. Warned in advance by lution to curtail the sale of public lands in the Van Buren that several ‘‘nullifiers’’ were ex- West. South Carolina Senator Robert Y. Hayne pected to attend, the president and his advisers changed the tone of the debate on January 19, carefully scripted his remarks. After the meal, 1830, when he argued that the federal govern- and an interminable series of toasts, Jackson rose ment should leave land policy to the states and to offer his own: ‘‘Our Union. It must be pre- that individual states could nullify federal legis- served.’’ Calhoun was well prepared with an ex- lation. The remainder of the debate, which lasted plosive rejoinder: ‘‘The Union. Next to our lib- through January 27, consisted of a spirited ex- erty, the most dear.’’ Jackson had the last word change between Hayne and Massachusetts Sen- a few days later, when he asked a South Carolina ator Daniel Webster, who summoned all of his congressman about to depart for home to ‘‘give formidable oratorical talents in a passionate de- my compliments to my friends in your State, and fense of the Union. say to them, that if a single drop of blood shall But the Webster-Hayne debate was, in fact, a be shed there in opposition to the laws of the confrontation between Webster and Calhoun. United States, I will hang the first man I can lay [ 94 ] JOHN C. CALHOUN my hand on engaged in such treasonable con- his wife, Peggy. was a lively and duct, upon the first tree I can reach.’’ 59 attractive woman of dubious reputation and a Jackson Repudiates Calhoun special favorite of the president. The daughter of an innkeeper, she was clearly not the social equal Even without Calhoun’s intransigence on the of the haughty and highly critical Floride. She tariff and nullification, Jackson had ample reason had married Eaton, a boarder at her father’s to dislike his vice president. In May 1830, the hotel, soon after her first husband had died at president finally received incontrovertible proof sea—Washington scandalmongers hinted that he that Calhoun, as he had long suspected, had had taken his life in despair after learning of Peg- urged Monroe’s cabinet to censure him for his gy’s affair with Eaton. Floride’s reputation as an invasion of Spanish Florida during the accomplished hostess, her husband’s position, War. Demanding an explanation from Calhoun, and the fact that both the president and Van Jackson was stunned when the vice president re- Buren were widowers gave her enormous influ- sponded that he could not ‘‘recognize the right ence in Washington society. When she refused on your part to call in question my conduct.’’ to return Peggy Eaton’s calls, several of the cabi- Calhoun went on to explain that neither he, as net wives followed suit. secretary of war, nor President Monroe had au- Floride’s actions put her husband in an awk- thorized the occupation of the Spanish posts in ward position, but he acquiesced in her decision Florida, and that ‘‘when orders were tran- because he regarded social protocol as her right- scended, investigation, as a matter of course, ful sphere of authority and because he knew that ought to follow.’’ His opponents had resurrected nothing he did or said would shake her resolve. a long-forgotten incident to discredit him in Jack- The president, who considered Eaton ‘‘more like son’s eyes, the vice president warned. ‘‘I should a son to me than anything else’’—and later pro- be blind not to see, that this whole affair is a po- nounced Peggy ‘‘chaste as a virgin’’—was sorely litical manoeuvre.’’ Thus began a lengthy and offended. His outrage was compounded by strident correspondence, which concluded only memories of his late wife, Rachel, who had suf- after Jackson wrote from his Tennessee home in fered a fatal heart attack after hearing the vicious mid-July that ‘‘I feel no interest in this altercation attacks on her character that the Adams camp . . . and now close this correspondence forever,’’ had circulated during the presidential campaign. and Calhoun concurred that the correspondence The ‘‘Petticoat War’’ split the cabinet for well ‘‘is far from being agreeable at this critical junc- over a year, with Van Buren emerging the win- ture of our affairs.’’ Anxious to contradict inac- ner. The shrewd and gallant widower had con- curate press accounts of his quarrel with the spicuously entertained the Eatons and orches- president, Calhoun published the correspond- trated the cabinet’s resignation to resolve the im- ence in the United States’ Telegraph of February passe. Jackson was profoundly grateful to Van 17 and 25, 1831, prefaced with a lengthy expla- Buren for the opportunity to purge his cabinet nation addressed ‘‘To the People of the United of Calhoun’s supporters, and rewarded him with States.’’ His break with Jackson, so long in the an appointment as ambassador to Great 60 making, was now complete. Britain.61 Calhoun soon found himself completely eclipsed by Van Buren. After a longstanding dis- Nullification Leader pute over official protocol had culminated in the Calhoun initially believed that his break with resignation of the entire cabinet in April 1831, all Jackson would only enhance his chances of win- of Jackson’s new secretaries were Van Buren ning the presidency in 1832. He still enjoyed con- men. Calhoun had his wife Floride to thank for siderable support in the South and believed he this unfortunate development. Mrs. Calhoun, the might be able to reconcile southern unofficial arbiter of Washington society, had agriculturalists and northern manufacturers with thrown the capital into turmoil with her delib- selective modifications in the tariff schedules. erate snub of Secretary of War and But events in South Carolina soon forced him to [ 95 ] JOHN C. CALHOUN make public his position on the tariff and nul- One of the first items on the Senate’s agenda was lification, a move that effectively killed his the confirmation of Jackson’s reconstituted cabi- chances of ever becoming president. In the sum- net. The Senate approved these nominations mer of 1831, Calhoun prote´ge´ George McDuffie without incident, but Jackson’s appointment of electrified a Charleston, South Carolina, audi- former Secretary of State Martin Van Buren as ence with a fiery declamation advocating nul- ambassador to Great Britain aroused a firestorm lification and secession. Calhoun was horrified at of controversy. Henry Clay, leading the anti- this development, as well as by accounts that Jackson forces in the Senate, blamed Van Buren South Carolina merchants were refusing to pay for the ‘‘pernicious system of party politics duties that they considered unconstitutional. adopted by the present administration,’’ 63 a sen- Calhoun had advanced the doctrine of nullifica- timent shared by many disaffected Jacksonians tion to provide southern states with a peaceful and Calhoun supporters, as well. mechanism for obtaining redress of their griev- Tempers flared as the Senate debated the con- ances, never contemplating the possibility of dis- troversial nomination on January 24 and 25, union. He had not endorsed secession in his 1828 1832, with several senators venting their anger ‘‘Exposition,’’ arguing that a state could veto and at the administration. Massachusetts Senator refuse to enforce any law it considered unconsti- Daniel Webster took Van Buren to task for his tutional, but, if three fourths of the states subse- trade policies, while his southern colleagues, quently affirmed the law, the nullifying state Senators Stephen Miller of South Carolina and must defer to the collective will. of , took aim at Until this point, Calhoun had never publicly Van Buren’s personal life. When Missouri’s Alex- claimed authorship of his controversial doctrine, ander Buckner rose to Van Buren’s defense, as- but now he felt compelled to assume control of serting that only a ‘‘liar’’ would accuse Van the nullification movement to minimize its de- Buren of malfeasance or misconduct, Vice Presi- structive potential. He published in the July 26, dent Calhoun ruled him out of order. Georgia 1831, issue of the Pendleton, South Carolina, Senator John Forsyth, a staunch Jackson man, Messenger his first public statement on nullifica- pointedly reminded the vice president, ‘‘[I]f you tion, the ‘‘Rock Hill Address,’’ a forceful restate- remember your own decisions you must know ment of the principles first articulated in the that you are grossly out of order for this inter- South Carolina ‘‘Exposition.’’ Calhoun was well ference.’’ Forsyth clearly intended to taunt Cal- aware of the risk he had assumed. ‘‘I can scarcely houn, not to raise a substantive objection, since dare hope,’’ he conceded shortly after the ‘‘Rock the Senate had, four years earlier, revised its Hill Address’’ appeared in print, ‘‘that my rules to authorize the presiding officer to call a friends to the North will sustain me in the posi- member to order. tions I have taken, tho’ I have the most thorough The debate over Van Buren’s appointment conviction that the doctrines I advanced, must ended in a tied vote—orchestrated, one scholar ultimately become those of the Union; or that it suggests, to give the vice president the ‘‘distinc- will be impossible to preserve the Union.’’ Once tion and honor of defeating Van Buren’s nomina- the most ardent of nationalists, Calhoun would tion.’’ Calhoun, as expected, cast his vote against henceforth be known as the South’s advocate the nomination, a decision that, Missouri Senator and, by Jackson supporters, as a traitor.62 Thomas Hart Benton predicted, ‘‘elected a Vice President.’’ 64 But Benton was only partially cor- Calhoun ‘‘Elects’’ a Vice President rect. Rigid in defense of his principles, but whol- Calhoun returned to Washington after a ly lacking the abundant political skills of the lengthy absence in time for the opening of the ‘‘Little Magician,’’ Calhoun had played into Van Twenty-second Congress in December 1831. He Buren’s hands throughout his second term as had devoted the time since the Twenty-first Con- vice president. His decision to assume control of gress had adjourned on March 3 to nullification the South Carolina nullification movement had and to his anticipated presidential campaign. already killed his presidential prospects. Van [ 96 ] JOHN C. CALHOUN

Buren would become the Democratic vice-presi- Calhoun would help defuse this explosive situ- dential candidate in 1832 and would succeed ation, but not as vice president. Elected to the Jackson as president four years later. Senate to replace Robert Hayne, he resigned the Calhoun spent the remainder of the year in the vice-presidency on December 28, 1832, more Senate disheartened by the enactment of the 1832 than two months before his term was up. Except tariff. That measure was intended to reconcile for a brief stint as secretary of state during John northern manufacturers and all but the most die- Tyler’s administration, he spent the rest of his hard free traders, but, in one scholar’s assess- life in the Senate, valiantly defending his state ment, it ‘‘satisfied neither protectionists nor free and attempting to reconcile its interests with 65 traders.’’ ‘‘It is, in truth,’’ Calhoun wrote to a those of the nation at large. Undaunted by ru- kinsman as the Senate labored over the tariff in mors that Jackson intended to try him for treason early March 1832, ‘‘hard to find a midle [sic] po- if the impasse over nullification resulted in an sition, where the principle of protection is as- armed confrontation, Calhoun joined forces with serted to be essential on one side, and fatal on Henry Clay to help guide through the Senate a the other. It involves not the question of conces- revised tariff, acceptable to the southern states. sion, but surrender.’’ 66 In early July, a despairing The nullifiers, encouraged by the prospect of a Calhoun offered a gloomy pre´cis of the Senate’s more equitable tariff, and counseled by cool- action on the tariff: headed emissaries from Virginia to show re- We have spent a long & fruitless season. The straint, postponed the effective date of the ordi- Tariff Bill was late last evening ordered to the 3d. nance until March 4. Jackson’s supporters had, reading in the senate with many amendments all in the meantime, introduced a measure to force going to increase the burden on us. Every south- South Carolina’s compliance with the old tariff, ern member voted against it including the South West, with the exception of the Senators from which passed the Senate by overwhelming mar- Louisiana. The question is no longer one of free gins. Calhoun and eight of his fellow senators trade, but liberty and despotism. The hope of the stalked out of the chamber in protest when the country now rests on our gallant little State. Let Senate adopted the ‘‘,’’ but Jackson every Carolinian do his duty. Those who do not never had occasion to employ its provisions join us now intend unqualified submission.67 against the nullifiers. The crisis passed after Con- gress approved both the revised tariff and the Senator Calhoun Force bill shortly before adjourning on March 3, In South Carolina, where antitariff sentiments 1833. Calhoun returned to South Carolina firmly had reached a fever pitch, Calhoun found it in- convinced that nullification had ‘‘dealt the fatal creasingly difficult to contain the deadly forces blow’’ to the tariff.68 that he had unwittingly unleashed. Nullifiers For the next several years, Calhoun remained gained control of the state legislature in the fall aloof from the Jacksonian coalition, which had 1832 election. The new legislature promptly become known as the Democratic party. But dur- called for a nullification convention, which ing Van Buren’s administration, from 1837 to passed an ordinance declaring the 1828 and 1832 1841, he set aside his longstanding aversion to tariffs void as of February 1, 1833. The Ordinance of Nullification also warned that, if the adminis- ‘‘the Little Magician’’ and risked the wrath of his tration resorted to coercion to collect the offen- fellow South Carolinians to support the inde- sive duties, South Carolina would ‘‘proceed to pendent treasury plan, Van Buren’s solution to organize a separate government.’’ An irate Jack- the credit and currency problems that he and son ordered reinforcements to the federal instal- Calhoun believed responsible for the 1837 de- lations surrounding Charleston Harbor but soon pression. Alarmed at the prospect that Whig announced his support for a revised tariff. On presidential candidate William Henry Harrison December 10, he proclaimed nullification ‘‘in- would back tariff concessions for special inter- compatible with the existence of the Union.’’ ests, Calhoun rejoined the Democrats in 1840 and [ 97 ] JOHN C. CALHOUN began making plans to enter the 1844 presi- ’s petition to enter the Union as a free dential race.69 state threatened to upset the delicate equi- Hoping to present himself as an independent librium. Other unresolved issues, too, including candidate with no institutional affiliation, Cal- slavery in the District of Columbia and the en- houn resigned from the Senate on March 3, 1843. forcement of fugitive slave laws, loomed large on His campaign faltered, however, when several the horizon during the final weeks of Calhoun’s prominent Virginia Democrats backed Van life. To resolve the impasse, Calhoun’s old friend Buren and the New York City convention fol- and rival, Henry Clay, on , 1850, of- lowed suit. Calhoun consoled himself by focus- fered a series of proposals, collectively known as ing his attention on his farm, badly in debt after the . Clay proposed that several years of depressed prices, and his California enter the Union as a free state and that family, torn by a protracted financial disputes Congress agree to impose no restrictions on slav- between Calhoun’s son, Andrew Pickens Cal- ery in the and territories. The houn, and his son-in-law, Thomas Green compromise also provided that Congress would Clemson. In mid-March 1844, he accepted Presi- not prohibit or regulate slavery in the District of dent John Tyler’s offer of an appointment to suc- Columbia, would abolish the slave trade in the ceed Secretary of State Abel Upshur, who had District, and would require northern states to been killed by an exploding cannon during an comply with fugitive slave laws. Massachusetts Princeton outing on the ship . Calhoun remained Senator Daniel Webster sought Calhoun’s sup- at the State Department until Tyler’s term ended port for the compromise, but the South Caro- on March 3, 1845, participating in the final stages linian, vehemently opposed to abolishing the of the negotiations for the slave trade in the nation’s capital and admitting Treaty.70 California as a free state, refused to endorse the Calhoun returned to the Senate in November plan. 1845 and remained there for the rest of his life. Increasingly defensive about the institution of On March 4, a dispirited and emaciated Cal- slavery as the abolition movement gained mo- houn, his body so ravaged by tuberculosis that mentum, and agitated at the growing discord be- he could no longer walk unassisted and his once tween the slaveholding and free states, he spoke, penetrating voice so weak that he could no as he informed the Senate in 1847, as ‘‘a Southern longer speak, presented his final address to the man and a slaveholder.’’ As secretary of state Senate. Virginia Senator James Mason spoke for Calhoun had strongly supported the annexation Calhoun, who sat nearby, his pitiful frame of Texas. After Pennsylvania Representative huddled in his chair. Only an immediate halt to offered his famous proviso as an antislavery agitation and a constitutional amend- amendment to an administration war bill, how- ment to preserve the balance between North and ever, the South Carolina senator realized that the South would save the Union, Calhoun warned. acquisition of additional territory would inevi- Even senators who had long considered Calhoun tably heighten the sectional conflict over slavery. a disunionist were shocked when Mason pro- The , which would have barred nounced his ultimatum: if the northern states slavery from all lands acquired from Mexico, were unwilling to reconcile their differences with pushed Calhoun into the anti-administration the South ‘‘on the broad principle of justice and camp. He vehemently opposed the war policy of duty, say so; and let the States we both represent President James K. Polk, warning that the acqui- agree to separate and part in peace.’’ Three days sition of Mexican territory, with its population later, Senator Webster delivered his famous of ‘‘pure Indians and by far the larger portion ‘‘Seventh of March’’ speech, a ringing plea for of the residue mixed blood,’’ would corrupt the compromise and Union that Calhoun inter- nation’s culture and institutions.71 rupted with a resolute, ‘‘No sir! the Union can By 1850, the precarious balance between the be broken’’—one of his last utterances in the slaveholding and free states was again at risk. Senate.72 [ 98 ] JOHN C. CALHOUN

The Senate ultimately approved Clay’s com- in his body, but there is in his doctrines.’’ Senator promise, not as a package, but as separate items. Daniel Webster, one of the official mourners cho- Calhoun died on March 31, 1850, convinced that sen by the Senate to accompany Calhoun’s body his beloved South would one day withdraw from to South Carolina, could not bring himself to per- the Union he had labored so long and hard to form this awkward and painful task. He took his strengthen and preserve. Even in death, he was leave from Calhoun at the Virginia landing as the a controversial figure. Senator Thomas Hart Ben- funeral party departed for the South. Calhoun ton refused to speak at the April 5 memorial was buried in Charleston, in a crypt in St. Phil- service in the Senate chamber; Calhoun was ‘‘not ip’s churchyard.73 dead,’’ he maintained. ‘‘There may be no vitality

[ 99 ] NOTES 1 Clyde N. Wilson and W. Edwin Hemphill, eds., The Pa- 17 , ed., The Diary of John Quincy Adams, pers of John C. Calhoun, vol. 10 (Columbia, SC, 1977), pp. 199– 1794–1845 (New York, 1951), p. 354; Wiltse, John C. Calhoun: 203. Nationalist, pp. 208–209. 2 John C. Calhoun to James Monroe, June 23, 1826, Cal- 18 Peterson, pp. 87–88. houn Papers, 10:132–35. 19 Barsness, pp. 43–53; Ammon, p. 470. 3 U.S., Congress, Senate, The Senate, 1789–1989: Addresses 20 Ammon, pp. 470–72; Peterson, pp. 88–89, 93; Niven, pp. on the History of the United States Senate, by Robert C. Byrd, 78–79. See also Chapter 9 of this volume, ‘‘Richard Mentor S. Doc. 100–20, 100th Cong., 1st sess., vol. 1, 1988, p. 88; U.S., Johnson,’’ pp. 123–24. Congress, Senate, Journal, 18th Cong., special session of 21 Barsness, pp. 43–53; Niven, pp. 86–93. March 4, 1825, pp. 271–74. 22 Peterson, pp. 116–31; Hopkins, pp. 349–81; Niven, pp. 4 John Niven, John C. Calhoun and the Price of Union (Baton 93–109. Rouge, LA, 1988), p. 10. 23 Peterson, p. 130. 5 Niven, pp. 1–12; for an account of the Regulator move- 24 John C. Calhoun to J.G. Swift, in Calhoun Papers, 10:9– ment, see Richard Maxwell Brown, The South Carolina Regu- 10. lators (Cambridge, 1963). 25 Niven, p. 116; for Calhoun’s caveat that he was ‘‘with- 6 By the eighteenth century, the family had changed the out experience, which only can give the requisite skill in spelling of their name, originally ‘‘Colquhoun’’ (after the presiding,’’ see his March 4, 1825, inaugural address, U.S., Scottish clan of that name), with one branch of the family Congress, Senate, Journal, 18th Cong., special sess. of March adopting the most commonly known spelling, ‘‘Calhoun,’’ 4, 1825, pp. 272–73. and the other spelling the name ‘‘Colhoun.’’ Charles M. 26 Peterson, p. 136. Wiltse, John C. Calhoun, vol. 1, Nationalist, 1782–1828 (New 27 For a list of committee chairmen during the 18th Con- York, 1968; reprint of 1944 ed.), p. 12; Niven, p. 20. gress, see U.S., Congress, Senate, Annals of Congress, 18th 7 Wiltse, John C. Calhoun: Nationalist, p. 50. Cong., 1st sess., p. 27; a comprehensive list of committee 8 Niven, pp. 21–34; Merrill D. Peterson, The Great Trium- chairs from 1789 through 1992 appears in Byrd, The Senate, virate: Webster, Clay, and Calhoun (New York, 1987), pp. 23– 1789–1989, vol. 4, Historical Statistics, 1789–1992 (Washing- 27. ton, 1993), pp. 522–81. 9 James Sterling Young, The Washington Community, 1800– 28 Peterson, p. 136; Niven, p. 114. Macon had served as 1828 (New York, 1966), pp. 97–102. a member of the Foreign Relations Committee in the 18th 10 Niven, pp. 34–35; Peterson, p. 23. Congress; Virginia Senator , a Crawford Re- 11 The Committee on Foreign Affairs did not become a publican who served as the committee’s chairman during standing committee of the House of Representatives until that Congress, had resigned in March 1825, to accept an ap- 1822. U.S., Congress, House of Representatives, Guide to the pointment as secretary of war. Annals of Congress, 18th Records of the United States House of Representatives at the Na- Cong., 1st sess., p. 27; U.S., Congress, Senate, Biographical tional Archives, 1789–1989, 100th Cong., 2d sess. (Washing- Directory of the United States Congress, 1771–1989, S. Doc. ton, 1989), p. 135. 100–34, 100th Cong., 2d sess., 1989, pp. 574–75. 12 Peterson, p. 18; Niven, pp. 41–52; Harry Ammon, James 29 Peterson, p. 136. Monroe: The Quest for National Identity (Charlottesville, VA, 30 Niven, pp. 113–15; Peterson, pp. 136–40; Robert V. 1990; reprint of 1971 edition), p. 309; James F. Hopkins, Remini, Martin Van Buren and the Making of the Democratic ‘‘Election of 1824,’’ in History of American Presidential Party (New York, 1959), pp. 105–13. Elections, 1789–1968, ed. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., and 31 Thomas Hart Benton, Thirty Years View; or, A History Fred L. Israel, vol. 1 (New York, 1971), p. 354. of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, 13 Peterson, pp. 18, 39. from 1820 to 1850 (New York, 1871; reprint of 1854 edition), 14 Charles Sellers, The Market Revolution: Jacksonian vol. 1, pp. 65–69; Remini, Martin Van Buren and the Making America, 1815–1846 (New York, 1991), pp. 76–79; Peterson, of the Democratic Party, pp. 105–13. The Senate confirmed p. 49; Niven, pp. 51–57. President James Madison vetoed the appointments of John Sergeant and Richard Clark the ‘‘Bonus Bill’’ on Constitutional grounds. Adams as delegates to the Panama Congress by a vote of 15 Niven, pp. 58–60; Ammon, pp. 357–60, 470; Richard W. 24 to 20. Barsness, ‘‘John C. Calhoun and the Military Establishment, 32 U.S., Congress, Register of Debates in Congress, 19th 1817–1825,’’ Magazine of History 50 (Autumn Cong., 1st sess., pp. 384–406; Benton, 1:78; John C. Calhoun 1966), pp. 43–53; Wiltse, John C. Calhoun: Nationalist, p. 140. to Micah Sterling, February 4, 1826, in Calhoun Papers, 10:72– 16 Young, pp. 230–31. 73.

[ 100 ] JOHN C. CALHOUN

33 Robert V. Remini, Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union 52 John C. Calhoun to Andrew Jackson, July 10, 1828, Cal- (New York, 1991), pp. 292–93; Niven, pp. 114–16; Peterson, houn Papers, 10:395–97. pp. 140–41; Register of Debates in Congress, 19th Cong., 1st 53 Robert V. Remini, ‘‘Election of 1828,’’ in Schlesinger sess., pp. 384–406. and Israel, eds., pp. 413–33. 34 Register of Debates in Congress, 19th Cong., 1st sess., pp. 54 Niven, pp. 154–78; Peterson, pp. 169–70. 384–407. The amendment was sent to the House of Rep- 55 Niven, pp. 165–69. resentatives, where it died in committee. 56 Peterson, p. 170. 35 Remini, Henry Clay, pp. 293–95; Peterson, pp. 140–42. 57 Byrd, The Senate, 1789–1989, vol. 3, Classic Speeches, 36 Annals of Congress, 18th Cong., 1st sess., pp. 114–17; 1830–1993 (Washington, 1994), pp. 1–77; Robert V. Remini, U.S., Congress, Senate, Journal, 18th Cong., 1st sess., pp. 106, Andrew Jackson and the Course of American Freedom, 1822– 114, 125. 1832 (New York, 1981), pp. 232–33; Peterson, pp. 170–83; 37 Register of Debates in Congress, 19th Cong., 1st sess., pp. Niven, pp. 169–72. 525–26, 571–73. 58 Remini, Jackson and the Course of American Freedom, p. 38 Senator John Holmes of Maine noted, in his April 15, 233. 1826 remarks, that proposed rules changes ‘‘had proceeded 59 Ibid., pp. 185–86; Peterson, pp. 233–37. from an intimate personal friend of the Vice President, 60 Remini, Jackson and the Course of American Freedom, pp. which will itself contradict the presumption that any con- 240–47; Peterson, pp. 187–89; Niven, pp. 174–75. For the Cal- duct’’ of Calhoun’s ‘‘had induced the proposition.’’ His re- houn-Jackson correspondence regarding the Seminole War marks brought an immediate disclaimer from the ever-er- investigation, and an account of Calhoun’s subsequent pub- ratic Randolph that he had ‘‘offered the resolution in no lication of the exchange, see Clyde N. Wilson, ed., The Papers such character . . . of the personal friend or enemy of any of John C. Calhoun, vol. 11 (Columbia, SC, 1978), pp. 94–96, gentleman on this floor with one exception.’’ Register of De- 159–225, 285, 334–38. bates in Congress, 19th Cong., 1st sess., pp. 571–74. 61 Remini, Jackson and the Course of American Freedom, pp. 39 Register of Debates in Congress, pp. 754–59. 161–63, 320–21; Peterson, pp. 183–85; Niven, pp. 167–69, 40 Editorial note and summary, Calhoun Papers, 10:91. 174. For further discussion of this incident, see Chapter 8 41 The essays of ‘‘Patrick Henry’’ appear in Calhoun Pa- of this volume, ‘‘Martin Van Buren,’’ p. 108. pers, 10:91–96; 113–27; 165–75; 175–87; 188–97; for the 62 Niven, pp. 180–84; Charles M. Wiltse, John C. Calhoun, ‘‘Onslow’’ essays, see pp. 99–104; 135–47; 147–155; 208–215; vol. 2, Nullifier, 1829–1839 (New York, 1968; reprint of 1949 215–21; 223–33. See also the editors’ introduction, xix-xxx. ed.), pp. 110–20; John C. Calhoun to Samuel D. Ingham, July 42 Calhoun Papers, 10:xxi. 31, 1831, Calhoun Papers, 11:441–45. 43 Register of Debates in Congress, 20th Cong., 1st sess., pp. 63 Remini, Jackson and the Course of American Democracy, 278–341 (‘‘Powers of the Vice President’’). p. 347. 44 John C. Calhoun to Andrew Jackson, June 4, 1826, Cal- 64 Ibid., pp. 347–49; Niven, pp. 185–87; Peterson, p. 203; houn Papers, 10:110–11; Peterson, pp. 151–52; Niven, pp. 68– Register of Debates in Congress, 20th Cong., 1st sess., pp. 278– 71, 119–21. 341. 45 Harry L. Watson, Liberty and Power: The Politics of Jack- 65 Peterson, pp. 203–9. sonian America (New York, 1990), pp. 73–74. 66 John C. Calhoun to Francis W. Pickens, March 2, 1832, 46 John C. Calhoun to Lt. James Edward Colhoun, Decem- Calhoun Papers, 11:558–59. ber 24, 1826, Calhoun Papers, 10:238–40. 67 John C. Calhoun to Samuel D. Ingham, July 8, 1832, Cal- 47 Alexandria Phoenix Gazette, December 28, 1826, Calhoun houn Papers, 11:602–3. Papers, 10:241–42. 68 Niven, pp. 189–99; Richard E. Ellis, The Union at Risk: 48 John C. Calhoun to the secretary of the Senate, Decem- , States’ Rights, and the Nullification Cri- ber 29, 1826, Calhoun Papers, 10:243. sis (New York, 1987), pp. 74–91, and passim. 49 Niven, pp. 124–26; editorial note, Calhoun Papers, 69 Niven, pp. 200–58. 10:246. 70 Ibid., pp. 259–82. 50 John C. Calhoun to the Rev. Waddel, February 71 Ibid., pp. 295–313. 24, 1827, Calhoun Papers, 10: 266–67; Niven, pp. 125–26. 72 Ibid., pp. 339–45; Peterson, pp. 449–66. 51 Niven, pp. 131–37; Peterson, pp. 159–61. 73 Peterson, pp. 467–68; Niven, pp. 343–45.

[ 101 ]

Chapter 8 MARTIN VAN BUREN 1833–1837

[ 103 ] MARTIN VAN BUREN Chapter 8 MARTIN VAN BUREN

8th Vice President: 1833–1837

a true man with no guile —ANDREW JACKSON ON MARTIN VAN BUREN 1

you were a great intriguer—the author of sundry plots —WILLIAM L. MARCY TO MARTIN VAN BUREN 2

Few people ever really knew Martin Van ably envied) his uncanny political acumen, he Buren. The impeccable attire, ready wit, and un- was known throughout his career by an unparal- failing tact that set him apart from his contem- leled assortment of nicknames, none of them en- poraries masked a nagging sense of insecurity tirely favorable. But ‘‘the Little Magician’’ (also that dogged him throughout his political career. known as ‘‘the American Talleyrand,’’ ‘‘the Red His father, a tavern keeper of modest means, had Fox of Kinderhook,’’ the ‘‘Mistletoe Politician,’’ been able to provide him with only a rudi- and by a variety of other sobriquets) 4 left a solid mentary education. One of Van Buren’s better- record of accomplishment that few of his better- educated associates observed that his ‘‘knowl- known fellows could rival. More than any other edge of books outside of his profession was more individual of his time, Van Buren realized the limited than that of any other public man’’ he importance of party organization, discipline, and had ever known and that Van Buren never pre- political patronage. He engineered Andrew Jack- pared a state paper without asking a friend to son’s victory in the 1828 presidential election and ‘‘revise and correct that document.’’ later became a trusted confidant and adviser to Van Buren received his real education in the ‘‘Old Hickory,’’ a relationship that continued turbulent and factious world of New York poli- after Van Buren became vice president in 1833. tics, and he was an apt pupil. He learned to hold No previous vice president enjoyed a greater measure of influence than Van Buren, and no his counsel as others debated the hotly contested vice president, in over three decades, had as- issues of the day, carefully observing the course sumed that office as the ‘‘heir apparent.’’ of a debate and weighing all of the issues before staking out a position of his own. ‘‘Even after de- Van Buren’s Early Years ciding on a course of action,’’ one scholar has ob- Martin Van Buren was born on December 5, served, ‘‘Van Buren might move with an air of 1782, in the predominantly Dutch community of evasiveness.’’ Circumspect to a fault, he ‘‘en- Kinderhook, New York. His father, Abraham, joyed a name for noncommittalism that survived was a tavern keeper and farmer of modest when most other things about him were means; his mother, Maria Goes 5 Van Alen, was forgotten.’’ 3 a widow with two sons from her first marriage. Reviled as a ‘‘schemer’’ and a master ‘‘manipu- Both were of undiluted Dutch ancestry, a fact lator’’ by contemporaries who lacked (and prob- that Van Buren took care to note in his Autobiog- [ 105 ] MARTIN VAN BUREN raphy. One of the six children born to Abraham pointment as Columbia County surrogate on and Maria, Martin grew up in a crowded house- March 20, 1808.6 hold, lodged above his father’s tavern. From his In 1808, Van Buren married Hannah Hoes, a father, a resolute opponent of Federalism, he in- distant relative, and settled in Hudson, the Co- herited his genial manners and political creed lumbia County seat. The marriage was a happy but very little else. Dilatory about collecting his one, notwithstanding the frequent absences im- debts and generous beyond his means, Abraham posed by the demands of Martin’s career, but by barely supported his large family. Young Martin the time their fifth son was born in 1817, Hannah inherited his ambition from his mother, who in- had contracted a fatal case of tuberculosis. Van sisted that her sons receive the best education Buren was profoundly affected by her death in possible, given their limited resources. He at- 1819; although much in demand as an escort and tended a local school until the age of fifteen, then dinner companion, particularly during the years served as an apprentice to Francis Sylvester, a that he lived in Washington, he never 7 local lawyer. During his apprenticeship, Van remarried. Buren became involved in local politics, attend- Van Buren served as Columbia County surro- ing his district’s 1800 Republican convention and gate from 1808 until 1812, when he was elected helping to elect to the Unit- to the New York senate. During the War of 1812, ed States House of Representatives in 1801. he was an avid supporter of the administration’s war effort, offering legislation to facilitate mobi- These activities strained his relationship with lization of the state’s defenses. He opposed the Sylvester, a prominent Federalist, and Van Buren Federalists’ antiwar stance and broke with his terminated their arrangement after the election. mentor, De Witt Clinton, after learning that Clin- Van Ness, grateful for Van Buren’s efforts on his ton had solicited Federalist support for his 1812 behalf, paid his young supporter’s travel and ex- presidential bid. In 1815, Van Buren became state penses while he finished his legal studies in New attorney general and moved his family to Al- York City, clerking for the congressman’s broth- bany. He held that office until 1819 and contin- er, William. ued to serve in the state senate until 1820, dele- New York City politics fascinated Van Buren, gating his growing legal practice to his junior but he returned to Kinderhook shortly after his partner, Benjamin F. Butler.8 admission to the bar in 1803 to establish a legal Van Buren soon emerged as the guiding force practice with his half brother, James Van Alen. of the ‘‘Bucktail’’ faction, one of several groups In leaving the city he also sought to distance him- jockeying for control of the New York Repub- self from the intraparty warfare that infected the lican party. The Bucktails, opponents of De Witt New York Republican coalition after the 1800 Clinton who took their name from the distinctive presidential election. In Kinderhook, much of plumes they affixed to their hats, rapidly gained Van Buren’s time was spent defending tenants in influence under Van Buren’s tutelage. A and small landholders in suits against the power- Bucktail-controlled convention made major revi- ful Livingston clan. The Livingstons, landed gen- sions in New York’s constitution in 1821–1822, try whose control of the New York legislature expanding the suffrage and curbing aristocratic had helped them expand their extensive hold- influence, reforms that helped break De Witt ings by questionable means, had retained the Clinton’s hold on the state Republican party. In best legal minds in the state. Rigorous and care- 1821, Van Buren won election to the United ful preparation on Van Buren’s part helped him States Senate, leaving behind a formidable politi- prevail against these notable attorneys and won cal organization, popularly known as the ‘‘Al- him the respect of De Witt Clinton, Governor bany Regency,’’ that would manage the New George Clinton’s nephew and political heir. Van York Republican party—and through it, the Buren backed Clinton’s candidate, future Vice state—while he was away. The Regency main- President Daniel D. Tompkins, in the 1807 guber- tained rigid discipline, rewarding loyalty with natorial race and received for his efforts an ap- patronage appointments and disciplining errant [ 106 ] MARTIN VAN BUREN members. Although centered in Albany, the or- hear, nor walk, Van Buren was bitterly dis- ganization’s control also extended to local politi- appointed when the House of Representatives cal organizations and clubs. Powerful as Van elected Adams president.11 Buren’s apparatus became, ‘‘It was not,’’ one After the election, Van Buren, as the new ac- scholar of the period emphasizes, ‘‘so much the knowledged leader of the ‘‘Crawford’’ Repub- rewarding of partisans and the mass lopping off licans, also known as ‘‘Radicals,’’ kept his peace of rebellious heads that explained the Regency while others denounced the ‘‘corrupt bargain’’ success as it was the skilful, highly judicious with Henry Clay that many suspected had ele- manner in which the power was exercised.’’ Re- vated Adams to the White House. He voted to gency leaders took ‘‘the prejudices and feelings confirm Clay as secretary of state, but he broke of local communities’’ into account in making his silence after Adams outlined an ambitious their appointments and exercised equal care in domestic and foreign policy agenda in his first making removals.9 annual address. Van Buren particularly objected to the president’s plan to send representatives to Senator Van Buren: The ‘‘Little Magician’’ a conference of South and Central American del- Once in Washington, Van Buren set about or- egates in Panama and enlisted the aid of Vice ganizing the New York congressional delegation, President John C. Calhoun and his allies in an a difficult undertaking in light of the fact that effort to prevent the confirmation of delegates to John Taylor, the unofficial dean of the delegation the conference. The Senate ultimately confirmed and Speaker of the House of Representatives, the nominees, but the debate over the Panama was firmly in the Clinton camp. In an effort to mission had helped forge a tentative coalition of curb Taylor’s influence, Van Buren helped or- ‘‘Radicals’’ and Calhoun supporters under Van chestrate the election of Virginia Representative Buren’s leadership.12 Philip Barbour as House Speaker during the Sev- In December 1826, the Little Magician formal- enteenth Congress, a narrow victory that in- ized his alliance with Calhoun, who had already creased his own influence while cementing his pledged his support for Andrew Jackson in the ties to Virginia Republicans. He tried but failed forthcoming presidential race. Each man had his to block the appointment of a Federalist as post- own agenda: Calhoun intended to succeed Jack- master of Albany, but his effort to derail the son, after serving a second term as vice presi- nomination, chronicled at length by the press, dent; Van Buren, alarmed by Adams’ grandiose enhanced his reputation.10 agenda and convinced that Republicans had In the 1824 presidential election, Van Buren strayed from the Jeffersonian creed, intended to backed the Republican caucus nominee, Treas- restore the party to its ‘‘.’’ Jackson, ury Secretary William H. Crawford. The two had he was convinced, should carry the reinvigo- a great deal in common: Crawford was a states’ rated party’s standard in 1828. ‘‘If Gen Jackson rights advocate, a strict constructionist, and—a . . . will put his election on old party grounds, consideration of overriding importance to Van preserve the old systems, avoid if not condemn Buren—a dedicated party man. But the Repub- the practices of the last campaign,’’ he predicted, lican coalition was rapidly splintering, and many ‘‘we can by adding his personal popularity to the Republicans, calling for reform of the nominat- yet remaining force of old party feeling, not only ing process, refused to heed the will of the cau- succeed in electing him but our success when cus. Four other candidates ultimately entered the achieved will be worth something.’’ 13 race, all claiming membership in the party of Jef- By December 1827, Van Buren had assumed ferson: Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, control of the Jackson campaign. The candidate Secretary of War John C. Calhoun, Henry Clay, remained in the background while the Little Ma- and Tennessee Senator Andrew Jackson. gician orchestrated a battle plan of unprece- Consumed by his single-minded effort to secure dented energy and vigor. His campaigning was, Crawford’s election, even after his candidate be- in the words of one scholar, ‘‘little short of bril- came so seriously ill that he could neither see, liant.’’ Van Buren plunged wholeheartedly into [ 107 ] MARTIN VAN BUREN the contest, serving as fund raiser, strategist, ning election as governor of New York. But he publicist, and counselor. Several states had, prior served less than two months in this position, re- to the election, revised their election laws to ex- signing to accept an appointment as secretary of pand the franchise. With parades, rallies, speech- state in the new administration.16 es, and calls for ‘‘reform,’’ Van Buren and his Van Buren was easily the most capable indi- lieutenants mesmerized these first-time voters, vidual in Jackson’s cabinet, an assortment of sec- as well as others who had become disenchanted ond-rank appointees chosen to achieve sectional with the administration. ‘‘[T]he American peo- and ideological balance.17 During his two years ple,’’ a Jackson scholar concluded, ‘‘loved the as secretary of state from 1829 to 1831, he became performance put on for them.’’ 14 one of the president’s most trusted advisers. He Keeping his fragile coalition together rep- arrived in the capital shortly after Jackson’s inau- resented Van Buren’s most difficult challenge, guration to find the cabinet—and Washington apart from persuading the candidate to suffer in society—at odds over Mrs. John C. Calhoun’s ad- dignified silence as the Adams camp levelled in- amant refusal to socialize with the wife of Sec- creasingly virulent attacks on his character. The retary of War John Eaton, a woman with a spir- growing protectionist sentiment in the West and ited disposition and a notorious reputation. Sev- in the Northeast posed particular problems for eral cabinet wives had followed suit, avoiding Van Buren, who could not afford to alienate official functions for fear of encountering the southern free-trade advocates. Courting both tainted couple. The ‘‘Petticoat War’’ was, as Van camps, he studiously avoided making a defini- Buren realized, much more than a dispute over tive pronouncement on the tariff, even as he deft- protocol or public morals; it was a symptom of ly guided a protectionist bill through the Senate. the deep divisions in an administration that in- The 1828 tariff, known in the South as the ‘‘Tariff cluded both free-trade advocates and protection- of Abominations,’’ reassured westerners, who ists. The tension became even more pronounced might otherwise have remained in the ‘‘Adams- after Jackson delivered his first annual message. Clay’’ fold, that a Jackson administration would His speech, prepared with Van Buren’s assist- take their interests into account. Van Buren real- ance, convinced Vice President Calhoun and his ized that was anathema to south- allies that they would obtain no relief from the ern agriculturalists, but he also realized that Tariff of Abominations. As for Van Buren, he most southerners regarded Jackson as the lesser suspected—correctly, as it turned out—that Cal- of two evils. As one scholar has conceded, during houn was somehow behind the talk of ‘‘nullifica- the tariff debate Van Buren ‘‘said some very tion’’ emanating from South Carolina. equivocal things to Southerners,’’ helping them Van Buren at first tried to cure what he called convince themselves that, once elected, Old ‘‘the Eaton malaria,’’ the malaise that threatened Hickory would support tariff reform.15 to paralyze the administration, by entertaining the Eatons. As a widower with no wife to object Secretary of State Van Buren if he showed courtesy to a woman of question- Jackson won an impressive victory in 1828, able repute, he had nothing to lose by entertain- widely heralded as a triumph of the ‘‘common ing Mrs. Eaton and everything to gain, given the man.’’ Writing his Autobiography many years high regard that Jackson felt for Peggy and her after the fact, Van Buren attributed the outcome husband. He was no match for the formidable of this historic election to the ‘‘zealous union be- , however, and he soon became tween that portion of the republican party who persona non grata among the Calhoun set, but his . . . had shown themselves willing to sacrifice gallantry endeared him to the president.18 Ac- personal preferences to its harmony, the numer- companying Jackson on horseback for their cus- ous supporters of Gen. Jackson . . . and the tomary rides throughout the countryside sur- friends of Mr. Calhoun . . . strengthened by the rounding Washington, Van Buren became the mismanagement of the administration.’’ Van president’s sounding board and friend, offering Buren achieved a personal victory as well, win- well-timed and perceptive counsel to the care- [ 108 ] MARTIN VAN BUREN burdened and lonely old hero. He helped craft effrontery strengthened his resolve. ‘‘The people the president’s memorable toast: ‘‘The Union: It will properly resent the insult offered to the Ex- must be preserved’’ that electrified the April 13, ecutive, and the injury intended to our foreign 1830, banquet commemorating Jefferson’s birth- relations, in your rejection,’’ he consoled Van day, and he helped persuade Jackson to run for Buren in mid-February, ‘‘by placing you in the a second term. chair of the very man whose casting vote rejected Calhoun simmered with resentment as the you.’’ 20 Calhoun, his presidential prospects rap- man he considered a ‘‘weasel’’ gained the upper idly dimming as a consequence of his role in the hand in a rivalry that was becoming increasingly nullification controversy, resigned before the end bitter. Van Buren, although every bit as ambi- of his term—the first vice president to do so— tious as Calhoun, became increasingly to take a seat in the Senate. Once Van Buren’s discomfited at the widespread speculation that most formidable rival for the soul of the organi- he, and not Calhoun, would succeed Jackson as zation soon to be known as the Democratic party, president. Recoiling at the thought that his oppo- he had become a sectional leader and would re- nents might interpret his labors on Jackson’s be- main a sectional leader for the rest of his life. half as a crude form of electioneering, he in- The Election of 1832 formed the president in late March of 1831 that ‘‘there is but one thing’’ that would bring peace Van Buren found every reason imaginable to to Jackson’s troubled administration: ‘‘my res- remain abroad after learning of his rejection by ignation.’’ Old Hickory was at first reluctant to the Senate. He could not break his lease or accept Van Buren’s resignation, but eventually abruptly discharge his servants, he protested, realized that the gesture offered him the oppor- nor could he pack up his household on such tunity to purge his cabinet of Calhoun partisans. short notice. But his biographer suggests that he Van Buren’s departure precipitated the mass res- delayed his departure because he believed that ignation of the entire cabinet, except for Post- the ‘‘opposition would splinter . . . if left alone; master General William Barry. The new cabinet it stood a good chance of coalescing if he re- was distinctly more sympathetic to Jackson— turned with undue haste for vindication.’’ 21 and to Van Buren. As a reward for his ‘‘highly Touring the Continent with his son John, Van patriotic’’ sacrifice, the Little Magician received Buren was still abroad when Democratic dele- an appointment as minister to England.19 gates assembled at Baltimore on May 21, 1832, Van Buren sailed for England before the Senate to choose a vice-presidential candidate. Al- confirmed his nomination. His easy, elegant though antitariff had seri- manners made him an instant hit in London. Al- ous reservations about Van Buren, Jackson’s sen- most immediately, he received the British foreign timents prevailed. By an overwhelming margin, minister’s pledge to respect the rulings of the the convention chose Van Buren on the first panel arbitrating the longstanding boundary dis- ballot.22 pute between Maine and New Brunswick. Jack- Finally returning home in July 1832, the Little son had predicted that Van Buren’s enemies Magician was immediately summoned to Wash- would not dare oppose this appointment, for fear ington. Jackson needed his help in drafting a that ‘‘the people in mass would take you up and message to Congress explaining his impending elect you vice Pres.,’’ but, in late February 1832, veto of a bill to recharter the Second Bank of the Van Buren learned that the Senate had in fact re- United States. Van Buren approved of the veto jected his nomination, with Vice President Cal- message, a ringing denunciation of the bank as houn casting the deciding vote. Jackson was furi- an instrument of privilege. At Jackson’s request, ous when he heard the news but, after sober re- he attended the Senate and the House of Rep- flection, realized that he now had ample justifica- resentatives on July 10, in order to lobby against tion for removing Calhoun from the ticket in the the inevitable attempt to override the veto. Also coming election. He had already settled on Van at Jackson’s request, he lobbied for a compromise Buren as his next vice president, but Calhoun’s tariff designed to keep would-be nullifiers in the [ 109 ] MARTIN VAN BUREN

Jacksonian camp. Successful in both efforts, he Buren won a substantial victory over Clay’s run- departed for New York after Congress ad- ning mate, John Sergeant.24 journed. He remained in New York until shortly Vice President Van Buren before the inauguration, attempting to reconcile Jackson had every reason to rejoice at the out- die-hard New York protectionists to the com- come of the election. The voters had, he believed, promise tariff.23 given him a mandate to destroy the bank, and The 1832 election was, as one scholar of the pe- he was rid of Calhoun. In Van Buren, Jackson riod has observed, a referendum on the Second had a vice president more to his liking. Old Hick- Bank of the United States, the first presidential ory respected his second vice president and election in which the candidates submitted a sin- seems to have felt sincere affection for him, as gle, specific question to the electorate. Jackson well. Some longtime Jackson cronies were deeply was a ‘‘hard-money’’ man, deeply suspicious of jealous of the New Yorker, who, as one critic put banks, credit, and paper money after suffering it, stuck ‘‘close to the President as a blistering near ruin in an early land speculation venture. plaster.’’ 25 But Van Buren was not, as critics of Regarding the Second Bank of the United States, both men so frequently alleged, the ‘‘power- a government-chartered but privately owned in- behind-the-throne.’’ Jackson was a formidable stitution, as an instrument of aristocratic, monied tactician in his own right and a man of resolute interests, he would have announced his intention convictions, fully capable of determining his to destroy the bank in his first annual message own course of action. Van Buren was not his only had his advisers not counseled restraint. Fully confidant; throughout his two terms as presi- confident that the voters would signal their as- dent, Jackson also relied on his ‘‘Kitchen Cabi- sent by electing him to a second term, Jackson net,’’ an informal group of trusted friends, sup- had vetoed the bank recharter bill before the porters, kinsmen, and hangers-on, for advice and election. National Republican candidate Henry moral support. Clay, who considered the bank essential to the In orchestrating the transfer of government de- nation’s fiscal stability, was quick to make an posits from the Bank of the United States to state issue of the veto. Clay’s partisans took aim at the depositories, for example, Jackson rejected the Little Magician, as well, charging that his feats cautious course that Van Buren proposed in of legerdemain had secured the throne for a favor of the more precipitate approach advo- president who had abused his office. Political cated by , the fourth auditor of the cartoons showed Jackson, Van Buren, and their treasury. After Jackson informed his advisers cronies assaulting the bank with a battering ram, early in his first term that he intended to remove Van Buren crowning Jackson, and ‘‘King An- the deposits, Kendall urged immediate action. drew the First’’ brandishing the ‘‘veto.’’ These Van Buren, sensitive to the political and financial and similar images helped make the contest one repercussions of a hasty withdrawal but reluc- of the liveliest, if not the best illustrated, in the tant to challenge the president, advised Jackson nation’s history. to wait at least until the Twenty-third Congress But the National Republicans were no match convened in December 1833. Apprehensive— for the well-organized party that Van Buren had with good reason, as it turned out—that he helped create. One scholar has suggested that the would be regarded both as the author of this con- majority of American voters still regarded Jack- troversial move and as the pawn of son as their champion, even though they may bankers who expected to benefit from the Phila- well have approved of the bank, which provided delphia-based bank’s demise, Van Buren was the nation with the stable currency so essential conspicuously absent from Washington that fall. to its prosperity. The Democrats, now a full- The opposition would inevitably ‘‘relieve the fledged , won a solid victory, al- question . . . from the influence of your well de- though by a somewhat smaller margin than in served popularity with the people,’’ he wrote 1828. Jackson was easily reelected, and Van Jackson from New York in September, ‘‘by attrib- [ 110 ] MARTIN VAN BUREN uting the removal of the deposits to the the bank’s most avid defender; Massachusetts solicitat[i]ons of myself and the monied junto in Senator Daniel Webster, like Jackson a staunch N. York, and as it is not your habit to play into unionist but also a defender of the bank; and Cal- the enemies hands you will not I know request houn, the author of nullification.28 me to come down unless there is some adequate Van Buren began his duties in the Senate on inducement for my so doing.’’ 26 December 16, 1833, two weeks after the Twenty- Van Buren did, however, enjoy a greater meas- third Congress convened. Having served there ure of influence in the administration than any from 1821 to 1828, he was familiar with the previous vice president. He helped Treasury Sec- body’s customs and procedures. He knew that retary Roger B. Taney coax the president into a the vice president was not expected to attend the less belligerent posture when Jackson, outraged Senate for several days at the beginning of each at France’s failure to comply with the 1832 treaty Congress, a practice that allowed the Senate to for the payment of U.S. claims against France, attend to organizational matters and appoint threatened to seek congressional authorization to committees without interference from the execu- issue letters of marque, a move that Taney feared tive branch. But in 1833 a unique combination of might lead to war. Upset that Jackson failed to events prevented the Senate from attending to follow his advice about France, Secretary of State this important task before Van Buren arrived. Louis McLane resigned in protest. Van Buren Under normal circumstances, President pro then helped Jackson draft a reply to McLane’s tempore would have ap- letter of resignation and suggested his longtime pointed the committee members and chairmen at ally Senator John Forsyth of Georgia to fill the the start of the Twenty-third Congress. The rule position. Van Buren shouldered a workload that, adopted in December 1828 governing the ap- in the words of a biographer, ‘‘would have pointment of committees directed that ‘‘[t]he crushed lesser men.’’ In addition to his labors in President pro tempore . . . shall appoint the com- the Senate, he spent a considerable amount of mittees of the Senate; but if there be no President time ‘‘advising members of the cabinet, ghosting pro tempore, the Senate . . . will proceed, by bal- significant parts of Jackson’s messages, acting as lot,’’ with a majority required to elect a commit- the president’s chief advisor on patronage and tee chairman and a plurality required to elect the foreign affairs, feeling his way around the Kitch- remaining members.29 But White found himself en Cabinet, while always keeping his eye on in a ‘‘delicate’’ position. Although he was a long- New York.’’ 27 standing friend and supporter of the president, he was becoming disillusioned with the adminis- Senate Committee Elections tration, and he particularly resented Jackson’s Presiding over the Senate was easily Van designation of Van Buren as his political heir. A Buren’s most challenging and frustrating task, firm defender of the Senate’s prerogatives, he one that demanded all of his legendary tact and had refused to let Jackson dictate the composi- good humor. Jackson faced sustained opposition tion of a select committee appointed to consider during his second term from an opposition coali- Clay’s compromise tariff during the previous tion of National Republicans, nullifiers, states’ Congress, a stand that had deeply offended the rights advocates, and eventually from dis- president. White would eventually become a affected Democrats who came to regard him as Whig, but at the start of the Twenty-third Con- an overreaching despot. By 1834, these disparate gress, Clay and the rest of the opposition still re- elements would unite to form a new party, call- garded him as a Jackson man.30 ing themselves ‘‘Whigs’’ to signal their opposi- On December 9, White stated that ‘‘he should tion to a chief executive they called King An- have announced the standing committees this drew. The rhetoric was particularly heated in the morning . . . had it not been that a resolution was Senate, where the opposition commanded a slim offered by a Senator [Peleg Sprague] from Maine majority after the 1832 election. The coalition’s . . . which proposed to take away from the pre- ranks included such luminaries as Henry Clay, siding officer the power of appointing any com- [ 111 ] MARTIN VAN BUREN mittees whatsoever.’’ The Senate adopted the opposition senators: the Finance Committee to resolution the following day, returning to its ear- Webster, the Judiciary Committee to John Clay- lier practice of choosing committees by ballot, ton of Delaware, and the Committee on Public with nearly all of the Jacksonians opposing the Lands to one of Jackson’s most outspoken critics, change.31 George Poindexter of Mississippi.32 Van Buren finally arrived in Washington on the evening of December 14 and met with the The Senate Jackson: Van Buren Versus Clay president and Tennessee Senator Felix Grundy the following morning. He learned that Grundy, During the four years that Van Buren served painfully aware that his party could no longer as vice president, the president’s war on the count on a majority in the Senate and reluctant Bank of the United States was one of the most to proceed with the selection of committees until important and controversial subjects on the Sen- Van Buren could provide advice, had offered a ate’s agenda. Anticipating Jackson’s order to motion to postpone the elections until December withdraw the government deposits, bank presi- 16. Webster had voted in favor of that motion, dent had persuaded the bank’s along with five other New England senators— directors to order sharp reductions in credit. The a gesture that Grundy, rightly or wrongly, inter- directors subsequently decreed that the bank preted as an overture toward the administration. would accept only hard currency from state Webster’s biographer discounts this possibility banks with loans outstanding, a move that but admits that the Massachusetts senator’s sup- forced state banks to adopt similar measures and port for the administration during the nullifica- wreaked havoc in the credit-dependent West and tion battle, and his differences with Clay over the in the nation’s financial markets.33 tariff issue, had led to widespread speculation When Van Buren assumed the chair on Decem- that he intended to form an alliance with the ber 16, 1833, he found the Senate in a state of Jacksonians. turmoil. The Senate’s December 11 request that During his December 15 meeting with Van Jackson provide a copy of his withdrawal direc- Buren, therefore, Grundy raised the possibility of tive had been met with a curt response that infu- an alliance with Webster, at least for the pur- riated opposition senators. ‘‘I have yet to learn,’’ poses of electing the Senate’s committees. The Jackson had notified the Senate on December 12, vice president, however, refused to consider col- ‘‘under what constitutional authority that branch laboration with Webster, the one individual he of the Legislature has a right to require of me genuinely disliked and took pains to avoid. Such an account of any communication.’’ On Decem- an arrangement would blur the very real dif- ber 27, Clay retaliated with two resolutions to ferences between the administration and the censure Jackson, which the Senate adopted after New England opposition, he lectured, and three months of intense and heated debate. Van would leave Jackson open to charges that he had Buren’s legendary poise served him well as Clay placed politics above principle. Persuaded by the and his lieutenants began their attack, dropping force of Van Buren’s argument, Grundy deferred not-so-thinly-veiled hints that the vice president to the vice president. The Senate began the bal- was also to blame for the of bank and busi- loting to elect chairmen and members of its ness failures sweeping the nation. Smiling and standing committees on December 16, Van genial, he took care to maintain order in the Buren’s first day in the chair. With only a slight chamber, ordering the galleries cleared when majority, the Anti-Jackson forces did not win necessary. To all outward appearances, he complete control of the committees. Jackson’s seemed oddly unperturbed at the opprobrium ally, Thomas Hart Benton of Missouri, was re- that Clay and his allies heaped on the elected chairman of the Military Affairs Commit- administration.34 tee, and William Wilkins of Pennsylvania was Early in the debate, however, Van Buren had elected chairman of the Foreign Relations Com- orchestrated a spirited rejoinder to Clay’s at- mittee. But other coveted chairmanships went to tacks. Unable to join in the debate himself, he [ 112 ] MARTIN VAN BUREN had persuaded , the New York sen- larly heated March session, Clay addressed him ator widely regarded as his spokesman in the directly, pleading with him to tell Jackson ‘‘in the Senate, to deliver the administration’s response. language of truth and sincerity, the actual condi- Unmoved by Wright’s plea that ‘‘[t]he adminis- tion of his bleeding country.’’ Van Buren listened tration had several friends in the Senate more politely as Clay, obviously playing to the gal- competent for the task than myself,’’ Van Buren leries, reminded him of his ‘‘well-known influ- offered to ‘‘reduce all we want to have said to ence’’ in the administration. At the conclusion of writing.’’ On , Wright presented an Clay’s remarks, Van Buren handed the gavel to impassioned defense of Jackson’s conduct and a Hugh Lawson White and stepped down from the ringing condemnation of the bank. His lengthy dais. Clay rose to his feet as the vice president address—the product of Van Buren’s pen—em- deliberately approached his desk, and the phasized that the question before the public was crowds in the galleries fell silent. Then, with a ‘‘Bank or no Bank, . . . not the disposition of the deep bow, and a voice dripping with sarcasm, Government deposits.’’ The president, he ar- Van Buren returned fire: ‘‘Mr. Senator, allow me gued, had been ‘‘instrumental in restoring the to be indebted to you for another pinch of your constitution of the country to what it was in- aromatic Maccoboy.’’ The galleries erupted in a tended to be by those who formed it . . . relieving wave of laughter as Clay, speechless and humili- that sacred instrument from those constructive ated, gestured helplessly at the snuff on his desk. and implied additions under which Congress Van Buren helped himself and returned to the have claimed the right to place beyond the reach chair, all the while maintaining his studied of the people, and without responsibility, a composure.36 moneyed power.’’ Wright concluded his remarks When the Senate finally voted to censure the with an argument that Jackson partisans would president on March 28, 1834, Van Buren was not use to good advantage in the months that fol- lowed. ‘‘The country . . . has approved the course unduly alarmed, convinced that the American of the Executive, in his attempts to relieve us people would not take kindly to this dramatic as- from the corrupt and corrupting power and in- sault on their hero and champion. But he was fluence of a national bank,’’ the New York sen- deeply disturbed by the response that Jackson ator stressed, ‘‘and it will sustain him in the ex- sent to the Senate in mid-April. The president’s periment now making to substitute State institu- critics, and even some of his allies, were shocked tions for such a fiscal agent.’’ to learn that Jackson, as he explained in his infa- Notwithstanding Wright’s disclaimer that ‘‘he mous ‘‘Protest,’’ considered himself the direct had given his opinion as an individual,’’ every- representative of the American people—respon- one present realized the truth of Daniel Web- sible, along with his appointees, for ‘‘every spe- ster’s observation that, knowing the senator’s cies of property belonging to the United States.’’ ‘‘political connexions, his station, and his rela- Worried about the constitutional ramifications of tions,’’ it was obvious that he had not ‘‘spoken this novel interpretation of presidential power one word which has not been deliberately and about the effect that the controversial pro- weighed and considered by others.’’ Van Buren’s nouncement might have on his own prospects in words, ably articulated by a senator generally re- the coming election, Van Buren persuaded Jack- garded as the ‘‘clearest logician’’ of his day, pro- son to soften his rhetoric. He was greatly relieved vided a forceful rebuttal to Clay’s charges. One when the 1834 midterm elections affirmed that senator pronounced the speech ‘‘a hit,’’ while the American people approved of the war that Webster fretted about the ‘‘effect which the re- Jackson waged against the bank on their behalf. cent debate in the Senate . . . may produce at the Jackson ultimately killed the bank, as he had pre- north.’’ 35 dicted he would, but the struggle took its toll on But even this triumph of sorts could not allevi- Van Buren, who eventually came to regard his ate Van Buren’s mounting discomfort as the duties as president of the opposition-controlled lengthy debate dragged on. During one particu- Senate as ‘‘so distasteful and so wearing’’ that, [ 113 ] MARTIN VAN BUREN according to a modern biographer, he suffered ferred to Van Buren, 40 had once again out- ‘‘more than his share of colds and debilitating maneuvered his rival. 37 upsets.’’ A ‘‘Third-Rate Man’’ The ‘‘Weasel’’ On May 20, 1835, the Democratic nominating Other issues before the Senate were equally convention chose Van Buren as the party’s 1836 troublesome for Van Buren, who was well aware presidential candidate. The unanimous vote of that opposition senators, as well as some the delegates present belied serious divisions in Jacksonians resentful of his influence, would ex- a party that was, in the words of a contemporary ploit any apparent failing on his part in the com- journalist, comprised of ‘‘the Jackson party, ing election. The abolition movement, which sent proper; the Jackson-Van Buren party; the Jack- scores of antislavery petitions to Congress dur- son-anti-Van Buren party.’’ More than a few dis- ing the 1830s, posed particular difficulties for a affected Democrats, alarmed at the growth of northern politician who had supported emanci- presidential power during Jackson’s two terms pation in his own state but was anxious to re- and reluctant to countenance more of the same main on good terms with southern voters and re- under Van Buren, had grave reservations about garded slavery as a matter best left to the states. the Little Magician. But Jackson had made his Like many northern voters at the time, Van preference known. The president was equally Buren had little use for the abolitionists, dismiss- adamant that Richard Mentor Johnson, a Ken- ing their 1835–1836 crusade for emancipation in tucky Democrat and military hero who had the District of Columbia as an attempt to ‘‘dis- served in both houses of Congress, should be tract Congress and the country . . . in the midst Van Buren’s running mate, a legacy that cost the of a Presidential canvas.’’ ticket support among southern voters who re- Van Buren’s disclaimers failed to satisfy many garded Johnson as an ‘‘amalgamator’’ because of southerners who considered him an abolitionist his relationship with his slave mistress. at heart, but some were heartened by his June Van Buren was opposed by a field of regional 2, 1836, tie-breaking vote to proceed to the third opposition candidates endorsed by state and and final reading of Calhoun’s bill authorizing local Whig organizations. The Whigs, still more local postal officials to confiscate mailings pro- a coalition than a party, with no candidate capa- hibited by state law. The bill was similar to one ble of defeating Van Buren outright, hoped that that Jackson had proposed after a mass mailing each regional candidate would so weaken the of abolitionist literature to Charleston, South Democratic ticket in his own section that the elec- Carolina, caused a near-riot there the previous tion would be thrown into the House of Rep- summer. But the administration proposal would resentatives. During the campaign, opposition have authorized the federal government to deter- strategists reviled Van Buren as an abolitionist, mine which materials should be embargoed, a manipulator, and a trimmer—a ‘‘third-rate while Calhoun’s would have delegated this func- man,’’ in the words of one detractor. David tion to the states. Calhoun engineered a tied vote Crockett, formerly a member of the anti-Jackson on the motion to proceed to the third reading of coalition in the House and one of ‘‘Aunt his bill. If he did so to embarrass Van Buren, as Matty’s’’ sharpest critics, ridiculed the vice presi- one scholar of the period has suggested, he mis- dent’s appearance as he presided over the Sen- calculated. ‘‘The Vice President promptly voted ate, ‘‘laced up in corsets, such as women in a yea, thus preventing Southerners from blaming town wear, and, if possible, tighter than the best him when the bill was finally defeated.’’ 38 In of them.’’ Cartoonists portrayed Van Buren fact, when the measure came up for the final vote clutching the president’s coattails, or donning less that a week later, 39 the Senate rejected it, a Jackson’s too-large greatcoat. More serious de- development that Van Buren, a shrewd judge of tractors warned that Van Buren would continue men and events, may well have anticipated. The the aggrandizement of executive power that ‘‘weasel,’’ as Calhoun now disparagingly re- Jackson had begun. Democrats countered with [ 114 ] MARTIN VAN BUREN pointed allusions to the Federalists, who had and a sharp decline in the price of American cot- supported the First Bank of the United States, ton had also contributed to the crisis, which was they reminded voters, as well as such equally re- international in scope. But Whigs were quick to pugnant measures as the Alien and Sedition blame the nation’s economic woes on Jackson Acts. They coupled these attacks with paeans of and, by extension, on Van Buren, sometimes praise for the president who had slain the ‘‘mon- dubbed ‘‘Martin Van Ruin’’ during this period. ster bank.’’ He had inherited a situation that one scholar has Van Buren won the election, a triumph that characterized as a ‘‘potentially devastating emer- owed more to the fragmented and poorly coordi- gency, probably the worst facing any new Presi- nated campaigns mounted by the opposition and dent on taking office until James Buchanan had to Jackson’s continued popularity than to his to cope with slavery and the Dred Scott decision own prestige. He assumed office under a cloud, in 1837.’’ Van Buren’s solution was to ‘‘divorce’’ overshadowed at his presidential inauguration the government from the banking sector by es- by the crowds that flocked to catch a final tablishing a treasury independent of the state glimpse of Old Hickory. He would never be as bank-based system that, contrary to Jackson’s ex- beloved or as respected as his predecessor. Rich- pectations, had fuelled the speculative frenzy of ard Mentor Johnson had failed to receive an elec- the mid 1830s. Whigs succeeded in blocking this toral majority after Virginia’s electors withheld initiative until 1840, when Congress finally their votes in protest, forcing the vice-presi- passed an bill. In the dential election into the Senate for the first and meantime, the panic gave way to a depression only time in the nation’s history. With his con- of unprecedented severity. Up to one third of the troversial personal history and complete disdain factory workers in some northeastern towns for prevailing norms of social discourse and per- were thrown out of work; in the South, vast ex- sonal hygiene, Johnson would remain a source panses of once productive farmland went of continuing embarrassment for Van Buren.41 untilled. Prices of food and other necessities sky- ‘‘Martin Van Ruin’’ rocketed, with soup kitchens the only source of sustenance for many destitute residents of Wash- The nation’s worsening relations with Mexico ington, D.C., and other cities.43 posed a serious problem for the new president. Van Buren lost his 1840 bid for reelection to American settlers in Texas had declared their William Henry Harrison, a military hero touted independence in 1836, precipitating a war with as a ‘‘common man’’ by the Whig strategists who Mexico, and a request for annexation by the ran an extraordinarily effective campaign on his United States was pending at the time of Van behalf. After one Democrat made the mistake of Buren’s inauguration. Reluctant to involve the dismissing ‘‘Old Tippecanoe’’ as a cider-swilling nation in a war that northern antislavery inter- rustic content to live in a , Whigs appro- ests would inevitably characterize as a war to ex- priated these symbols to their advantage. The log tend slavery, but equally reluctant to offend cabin and the cider barrel were powerful images southern expansionists, he pursued a dilatory during the depression, images that contrasted and evasive course until Texas ultimately with- sharply with the picture that Whigs painted of 42 drew its petition. Van Buren as a nattily attired, high-living schem- Van Buren could not, however, afford to re- er, a ‘‘used-up man’’ hopelessly out of touch main equally indecisive with respect to the eco- with the American electorate. Out-maneuvered nomic maladies besetting the nation. On the day and out-campaigned, Van Buren’s party lost not that he assumed office, one of the nation’s most only the White House, but control of both houses prominent trading houses suspended payments, of Congress, as well.44 the first in a wave of brokerage house failures that swept the nation during the . A ‘‘Used-Up Man’’ Jackson’s ‘‘hard money’’ fiscal policies were only Van Buren was staggered by his humiliating partly to blame for the panic. A trade imbalance defeat. He had received a mere 60 electoral votes, [ 115 ] MARTIN VAN BUREN a dismal showing compared with Harrison’s 234 to seek elective office, he focused his energies on electoral votes, and a defeat made even more securing New York for Polk.46 galling by his failure to carry New York. He gave After Polk’s inauguration, Van Buren watched little outward sign of his disappointment and ex- with mounting alarm as disagreement over the tended more than the customary courtesies to extension of slavery into the territory acquired Harrison when ‘‘Old ’’ arrived in Washington from Mexico began to split his increasingly frag- shortly before the inauguration. Van Buren was ile party. He was deeply troubled by southern anxious to return to private life, he cheerfully in- Democrats’ claims that Congress could not bar formed friends, and seemed to enjoy the rousing slavery from the new territories; he had always welcome that awaited him in New York City. believed that the institution, where it already ex- (He had, of course, conveniently informed isted, was a matter best left to the individual friends that he would arrive in the city on March states. But when events in Texas offered south- 23, allowing them plenty of time to prepare a ern slaveholders the opportunity to extend their ‘‘surprise’’ in his honor.) But he was deeply reach toward the Southwest, Van Buren decided shaken at the outcome of the election, and would that he could not support the expansion of a have announced his retirement from politics had practice that he regarded as evil. In 1848, the Free Silas Wright not intervened with a timely lecture Soil party—a coalition of antislavery Democrats, antislavery Whigs and disaffected Whigs—nom- about his responsibilities to the Democratic inated Van Buren as their presidential candidate. party.45 In this last attempt at elective office, he lost to Van Buren retired to Lindenwald, his Whig candidate Zachary Taylor, having received Kinderhook estate, cautiously pondering his a mere 10 percent of the popular vote and no prospects for 1844 while maintaining that ‘‘his electoral votes.47 ambition had been fully satisfied.’’ But he made Van Buren died at Lindenwald on July 24, an extensive tour of the southern and western 1862. He had lived long enough to see the south- states in the spring and summer of 1842, drawing ern states secede from the Union, a bitter dis- large crowds wherever he went. The voters who appointment for the man who had forged a once- had turned him out of office were amazed to dis- formidable coalition that had transcended sec- cover that the man demonized by Whigs as an tional lines. His last public statement, made the insensitive dandy and a shrewd, cunning schem- year before his death, was a declaration of his er was merely a plain-spoken, unassuming, and ‘‘earnest and vigorous support to the Lincoln quite ordinary man. ‘‘Instead of a dwarf Dutch- Administration for . . . the maintenance of the man, a little dandy who you might lift in a band- Union and the Constitution’’ in response to box,’’ Jackson observed, ‘‘the people found him President Lincoln’s call for troops to suppress the a plain man of middle size, plain and affable.’’ rebellion. Lincoln reciprocated with a stilted Cautiously and discreetly, Van Buren began lay- posthumous tribute: ‘‘The grief of his patriotic ing the groundwork for another attempt at the friends, will measurably be assuaged by the con- presidency. The leading contender after the first sciousness that while . . . seeing his end ap- ballot at the 1844 Democratic convention, he ulti- proaching, his were for the restoration mately lost the nomination to James K. Polk, a of the authority of the government of which he darkhorse candidate who supported the imme- had been head, and for peace and good will diate annexation of Texas. Resolved never again among his fellow citizens.’’ 48

[ 116 ] NOTES 1 Donald B. Cole, Martin Van Buren and the American Politi- 22 Remini, Jackson and the Course of American Freedom, pp. cal System (Princeton, NJ, 1984), p. 188. 355–58; Niven, pp. 298–301. 2 John Niven, Martin Van Buren: The Romantic Age of Amer- 23 Niven, pp. 301–29. For a more detailed account of the ican Politics (New York, 1983), p. 298. , see Chapter 7 of this volume, ‘‘John C. 3 James A. Hamilton, Reminiscences of James A. Hamilton; Calhoun,’’ pp. 94–96. or, Men and Events, at Home and Abroad, During Three Quar- 24 Robert V. Remini, Andrew Jackson and the Course of ters of a Century (New York, 1869), pp. 42, 97; Arthur M. American Democracy, 1833–1845 (New York, 1984), pp. 374– Schlesinger, Jr., The Age of Jackson (Boston, 1945), pp. 47– 92; Robert V. Remini, Andrew Jackson and the : A 50; Robert V. Remini, Martin Van Buren and the Making of Study in the Growth of Presidential Power (New York, 1967), the Democratic Party (New York, 1959; reprint of 1951 edi- pp. 1–108. tion), pp. 2–3; Niven, pp. 7–8. 25 Remini, Jackson and the Course of American Democracy, 4 Schlesinger, p. 49; Carl Sifakis, The Dictionary of Historic p. 46. Nicknames (New York, 1984), p. 508. 26 Remini, Jackson and the Bank War, passim; Niven, pp. 304, 5 Also spelled Hoes. 330–47. 6 Niven, pp. 1–22; John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Autobiog- 27 Niven, pp. 368–72, 402; Remini, Jackson and the Course raphy of Martin Van Buren (New York, 1973; reprint of 1920 of American Democracy, pp. 201–18. edition), 1:9–10. 28 At the beginning of the Twenty-second Congress, 20 of 7 Niven, pp. 23–25, 60, 72, 162–63. Four of the five sons the Senate’s 48 members belonged to the Jackson coalition; born to Martin and Hannah Van Buren survived infancy. of the remainder, 26 belonged to the Anti-Jackson party and 8 Ibid., pp. 26–52. 2 were Nullifiers. U.S., Congress, Senate, The Senate, 1789– 9 Remini, Martin Van Buren, pp. 5–11; Niven, p. 88. 1989, by Robert C. Byrd, S. Doc., 100–20, 100th Cong., 1st 10 Niven, pp. 102–17. sess., vol. 4, Historical Statistics, 1789–1992, 1993, p. 416. 11 Remini, Martin Van Buren, pp. 36–92. For more on the 29 U.S., Congress, Senate, Journal, 20th Cong., 2d sess., p. 1824 election, see also Chapter 7, ‘‘John C. Calhoun,’’ pp. 51. 86–87. 30 Nancy N. Scott, ed., A Memoir of Hugh Lawson White, 12 Remini, Martin Van Buren, pp. 91–113. For more about Judge of the Supreme Court of Tennessee, Member of the Senate the Panama mission, see Chapter 7 of this volume, ‘‘John of the United States . . . With Selections from His Speeches and C. Calhoun,’’ pp. 88–89. Correspondence (Philadelphia, 1856), pp. 265–300; Remini, 13 Ibid., pp. 120–32; Robert V. Remini, Andrew Jackson and Jackson and the Course of American Democracy, p. 39; Niven, the Course of American Freedom, 1822–1832 (New York, 1981), p. 356. pp. 113–15. 31 U.S., Congress, Senate, Register of Debates in Congress, 14 Remini, Martin Van Buren, pp. 192–93; Remini, Jackson 23d Cong., 1st sess., pp. 19–29; Senate Journal, 23d Cong., and the Course of American Freedom, pp. 116–42. 1st sess., p. 39. 15 Remini, Martin Van Buren, pp. 170–85. See also Chapter 32 Niven, pp. 356–58; Remini, Jackson and the Course of 7, ‘‘John C. Calhoun,’’ p. 93. American Democracy, pp. 116–18; Register of Debates in Con- 16 Fitzpatrick, ed., 1:220–24. gress, 23d Cong., 1st sess., pp. 39–44; Senate Journal, 23d 17 Remini, Jackson and the Course of American Freedom, pp. Cong., 1st sess., pp. 39–43; Maurice G. Baxter, One and In- 159–66. separable: Daniel Webster and the Union (Cambridge, 1984), 18 This incident is also discussed in Chapter 7, ‘‘John C. pp. 224–28. Calhoun,’’ p. 95. 33 Niven, pp. 333–54; Remini, Jackson and the Bank War, pp. 19 Niven, pp. 232–71; Remini, Jackson and the Course of 109–53. American Freedom, pp. 291–320. 34 U.S., Congress, Senate, The Senate, 1789–1989: Addresses 20 Niven, pp. 272–95; Remini, Jackson and the Course of on the History of the United States Senate, by Robert C. Byrd, American Freedom, pp. 345–55. S. Doc. 100–20, 100th Cong., 1st sess., vol. 1, 1989, pp. 127– 21 Niven, pp. 295–98. 32; Niven, p. 354.

[ 117 ] MARTIN VAN BUREN

35 John A. Garraty, Silas Wright (New York, 1970; reprint 40 Cole, p. 264. of 1949 edition), pp. 114–18; Register of Debates in Congress, 41 Ibid., pp. 256–90; Niven, pp. 386–402. For a more de- 23d Cong., 1st sess., pp. 397–405. tailed account of the 1836 election, see Chapter 9 of this vol- 36 Robert V. Remini, Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union ume, ‘‘Richard Mentor Johnson,’’ pp. 126–27. (New York, 1991), pp. 452–53; Niven, pp. 354–55. 42 Cole, pp. 317–21. 37 Byrd, The Senate, 1:127–41, 145–47; Niven, pp. 365–66; 43 Ibid., pp. 285–360; Sifakis, p. 508; Niven, pp. 412–61. Remini, Jackson and the Course of American Democracy, pp. 44 Cole, pp. 368–73. 150–60; Remini, Jackson and the Bank War, pp. 152–53. 45 Ibid., pp. 372–75; Niven, pp. 471–83. 38 Niven, pp. 384–85, 390; Glyndon G. Van Deusen, The 46 Niven, pp. 484–548. Jacksonian Era (New York, 1959), p. 107–9; Cole, pp. 269– 47 Ibid., pp. 542–90; Cole, pp. 407–18. 72; Senate Journal, 24th Cong., 1st sess., pp. 396–400. 48 Niven, pp. 611–12. 39 Senate Journal, 24th Cong., 1st sess., pp. 414–16.

[ 118 ] Chapter 9 RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON 1837–1841

[ 119 ] RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON Chapter 9 RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON

9th Vice President: 1837–1841

. . . I pray you to assure our friends that the humblest of us do not believe that a lucky random shot, even if it did hit , qualifies a man for the Vice Presidency. — CHIEF JUSTICE TO ANDREW JACKSON, MARCH 21, 1835.1

The United States Senate elected Richard Men- habits that had once endeared him to his con- tor Johnson of Kentucky the nation’s ninth vice stituents and supporters, combined with his con- president on February 8, 1837. His selection troversial personal life and unfortunate penchant marked the first and only time the Senate has ex- for lending his influence in support of question- ercised its prerogative under the U.S. Constitu- able undertakings, proved serious liabilities. A tion’s Twelfth Amendment, which provides, ‘‘if campaign to remove him from the Democratic no person have a majority, then from the two ticket in 1840 failed only because Van Buren, highest numbers on the list, the Senate shall while no Johnson enthusiast, was unwilling to al- choose the Vice-President.’’ Johnson became ienate the eastern labor vote and because party Martin Van Buren’s running mate after three leaders were reluctant to force a potentially divi- decades in the House and Senate, a congressional sive confrontation. The 1840 election, resulting in career spanning the administrations of five presi- a decisive victory for the Whig ticket headed by dents from Thomas Jefferson through Andrew Johnson’s former comrade-in-arms, William Jackson. Detractors alleged, however, that he Henry Harrison, signalled the end of the Ken- owed his nomination solely to the dubious claim tuckian’s long and often controversial career. that he killed the chieftain Tecumseh in 1813 at the . A Frontier Youth Johnson wielded substantial power in the Little is known of Richard Mentor Johnson’s House of Representatives during Jackson’s two early years. Nineteenth-century campaign biog- administrations, and his successful decade-long raphies and a modern study based on these ear- campaign to end imprisonment for debt won lier accounts are heavily colored by the heroic him a national following. For most of his career, rhetoric that Johnson and his supporters em- the voters of his district held him in great esteem. ployed throughout his career.2 Although he was, They forgave him when he sponsored the 1816 as he later claimed, ‘‘born in a cane-brake and Compensation Act, one of the most unpopular cradled in a sap trough,’’ 3 the Johnsons were a laws ever enacted by Congress, as well as on powerful family of substantial means. The future more than one occasion when he lined his own vice president was born on October 17, 1780, at pockets with government funds. Beargrass, a Virginia frontier outpost near the During the 1836 presidential campaign and site of present-day Louisville, Kentucky.4 His fa- Johnson’s single term as vice president, however, ther, Robert Johnson, had migrated from Orange his popularity dissipated. The plain manners and County, Virginia, with his wife, Jemima Suggett [ 121 ] RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON

Johnson, in 1779. By 1812 Robert Johnson was pleasant, if nondescript, appearance. Washing- one of the largest landholders in Kentucky. He ton socialite found him served in the Virginia house of burgesses, at- ‘‘[t]he most tender hearted, mild, affectionate tended both the 1785 convention that petitioned and benevolent of men . . . whose countenance the Virginia legislature for Kentucky statehood beams with good will to all, whose soul seems and the 1792 Kentucky constitutional conven- to feed on the milk of human kindness.’’ He tion, and represented his district in the state leg- ‘‘might have been a fashionable man,’’ she spec- islature for several years after Kentucky’s admis- ulated, if not for his retiring nature and ‘‘plain sion to the Union. After three of Richard Mentor . . . dress and manners.’’ 12 He possessed, in the Johnson’s brothers achieved national office— words of John C. Calhoun’s biographer Charles James and John Telemachus served in the House M. Wiltse, ‘‘the rare quality of being personally of Representatives and Benjamin was a federal liked by everyone.’’ 13 district judge—critics charged that the family Soldier and Legislator sought ‘‘power in every hole and corner of the state.’’ The Johnsons proved remarkably effec- From 1804 to 1806, Johnson served as a dele- tive in obtaining government contracts and other gate from Scott County in the Kentucky house favors for family members and allies, and their of representatives, where he supported legisla- 14 financial interests in local newspapers such as tion to protect settlers from land speculators. Amos Kendall’s Georgetown Minerva and the Elected to the United States House of Represent- Georgetown Patriot added to their considerable atives from the district encompassing Shelby, influence.5 Scott, and Franklin counties in 1806, he served Richard Mentor Johnson received enough of an six consecutive terms, retiring from the House in early education to qualify him for apprentice- 1819 to seek election to the Senate.15 Throughout ships reading law under Kentucky jurists George his career, Johnson professed allegiance to the Nicholas and James Brown, 6 both former stu- principles of ‘‘Thomas Jefferson, the patriarch of dents of Thomas Jefferson’s legendary teacher republicanism,’’ and correspondence from his George Wythe.7 The allusions that flavor his let- early years in Congress suggests that he enjoyed ters and speeches suggest at least a passing fa- a cordial acquaintance with Jefferson.16 In a ram- miliarity with the classics.8 After his admission bling letter of February 1808, Johnson rec- to the bar in 1802, he returned to the family’s ommended a candidate for federal office and as- home near Great Crossings, Kentucky, to prac- sured the president that ‘‘I feel in you a con- tice law.9 He later operated a retail store at Great fidence, & attachment which is indescribable & Crossings and engaged in other business and can never be excelled.’’ ‘‘Having procured the speculative ventures with brothers James, Ben- Books mentioned in the memorandum from jamin, and Joel. These efforts, together with a you,’’ the young congressman suggested, ‘‘a sizeable bequest of land and slaves from his fa- course of Historical reading would be gratefully ther, eventually made Johnson a wealthy man, received.’’ 17 The acquaintance continued after although he never identified with the privileged Jefferson’s retirement. In 1813, Johnson wrote classes. He routinely waived legal fees for the in- that he ‘‘constantly recollected how much man- digent land claimants he represented in suits kind are indebted to you,’’ adding somewhat against wealthy speculators, 10 and his home was self-consciously that ‘‘I make no apologies for in- a for disabled veterans, widows, and or- dulging feelings which I really feel.’’ 18 During phans seeking his assistance. No one was refused the War of 1812, he apprised the retired presi- hospitality at Blue Spring Farm, his estate near dent of military developments and solicited his Great Crossings. An acquaintance ‘‘heard men counsel ‘‘as to the manner of reading, & the say they were treated so well by Col. Johnson Books to read, particularly as it respects Military when they went out there, they loved to go.’’ 11 history.’’ 19 Early accounts describe the future vice presi- As the representative of a frontier, predomi- dent as a gentle and personable man, with a nantly agrarian district, Johnson shared his con- [ 122 ] RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON stituents’ concern for the security of the interior pensation of veterans for service-related prop- settlements, as well as their inherent distrust of erty losses; and the improvement of the young bankers, speculators, and other monied interests. nation’s military establishment.27 Johnson’s new- An ‘‘administration man’’ with respect to de- found popularity and his characteristic willing- fense and foreign policy matters, he voted ness to accede to his constituents’ demands en- against Secretary of the Treasury Albert Gal- sured his political survival through the furor latin’s proposal to recharter the Bank of the Unit- over the 1816 Compensation Act, which for the ed States during the Madison administration.20 first time granted members of Congress an an- ‘‘Great monied monopolies,’’ he explained much nual salary, rather than paying them only for the later, ‘‘controlled by persons, irresponsible to the days Congress was in session. The measure be- people, are liable to exercise a dangerous influ- came controversial when a newspaper estimated ence, and corporate bodies generally, especially that the new system would cost the government when they have the power to effect the circulat- an additional $400,000 annually, and Congress ing medium of the country, do not well comport repealed the law the next year. Although John- with genius of a republic.’’ 21 He was a hard- son sponsored the bill, he quickly repudiated the working representative, popular among the vot- measure after the public outcry cost many of his ers of his district but otherwise undistinguished, colleagues their seats.28 until his heroism in the War of 1812 brought him His nationalist perspective heightened by the national acclaim.22 war, Johnson joined with Henry Clay in advocat- Johnson was one of the vociferous young con- ing protection for frontier products and federal gressmen, led by his fellow Kentuckian House funding for internal improvements to give west- Speaker Henry Clay, known collectively as the ern producers readier access to eastern mar- ‘‘warhawks.’’ During the Twelfth Congress, this kets.29 In 1817, he voted to override Madison’s group urged military redress for British viola- veto of the bonus bill, a proposal to fund internal tions of American frontiers and shipping improvements from the bonus and dividends rights, 23 and in June 1812 they voted to declare from the Bank of the United States.30 Widely re- war against Great Britain.24 Not wishing ‘‘to be garded as an expert in military affairs as a con- idle during the recess of Congress,’’ 25 Johnson sequence of his valor under fire, Johnson was raised and led two mounted regiments that one of several westerners whom President James joined the northwestern army under the com- Monroe considered to head the War Department mand of his future rival, General William Henry after Henry Clay declined the post in 1817.31 The Harrison, in the fall of 1813. Johnson’s Kentucky nomination ultimately went to John C. Calhoun volunteers crossed the Canadian border in pur- of South Carolina, but Johnson enjoyed consider- suit of a combined British and Shawnee force led able leverage over the department as chairman by General Henry Proctor and overran the from 1817 to 1819 of the House Committee on enemy position at the Thames River on October Expenditures in the Department of War.32 In 5, 1813. A heroic cavalry charge led by Johnson 1818, Calhoun authorized an expedition to plant and his brother James ensured a decisive Amer- a military outpost at the mouth of the Yellow- ican victory, in which Tecumseh, the Shawnee stone River, near the current site of Bismarck, leader who had preyed upon American settle- North Dakota, and awarded the transportation ments in the Northwest since 1806, was among and supply contract to the chairman’s brother the presumed casualties. Although his remains and partner, James Johnson. were never identified, some witnesses claimed The Yellowstone expedition departed from St. after the fact that Johnson had killed Tecumseh.26 Louis just as the panic of 1819 brought postwar Johnson returned to Congress a hero on March economic expansion to a halt and shortly before 7, 1814, still suffering from the extensive wounds Treasury Secretary William H. Crawford issued that plagued him for the rest of his life. He a December 1819 report projecting a $5 million turned his attention to war-related matters: the budget deficit. The venture grossly exceeded an- relief of veterans, widows and orphans; the com- ticipated costs (in large part because of James [ 123 ] RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON

Johnson’s malfeasance and Richard Mentor end debt imprisonment began long before John- Johnson’s repeated pleas for further advances). son, on December 10, 1822, introduced a Senate As a result, the expedition provided Calhoun’s bill to abolish use of the punishment by federal enemies in Congress with potent ammunition for courts. He did, however, become one of the ac- an attack that ultimately led to drastic reductions knowledged leaders of the effort, first through in the War Department budget.33 After Johnson his success in persuading the Kentucky legisla- requested yet another contract for James in the ture to abolish the practice in 1821 and then with summer of 1820, Calhoun finally advised the his decade-long campaign in Congress that in president that, ‘‘to avoid all censure, the con- 1832 achieved enactment of a federal statute.42 tracts ought to be made on public proposals.’’ 34 Senator Thomas Hart Benton of Missouri later Johnson retired from the House long before the explained that the impact of the 1832 law ex- Yellowstone expedition stalled at Council Bluffs, tended far beyond the federal courts ‘‘in the force Iowa, but the eventual outcry over the venture of example and influence.’’ The statute ‘‘led to failed to diminish his stature in Kentucky.35 As the cessation of the practice of imprisoning debt- Monroe had earlier acknowledged, ‘‘the people ors, in all, or nearly all, of the States and Terri- of the whole western country’’ considered the ex- of the Union.’’ 43 pedition ‘‘a measure . . . to preserve the peace A second legislative accomplishment that of the frontier.’’ 36 The local press celebrated ‘‘the brought Johnson national distinction was a re- Herculean undertakings of the Johnsons,’’ while port that he prepared during his final Senate accusing their critics of ‘‘political animosity.’’ 37 term, as chairman of the Committee on Post Of- On December 10, 1819, the Kentucky legislature fices and Post Roads, in response to a flood of elected Johnson to fill the unexpired portion of petitions from religious congregations in the East John J. Crittenden’s Senate term.38 demanding the suspension of Sunday mail deliv- eries. The January 19, 1829, report, widely re- Relief for Debtors printed in the press, argued that, as ‘‘a civil, and Johnson began his Senate career heavily in not a religious institution,’’ the government debt. He mortgaged several properties to the could take no action sanctioning the religious Bank of the United States to settle accounts out- convictions or practices of any denomination. standing from the Yellowstone expedition and After leaving the Senate, Johnson continued his other speculative ventures. In 1822 Bank counsel crusade as a member of the House of Representa- Henry Clay won a substantial judgment against tives. In 1830, as chairman of the House Commit- the Johnson brothers.39 Still, Johnson weathered tee on Post Offices and Post Roads, he submitted the depression better than many of his constitu- a second report. This, like the earlier Senate re- ents and others who were left destitute after the port, brought him widespread acclaim in the panic of 1819 severely depressed credit and agri- labor press as a champion of religious liberty. cultural prices. Thousands of overextended Some contemporaries doubted Johnson’s author- farmers and laborers found themselves pressed ship of the second report, however; and his biog- by increasingly frantic creditors during the de- rapher has conceded that Johnson’s friends in the pression that followed the panic. Imprisonment Post Office Department, including his landlord for debt was a common punishment in state and O.B. Brown, may have influenced his stance.44 local courts during the early nineteenth century, During his ten years in the Senate from 1819 although few debtors were incarcerated for out- to 1829, Johnson gravitated toward the coalition, standing federal obligations.40 then emerging under the skilled leadership of Both Johnson’s own experience and the suffer- Martin Van Buren, that eventually became the ing in his district and elsewhere convinced him Democratic party, as well as toward the party’s that ‘‘the principle is deemed too dangerous to future standard bearer, Andrew Jackson.45 The be tolerated in a free government, to permit a acquaintance dated at least from 1814, when man for any pecuniary consideration, to dispose Johnson wrote to Jackson at New Orleans to rec- of the liberty of his equal.’’ 41 The movement to ommend a supply contractor.46 He was Jackson’s [ 124 ] RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON impassioned, if ineffective, defender in 1819 to oppose Johnson’s reelection and ultimately when Clay urged the House of Representatives forcing state legislator John Telemachus Johnson to censure the general for his execution of two to withdraw his brother’s name from the con- British subjects during the Seminole War.47 Sen- test.55 The defeat ended Johnson’s Senate career. ator Johnson declared for Jackson after the 1824 In his three later attempts to return to the Senate, presidential election was thrown into the House he lost to Henry Clay in 1831 and 1848 and to of Representatives 48—and, by some accounts, John J. Crittenden in 1842.56 after the candidate hinted that, if elected, he in- In the House Again tended to name Johnson secretary of war.49 When the House elected John Quincy Adams In 1829 the voters in Johnson’s old district re- 57 president, Johnson broke the news to Jackson turned him to the House of Representatives, that the new president had named as secretary where he remained during Jackson’s two admin- of state Henry Clay, who had voted for Adams istrations. After chairing the Committee on Post in spite of the Kentucky voters’ clear preference Offices and Post Roads from 1829 to 1833, he for Jackson.50 Johnson was absent when the Sen- served as chairman of the Committee on Military 58 ate approved Clay’s nomination on March 7, Affairs from 1833 to 1837. An acknowledged 1825.51 A Washington journalist later reported power in the House, Johnson offered his services that, after the election, Johnson ‘‘determined to and advice to the administration on several occa- enter the ranks of the opposition.’’ 52 He had be- sions, albeit with noticeably less success than the come, and would remain for the rest of his life, more politically astute Martin Van Buren.59 a steadfast ‘‘Jacksonian.’’ Johnson was, by nature, a conciliator, whose Johnson was reelected to a full Senate term in vehement rhetoric belied a tendency to avoid po- 1822 but in 1828 lost his reelection bid because litically risky confrontations. In 1830 he urged Kentucky Democrats feared that controversy Jackson to sign a bill to fund an extension of the over his domestic life would jeopardize Jackson’s from Lexington to Maysville, Ken- chances in the national election. Johnson never tucky, warning in emphatic terms that ‘‘you will married. Family tradition recounts that he ended crush your friends in Kentucky if you veto that an early romance, vowing revenge for his moth- Bill.’’ When the president proved intransigent, er’s interference, after Jemima Johnson pro- he conceded that a tax to fund the Maysville nounced his intended bride unworthy of the Road ‘‘would be worse than a veto.’’ He failed family.53 He later lived openly with Julia Chinn, to vote when the House sustained the veto on a mulatto slave raised by his mother and inher- May 18, 1830.60 ited from his father, until her death from An early aspirant for the 1832 Democratic pres- in 1833. Johnson freely acknowledged the rela- idential nomination, Johnson refocused his tionship, as well as the two daughters born to sights on the vice-presidency after Jackson an- the union, and entrusted Julia with full authority nounced that he would seek a second term.61 over his business affairs during his absences New York labor leader Ely Moore and members from Blue Spring Farm.54 of the Workingmen’s party supported Johnson The relationship provoked little comment in for vice president, 62 but Democratic strategists Johnson’s congressional district, but as a member questioned the wisdom of adding him to the tick- of the Senate, with an expanded constituency, he et. A correspondent of Navy Secretary John was vulnerable to criticism by large slaveholders McLean noted that ‘‘Gen. Jackson . . . is in feeble and others who disapproved of open miscegena- health; and may not live to the end of his second tion. Threatened press exposure of the senator’s term’’ and questioned whether ‘‘Colo. Johnson’s personal life during the 1828 campaign unnerved calibre will answer for so high a station.’’ 63 De- Jackson supporters in the Kentucky legislature. spite clear indications that Van Buren would re- They therefore attempted to dissociate the na- place Calhoun as the vice-presidential candidate, tional candidate from the now-controversial however, Johnson abandoned his campaign only Johnson, joining forces with the Adams faction after Jackson’s adviser William B. Lewis con- [ 125 ] RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON vinced him to do so.64 When, on May 22, 1832, and John Bell.68 Blair and Kendall quietly the Democratic convention tapped Van Buren as changed their tactics in hopes of securing the Jackson’s running mate on the first ballot, John- vice-presidential nomination for ‘‘Old Dick.’’ 69 son received only 26 votes from the Kentucky, Perhaps they hoped that Johnson would thus be- Indiana, and delegations—a poor show- come the ‘‘heir apparent’’ to succeed Van Buren, ing compared to Van Buren’s 208 votes and the or perhaps they merely recognized the futility of 49 votes of former House Speaker and Calhoun opposing Old Hickory’s will. Van Buren served ally Philip P. Barbour. Jackson and Van Buren as Jackson’s ‘‘right hand’’ during his term as vice then went on to win an easy victory in the gen- president, but this arrangement resulted more eral election.65 from his longstanding relationship with the As early as April 1833, shortly after Jackson’s president than from any commonly held as- new term began, ’s Political Register sumptions regarding the role of the vice reported that ‘‘the western States are flooded president. with handbills nominating Col. Richard M. John- 1836 Election son, of Kentucky, as a candidate for the Presi- dency in 1836.’’ Johnson’s friend William When the Democratic convention met at Balti- Emmons published The Authentic Biography of more on May 22, 1835, to ratify Van Buren’s Colonel Richard M. Johnson in 1833, and Richard nomination and select his running mate, John- Emmons’ play, Tecumseh, of the Battle of the son’s only serious opponent for the vice-presi- Thames, soon followed. A poem by Richard dential nomination was former senator William Emmons supplied the slogan that Johnson en- Cabell Rives of Virginia, who had served as min- thusiasts trumpeted in the 1836 and 1840 cam- ister to France during Jackson’s first administra- paigns: ‘‘Rumpsey, Dumpsey, Colonel Johnson tion. Southern Democrats, and Van Buren him- killed Tecumseh!’’ self, strongly preferred Rives. Although he The candidate delighted in these overblown counted ‘‘the gallant Colonel . . . among the brav- celebrations of his military prowess, boasting est of the brave,’’ Van Buren also feared that after a well-attended and well-received perform- Johnson could not ‘‘be relied upon to check the ance of Tecumseh that he had ‘‘more friends than cupidity of his friends.’’ Jackson, however, con- ever.’’ 66 But Johnson’s following was based cerned about the threat that opposition can- upon more than his military accomplishments, didate Hugh Lawson White posed among west- exaggerated though they were by his eager pro- ern voters, strongly preferred his Kentucky lieu- moters. His efforts to abolish imprisonment for tenant. His anger over Rives’ diplomatic failures debt and to continue Sunday mail deliveries en- and his gratitude for Johnson’s longstanding loy- sured him the support of the workingmen’s alty and support also weighed heavily in his de- movement in the urban centers, and his ‘‘hard- cision. In spite of the president’s considerable in- money,’’ antibank fiscal policy appealed to the fluence, however, Johnson received the required party’s ‘‘radical’’ faction. He also enjoyed a two-thirds vote only after New York Senator strong following in the West, where Jackson’s Silas Wright prevailed upon nondelegate Ed- ‘‘’’ advisers Amos Kendall and ward Rucker to cast the fifteen votes of the ab- Francis P. Blair considered him the only can- sent Tennessee delegation in his favor.70 didate who could neutralize Clay’s overwhelm- The choice provoked bitter dissention in ing appeal.67 Party regulars understood, how- Democratic ranks. Virginia delegate Dr. R.C. ever, that in selecting Van Buren as his running Mason questioned Johnson’s fidelity to the par- mate in 1832, Jackson had named the diminutive ty’s ‘‘great republican principles’’ and an- New Yorker his successor. Johnson eventually nounced that his delegation would not support acceded to the president’s wishes with his usual the nomination.71 Johnson’s letter of acceptance, equanimity, refusing to run as an opposition can- explaining that ‘‘I consider the views of presi- didate when approached in 1834 by a coalition dent Jackson, on the tariff and internal improve- of disaffected Tennesseans led by David Crockett ments, as founded in true wisdom,’’ failed to [ 126 ] RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON mollify the Virginians.72 Van Buren’s ally Albert spite of these disappointments, however, Van Balch had previously warned Jackson that ‘‘I do Buren still managed a narrow victory with just not think from what I hear daily that the nomina- over fifty percent of the popular vote.79 tion of Johnson for the Vice Presidency will be On February 8, 1837, President pro tempore of popular in any of the slave holding states except the Senate William R. King of pro- Ky. on account of his former domestic rela- claimed to the members of Congress assembled tions,’’ 73 and a Van Buren correspondent later in the House chamber to tally the electoral re- predicted that ‘‘Col. Johnson’s . . . weight would turns that Martin Van Buren, with 170 electoral absolutely sink the whole party in Virginia.’’ 74 votes, was the ‘‘duly elected President of the Tennessee Supreme Court Chief Justice John United States.’’ Johnson, however, received only Catron warned Jackson that Johnson was ‘‘not 147 electoral votes, 70 more than his closest con- only positively unpopular in Tennessee . . . but tender, , but one less than the affirmatively odious’’ and begged the president number required to elect. The Virginia electors ‘‘to assure our friends that the humblest of us do had remained loyal to Van Buren, who carried not believe that a lucky random shot, even if it the state by a close margin, but cast their votes did hit Tecumseh, qualifies a man for the Vice in the vice-presidential contest for William Smith Presidency.’’ He predicted that ‘‘the very mo- of Alabama. After King announced that ‘‘it de- ment Col. J. is announced, the newspapers will volved on the Senate of the United States . . . to open upon him with facts, that he had endeav- choose . . . a Vice President of the United States,’’ ored often to force his daughters into society, the Senate retired to its own chamber.80 that the mother in her life time, and they now, After reassembling to elect the vice president, rode in carriages, and claimed equality.’’ 75 the Senate approved Tennessee Senator Felix The Whigs still formed a loose coalition bound Grundy’s resolution to establish the voting pro- by mutual opposition to Jackson’s antibank poli- cedure: cies but lacked the party unity or organizational strength to field a single ticket or define a coher- [T]he Secretary of the Senate shall call the names of Senators in alphabetical order; and each Sen- ent platform. Instead of a single nominee, they ator will, when his name is called, name the per- offered a series of sectional candidates nomi- son for whom he votes; and if a majority of the nated by local in hopes of defeating whole number of Senators shall vote for either Van Buren in each region and throwing the elec- the said Richard M. Johnson or Francis Granger, tion into the House of Representatives. The Whig he shall be declared by the presiding officer of presidential candidates were Daniel Webster, the Senate constitutionally elected Vice President Tennessee Senator and former Jacksonian Hugh of the United States. Lawson White, and Johnson’s former com- Secretary of the Senate Asbury Dickins called the mander, General William Henry Harrison. For roll, with 49 of the 52 senators present voting vice president, opposition caucuses nominated along strict party lines: 33 for Johnson, 16 for New York Anti-Mason Francis Granger and 76 Granger. President pro tempore King then an- former Democrat John Tyler of Virginia. nounced that Johnson had been ‘‘constitutionally In the bitter campaign that followed, Whigs at- elected Vice President of the United States for tempted to attract disaffected Democrats by fo- four years, commencing on the fourth day of cusing on personalities rather than issues. In the March, 1837.’’ 81 South, opposition strategists raised the specter of abolition against Van Buren, 77 while attacking Vice President Johnson as a ‘‘great amalgamator,’’ who had Notified of his election, 82 Johnson responded ‘‘habitually and practically illustrated’’ abolition- that his ‘‘gratification was heightened from the ist principles in his own home.78 Johnson not conviction that the Senate, in the exercise of their only cost his party southern votes, but he also constitutional prerogative, concurred with and failed to attract western votes as anticipated. His confirmed the wishes of both the States and the own state went for Harrison and Granger. In people.’’ He explained that he had never paid [ 127 ] RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON

‘‘special regard to the minuteness of rules and president and some measure of influence during orders, so necessary to the of business, Jackson’s administrations. The controversy sur- and so important to the observance of the presid- rounding his nomination, however, together ing officer’’ during his three decades in Con- with his disappointing showing in the 1836 elec- gress. He was nonetheless confident—in words tion, his longstanding rivalry with Van Buren, reminiscent of Jefferson’s forty years earlier— and the constitutional limitations of his new of- that ‘‘the intelligence of the Senate will guard the fice severely curtailed his role in the Van Buren country from any injury that might result from administration. Histories of Van Buren’s presi- the imperfections of the presiding officer.’’ While dency do not indicate that he ever sought his vice he hoped ‘‘that there may be always sufficient president’s counsel.86 Johnson’s duties were con- unanimity’’ to prevent equal divisions in the fined to the Senate chamber, where he watched Senate, he would perform his duty ‘‘without em- from the presiding officer’s chair as Senate Fi- barrassment’’ in the event that he was called nance Committee Chairman Silas Wright of New upon to cast a tie-breaking vote.83 York introduced Van Buren’s economic President pro tempore King administered the program.87 oath of office to Johnson in the Senate chamber Johnson was, however, willing to use on behalf at 10:00 a.m. on March 4, 1837. In a brief address of his friends and cronies the limited influence to the Senate, the new vice president observed he still commanded. When asked that ‘‘there is not, perhaps, a deliberative assem- the vice president to present an abolition petition bly existing, where the presiding officer has less to the Senate, Johnson, who owned several difficulty in preserving order.’’ He attributed this slaves, averred that ‘‘considerations of a moral characteristic to ‘‘the intelligence and patriotism and political, as well as of a constitutional na- of the members who compose the body, and that ture’’ prevented him from presenting ‘‘petitions personal respect and courtesy which have al- of a character evidently hostile to the union, and ways been extended from one member to an- destructive of the principles on which it is found- other in its deliberations.’’ At the conclusion of ed.’’ 88 ‘‘Constitutional considerations’’ did not, his remarks, the ceremony of newly elected sen- however, prevent him from lobbying Congress ators presenting their credentials to the Senate on behalf of Indian subagent Samuel Milroy and taking the oath of office was temporarily in- when Milroy, an Indiana Democrat who per- terrupted by the arrival of President-elect Van formed ‘‘special favors’’ for the vice president, Buren and his party. The senators therefore sought the more lucrative position of Indian joined the procession to the east portico of the agent.89 Capitol for the presidential inauguration.84 Johnson was a competent presiding officer, 90 Contemporary witnesses and scholarly ac- although not an accomplished parliamentarian. counts of the day’s festivities mention Richard In keeping with Senate practice during the 1830s, Mentor Johnson only in passing, if at all. The out- he appointed senators to standing and select going president, worn and emaciated from two committees, a duty that President pro tempore terms in office and a recent debilitating illness William R. King performed when he was but still towering over his immaculately attired absent.91 successor, was clearly the focus of attention. Although he had hoped for ‘‘equanimity’’ in Thomas Hart Benton, a dedicated Jackson sup- the Senate, Johnson was called upon to cast his porter, later recounted the ‘‘acclamations and tie-breaking vote fourteen times during his sin- cheers bursting from the heart and filling the air’’ gle term in office, more frequently than any pre- that erupted from the crowd as Jackson took his vious vice president except John Adams and leave of the ceremony. From Benton’s perspec- John C. Calhoun.92 Three of his predecessors— tive, ‘‘the rising was eclipsed by the setting Adams, George Clinton, and Daniel D. Tomp- sun.’’ 85 kins—had addressed the Senate on occasion to Johnson’s friendship with Jackson and his stat- explain their tie-breaking votes, but Johnson de- ure in the House had assured him access to the clined to do so.93 In at least one instance, how- [ 128 ] RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON ever, he did explain a vote to readers of the Ken- Smith now struck observers as vulgar and tucky Gazette. Justifying his support for a bill crude, 100 especially compared to the impeccably granting relief to the daughter of a veteran, John- clad and consummately tactful Van Buren. son reminded his former constituents that he had Henry Stanton observed Johnson presiding over always ‘‘used my humble abilities in favor of the Senate in 1838 and pronounced him ‘‘shab- those laws which have extended compensation bily dressed, and to the last degree clumsy,’’ a to the officers and soldiers who have bravely striking contrast with his ‘‘urbane, elegant pred- fought, and freely bled, in their country’s cause, ecessor.’’ 101 English author Harriett Martineau and to widows and orphans of those who per- sat opposite the vice president at a dinner party, ished.’’ 94 In other instances, however, Johnson and predicted that ‘‘if he should become Presi- voted with Democratic senators in support of ad- dent, he will be as strange-looking a potentate 95 ministration policy. as ever ruled. His countenance is wild, though Notwithstanding his steady, if lackluster, serv- with much cleverness in it; his hair wanders all ice in the Senate, Johnson from the outset rep- abroad, and he wears no cravat. But there is no resented a liability to Van Buren. Still heavily in telling how he might look if he dressed like other debt when he assumed office, he hoped to re- people.’’ 102 The trademark scarlet vest that John- coup his fortunes through the Acad- son affected while vice president (after he and emy, a school he established at Blue Spring Farm line operator James Reeside agreed to during the 1820s that became the focus of the don vests to match Reeside’s red coaches) 103 Jackson administration’s efforts to ‘‘socialize’’ only accentuated his unkempt appearance and and ‘‘civilize’’ the Native American population. eccentric habits. He received federal funds for each student from Van Buren and Johnson took office just as tribal annuities and the ‘‘Civilization Fund’’ es- weakened demand for American products tablished by Congress during the Monroe ad- ministration, 96 but revenues from the school abroad and credit restrictions imposed by British failed to satisfy his mounting obligations. By the banks and trading houses combined to produce spring of 1839, Amos Kendall reported to Van a massive contraction in the economy. Critics fo- Buren on the vice president’s latest venture: a cused their wrath on Jackson’s fiscal policies, hotel and tavern at White Sulphur Spring, Ken- which were in part responsible for the panic of tucky. He enclosed a letter from a friend who 1837, but Van Buren would not abandon his had visited ‘‘Col. Johnson’s Watering establish- predecessor’s ‘‘hard money’’ stance. He refused ment’’ and found the vice president ‘‘happy in mounting demands to rescind the 1836 Specie the inglorious pursuit of tavern keeping—even Circular, Jackson’s directive to end speculation giving his personal superintendence to the chick- and by requiring purchasers of public en and egg purchasing and water-melon selling land to pay in specie. During the September 1837 department.’’ 97 Kendall wrote with consterna- special session of Congress that Van Buren called tion that Johnson’s companion, ‘‘a young Delilah to address the crisis, Senate Finance Committee of about the complexion of Shakespears swarthy Chairman Silas Wright of New York introduced Othello,’’ was ‘‘said to be his third wife; his sec- the new administration’s remedy, a proposal to ond, which he sold for her infidelity, having been end government reliance on the banking system. the sister of the present lady.’’ 98 Although one Congress finally approved Van Buren’s inde- of the most fashionable in Kentucky, 99 Johnson’s pendent treasury plan in the summer of 1840, but resort also formed a source of considerable em- not before bitter debate and the worsening econ- barrassment for the administration. omy galvanized the Whig opposition.104 Adding As debts, disappointments, and the chronic to Van Buren’s considerable difficulties, and con- pain he had suffered since 1813 took their toll, tributing to Democratic losses in the 1837 and Johnson’s once-pleasing appearance became di- 1838 local elections, were a border dispute with shevelled, and the plain republican manners that Canada, armed resistance to removal by the had in earlier days so charmed Margaret Bayard Seminole tribe in Florida, heightened sectional [ 129 ] RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON antagonism over slavery in Congress, and fla- nomic policies had failed to relieve widespread grant misconduct on the part of several adminis- suffering among ordinary folk.112 tration appointees.105 Van Buren remained aloof from the popular 1840 Campaign hoopla that distinguished the 1840 campaign from earlier contests, despite Johnson’s warning Although Van Buren’s renomination was that the campaign ‘‘would be hard run, and that never in doubt, Democratic strategists began to he ought to go out among the voters as I in- question the wisdom of keeping Johnson on the tended doing.’’ 113 The vice president plunged ticket in 1840. They feared, as Harriett Martineau headlong into the fray, opening his shirt to dis- had predicted, that ‘‘the slavery question . . . may play battle scars before an Ohio audience, revisit- 106 again be to the disadvantage of the Colonel.’’ ing the Battle of the Thames in progressively Even Jackson finally conceded that Johnson was more lurid detail with each retelling, and deliv- a liability and insisted on former House Speaker ering ‘‘rambling’’ diatribes on several occasions. James K. Polk of Tennessee as Van Buren’s new He always also took care to remind western au- 107 running mate. ‘‘I like Col. Johnson but I like diences that Van Buren had ‘‘raised himself from my country more,’’ he wrote Francis P. Blair a poor Dutch orphan boy to the highest station shortly before the Democratic convention, ‘‘and in the world.’’ During an Ohio campaign tour I allway go for my Country first, and then for with Governor and Senator Wil- my friend.’’ 108 liam Allen, the ’s inflammatory charges In spite of the entreaties of several southern against Harrison touched off a riot in Cleve- Democrats, anonymous hints in the Democratic land.114 Still, as Robert Gray Gunderson con- press that Johnson would not stand for reelec- cluded in his study of the ‘‘log-cabin campaign,’’ tion, and his own half-hearted offer to withdraw ‘‘Old Rumpsey Dumpsey conducted a more ef- from the contest if asked to do so, he remained fective campaign than any other Democrat in a candidate.109 With William Henry Harrison, 1840.’’ 115 Johnson’s former commander and comrade-in- Unprecedented public interest aroused by the arms and the ‘‘Hero of Tippecanoe,’’ emerging campaign, coupled with broadened suffrage re- as a likely Whig presidential contender, Van quirements in several states, ensured a record Buren was reluctant to drop the Democrats’ own . Harrison defeated Van Buren with hero from the ticket. He was also well aware of 52.9 percent of the popular vote and 234 electoral ‘‘Old Dick’s’’ following among ‘‘hard-money’’ votes to Van Buren’s 60, and Whigs won majori- Democrats in the Northeast.110 Party leaders, un- ties for the first time in both the House and the willing to risk an open confrontation, approved Senate.116 Johnson’s showing was particularly Van Buren’s compromise proposal that the 1840 embarrassing: Kentucky voters again backed the convention would leave the selection of the vice- opposing ticket, but this time the Whigs carried presidential candidate to the state party organi- the vice president’s own district as well.117 One zations, but they ultimately backed Johnson after of the 23 Virginia electors, and all of South Caro- two crucial states—New York and Pennsylva- lina’s 11 electors, voted for Van Buren but de- nia—rallied behind him and other prospective fected to James K. Polk and Littleton W. Tazewell candidates declined to run.111 of Virginia, respectively, in the vice-presidential Eastern Whigs’ fear that Clay could not win contest.118 the presidency, as well as Harrison’s surprising Johnson had the painful duty of presiding over showing in the 1836 contest, assured Harrison the joint session of Congress that met in the the 1840 Whig nomination. To balance his House chamber on February 10, 1841, to count strength in the North and West, Whigs chose the electoral votes. After proclaiming Harrison’s former Virginia Senator John Tyler as their vice- election, he announced that John Tyler ‘‘was presidential candidate. Whigs portrayed Har- duly elected Vice President of the United States rison as a champion of the people and a welcome for four years, commencing with the 4th day of corrective to the New York dandy whose eco- March, 1841.’’ He then appointed Whig Senator [ 130 ] RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON

William C. Preston of South Carolina to a joint Dick,’’ and his own tours of the northern states committee to notify Tyler of his election, 119 and and the Mississippi Valley toward that end, met nine days later, he reported Tyler’s acknowl- with polite but condescending resistance from edgement of the message.120 Democrats who shared William L. Marcy’s view Farewell that ‘‘he is not now even what he formally was. Johnson took his leave of the Senate on March It may be there was never so much of him as 122 2, 1841, the day before the Twenty-sixth Con- many of us were led to suppose.’’ Jackson was gress adjourned, to allow the Senate ‘‘an oppor- characteristically blunt. Johnson, he warned Van tunity of selecting a presiding officer, for the con- Buren, would be ‘‘dead weight’’ in the forthcom- venience of organization’’ when the next Con- ing election.123 An observer noted the old hero’s gress convened two days later. Recalling his as- mounting frustration: ‘‘Colonel Dick Johnson sociation with ‘‘a very great majority of the mem- . . . seems to understand very well Mr. V Buren bers of the Senate . . . for many years, in the coun- is stacking the cards . . . Dick . . . will be bam- cils of our common country,’’ he reflected that boozled as sure as a gun. . . . You never saw a his ‘‘personal relations’’ with them had ‘‘ever more restless dissatisfied man in your life, than been kind and tender,’’ notwithstanding ‘‘diver- Dick is.’’ 124 By 1843, Johnson partisans conceded sity of opinion . . . on minor points, or . . . points that he had no chance of winning the presi- of greater magnitude.’’ The ‘‘generous, the mag- dential nomination, and a Kentucky Democrat nanimous course’’ of individual senators, and assured Van Buren that ‘‘the friends of Col. John- particularly ‘‘their indulgence’’ of a presiding of- son do not ask anything more than a vote on the ficer ‘‘who never studied the rules of order tech- first ballot in his favor.’’ 125 Several Democrats nically,’’ had rendered his service in the Senate speculated that Johnson’s real objective was the ‘‘pleasant and agreeable’’ despite ‘‘momentary vice-presidential nomination, although he never agitation and excitement in debate.’’ As the Sen- formally declared himself a candidate.126 But by ate’s presiding officer, he had tried to ‘‘act with early 1844 he realized that ‘‘his party doesn’t perfect impartiality’’ and to treat ‘‘each Senator even intend to place him upon the Vice Presi- as the representative of a sovereign and inde- dents ticket.’’ 127 pendent State, and as entitled to equal consider- ation of me.’’ Johnson made a final attempt to return to the Johnson claimed that he retired ‘‘without the Senate in 1848, but the Kentucky legislature sent least dissatisfaction,’’ obedient to ‘‘the great radi- his old colleague and adversary, Henry Clay, to cal and fundamental principle of submission to Washington. Scott County voters elected John- the voice of the people, when constitutionally ex- son to the state legislature two years later, but pressed.’’ But his parting comments betrayed a he was gravely ill when he took his seat on No- sense of regret: vember 8, 1850. Shortly after the Louisville Daily Journal reported that ‘‘it is painful to see him on [A]nd when I am far distant from you—as time the floor attempting to discharge the duties of a must separate us all even here, not to speak of hereafter—as long as I shall have my recollection member,’’ Johnson suffered a stroke. He died on to remember the associations which I have had November 19, 1850, and, by resolution of the with this body, I shall always be animated by the Kentucky legislature, was buried at the Frankfort sentiment of kindness and friendship with which cemetery. State Senator eulo- I take my final leave of the Senate.121 gized the frontier hero as Johnson would have Later Years wished to be remembered: ‘‘He was the poor Johnson’s 1840 defeat effectively ended his po- man’s friend. . . . Void of ostentation, simple in litical career. He was a candidate for the Senate his taste, his manners, and his dress—brave, in 1842 but lost to John J. Crittenden. Early efforts magnanimous, patriotic and generous to a fault, by Kentucky Democrats to secure the 1844 in his earliest years he was the beau ideal of the Democratic presidential nomination for ‘‘Colonel soul and the chivalry of Kentucky.’’ 128 [ 131 ] NOTES 1 John Spencer Bassett, ed., Correspondence of Andrew Jack- 21 Richard Mentor Johnson to Dawson et al., February 6, son (Washington, DC, 1931), 5:331. 1836, printed in Kentucky Gazette, April 2, 1836, and re- 2 The first full-length account of Richard Mentor John- printed in Meyer, p. 142. son’s career was William Emmons’ highly laudatory cam- 22 Meyer, pp. 49–84. paign biography, Authentic Biography of Colonel Richard M. 23 Marshall Smelser, The , 1801–1815 Johnson (New York, 1833). Ignatius Loyola Robertson’s (New York, 1968), pp. 208–9; John Niven, John C. Calhoun Sketches of Public Characters—Drawn from the Living and and the Price of Union (Baton Rouge, LA, 1988), p. 36; Harry the Dead (New York, 1830), includes a brief and highly W. Fritz, ‘‘The War Hawks of 1812,’’ Capitol Studies 5 (Spring complimentary sketch of Johnson’s career. Leland Winfield 1977): 28. Meyer, Life and Times of Colonel Richard M. Johnson (New 24 Smelser, p. 216. York, 1967, reprint of 1932 edition), pp. 176, 298, 342, 401, 25 Richard Mentor Johnson to John Armstrong, received 405, 489. Meyer’s biography, the only modern account of February 23, 1813, quoted in Meyer, pp. 100–101. Johnson’s life and career, accepts at face value many of the 26 Smelser, pp. 210, 255–56; Meyer, pp. 101–35. assumptions and assessments that color the earlier works. 27 Meyer, pp. 136–88. 3 Louisville Journal, October 14, 1840, quoted in Meyer, p. 28 U.S., Congress, House, Annals of Congress, 14th Cong., 290. 1st sess., pp. 1127–34, Appendix, p. 1801; 14th Cong., 2d 4 U.S., Congress, Biographical Directory of the United States sess., pp. 235–43, Appendix, p. 1278; Charles M. Wiltse, John Congress, 1774–1989, S. Doc. 100–34, 100th Cong., 2d sess., C. Calhoun, vol. 1, Nationalist, 1782–1828 (New York, 1968; 1989, p. 1270. reprint of 1944 edition), pp. 125–31; U.S., Congress, Senate, 5 Meyer, pp. 13–48, 325–27. The Senate, 1789–1989: Addresses on the History of the United 6 Ibid., pp. 290–91. States Senate, by Robert C. Byrd, S. Doc. 100–20, vol. 2, 1991, 7 Robert V. Remini, Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union pp. 350–51; Meyer, pp. 168, 172, 326–27. (New York, 1991), p. 18. 29 Meyer, pp. 162–67. 8 See, for example, Johnson’s , 1816, speech on 30 Annals of Congress, 14th Cong., 2d sess., p. 1062. the Compensation Law, U.S., Congress, House, Annals of 31 Harry Ammon, James Monroe: The Quest for National Congress, 14th Cong., 2d sess., pp. 235–43. Identity (Charlottesville, VA, 1990), pp. 358–59. 9 Meyer, p. 292. 32 Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, p. 10 Ibid., pp. 290–342 and passim. 1270. 11 Ibid., pp. 312–14 and Appendix, ‘‘Mr. James Y. Kelly’s 33 John Niven, John C. Calhoun and the Price of Union (Baton Reminiscences about ’Dick Johnson’ Taken Down as He Rouge, LA, 1988), pp. 59–80; Ammon, pp. 468–71; Meyer, Spoke, April 2, 1929, to Leland W. Meyer,’’ pp. 477–78. pp. 189–206; Merrill D. Peterson, The Great : Web- 12 Mrs. Samuel Harrison Smith (Margaret Bayard Smith), ster, Clay, and Calhoun (New York, 1987), pp. 88–95; Chase The First Forty Years of Washington Society (New York, 1906), C. Mooney, William H. Crawford, 1772–1834 (Lexington, KY, quoted in Meyer, pp. 293, 304–5. 1974), pp. 151–57. 13 Charles M. Wiltse, John C. Calhoun, vol. 2, Nullifier, 34 John C. Calhoun to James Monroe, July 14, 1820, quoted 1829–1839 (New York, 1968; reprint of 1948 ed.), p. 37. in Meyer, p. 195. 14 Meyer, pp. 49–58. 35 Meyer, pp. 202–5. 15 Ibid., p. 58; Biographical Directory of the United States 36 James Monroe to John C. Calhoun, July 5, 1819, quoted Congress, p. 1270. in ibid., p. 202. 16 R. M. Johnson to et al., June 9, 1835, 37 Kentucky Gazette, October 8, 1819, quoted in ibid., p. 203. in James A. Padgett, ed., ‘‘The Letters of Colonel Richard 38 Meyer, pp. 183–88. M. Johnson of Kentucky,’’ Register of the Kentucky State His- 39 Ibid., pp. 205–6; Remini, Henry Clay, pp. 207–8. torical Society 40 (January 1942): 83–86. 40 Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Age of Jackson (Boston, 17 Richard M. Johnson to Thomas Jefferson, February 27, 1945), pp. 134–36. 1808, in James A. Padgett, ed., ‘‘The Letters of Colonel Rich- 41 Speech of Col. Richard M. Johnson to the Senate, Janu- ard M. Johnson of Kentucky,’’ Register of the Kentucky State ary 14, 1823, quoted in Meyer, pp. 283–84. Historical Society 38 (July 1940): 190–91. 42 Schlesinger, pp. 134–36; Meyer, pp. 235, 282–89; Annals 18 Richard M. Johnson to Thomas Jefferson, January 30, of Congress, 17th Cong., 2d sess., pp. 23–27. 1813, in ibid., p. 197. 43 Thomas Hart Benton, Thirty Years’ View; or, A History 19 Richard M. Johnson to Thomas Jefferson, , of the Working of the American Government for Thirty Years, 1813 [1814?], in ibid., p. 198. From 1820 to 1851 (New York, 1871; reprint of 1854 ed.), 20 Meyer, pp. 49–84. 1:291–92.

[ 132 ] RICHARD MENTOR JOHNSON

44 Meyer, pp. 256–63, 293–94. 70 Remini, Jackson and the Course of American Democracy, 45 Ibid., passim; Donald R. Cole, Martin Van Buren and the pp. 256; Niven, Martin Van Buren, pp. 374–96; Wilson, p. American Political System (Princeton, NJ, 1984), p. 125. 16; John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Autobiography of Martin Van 46 Richard M. Johnson to Major General Andrew Jackson, Buren (Washington, DC, 1920), 2:754, quoted in Meyer, pp. November 21, 1814, in Padgett, ed., Register of the Kentucky 337–38. State Historical Society 38: 326–27. 71 Niven, Martin Van Buren, p. 396; Meyer, p. 419. 47 Remini, Henry Clay, pp. 161–66. 72 Richard M. Johnson to Andrew Stevenson, et al., June 48 Meyer, p. 220. 9, 1835, in Padgett, ed., Register of the Kentucky State Histori- 49 Ibid., pp. 221–22. cal Society 40: 83–86. 50 Remini, Henry Clay, p. 268. 73 Albert Balch to Andrew Jackson, April 4, 1835, quoted 51 Robert V. Remini, Andrew Jackson and the Course of in Meyer, p. 413. American Freedom, 1822–1832 (New York, 1981), p. 103; U.S., 74 C.S. Morgan to Martin Van Buren, January 9, 1936, Congress, Senate, Journal, Appendix, 19th Cong., special quoted in Robert Bolt, ‘‘Vice President Richard M. Johnson session of March 4, 1825; U.S., Congress, Senate, Executive of Kentucky: Hero of the Thames—Or the Great Amalgama- Journal, 19th Cong., special session, p. 441. tor?’’ Register of the Kentucky Historical Society 75 (July 1977): 52 Niles’ Weekly Register, April 28, 1827, quoted in Meyer, 201. pp. 220–21. 75 John Catron to Andrew Jackson, March 21, 1835, in Bas- 53 Meyer, pp. 318–19. sett, Correspondence of Jackson, 5:330–32. 54 Ibid., pp. 317–22. 76 Joel Silbey, ‘‘Election of 1836,’’ in Schlesinger and Israel, 55 Ibid., pp. 251–55. eds., 1:584–86. 56 Remini, Henry Clay, pp. 373, 716; Meyer, p. 457. 77 Silbey, pp. 586–91; Harry L. Watson, Liberty and Power: 57 Meyer, p. 256. The Politics of Jacksonian America (New York, 1990), p. 204. 58 Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, p. 78 United States Telegraph, June 3, 1835, quoted in Bolt, pp. 1270. 198–99. 59 Meyer, pp. 266–71; Robert V. Remini, Andrew Jackson 79 Niven, Martin Van Buren, pp. 401–2; Silbey, pp. 591– and the Course of American Democracy, 1833–1845 (New York, 96; Senate Journal, 24th Cong., 2d sess., pp. 227–28. 1984), pp. 203–16, 305–6, 423; Richard M. Johnson to An- 80 Senate Journal, 24th Cong., 2d sess., pp. 227–28; Niven, drew Jackson, February 13, 1831, in Padgett, ed., Register Martin Van Buren, pp. 401–2. of the Kentucky State Historical Society 40: 69. 81 Senate Journal, 24th Cong., 2d sess., pp. 229–31. South 60 Meyer, pp. 273–76; U.S., Congress, House, Journal, 21st Carolina Senators John C. Calhoun and William C. Preston Cong., 1st sess., pp. 763–64; Remini, Jackson and the Course and Tennessee Senator Hugh Lawson White attended but of American Freedom, pp. 252–56. did not vote. Wiltse, 2:303. 61 Remini, Jackson and the Course of American Freedom, p. 82 Senate Journal, 24th Cong., 2d sess., p. 231. 304; Meyer, pp. 393–400. 83 Ibid., pp. 238–39. 62 Walter Hugins, Jacksonian Democracy and the Working 84 Ibid., Appendix, special session of March 4, 1837, pp. Class: A Study of the New York Workingmen’s Movement (Stan- 355–65. ford, CA, 1960), pp. 63–64, 97. 85 Benton, 1:735; Cole, pp. 289–90; Remini, Jackson and the 63 to John McLean, January 23, 1832, and Course of American Democracy, pp. 420–23; Stephen W. Worden Pope to John McLean, quoted in Meyer, p. 398. Stathis and Ronald C. Moe, ‘‘America’s Other Inaugura- 64 Schlesinger, p. 142. tion,’’ Presidential Studies Quarterly 10 (Fall 1980): 561; Wat- 65 Robert V. Remini, ‘‘Election of 1832,’’ in History of Amer- son, p. 205. ican Presidential Elections, 1789–1968, ed. Arthur M. Schles- 86 See, for example, James C. Curtis, The Fox at Bay: Martin inger and Fred L. Israel, (New York, 1971), 1:507–8; and the Presidency, 1837–1841 (Lexington, KY, Niven, Martin Van Buren and the Romantic Era of American 1970); Cole; Niven, Martin Van Buren; Wilson. Politics (New York, 1983), p. 300. 87 Niven, Martin Van Buren, pp. 423–24; Cole, pp. 307–11, 66 Meyer, pp. 315–16, 398–402, 411. 318. 67 Major L. Wilson, The Presidency of Martin Van Buren 88 Meyer, p. 431. (Lawrence, KS, 1984), pp. 15–16; Niven, Martin Van Buren, 89 Ronald M. Satz, American Indian Policy in the Jacksonian pp. 374–76; John Arthur Garraty, Silas Wright (New York, Era (Lincoln, NE, 1975), p. 183. 1970; reprint of 1949 edition), p. 130; Remini, Jackson and the 90 Meyer, p. 431. Course of American Democracy, p. 256; Meyer, pp. 393–429. 91 Byrd, 2:219; Senate Journal, 25th Cong., 1st sess., pp. 27– 68 Remini, Jackson and the Course of American Democracy, 28; 2d sess., pp. 25, 32–33; 3d sess., p. 5; 26th Cong., 1st sess., pp. 252–53. pp. 5, 10–11, 46. 69 Ibid., pp, 182–83, 252–55, Niven, Martin Van Buren, p. 92 Henry Barrett Learned, ‘‘Casting Votes of the Vice- 351, 372–76; Cole, p. 262; Wilson, p. 16. Presidents, 1789–1915,’’ American Historical Review 20 (April

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1915): 571; Byrd, The Senate, 1789–1989, vol. 4, Historical Sta- 108 Andrew Jackson to Francis P. Blair, February 15, 1840, tistics, 1789–1992, p. 642. quoted in Remini, Jackson and the Course of American Democ- 93 Ibid., p. 574. racy, p. 463. 94 Kentucky Gazette, March 14, 1839, quoted in Meyer, pp. 109 Gunderson, p. 82; Meyer, pp. 435–36; Niven, Martin 431–32. Van Buren, p. 463. 95 Senate Journal, 25th Cong., 2d sess., pp. 181–82; 26th 110 Niven, Martin Van Buren, p. 463; Gunderson, pp. 81– Cong., 2d sess., pp. 274–76; Francis Jennings, ed., The History 82; Cole, p. 358. and Culture of Iroquois Diplomacy: An Interdisciplinary Guide 111 Niven, Martin Van Buren, p. 463; Gunderson, p. 83. to the Treaties of the Six Nations and Their Leagues (New York, 112 Gunderson, pp. 41–75; Peterson, pp. 248, 281–96; 1985), p. 206. Remini, Henry Clay, pp. 545–67. 96 Satz, pp. 246–51; Meyer, pp. 337–39. 113 Washington National Intelligencer, September 24, 1840, 97 Letter to Amos Kendall, August 12, 1839, enclosed in quoting Wheeling Gazette, n.d., cited in Gunderson, p. 163; Kendall’s letter of August 22, 1839, to Van Buren, quoted Wilson, p. 206. in Meyer, p. 341. 114 Meyer, p. 433; Gunderson, pp. 241–46. 98 Kendall to Van Buren, August 22, 1839, quoted in 115 Gunderson, p. 246. Meyer, p. 341. 116 Remini, Henry Clay, pp. 566–67; Gunderson, pp. 253– 99 Meyer, pp. 339–40. 54. 100 Robert Gray Gunderson, The Log-Cabin Campaign (Lex- 117 Gunderson, p. 255. ington, KY, 1957), p. 80. 118 Senate Journal, 26th Cong., 2d sess., pp. 171–72. 101 Henry B. Stanton, Random Recollections (New York, 119 Ibid., pp. 172–73. 1887), p. 61. 120 Ibid., pp. 191–92. 102 Harriett Martineau, ‘‘Life at the Capital,’’ in America 121 Ibid., pp. 231–32. Through British Eyes, ed. Allan Nevins (New York, 1948; re- 122 Meyer, pp. 452–59. vised from 1923 edition), p. 150. 123 Andrew Jackson to Martin Van Buren, September 22, 103 Joseph E. Morse and R. Duff Green, eds., Thomas B. 1843, quoted in Meyer, p. 460. Searight’s The Old Pike: An Illustrated Narrative of the National 124 R.P. Letcher to John J. Crittenden, June 2, 1842, quoted Road (Orange, VA, 1971), pp. 105–6. in Meyer, p. 454. 104 Glyndon Van Deusen, The Jacksonian Era, 1828–1848 125 General McCalla to Martin Van Buren, January 11, (New York, 1959), pp. 116–28; Watson, pp. 206–209; Cole, 1843, quoted in Meyer, p. 457. pp. 307–41, 347–60. 126 Meyer, pp. 461–62. 105 Niven, Martin Van Buren, pp. 425–52; Watson, p. 410; 127 R.P. Letcher to John J. Crittenden, January 6, 1844, Van Deusen, pp. 132–40; Cole, pp. 318–42. quoted in ibid., p. 461. 106 Harriett Martineau, ‘‘Life at the Capital,’’ p. 150. 128 Meyer, pp. 473–74. 107 Remini, Jackson and the Course of American Democracy, pp. 463–64.

[ 134 ] Chapter 10 JOHN TYLER 1841

[ 135 ] JOHN TYLER Chapter 10 JOHN TYLER

10th Vice President: 1841

To this body [the Senate] is committed in an eminent degree, the trust of guarding and protecting the institutions handed down to us from our fathers, as well against the waves of popular and rash im- pulses on the one hand, as against attempts at executive encroachment on the other. —VICE PRESIDENT JOHN TYLER

Go you now then, Mr. Clay, to your end of the avenue, where stands the Capitol, and there perform your duty to the country as you shall think proper. So help me God, I shall do mine at this end of it as I shall think proper. —PRESIDENT JOHN TYLER

He held the office of vice president for only convention. Young John Tyler’s mother died thirty-three days; he presided over the Senate for when he was only seven, leaving the boy’s up- less than two hours. Despite this brief experi- bringing to his father. During John’s late teens ence, John Tyler significantly strengthened the and early twenties, his father served as governor office by enforcing an interpretation of the Con- of Virginia and then as a federal judge. A mod- stitution that many of his contemporaries dis- ern biographer concluded: ‘‘The most important puted. Tyler believed that, in the event of a va- single fact that can be derived from John Tyler’s cancy in the office of president, the vice president formative years is that he absorbed in toto the would become more than just the acting presi- political, social, and economic views of his dis- dent. He would assume the chief executive’s full tinguished father.’’ 1 powers, salary, and residence as if he himself Tyler received his early formal education at had been elected to that position. Taken for private schools; at the age of twelve he enrolled granted today, that interpretation is owed en- in the college preparatory division of the College tirely to this courtly and uncompromising Vir- of William and Mary. Three years later he began ginian who brought to the vice-presidency a his college studies, chiefly in English literature greater diversity of governmental experience and classical languages, and graduated in 1807, than any of his predecessors. just seventeen years old. He studied law for two Early Years years, first under his father’s direction, then with John Tyler was born on March 29, 1790, at a cousin, and finally with , Greenway, his family’s twelve-hundred-acre the nation’s first attorney general. Randolph’s James River estate in Charles City County, Vir- advocacy of a strong central government ran ginia. He was the second son among the eight counter to Tyler’s interpretation of the limited children of John and Mary Armistead Tyler. The extent to which the Constitution granted powers elder John Tyler had been a prominent figure in to the national government and his belief in the the American Revolution and a vigorous oppo- supremacy of states’ rights. Tyler feared the Con- nent of the Constitution at the Virginia ratifying stitution would be used to subordinate the inter- [ 137 ] JOHN TYLER ests of the southern white to those deny the federal government the right to regu- of northern merchants and propertyless working late slavery. From his earliest days in the public men, putting the South at an economic and polit- arena, the Virginian appeared uncomfortable ical disadvantage.2 with the institution of slavery, although he The young Virginian established his own legal owned many slaves throughout his lifetime and practice in 1811 and soon developed a reputation argued that slavery should be allowed to extend as an eloquent and effective advocate in han- to regions where it would prove to be economi- dling difficult criminal defense cases. That year cally viable. He expected, however, that the ‘‘pe- also brought his election, at age twenty-one, to culiar institution’’ would eventually die out and, the Virginia house of delegates. He earned early on various occasions over the years, he advo- acclaim through his work in persuading the cated ending both the importation of slaves and house to pass a resolution censuring Virginia’s their sale in the District of Columbia.5 two U.S. senators for their refusal to follow the At the end of 1820, suffering from financial dif- legislature’s ‘‘instructions’’ to vote against the re- ficulties, chronically poor health, and a string of charter of the Bank of the United States.3 legislative defeats, Tyler decided to give up his In March 1813, weeks after he inherited the career in the House of Representatives. He wrote Greenway plantation on his father’s death, Tyler a friend, ‘‘the truth is, that I can no longer do married the beautiful and introverted Letitia any good here. I stand in a decided minority, and Christian. The death of both her parents soon to waste words on an obstinate majority is ut- after the marriage conveyed to the bride hold- terly useless and vain.’’ 6 In 1823, however, his ings of land and slaves that greatly expanded the health and political ambitions restored, Tyler re- wealth that John brought to their union. Reclu- turned to the Virginia house of delegates. Two sive and preferring domestic pursuits, Letitia years later, he won election as Virginia’s gov- took no active interest in her husband’s public ernor and served two one-year terms until 1827, life. During the time of his service in Congress when he was elected to the U.S. Senate. Reelected and as vice president, she visited Washington in 1833, Tyler served until his resignation on Feb- only once, preferring the tranquility of the fami- ruary 29, 1836. While in the Senate he served ly’s plantation to the mud and grime of the na- briefly as president pro tempore in March 1835 tion’s capital. Together they had seven children and as chairman of the Committee on the District in a tranquil and happy union disrupted only of Columbia and the Committee on when she suffered a paralytic stroke in 1839. She Manufactures. died in 1842.4 Tyler served five one-year terms in the Vir- Philosophy ginia house of delegates and was chosen to sit In the 1830s John Tyler identified himself with on the state executive council. In 1817, at the age the Democratic party but differed often with of twenty-seven, he won election to the U.S. President Andrew Jackson. The two men di- House of Representatives, serving there until verged both in temperament—a Tidewater aris- 1821 without apparent distinction. He actively tocrat opposing a Tennessee democrat—and in opposed legislation designed to implement . Tyler supported the presi- Henry Clay’s ‘‘American System,’’ linking a fed- dent’s veto of legislation rechartering the Bank erally sponsored network of canals, railroads, of the United States, but he opposed Jackson’s and turnpikes with a strong and removal of government funds from that institu- protective tariffs in an alliance that seemed de- tion. Although Tyler reluctantly advocated Jack- signed to unite the North and West at the South’s son’s election in both 1828 and 1832, he opposed expense. many of the president’s nominees to key admin- Tyler’s views on slavery appeared ambivalent. istration posts. The final break between the two In attacking the 1820 Missouri Compromise gov- came in 1833 when Tyler, alone among Senate erning the future admission of ‘‘slave’’ and Democrats, chose to oppose the Force Act, which ‘‘free’’ states, Tyler sought without success to allowed Jackson to override South Carolina’s or- [ 138 ] JOHN TYLER dinance nullifying the . He feared tional prerogative for the only time in its history the Force Act would undermine the doctrine of and selected Johnson on the first ballot. states’ rights, to which he was deeply committed. Senate Election Deadlock By 1834 Tyler joined Henry Clay in actively op- In April 1838, Tyler won election to the Vir- posing Jackson’s policies, and he voted with a ginia house of delegates for the third time—this Senate majority to ‘‘censure’’ the president for re- time as a Whig. On taking his seat early in 1839, fusing to provide information concerning his re- he was unanimously chosen speaker. In that ca- moval of government funds from the Bank of the pacity, he presided over a debate in which he United States. In 1836, when the Virginia legisla- held an intense personal interest: the selection of ture ‘‘instructed’’ Tyler to reverse his censure a United States senator. William C. Rives, the vote, Tyler refused. Unlike some senators who Jacksonian Democrat who had succeeded Tyler by that time had come to ignore such legislative in 1836, hoped to retain his Senate seat for an- instruction, Tyler remembered his own vote other term. Tyler, however, decided that he years earlier against noncomplying senators and would like to return to the Senate. The Demo- concluded that he had no honorable choice but crats held a slight majority in the legislature, but to resign from the Senate. among their members were a dozen so-called In 1836 the emerging Whig party was united Conservatives, renegade Democrats who had only in its opposition to Jackson. To avoid dem- supported Jackson but disagreed with the finan- onstrating their lack of unity, the Whigs chose cial policies of his successor, Martin Van Buren. not to hold a presidential nominating convention The legislature’s regular Democrats tried to win 7 that year. Party strategy called for fielding sev- the support of this maverick group to ensure that eral regional candidates, nominated at the state Virginia would marshal its sizeable number of and local level, in the hope that they would deny electoral votes in favor of Van Buren in the 1840 Jackson’s heir Martin Van Buren a majority in the presidential election. To this end, they offered to electoral college. Such an impasse would throw support Rives, one of Virginia’s most prominent the contest into the House of Representatives Conservatives. But Rives proved unwilling to where the outcome might be more easily influ- lead Virginia’s Conservatives back to the Demo- enced to produce a Whig president. Although cratic fold. Consequently, the Democrats turned there was little general interest expressed in the to John Mason as their Senate candidate. Whig vice-presidential position, Tyler’s name ap- leaders might have been expected to support peared for that post on the ballots in several Tyler, who had resigned the seat in 1836 out of states. He was listed as the running mate of Wil- support for that party’s doctrine. In fact, how- liam Henry Harrison in Maryland; of Hugh ever, these party leaders were more willing to Lawson White in Tennessee, North Carolina, and ‘‘sacrifice Tyler on the of party expediency’’ Georgia; and of Willie Mangum in South Caro- and promote Rives in return for cooperation lina. In Virginia, Tyler’s name appeared on the from his fellow Conservatives in voting for a ballot with both Harrison and White. Whig presidential candidate in 1840.9 Van Buren won the presidency, but when the On February 15, 1839, each house first met sep- vice-presidential ballots were tallied, Tyler came arately to hear extended debate in support of in third, after Richard Mentor Johnson and Rives, Tyler, and Mason then convened in joint Francis Granger, with 47 electoral votes from the session to vote. With heavy support from the states of Georgia, Maryland, South Carolina and Whig rank-and-file, Tyler received a plurality on Tennessee.8 Under the provisions of the Con- each of the first five ballots. On the sixth ballot, stitution’s Twelfth Amendment, as no candidate Whigs began to shift in favor of Rives, who for the vice-presidency had secured a majority of moved into the lead but fell short of a majority the electoral votes, the Senate would make the in this and succeeding tallies. On February 25, selection from the top two candidates. On Feb- after twenty-eight ballots and eight legislative ruary 8, 1837, the Senate exercised this constitu- days during which no other business was trans- [ 139 ] JOHN TYLER acted, both houses agreed to suspend the voting rison. Harrison’s heroism at the Battle of Tippe- indefinitely. The seat remained vacant for nearly canoe was well known. He served as territorial two years until Tyler’s election as vice president governor of Indiana after the war and later rep- broke the deadlock and opened the way for the resented Ohio in the House of Representatives legislature to select Rives, who had recently and in the Senate, but he was hardly a national changed his political allegiance to the Whig figure before the 1836 election.12 That year he ran party.10 well in the presidential contest and in 1840 won Contrary to his opponents’ later charges, Tyler the endorsement of Senator Daniel Webster, who made no effort to obtain the vice-presidential sought to block his old rival, Clay. At the con- nomination as a consolation prize for the Senate vention, Harrison gained the crucial support of seat denied to him. ‘‘I do declare, in the presence New York political boss , who of my Heavenly Judge, that the nomination also wanted to prevent Clay from becoming the given to me was neither solicited nor party’s nominee. Weed manipulated the conven- expected.’’ 11 tion’s voting rules to require a unit-rule system that had each state cast its entire vote for the can- Whig Nominating Convention didate preferred by a simple majority of its dele- Going into their December 1839 presidential gates. Weed then led his state’s influential dele- nominating convention, Whig leaders believed gation to secure a first-ballot victory for Har- that Democratic President Martin Van Buren was rison, a candidate unencumbered by a political easily beatable as long as they selected a chal- record or strong opinions. 13 lenger of moderate views who had not alienated The Whigs turned to the selection of a vice- large numbers of voters. Taking its name from presidential candidate as somewhat of an after- the English political party of the seventeenth and thought. In finding a running mate for Harrison, eighteenth centuries that had formed in opposi- they sought an equally malleable candidate who tion to monarchial tyranny, the American Whig would bring suitable geographical and ideologi- party was held together primarily by its opposi- cal balance to the ticket. If Clay of Kentucky had tion to the perceived executive tyranny of ‘‘King been selected for the presidency, party leaders Andrew’’ and his successor, Van Buren. intended to find a vice-presidential candidate Desiring a presidential candidate who would from a state closed to slavery. With Harrison the acknowledge the preeminent role of Congress as party’s choice, they looked instead to the slave maker of national policy, the party could not ig- states for a suitable contender; they found John nore Henry Clay. As a leader of the Senate’s Tyler. Whigs and orchestrator of the 1834 Senate cen- The courtly Virginian had run well in southern sure of Jackson, Clay personified the notion of states during the 1836 contest and enjoyed a solid congressional dominance. He was the best identification with the South and states’ rights known of his party’s potential candidates; he doctrine.14 With Harrison rumored to be an abo- was the most competent; and, as a slaveholder litionist sympathizer, a slaveholder would nicely and low-tariff advocate, he enjoyed considerable balance the ticket. The Whigs particularly hoped support in the South. Party leaders from other to pick up Virginia’s twenty-three electoral regions, however, argued that Clay’s public votes, which had gone to the Democrats in 1836. record would work to his disadvantage and that, (Both Tyler and Harrison had been born in the in any event, he could not be expected to carry same Virginia county and their fathers had the electorally essential states of New York and served terms as that state’s governor.) The selec- Pennsylvania. tion of Tyler, who had energetically campaigned Turning from a battle-scarred legislative vet- for Clay through the final convention ballot— eran to military heroes of uncertain political and was believed by some even to have shed leanings, the Whig convention, meeting in Har- tears at his defeat—was also intended to mollify risburg, Pennsylvania, considered War of 1812 Clay’s disappointed supporters in the South. The generals and William Henry Har- convention’s general committee quickly agreed [ 140 ] JOHN TYLER on Tyler and recommended him to the assem- Although Tyler failed to carry his own state of bled delegates, who voted their unanimous ap- Virginia, he took some satisfaction in believing proval. In selecting Tyler, party leaders made no that his Pennsylvania tour may have been re- effort to determine whether his views were com- sponsible for winning that state’s important elec- patible with their candidate’s, for their privately toral votes. The election also placed both houses acknowledged campaign strategy was to ‘‘fool of Congress under Whig control for the first time. the voters and avoid the issues.’’ 15 A Whig newspaper summarized the con- sequences of the Harrison-Tyler victory: ‘‘It has The 1840 Campaign pleased the Almighty to give the oppressed peo- At Harrison’s request, Tyler remained inactive ple of this misgoverned and suffering country a during most of the 1840 election campaign. His victory over their weak and wicked rulers. . . . major contribution was his surname, which The reign of incompetency, imposture and cor- formed the rhyming conclusion of the party slo- ruption, is at length arrested, and the country gan ‘‘Tippecanoe and Tyler Too.’’ Few Ameri- redeemed.’’ 18 cans took much interest in his candidacy, for the A Brief Vice-Presidency sixty-seven-year-old Harrison appeared to be in At 11 a.m. on March 4, 1841, the Senate con- good health and had vowed to serve only a sin- vened in special session to play its constitutional gle four-year term. role in inaugurating the Harrison presidency. In the campaign’s final weeks, word reached After the secretary of the Senate called members Tyler that President Van Buren’s running mate, to order, Henry Clay administered the oath of of- Vice President Richard Mentor Johnson, had fice to President pro tempore William R. King. been conducting a vigorous reelection campaign Then, as a wave of excitement swept chamber before enthusiastic crowds in Ohio and adjacent galleries that had been packed to capacity since states. Tyler responded with a speaking tour of early morning, Tyler entered the room accom- his own in portions of Virginia, Ohio, and Penn- panied by former Vice President Richard M. sylvania.16 One Democratic editor concluded Johnson, the Supreme Court, and the diplomatic that he might as well have stayed home. ‘‘Mr. corps. The court, somber ‘‘in their black robes Tyler is a graceful, easy speaker, with all that with their grave, intellectual, reflecting blandness of manner which belongs to the Vir- countenances,’’ sat in front-row seats to the pre- ginia character. But there is nothing forcible or siding officer’s right. To his left, in colorful con- striking in his speech; no bright thoughts, no trast, sat the ambassadors decorated, ‘‘not only well-turned expressions; nothing that left an im- with the insignia of their various orders, but half pression on the mind from its strength and beau- covered with the richest embroidery in and ty—nothing that marked the great man.’’ 17 in gold.’’ 19 Saddled with responsibility for the economic John Tyler arose and proceeded with Vice crises that characterized his administration, Mar- President Richard Johnson to the presiding offi- tin Van Buren had but a slim chance to win a cer’s chair to take his oath from President pro second term. Harrison, for his part, avoided tak- tempore King. The new vice president then as- ing unpopular stands by repeating at every op- sumed the chair and launched a three-minute in- portunity that he would take his direction from augural address with a ringing tribute to his Congress—the best instrument for expressing predecessors, calling it an honor ‘‘to occupy a the needs and wishes of the American people. seat which has been filled and adorned . . . by Although the popular-vote margin was rel- an Adams, a Jefferson, a Gerry, a Clinton, and atively slim, the Harrison-Tyler ticket won a re- a Tompkins.’’ He then continued with a verbal sounding electoral vote victory (234 to 60) in an bouquet to the Senate and ‘‘the high order of the election that stimulated the participation of 80.2 moral and intellectual power which has distin- percent of the eligible voters, the greatest per- guished it in all past time, and which still distin- centage ever. guishes it.’’ In the next sentence, Tyler moved [ 141 ] JOHN TYLER into his main theme—the centrality of the states’ Early in April, Secretary of State Daniel Web- rights doctrine: ster sent word to Tyler that Harrison, worn out from the press of jobseekers, had fallen seriously Here [in the Senate] are to be found the imme- diate representatives of the States, by whose sov- ill. The vice president saw no compelling need, ereign will the Government has been spoken into however, to return to Washington on account of existence. Here exists the perfect equality among the president’s condition. As Senator Thomas the members of this confederacy, which gives to Hart Benton observed, ‘‘Mr. Tyler would feel it the smallest State in the Union a voice as poten- indelicate to repair to the , of tial as that of the largest. To this body is commit- his own will, on hearing the report of the Presi- ted in an eminent degree, the trust of guarding dent’s illness.’’ 22 Then, at sunrise on April 5, and protecting the institutions handed down to 1841, two horsemen arrived at Tyler’s plantation. us from our fathers, as well against the waves of They were State Department chief clerk Fletcher popular and rash impulses on the one hand, as Webster, son of Secretary of State Daniel Web- against attempts at executive encroachment on ster, and Senate assistant doorkeeper Robert the other. Beale, whose mission was to deliver a letter from Concluding in the spirit of Vice President Jef- the cabinet addressed to ‘‘John Tyler, Vice Presi- ferson, Tyler confessed to his shortcomings as a dent of the United States.’’ The letter reported presiding officer and asked of the Senate ‘‘your that President Harrison had died of pneumonia indulgence for my defects, and your charity for the previous day.23 After a quick breakfast, Tyler my errors. I am but little skilled in parliamentary embarked on a hurried journey by horseback law, and have been unused to preside over delib- and boat that placed him back in the nation’s erative assemblies. All that I can urge in excuse capital at 4 a.m. the following day. of my defects is, that I bring with me to this chair As word of Harrison’s demise spread across a an earnest wish to discharge properly its duties, startled nation, John Quincy Adams despaired and a fixed determination to preside over your for the country’s well-being: deliberations with entire impartiality.’’ 20 Tyler is a political sectarian, of the slave-driving, When Tyler finished, senators beginning new Virginian, Jeffersonian school, principled against terms took their oaths. At twenty minutes past all improvement, with all the interests and pas- noon, President-elect Harrison and the inaugural sions and vices of slavery rooted in his moral and arrangements committee entered the chamber political constitution—with talents not above me- and took seats in front of the secretary’s desk. diocrity, and a spirit incapable of expansion to After several minutes, the entire official party the dimensions of the station upon which he has rose and proceeded to the Capitol’s east portico been cast by the hand of Providence, unseen where a crowd of fifty thousand awaited to wit- through the apparent agency of chance. No one ness the president’s oath-taking. On that blustery ever thought of his being placed in the executive 24 spring day, Harrison spoke without hat or over- chair. coat for more than ninety minutes. Following the Although Tyler at age fifty-one was younger ceremony, Tyler and the Senate returned to the than any previous president, he was also the chamber to receive the president’s cabinet nomi- most experienced in the ways of government. He nations, which were confirmed unanimously on had served as a member of both houses of his the following day. Without caring to attend the state legislature, both houses of the U.S. Con- series of inaugural parties or to preside over the gress, governor of his state, and vice president Senate for the remainder of the special session of the United States.25 By appearance, he was that ended on , Tyler promptly re- cast for a leadership role. Standing slightly over turned to Williamsburg. He traveled there, as six feet, he possessed all the ‘‘features of the best one biographer noted, ‘‘with the expectation of Grecian model’’ including a sharply defined aq- spending the next four years in peace and uiline nose. When a bust of was discov- quiet.’’ 21 ered during an excavation in Naples, two visit- [ 142 ] JOHN TYLER ing Americans reportedly exclaimed ‘‘President despite his own strong reservations, Tyler agreed Tyler!’’ 26 to the oath, which was administered on April 6 The Accidental President at Brown’s Indian Queen Hotel by Chief Judge of the U.S. Circuit Court for the Harrison’s demise after only a month in office District of Columbia. Taking this step produced presented the nation with a potential constitu- a significant reward, for it boosted Tyler’s annual tional crisis. The Constitution of that time con- salary five-fold from $5,000 to $25,000.30 tained no Twenty-fifth Amendment to lay out In his first official move, Tyler convened Har- procedures governing the vice president’s ac- rison’s cabinet and listened patiently as Secretary tions when the chief executive became disabled of State Daniel Webster advised that it had been or when there was a vacancy before the end of Harrison’s custom to bring all administrative is- the incumbent’s term. The document provided sues ‘‘before the Cabinet, and their settlement only that the ‘‘Powers and Duties of the said Of- was decided by the majority, each member of the fice . . . shall devolve on the Vice President Cabinet and the President having but one vote.’’ . . . [who] shall act accordingly, until the Disabil- Choosing his words with care, Tyler responded, ity be removed, or a President shall be elected.’’ ‘‘I am the President, and I shall be held respon- In another section, the Constitution referred to sible for my administration. I shall be pleased to the vice president ‘‘when he shall exercise [em- avail myself of your counsel and advice. But I phasis added] the Office of President of the Unit- can never consent to being dictated to as to what ed States.’’ 27 I shall do or not do. When you think otherwise, These provisions had occasioned a theoretical your resignations will be accepted.’’ 31 discussion between those who believed a person Outside of his cabinet, Tyler’s assumption of does not have to become president to exercise the presidency’s full powers evoked little general presidential powers and others who held that the concern that he was overstepping proper con- vice president becomes president for the balance stitutional boundaries, or that a special election of the term.28 As the first vice president to suc- should be called. Major newspapers argued that ceed to the presidency upon the death of his he was fully justified in his action, although for predecessor, Tyler was determined to transform several months after he took office some journals theory into practice on behalf of the latter view, continued to refer to him as ‘‘acting president.’’ becoming president in his own right and not One suggested a compromise view; a special ‘‘Vice President, acting as President’’ as Har- election would be required only if the presidency rison’s cabinet was inclined to label him. Sec- were to fall, in the absence of a vice president, retary of State Webster raised his concern about to the Senate president pro tempore or the House the constitutional implications of the succession Speaker, as designated by the presidential suc- with William Carroll, clerk of the Supreme cession statute of 1792.32 Court. Carroll conveyed Webster’s misgivings to As the epithet ‘‘His Accidency’’ grew in popu- Chief Justice Roger Taney, reporting that the larity, Congress convened on May 31, 1841, for ‘‘Cabinet would be pleased to see and confer its previously called special session and imme- with you at this most interesting moment.’’ diately took up the issue of Tyler’s claim to be Taney responded with extreme caution, saying president in his own right. The question was that he wished to avoid raising ‘‘the suspicion raised as the House prepared a resolution au- of desiring to intrude into the affairs which be- thorizing a committee to follow the custom of in- long to another branch of government.’’ 29 forming the president that ‘‘Congress is now Tyler argued that his vice-presidential oath ready to receive any communication he may be covered the possibility of having to take over as pleased to make.’’ 33 One member moved to chief executive and consequently there was no amend the resolution by striking out the word need for him to take the separate presidential ‘‘President’’ and substituting ‘‘Vice President oath. The cabinet, major newspapers, and some now exercising the office of President.’’ Members Tyler advisers disagreed. To remove any doubt, more sympathetic to Tyler’s reading of the Con- [ 143 ] JOHN TYLER stitution—and the need to get on with the busi- helped to establish the Whig party. At a time ness of the nation—offered a firm rebuttal, which when Clay was attempting to consolidate his the House then agreed to. control of the Senate, Southard proved to be a In the Senate, on the following day, a member useful ally. When the Senate convened in May posed a hypothetical question as to what would 1841, a month after Harrison’s death, Southard’s happen if the president were only temporarily significance expanded. In this period of the Sen- disabled and the vice president assumed the of- ate’s history, the vice president or, in his absence, fice. He envisioned a major struggle at the time the president pro tempore made all committee the disabled president sought to resume his assignments. Southard willingly accommodated powers, particularly if he and the vice president Clay in the distribution of important were of different parties. Senator John C. Cal- chairmanships. houn reminded the Senate that this was not the The next year, however, on May 3, 1842, the situation that faced them, rendering further dis- New Jersey Whig resigned from the Senate due cussion pointless. And what about the Senate’s to ill health and died soon thereafter. Several president pro tempore? Should he assume the weeks later, on May 31, the Senate selected a new vice-presidency as the vice president had as- president pro tempore, Willie P. Mangum (W- sumed the presidency? Former President pro NC), a leader of the Senate’s Whig caucus. tempore George Poindexter urged the incumbent Mangum had served a Senate term in the 1830s president pro tempore, Samuel Southard, to and, as a Clay delegate to the 1839 Whig conven- claim the title. Southard ignored the advice, and tion, had been considered briefly as a vice-presi- the Senate then joined the House in adopting a dential nominee. He returned to the Senate in resolution recognizing Tyler’s legitimate claim to 1840, where he remained as a Whig leader until the presidency.34 1853. His 1842 selection as president pro tempore Acting Vice President (President Pro Tempore) occurred in recognition of his leadership in op- posing Tyler. He held the post through the re- In this early period of the Senate’s history, mainder of Tyler’s administration. when a vice president planned to be away from the Capitol, the Senate customarily elected a Tyler’s Presidency president pro tempore to serve for the limited Deep divisions over the issue of establishing time of that absence. This official would preside, a new banking system overshadowed Tyler’s sign legislation, and perform routine administra- early presidency. In the Senate, Henry Clay led tive tasks. Whenever the vice-presidency was va- his party in a direction quite different from Ty- cant, as it was with the deaths of George Clinton ler’s. The two men had been good friends, de- and Elbridge Gerry in James Madison’s adminis- spite their philosophical differences. Tyler had tration, the post of president pro tempore, next joined the Whigs because of his strong opposi- in line of presidential succession, assumed tion to the policies of Andrew Jackson and Mar- heightened importance. Two individuals held tin Van Buren. Ideologically, however, he had lit- this crucial post during Tyler’s presidency: Sam- tle sympathy for the Whig program of a national uel Southard, from 1841 to 1842, and Willie P. bank, internal improvements, and protective tar- Mangum from 1842 to 1845. iffs embodied in Clay’s ‘‘American System.’’ As Soon after Vice President Tyler left Washing- a former states’ rights Democrat, Tyler empha- ton on the day of Harrison’s inauguration, the sized the importance of state sovereignty over Senate followed Clay’s recommendation and national economic integration. Both Tyler and elected Senator Samuel Southard of New Jersey Clay held a typical nineteenth-century, anti-Jack- as president pro tempore. Southard had first en- sonian view of the presidency as a limited, rel- tered the Senate in 1821 but resigned in 1823 to atively passive office responsible for providing become secretary of the navy. In 1833, after mov- Congress the necessary information to pass ap- ing through a series of state and national offices, propriate legislation. They saw the president’s Southard returned to the Senate, where he policy role as essentially limited to vetoing legis- [ 144 ] JOHN TYLER lation that he believed to be either unconstitu- which the increasingly resentful Tyler promptly tional or not in the nation’s best interests. Tyler, vetoed. Congress subsequently passed a modi- however, would have given the president suffi- fied ‘‘Fiscal Corporation’’ bill to meet the presi- cient power to keep Congress from actions that dent’s specific objections. Tyler also vetoed this might erode states’ rights. Clay made a sharper act as an unconstitutional infringement on states’ distinction, advocating an assertive Congress rights. On Saturday, September 11, 1841, in the and a chief executive stripped of the powers ac- final days of the special session, Tyler’s entire quired during Jackson’s years in office. Admirers cabinet—with the exception of Secretary of State and foes alike began referring to Clay as ‘‘the An- Webster—resigned in a protest designed by Clay drew Jackson of the Senate.’’ to force Tyler’s own resignation. With the vice- Although Clay had briefly opposed Tyler’s presidency vacant, this would place Clay’s move to take on full presidential powers after prote´ge´, Senate President pro tempore Southard, Harrison’s death, he changed his mind and in the White House. began to provide the new chief executive with Refusing to be intimidated, Tyler responded valuable moral and political support. Yet Clay the following Monday by sending the Senate a also realized that Tyler now blocked his own new slate of cabinet officers. Despite the presi- road to the presidency. Clay had appeared to be dent’s break with the Senate’s leaders, the body the obvious successor in 1845, based on Har- on September 13 quickly confirmed each of the rison’s announcement that he intended to serve nominees and then adjourned until December. only one term. Later that day, in a starkly dramatic move, sixty Clay intended to lead the nation from the Sen- prominent Whigs assembled in the plaza adja- ate and he expected Tyler to help him to that ob- cent to the Capitol. In a festive mood, they adopt- jective by supporting his policies. That expecta- ed a manifesto that asserted the supremacy of tion quickly proved to be misplaced. Despite Ty- Congress in policy-making, condemned the ler’s mild-mannered demeanor, he began to dis- president’s conduct, and proclaimed that the play a rock-like tenacity in pushing for his own Whig party could no longer be held responsible objectives. Clay sought to reestablish a strong, for the chief executive’s actions. Tyler had be- private, central bank of the United States. Tyler, come a president without a party.36 consistent in his concern for preservation of The chaos that ensued gave Tyler the un- states’ rights—and state banks—advocated a wanted distinction of having ‘‘the most dis- weaker bank, chartered in the District of Colum- rupted Cabinet in presidential history.’’ 37 Dur- bia, that would operate only in those states that ing his nearly four years in office, he appointed chose to have it. When Clay urged Tyler to push twenty-two individuals to the administration’s for a new Bank of the United States during the six cabinet seats. Many of these nominees were May 1841 special session, Tyler said he wanted manifestly unqualified for their assignments, more time and intended to put the matter off and the Senate refused to confirm four of them. until the regular session in December. Clay arro- Among those rejected was , whom gantly responded that this would not be accept- Tyler chose to be secretary of the treasury. On able. Tyler is said to have countered, ‘‘Then, sir, the day of Cushing’s initial rejection, Tyler im- I wish you to understand this—that you and I mediately resubmitted his name. The Senate, irri- were born in the same district; that we have fed tated at this disregard of its expressed will, again upon the same food, and have breathed the same said ‘‘no’’ but by a larger margin. For a third natal air. Go you now then, Mr. Clay, to your time, Tyler nominated Cushing and again the end of the avenue, where stands the Capitol, and Senate decisively rejected him. The Senate’s there perform your duty to the country as you Whig majority, stalling for time in the expecta- shall think proper. So help me God, I shall do tion that Henry Clay would be elected president mine at this end of it as I shall think proper.’’ 35 in 1844, also turned down, or failed to act on, In the interest of party harmony, Clay eventu- four of Tyler’s Supreme Court nominees—a ally agreed to a compromise bank measure, record not before or since equalled. [ 145 ] JOHN TYLER

Positioning himself to run in 1844 as the Whig most-favored-nation status for the United States candidate for the presidency, Clay resigned from in . 38 the Senate in March 1842. Tyler continued the Despite his earlier ambitions, Tyler became the struggle with his party’s congressional majority first president not to seek a second term. (No by vetoing two tariff bills. As government reve- party would have him as its candidate.) After nues fell to a dangerously low level, he finally leaving the White House on March 3, 1845, Tyler agreed to a measure that became the Tariff Act practiced law and was appointed to the board of 1842. Although this action probably aided the of visitors for the College of William and Mary. nation’s economy, it destroyed any remaining A year earlier, at the first presidential wedding hope that Tyler might govern effectively. North- to be conducted in the White House, he had mar- ern Whigs condemned him for failing to push for ried Julia Gardiner, a vivacious partner who, like a sufficiently protective tariff, and his former his first wife Letitia, produced seven children.39 states’ rights allies in the South abandoned him In February 1861 the ex-president chaired a con- for supporting a measure that they considered ference in Washington in a last-ditch effort to excessively protective. avert civil war. When that war began, he was John Tyler sought to be a strong president, but elected to Virginia’s secessionist convention and his accomplishments proved to be modest. Stub- then to the provisional Congress of the Confed- born, proud, and unpredictable, he decisively es- eracy. He had won a seat in the Confederate tablished the right of the vice president to as- Congress’ house of representatives, but his death sume the full powers of the presidency in the on January 18, 1862, came before he could begin event of a vacancy to an unexpired term. He his service. boldly exercised the veto ten times, a record ex- Tyler biographer Robert Seager notes that he ceeded only by Andrew Jackson among presi- ‘‘lived in a time in which many brilliant and dents who served in the nation’s first seventy- forceful men strode the American stage . . . and five years. His chief contributions lay in the field he was overshadowed by all of them, as was the of foreign policy. The annexation of Texas office of the Presidency itself. . . . Had he surren- opened a new chapter in the nation’s history. The dered his states’ rights and anti-Bank principles Webster-Ashburton treaty prevented a costly he might have salvaged it. He chose not to sur- war with Great Britain, and the Treaty of render and the powerful Henry Clay crushed Wanghia obtained economically promising him.’’ 40

[ 146 ] NOTES 1 Robert Seager II, And Tyler Too: A Biography of John & 22 Thomas Hart Benton, Thirty Years’ View, 2 vols. (New Julia Gardiner Tyler (Norwalk, CT, 1963), p. 50. York, 1871), 2:211. 2 Ibid., pp. 52–53. 23 Ruth C. Silva, Presidential Succession (Ann Arbor, MI, 3 Ibid., pp. 55–56. 1951), p. 16. 4 Ibid., pp. 56–58. 24 Charles Francis Adams, ed., Memoirs of John Quincy 5 Ibid., p. 53–54. Adams, 12 vols. (Philadelphia, 1876), 10:456–57. 6 Quoted in ibid., p. 72. 25 Seager, p. 147. 7 Oliver Perry Chitwood, John Tyler: Champion of the Old 26 Quoted in Remini, p. 582. South (New York, 1939), pp. 148–49. 27 U.S. Constitution, Article II, section 1, clause 6; Article 8 Ibid., p. 151–52. I, section 2, clause 10. 9 Ibid., pp. 157–61. 28 Stephen W. Stathis, ‘‘John Tyler’s Presidential Succes- 10 Ibid., pp. 162–63. sion: A Reappraisal,’’ Prologue 8 (Winter 1976): 223–24, espe- 11 National Intelligencer, August 27, 1844; Seager, p. 135. cially footnote 1; Silva, pp. 2–3. See also Stephen W. Stathis, 12 Robert Gray Gunderson, The Log-Cabin Campaign (Lex- ‘‘The Making of a Precedent 1841 (The Presidential Succes- ington, KY, 1957), pp. 41–75; Merrill D. Peterson, The Great sion of John Tyler),’’ (Master’s Thesis, Utah State University, Triumvirate: Webster, Clay, and Calhoun (New York, 1987), 1971). pp. 248, 281–96; Robert V. Remini, Henry Clay: Statesman for 29 Samuel Tyler, Memoir of Roger Brooke Taney (Baltimore, the Union (New York, 1991), pp. 545–67. 1872), pp. 295–96; Silva, pp. 16–17. 13 Norma Lois Peterson, The Presidencies of William Henry 30 Sharon Stiver Gressle, ‘‘Salaries, Executive,’’ Encyclo- Harrison & John Tyler (Lawrence, KS, 1989), p. 21; Chitwood, pedia of the American Presidency (New York, 1994), pp. 1344– pp. 164–67. 46. 14 Seager, pp. 134–35. There is some scholarly controversy 31 Quoted in Seager, p. 149. over the reasons for Tyler’s selection. The view that he was 32 Silva, pp. 18–20. carelessly selected may not have been widely held until 33 Congressional Globe, 27th Cong., 1st sess., pp. 3–4. after Tyler broke with Whig party leaders after becoming 34 Stathis, p. 234; Chitwood, p. 206; Silva, pp. 21–22. Even president. For a discussion of this question, see Norma Pe- after he left the presidency, Tyler continued to confront the terson, The Presidencies of William Henry Harrison & John issue of his proper title. On October 16, 1848, he wrote to Tyler, p. 26; Chitwood, pp. 167–73. Secretary of State James Buchanan to complain that the State 15 William O. Stoddard, Lives of the Presidents, 10 vols. Department, the government’s official arbiter of protocol, (New York, 1888), 5:44; Chitwood, pp. 166–67; Norma Peter- had on three occasions addressed him in formal cor- son, pp. 26–27. respondence as ‘‘ex-vice president.’’ ‘‘I desire only to say, 16 Chitwood, pp. 184–85. that if I am addressed, and especially from the State depart- 17 Daily Pittsburgher, October 8, 1840, quoted in ibid., p. ment, by title, it must be that which the Constitution confers 187. . . .’’ [quoted in Silva, p. 21] 18 Niles’ National Register, 59:163. 35 Chitwood, pp. 210–11; Seager, p. 147; Remini, p. 583. 19 Niles National Register, March 13, 1841, p. 19. This excel- 36 Norma Peterson, pp. 89–91; Seager, p. 160. lent source provides colorful descriptions of the events of 37 Paul Finkelman, ‘‘John Tyler,’’ Encyclopedia of the Amer- March 4, 1841. ican Presidency, 4:1521. 20 Chitwood, pp. 200–201; U.S., Congress, Senate, Congres- 38 For a balanced assessment of Tyler’s presidency, see sional Globe, 26th Cong., 2d sess., March 4, 1841, pp. 231– Norma Peterson, chapter 15. 32. 39 Seager, pp. 1–16. 21 Chitwood, p. 202. 40 Ibid., p. xvi.

[ 147 ]

Chapter 11 GEORGE MIFFLIN DALLAS 1845–1849

[ 149 ] GEORGE M. DALLAS Chapter 11 GEORGE MIFFLIN DALLAS

11th Vice President: 1845–1849

[Except that he is President of the Senate, the vice president] forms no part of the government:— he enters into no administrative sphere:—he has practically no legislative, executive, or judicial func- tions:—while the Senate sits, he presides, that’s all:—he doesn’t debate or vote, (except to end a tie) he merely preserves the order and courtesy of business . . . [When Congress is in recess] where is he to go? what has he to do?—no where, nothing! He might, to be sure, meddle with affairs of state, rummage through the departments, devote his leisure to the study of public questions and interests, holding himself in readiness to counsel and to help at every emergency in the great onward movement of the vast ma- chine:—But, then, recollect, that this course would sometimes be esteemed intrusive, sometimes factious, sometimes vain and arrogant, and, as it is prescribed by no law, it could not fail to be treated lightly because guaranteed by no responsibility. —GEORGE M. DALLAS, CA. 1845 1

George Mifflin Dallas admitted in his later pressed, his political chances obliterated. During years that his driving force in life was for histori- his term, the nation fought and won a war with cal fame. From the on through the latter Mexico, acquired vast new territories, settled a part of the nineteenth century, Americans associ- chronic northwestern boundary dispute, discov- ated his name with the acquisition of Texas and ered gold, and launched a communications revo- the settlement of the . lution with the invention of the telegraph. In the Texas memorialized his contributions to the Senate, where political party caucuses assumed state’s history by renaming the town of Peter’s new powers to appoint committee members and Corner in his honor. In the , when officials distribute patronage, the central debates oc- in Oregon sought a name for the principal town curred over the status of slavery in the territories in Polk County, they settled on the logical choice: and the very nature of the constitutional union. Polk’s vice president. Thus, while largely forgot- With increasing frequency, senators faced con- ten today as the nation’s eleventh vice president, flicting choices between the desires of their par- George Mifflin Dallas has won his measure of ties and of their constituencies. When such an immortality in a large Texas city and a small Or- unavoidable decision confronted Vice President egon town.2 Dallas in July 1846 on the then searing issue of For four years at the heart of the Senate’s tariff policy, he chose party over constituency— ‘‘Golden Age,’’ Vice President George Dallas oc- thereby forfeiting his political future. cupied a center stage seat in the nation’s premier Early Years political theater. This courtly Philadelphia aris- George Mifflin Dallas was born in Philadelphia tocrat—whose political ambition greatly ex- on July 10, 1792, the second of Alexander and ceeded his political energy—entered that arena Arabella Smith Dallas’ six children. Alexander in 1845 filled with optimism for the nation, the Dallas, a politically well-connected Philadelphia Democratic party, and his own presidential fu- lawyer, served as secretary for the Common- ture. He departed in 1849 embittered and de- wealth of Pennsylvania and reporter for the [ 151 ] GEORGE M. DALLAS opinions of the U.S. Supreme Court and other eralist family. (They would eventually have eight courts then meeting in that city, which was at the children.) His marriage extended his social and time the nation’s capital and leading commercial political reach but, as his modern biographer re- center. In 1801, as a reward for the elder Dallas’ ports, ‘‘Prestige came without money, a cir- assistance in his presidential election campaign, cumstance that was doubly unfortunate because Thomas Jefferson appointed him U.S. district at- he had developed extravagant tastes as a youth. torney for the eastern district of Pennsylvania. For this reason he continually lived beyond his He remained in that post until 1814, when Presi- means and was constantly in debt, a situation dent James Madison selected him as his treasury that caused him on more than one occasion to secretary. In 1815, Alexander Dallas also served reject otherwise acceptable political posts.’’ 4 At concurrently for a brief period as acting secretary the start of his married life, Dallas achieved a of war. He then resigned the treasury position measure of financial stability by accepting a posi- in 1816 to return to his law practice with the in- tion as counsel to the Second Bank of the United tention of expanding the family’s financial re- States, an institution his father had helped create sources. However, early the following year, a while treasury secretary. The 1817 death of Alex- chronic illness led to his death at the age of fifty- ander Dallas abruptly ended George’s plans for nine, leaving his family without the wealth nec- a family law practice. He left the Bank of the essary to support its accustomed style of living. United States to become deputy attorney general George Dallas graduated with highest honors of Philadelphia, a post he held until 1820. from the College of New Jersey at Princeton in George Mifflin Dallas cultivated a bearing ap- 1810. He then studied law and in 1813, at age propriate to his aristocratic origins. Tall, with twenty, was admitted to the Pennsylvania bar. soft hazel eyes, an aquiline nose, and sandy hair, With little taste for legal practice, he sought mili- he dressed impeccably in the finest clothes his tary service in the War of 1812 but abandoned fashionable city could offer, wrote poetry, and, those plans on the objection of his ever-influen- when the occasion warranted, spoke perfectly tial father. He then readily accepted an appoint- nuanced French. He developed an oratorical ment to serve as private secretary to former style that capitalized on his sonorous voice and treasury secretary and Pennsylvania political fig- protected him from the barbs of quicker-witted ure Albert Gallatin, who was about to embark legal adversaries. His biographer explains that, on a wartime mission to secure the aid of Russia whether ‘‘by chance or design, his habit of talk- in U.S. peace negotiations with Great Britain. ing slowly and emphasizing each word created Dallas enjoyed the opportunities that travel to the feeling that he was reasoning his way to a this distant land offered, but after six months or- conclusion on the spot. Since he also prepared ders took him from St. Petersburg to London to cases carefully in advance, his apparent groping probe for diplomatic openings that might bring for the right word—and finding it—reinforced the war to an end. the initial impression that a great mind was at In August 1814, as British troops were setting work.’’ 5 fire to the U.S. Capitol, young Dallas carried a Dallas, however, lacked both the intense drive preliminary draft of Britain’s peace terms home necessary to achieve his high ambitions and a to Washington and accepted President Madi- natural politican’s gift for warm social inter- son’s appointment as remitter of the treasury, a action with those outside his immediate circle. convenient arrangement at a time when his fa- ‘‘A silk-stocking Jeffersonian in an age of egali- ther was serving as that department’s secretary. tarianism,’’ he preferred to remain aloof from the The light duties of his new post left Dallas plenty rough-and-tumble world of political deal mak- of time to pursue his major vocational interest— ing. Only once in his public life, when he ran for politics.3 the vice-presidency, did he submit himself to the In 1816, lonely and lovesick, Dallas left Wash- decision of the voting public. The Pennsylvania ington for Philadelphia, where he married So- state legislature awarded him his Senate term, phia Chew Nicklin, daughter of an old-line Fed- and the rest of his offices were given by appoint- [ 152 ] GEORGE M. DALLAS ment. At crucial moments, Dallas pulled back charter, despite Jackson’s unremitting opposition from the wrenching political compromises and and his own view that the divisive recharter exhausting coalition building necessary to issue should be put off until after the 1832 presi- achieve his lifelong quest for the presidency.6 dential election. When Jackson vetoed the rechar- ter act in July 1831 and Congress failed to over- Buchanan Rivalry ride the veto, Dallas—always the pragmatist— Pennsylvania’s chaotic political climate in the dropped his support for the bank. Observing that forty years that followed the War of 1812 pro- ‘‘we ought to have it, but we can do without it,’’ moted, shaped, and ultimately sidetracked Dal- he mollified the president and angered his state’s las’ public career. Two factions within the state’s influential commercial interests.9 Dallas realized Democratic party contended for power during that his chances for reelection to the Senate by that time. Led by Dallas, the Philadelphia-based the state legislature were uncertain. His wife So- ‘‘Family party’’ shared his belief in the suprem- phia, who refused to leave Philadelphia’s com- acy of the Constitution and in an active national forts for muddy and cholera-ridden Washington, government that would impose protective tariffs, was growing increasingly bitter over the legisla- operate a strong central banking system, and tive and social demands of his life in the capital. promote so-called internal improvements to fa- Consequently, Dallas chose not to run for a full cilitate national commerce. In factional opposi- term and left the Senate in March 1833.10 tion to Dallas stood the equally patrician James Although off the national stage, Dallas re- Buchanan of Harrisburg, head of the rival mained active in state Democratic politics. The ‘‘Amalgamators,’’ whose strength lay among the tension with Buchanan intensified when the lat- farmers of .7 ter returned from his diplomatic post in Russia When the Family party gained control of the and secured Pennsylvania’s other seat in the U.S. Philadelphia city councils, its members in 1828 Senate. Dallas turned down opportunities to re- elected Dallas as mayor. Boredom with that post turn to the Senate and to become the nation’s at- quickly led Dallas—in his father’s path—to the position of district attorney for the eastern dis- torney general. Instead, he accepted an appoint- trict of Pennsylvania, where he stayed from 1829 ment as state attorney general, holding that post to 1831. In December 1831 he won a five-man, until 1835, when control of the state’s party ma- eleven-ballot contest in the state legislature for chinery shifted from the declining Family party election to the U.S. Senate to complete an to Buchanan’s Amalgamators. In 1837, it was unexpired term. In the Senate for only fourteen Dallas’ turn for political exile, as newly elected months, he chaired the Naval Affairs Committee President Martin Van Buren named him U.S. and supported President Jackson’s views on pro- minister to Russia. Although Dallas enjoyed the tective tariffs and the use of force to implement social responsibilities of that post, he soon grew federal tariff laws in South Carolina. frustrated at its lack of substantive duties and re- A longtime supporter and financial beneficiary turned to the United States in 1839. He found of the Second Bank of the United States, whose that during his absence in St. Petersburg Bu- original charter his father had drafted, Dallas re- chanan had achieved a commanding position in luctantly parted company with the president on the home state political contest that had long en- the volcanic issue of the bank’s rechartering. As gaged the two men.11 one Dallas biographer has written: ‘‘There was In December 1839, Van Buren offered the U.S. no question about how the people of Pennsylva- attorney-generalship to Dallas after Buchanan nia viewed the Second Bank of the United States. had rejected the post. Dallas again declined the The Philadelphia-based institution was Penn- offer and spent the following years building his sylvanian by interest, location, and legislative Philadelphia law practice. His relations with Bu- initiative.’’ 8 Dallas complied with a directive chanan remained troubled throughout this from his state legislature that he support a new period.

[ 153 ] GEORGE M. DALLAS

The 1844 Campaign and Election tion and repeated their message. Morse replied: Favoring Van Buren for the 1844 Democratic ‘‘AGAIN: MR. WRIGHT IS HERE, AND WILL SUPPORT presidential nomination, Dallas worked success- MR. POLK CHEERFULLY, BUT CAN NOT ACCEPT THE fully to blunt Buchanan’s drive for that prize. NOMINATION FOR VICE-PRESIDENT.’’ The unbeliev- Van Buren sought unsuccessfully to have the ing convention continued its request until Democratic convention held in November 1843 Wright dispatched two members of Congress in rather than late May 1844. He had hoped to cap- a wagon—the evening train to Baltimore had al- ture the nomination before his opposition to the ready departed—bearing handwritten letters of 13 annexation of Texas became public when Con- rejection. gress convened in early December. By April With Wright out of the picture, and with no 1844, with Democratic support for annexation in- New York ally of Van Buren willing to accept the tensifying, Van Buren watched helplessly as his nomination, the convention turned to James Bu- chances for regaining the White House slipped chanan, but he immediately instructed his allies away. to withdraw his name. The searchlight then swept across several candidates from New Eng- Under the influence of Van Buren’s opponents, land and came to rest on Maine’s Senator John the Democratic party’s Baltimore convention in Fairfield, who received an impressive, but incon- May adopted the Jackson-era rule that required clusive, 106 votes on the first ballot. At the sug- a two-thirds vote to select its nominee. After gestion of party leader and Mississippi Senator eight deadlocked ballots at the superheated and Robert J. Walker (who was married to Dallas’ violence-prone convention, supporters of Van niece), Pennsylvania delegates then sparked a Buren and his chief rival, ’s , move for Dallas, who was at home in Philadel- united on the unheralded former House Speaker phia. Dallas’ views were generally compatible James K. Polk of Tennessee—who thus became with Polk’s, especially on the key issue of annex- the first successful ‘‘darkhorse’’ candidate in ing Texas. His stand in favor of protective tariffs American presidential history. To cement an alli- would appeal to northeastern commercial inter- ance with the disgruntled Van Buren faction, ests and offset Polk’s ambiguous position on this Polk offered to support a Van Buren loyalist for sensitive issue. Party strategists realized that the vice-presidential nomination, New York Sen- Pennsylvania, with its prize of nearly 10 percent ator Silas Wright. Although Wright was absent of the total electoral votes, which were by no from the convention, those delegates who had means safely in the Democratic camp, could not already left town willingly added him to the prove decisive in the election. On the second bal- 12 ticket. lot, the convention gave Dallas the nomination Four days earlier, Professor Samuel F. B. Morse with 220 votes to just 30 for Fairfield. had successfully demonstrated that his newly in- On , sixty high-spirited delegates left vented ‘‘Magnetic Electric Telegraph’’ could Baltimore for Philadelphia, arriving at the Dallas transmit messages over the forty-mile distance residence at 3 a.m. As a bewildered Dallas stood between the U.S. Capitol and Baltimore. Silas by his open door, the nocturnal visitors marched Wright was in the Capitol Rotunda reading other by double column silently into his parlor. Form- telegraphic reports from the Baltimore conven- ing a semicircle, the men burst into as tion when news of his nomination arrived. Bitter Senator Fairfield conveyed the surprising news at the convention’s rejection of Van Buren, and Dallas, uneasy at the prospect of returning Wright dictated a response to Morse, who typed to public life, accepted with less than abundant out the following message to the convention’s enthusiasm.14 waiting delegates: ‘‘WASHINGTON. IMPORTANT! The selection also came as news to presidential MR. WRIGHT IS HERE, AND SAYS, SAY TO THE NEW nominee Polk, whose advisers quickly assured YORK DELEGATION, THAT HE CANNOT ACCEPT THE him that Dallas would be an excellent com- NOMINATION.’’ His party’s remaining delegates plement to the ticket. Within Pennsylvania, opin- in Baltimore did not fully trust this new inven- ion was sharply divided, as resentful Buchanan [ 154 ] GEORGE M. DALLAS allies feared that the less-than-dynamic Dallas would strengthen the party—and his own presi- would cost their party the presidency in a contest dential chances.20 He particularly sought to sab- against the aggressive and better-known Whig otage archrival James Buchanan’s hopes of be- candidates, Kentucky’s Henry Clay and New Jer- coming secretary of state, the other traditional sey’s .15 One Pennsylva- launching pad to the White House. Buchanan nia Whig dismissively described Dallas as ‘‘a had arrogantly instructed Pennsylvania’s presi- gentleman by birth and education, amiable in dential electors to recommend him for that post private life, very bland and courteous in manner at the time they cast their ballots for the Demo- . . . a reckless partizan totally devoid of principle cratic ticket. This infuriated Dallas, who prom- and capable of upholding or relinquishing . . . ised a friend that, while he had become vice opinions whenever his own or his party’s inter- president ‘‘willy-nilly’’ and expected to endure 16 ests require it.’’ ‘‘heavy and painful and protracted sacrifices, As was customary prior to 1845, the various . . . I am resolved that no one shall be taken from states scheduled the presidential election on dif- Pennsylvania in a cabinet office who is notori- ferent days during November’s first two ously hostile to the Vice President. If such a weeks.17 When the votes were finally tallied, the choice be made, my relations with the adminis- Polk-Dallas ticket won fifteen out of the twenty- tration are at once at an end.’’ 21 six states by a comfortable margin of 170 to 105 Several weeks later, learning that Polk had in- electoral votes. They were far less convincing, however, in the popular vote, with a margin of deed chosen Buchanan, Dallas failed to follow up only 6,000 out of the 2.7 million ballots cast. Polk on his dark oath. Instead, he began quietly to narrowly lost his native Tennessee, while Dallas lobby for the appointment of Senator Robert J. barely carried Pennsylvania. While analysts Walker—his earlier choice against Buchanan for agreed that victories in New York and Penn- the state department—for the influential post of sylvania made the difference for the Democratic treasury secretary. Polk, realizing that he had of- ticket, no such consensus existed about Dallas’ fended Dallas and Walker’s southern Democratic impact on this result.18 allies, awarded the treasury post to Walker. Dal- las continued to be sensitive about the adminis- Preparing for Office tration’s distribution of major appointments, as Like many of his contemporaries on the na- he sought to strengthen his Pennsylvania politi- tional political stage in 1845, George Dallas want- cal base in order to weaken the Buchanan faction ed to be president. In accepting the Democratic and enhance his own presidential prospects. In nomination, Polk committed himself to serving his subsequent appointments, however, Polk only one term, hoping this promise would en- continued to antagonize Dallas, as well as others courage his party’s warring factions to suspend in the Democratic party. Again, the president their combat at least until the 1848 campaign.19 tried to appease the vice president. ‘‘I would Instead, his pledge instantly prompted maneu- have been pleased to explain to you some of the vering from many quarters for the 1848 nomina- circumstances attending the appointments at tion. Four of the nation’s ten previous vice presi- Philadelphia which were made some time ago, dents had moved up to the presidency and Dal- las saw no reason why he should not become the but no opportunity for that purpose has oc- fifth. For his first two years in the second office, curred.’’ Dallas responded that it was pointless Dallas framed his behavior with that goal in to discuss these matters ‘‘in as much as you have mind. not been able to gratify the few requests I have Dallas met Polk for the first time on February previously made.’’ Despite his frustration and 13, 1845, joining the president-elect for the final subsequent patronage losses to Secretary of State leg of his railroad journey to Washington. Dallas Buchanan, who was a far tougher and more per- used the opportunity to follow up on his earlier sistent operator, the vice president endeavored suggestions for cabinet nominees he believed to remain loyal to his president and party.22 [ 155 ] GEORGE M. DALLAS

President of the Senate the future development of legislative political From 1789 to 1845, the Senate followed the parties. The Democrats and Whigs each orga- practice of selecting its committees by ballot, nized a party caucus to prepare lists of commit- with the exception of several years in the 1820s tee assignments, an arrangement that marked the and 1830s when the power was specifically given beginning of the Senate seniority system. As long to the presiding officer (1823–1826) or, more as committee members had been selected by se- pointedly, to the president pro tempore (1828– cret ballot or appointed by presiding officers, a 1833), an officer selected by and responsible to member’s experience did not guarantee his selec- the Senate.23 When the Senate convened in tion. After 1845, seniority became a major deter- March 1845 for its brief special session to receive minant, particularly in the selection of committee the new president’s executive nominations, chairmen. Legislative parties, charged with pre- Democratic party leaders engineered a resolu- paring slates of committee assignments, tended tion that revived the practice of having the vice to become more cohesive. In this period the tra- president appoint the members of standing com- dition also began of seating in the chamber by mittees. Acknowledging that the vice president party—with the Democrats to the presiding offi- cer’s right and the Whigs (later the Republicans) was not directly responsible to the Senate, ad- to the left. ministration allies asserted that his was a greater From his canopied dais, the vice president had responsibility, as guaranteed in the Constitution, the best seat in the nation’s best theater. On one ‘‘to the Senate’s masters, the people of these memorable occasion, he reported to his wife that United States.’’ 24 The goal was to pack the Com- ‘‘the speech of [Senator Daniel] Webster to-day mittee on Foreign Relations with members sym- would have overwhelmed and perhaps dis- pathetic to the administration’s position on the gusted you. He attacked [Pennsylvania’s Rep- Oregon boundary question. Vice President Dal- resentative] Mr. C. J. Ingersoll with the savage las made the desired appointments. and mangling ferocity of a tiger. For at least a In December 1845, at the opening of the Sen- half an hour, he grit his teeth, scowled, stamped, ate’s regular legislative session, party leaders and roared forth the very worst & most abusive again sought to give the appointment power to language I have ever heard uttered in the Sen- Dallas. On this occasion, however, four rebel- ate.’’ Dallas later observed that ‘‘[v]ast intellect, lious Democrats joined minority party Whigs to like Webster’s, almost naturally glides into arro- defeat the resolution by a one-vote margin. This gance.’’ 26 action presented the Polk administration with In his brief inaugural address to the Senate, the unappealing likelihood that, in balloting by Dallas had acknowledged that he entered into the full Senate, Democrats hostile to its specific his ‘‘tranquil and unimposing’’ new duties objectives would take control of key Senate com- ‘‘[w]ithout any of the cares of real power [and] mittees. Dallas reported that the return to the none of the responsibilities of legislation’’ except usual procedure required him to work ‘‘unusu- in rare instances when he might be called on to ally hard . . . to superintend some sixteen or break tied votes. If anything, he would stand as twenty ballotings for officers and chairmen of ‘‘an organ of Freedom’s fundamental principle of Committees.’’ He was ‘‘much encouraged by the order.’’ 27 Despite this noble disclaimer of par- kind manner in which I am complimented on my tisanship, Dallas involved himself deeply in the mode of presiding. But I assure you,’’ he contin- struggle to help the president achieve his legisla- ued, ‘‘contrary to my expectations, it is not done tive agenda. He worked against strong contrary without a great deal of preparatory labor. Now pressures from the party’s western faction, led that [the anti-administration] hostility has shewn by Senator Thomas Hart Benton, and its south- itself, I am bound to be ready at all points and ern bloc under the inspiration of Senator John C. against surprizes.’’ 25 Calhoun. In assessing these senators’ motives, To end this time-consuming process, Senate Dallas reported that Benton intended to oppose party leaders took a step of major importance for Calhoun wherever possible. ‘‘If Mr. Calhoun [ 156 ] GEORGE M. DALLAS should support the [Polk] administration, Col. a congressional session, either on Capitol Hill or Benton will not be able to resist the impulse to closer to the White House. During the regular oppose it:—on the contrary, if Mr. Calhoun op- session of the Twenty-ninth Congress, from De- poses, Col. Benton will be our champion. Such cember 1845 through August 1846, he resided at are, in the highest spheres of action, the uncer- Henry Riell’s boardinghouse within a short walk tainties and extravagancies of human of the Capitol at Third Street and Maryland Ave- passions!’’ 28 nue, NE. For the first session of the Thirtieth At the start of his term as Senate president, Congress, from December 1847 to August 1848, Dallas was called on to make an administrative he lived at Mrs. Gadsby’s on President’s Square decision that had larger constitutional con- across from the White House. For his final ses- sequences. Since 1815, senators had received a sion, from December 1848 to March 1849, he compensation of eight dollars for each day they moved several blocks to Mr. Levi Williams’ were present in Washington. Public opposition boardinghouse on the north side of Pennsylvania routinely frustrated persistent congressional ef- Avenue, between 17th and 18th Streets, forts to move instead to an annual salary. In Northwest.30 March 1845 several senators hit upon a novel At the beginning of his first regular session in way to supplement their compensation—to col- December 1845, Dallas set a daily routine in lect travel expenses to and from Washington for which he arrived at the vice president’s office in the special session that the Senate held at the the Capitol at 9 a.m., remained busily engaged start of each new administration to confirm pres- there receiving visitors and presiding until 4 idential appointments. The problem was that p.m., adjourned to his lodgings for lunch, and senators had already been paid for their travel then returned to the Capitol until 9 or 10 p.m. to the final regular session of the Congress that For a diversion, he would stroll around the Cap- had adjourned the day before the special session itol grounds or walk down Pennsylvania Ave- began. When veteran Secretary of the Senate As- nue.31 The newly refurbished Senate chamber he bury Dickins informed Dallas that ‘‘no distinct pronounced ‘‘redeemed from a thousand barba- and controlling decision’’ had ever been made on risms.’’ But he confided to his son that he ex- this issue, Dallas ruled in a lengthy written opin- pected the coming session to ‘‘be one of the most ion that each senator should be paid for travel important, disturbed, and protracted’’ in the na- at the beginning and end of each session ‘‘with- tion’s history and feared that the weakness of ad- out any enquiry or regard as to where he actually ministration supporters in the Senate ‘‘may exact was or how he was actually engaged . . . and more exertion from me than would otherwise fall without any enquiry or regard as to, where he my share.’’ 32 intends to travel or remain when the Senate ad- Dallas regularly complained about the incon- journs.’’ This decision unleashed a flood of appli- veniences and demands of his daily life as vice cations from current and former senators for president. His wife disliked Washington and re- compensation for travel to earlier special ses- mained in Philadelphia except for rare visits. He sions, until Dallas advised that the ruling would dined frequently with Treasury Secretary Robert not be applied retroactively. Several years later, Walker and his nephew U.S. Coast Survey Su- in response to a Treasury Department challenge perintendent (a great- of the Dallas ruling, the attorney general con- grandson of Benjamin Franklin). His biographer cluded that the ‘‘president of the Senate is the reports that during these years, the vice presi- sole judge of the amounts of compensation due dent allowed himself one luxury—a stylish Afri- and his certificate is conclusive’’ and that ‘‘mile- can American coachman who wore a distinctive age is part of a Senator’s compensation, and not black hat with broad band and steel buckle. Dal- mere defrayment of travelling expenses, and las was ill a great deal and complained of diges- hence actual travel is not necessary.’’ 29 tive disorders and sore feet, which he routinely Dallas followed the custom of members of bathed in hot water augmented with mustard or Congress who rented rooms, for the duration of cayenne pepper. [ 157 ] GEORGE M. DALLAS

Always concerned about earning enough sonal satisfaction in this record, Dallas singled money to support his desired social position and out this achievement and the fairness with which his wife’s easy spending habits, Dallas supple- he believed he accomplished it in his farewell ad- mented his $5,000 government salary by main- dress to the Senate.35 Not interested in political taining an active law practice during his vice- suicide, however, Dallas sought to avoid having presidency. He handled several high-profile to exercise his singular constitutional prerogative cases against the federal government, including on the tariff issue, actively lobbying senators a claim against the Treasury Department for $15 during the debate over Treasury Secretary Walk- million. The decision would be made by his close er’s tariff bill in the summer of 1846. He com- friend and relative by marriage, Treasury Sec- plained to his wife (whom he sometimes ad- retary Robert Walker. Dallas, whose cocounsel in dressed as ‘‘Mrs. Vice’’) that the Senate speeches the case was Senator Daniel Webster, considered on the subject were ‘‘as vapid as inexhaustible. that ‘‘unless Walker has lost his intelligence and . . . All sorts of ridiculous efforts are making, by fairness, [the case] will be a lucrative one.’’ To letters, newspaper-paragraphs, and personal vis- Dallas’ dismay and veiled anger, Walker decided its, to affect the Vice’s casting vote, by persuasion against his client.33 or threat.’’ 36 At the mid-point in his vice-presidency, Dallas Despite Dallas’ efforts to avoid taking a stand, accepted a $1,000 fee for a secondary role in rep- the Senate completed its voting on the Walker resenting wealthy Philadelphian in Tariff with a 27-to-27 tie. (A twenty-eighth vote his celebrated divorce from the Shakespearean in favor was held in reserve by a senator who actress Fanny Kemble. Fearing that the nation’s opposed the measure but agreed to follow the in- top legal talent would be attracted to Kemble’s structions of his state legislature to support it.) side, Butler preemptively purchased much of When he cast the tie-breaking vote in favor of that talent, including Dallas and Daniel Webster. the tariff on July 28, 1846, Dallas rationalized that Despite intense criticism by political opponents he had studied the distribution of Senate support for cashing in on his national prominence, the and concluded that backing for the measure vice president tossed off these attacks as the came from all regions of the country. Addition- ‘‘hissing and gobbling’’ of ‘‘snakes and geese’’ ally, the measure had overwhelmingly passed and spent his final months in office arranging an the House of Representatives, a body closer to expanded legal partnership with his son Philip.34 public sentiment. He apprehensively explained Tariffs and Westward Expansion to the citizens of Pennsylvania that ‘‘an officer, Dallas determined that he would use his vice- elected by the of all twenty-eight states, presidential position to advance two of the ad- and bound by his oath and every constitutional ministration’s major objectives: tariff reduction obligation, faithfully and fairly to represent, in and territorial expansion. As a Pennsylvanian, the execution of his high trust, all the citizens of Dallas had traditionally supported the protec- the Union’’ could not ‘‘narrow his great sphere tionist tariff policy that his state’s coal and iron and act with reference only to [Pennsylvania’s] interests demanded. But as vice president, elect- interests.’’ While his action, based on a mixture ed on a platform dedicated to tariff reduction, he of party loyalty and political opportunism, agreed to do anything necessary to realize that earned Dallas the respect of the president and goal. Dallas equated the vice president’s con- certain party leaders—and possible votes in 1848 stitutional power to break tied votes in the Sen- from the southern and western states that sup- ate with the president’s constitutional power to ported low tariffs—it effectively demolished his veto acts of Congress. At the end of his vice-pres- home state political base, ending any serious idential term, Dallas claimed that he cast thirty prospects for future elective office. (He even ad- tie-breaking votes during his four years in office vised his wife in a message hand-delivered by (although only nineteen of these have been iden- the Senate sergeant at arms, ‘‘If there be the tified in Senate records). Taking obvious per- slightest indication of a disposition to riot in the [ 158 ] GEORGE M. DALLAS city of Philadelphia, owing to the passage of the bolster his political standing by advocating pop- Tariff Bill, pack up and bring the whole brood ular sovereignty as a solution to the crippling to Washington.’’) 37 issue of allowing slavery in the territories. This While Dallas’ tariff vote destroyed him in stance only hardened the opposition against him Pennsylvania, his aggressive views on Oregon and he soon abandoned his presidential quest.39 and the Mexican War crippled his campaign ef- Democratic party leaders originally looked to forts elsewhere in the nation.38 In his last hope Mexican War hero Zachary Taylor as their 1848 of building the necessary national support to standard-bearer. When the general cast his lot gain the White House, the vice president shifted with the Whigs, Democrats turned to Michigan’s his attention to the aggressive, expansionist for- Lewis Cass, who took the nomination at the Bal- eign policy program embodied in the concept of timore convention on the fourth ballot. They ‘‘.’’ He actively supported ef- chose General William O. Butler as the vice-pres- forts to gain control of Texas, the Southwest, idential candidate. With Martin Van Buren’s , and disputed portions of the Oregon third-party candidacy eroding the Democratic territory. vote, Taylor and his running mate Millard Fill- The joint United States-British occupation of more easily won the election. the vast western territory in the region north of By the end of the Mexican War in 1848, rela- the forty-second parallel and south of the bound- tions between Polk and Dallas had deteriorated ary at fifty-four degrees, forty minutes, was to the point that the two men rarely spoke to one scheduled for renewal in 1847. Dallas seized the another. From the first days of his vice-presi- opportunity in 1846 to call for a ‘‘settlement’’ at dency, Dallas complained to his wife Sophia and the 54° 40’ line, even at the risk of war with Great others that the president cared little for his ad- Britain. For several months early in 1846, the vice vice on either small matters or major affairs of president pursued this position—seeking to state. At the outbreak of the war with Mexico, broaden his national political base—until Presi- Dallas confided, ‘‘In making the officers of the dent Polk and British leaders agreed to com- new Regiment of mounted riflemen, the tenant promise on a northern boundary at the forty- of the White House has maintained his consist- ninth parallel. This outcome satisfied Dallas, as ency of action by excluding every one for whom it removed his earlier fear that the United States I felt an interest.’’ When Polk summoned the vice would be caught in a two-front war, with Great president to the White House for ‘‘a most impor- Britain over the Oregon boundary and with Mex- tant communication,’’ Dallas told Sophia that ico over control of Texas. Now the nation would Polk had a habit of ‘‘making mountains out of be free to concentrate on war with Mexico, a con- molehills.’’ and that the meeting was ‘‘another flict that Dallas hoped would serve to unify the illustration of the mountain and the mouse. I am Democratic party and propel him to the White heartily sick of factitious importance.’’ Dallas House. As the Mexican War continued into 1847, considered Polk to be ‘‘cold, devious, and two- Dallas expanded his own objective to the taking faced.’’ When he received Thomas Macauley’s of all Mexico. Again, a moderate course ad- newly published History of England, he noted that vanced by more realistic leaders prevailed and the author’s description of Charles I’s ‘‘defects of forced Dallas to applaud publicly the result that character’’—faithlessness and cunning—‘‘are so gained for the United States the Mexican states directly applicable to President Polk as almost to of California and New Mexico. be curious.’’ 40 The events of 1846 extinguished Dallas’ presi- dential fire. Although he remained strong in Last Session Philadelphia and its immediate precincts, Bu- Dallas entered the sunset of his vice-presi- chanan sapped his strength throughout the rest dency at the three-month final session of the of their state. The vice president, incapable of the Thirtieth Congress, beginning on December 4, intense and sustained personal drive necessary 1848. On the following day at noon, the Senate to secure the nomination, nonetheless sought to convened for the reading by its clerk of President [ 159 ] GEORGE M. DALLAS

Polk’s message. Dallas lis- cate to that effect, on which he is entitled to be tened for a while, until boredom compelled him paid his expenses, at the Treasury to turn the chair over to Senator . Department.’’ 44 ‘‘It was insufferably long, and some of its topics, The president expressed to the vice president a dissertation on the American system and one his ambivalence about his plans for the forth- on the Veto Power especially, were almost ludi- coming inauguration of Zachary Taylor. If the crous from their being misplaced and prolix.’’ 41 planners reserved a place for him, he would at- This ‘‘’’ session, with its tend, otherwise he would follow Van Buren’s contentiousness and inaction, proved particu- 1841 precedent and simply go home. Dallas said larly frustrating as the Democrats sought to defer he would try to ‘‘follow the proper courtesies of action on the volatile issues. ‘‘The great party public life,’’ unless he too was intentionally project of the Session is to try hard to do noth- slighted. He examined the practice of his prede- ing:—leaving all unsettled questions, and espe- cessors and found Richard M. Johnson to be the cially the free soil one, to harass Genl. Taylor only vice president to have attended the swear- next winter.’’ 42 ing in of his successor. Dallas was constantly aware of his responsibil- On March 2, 1849, Dallas followed the vice- ities for maintaining order on the Senate floor. presidential custom of delivering a farewell ad- During the contentious final session, Mis- dress to the Senate and then stepping aside so sissippi’s Henry Foote constantly baited Missou- that the Senate could elect a president pro tem- ri’s Thomas Hart Benton. While Benton never pore to bridge the transition between administra- hesitated to bully other adversaries, he tions. In remarks more exalted in phrasing than inexplicably refrained from challenging the di- the observations of his personal diary and cor- minutive Mississippian. As the Senate adjourned respondence, Dallas praised the Senate for the for the day on February 10, 1849, Benton ap- ‘‘elevated principle and dignified tone which proached Dallas and, in a whisper, asked wheth- mark [its] proceedings; the frank and yet forbear- er he intended to act on his earlier request that ing temper of its discussions; the mutual mani- alcoholic beverages be banned in the Senate. Dal- festations of conciliatory deference, so just and las responded by asking whether any drinking appropriate among the delegates of independent had been taking place in the chamber. ‘‘Yes, in States; and the consequent calmness and preci- quantities, in every part, and at all times,’’ re- sion of its legislative action,’’ which he believed sponded the agitated Missourian. Dallas, believ- had ‘‘attracted to it a very large share of vener- ing that Benton’s concern stemmed from an ef- ation and confidence.’’ He noted that, on occa- fort to curb Foote’s behavior and ‘‘to excuse his sion, tempers flared into ‘‘sudden impulses of own silent disregard of it in that way,’’ in- feeling,’’ but these ‘‘transient disturbances’’ were structed the sergeant at arms to ban liquor on the rare and passed ‘‘over the scene like flashes Senate side of the Capitol, except for members which do but startle, and then cease, [serving] claiming to require it for medicinal purposes.43 only to exhibit in stronger relief the grave deco- Dallas told his wife that he was tempted to re- rum of its general conduct.’’ 45 turn home, leaving his Senate duties to a presi- To a standing ovation, Dallas left the chamber dent pro tempore, but he felt obligated to remain in what he believed would be ‘‘the last scene of at the Capitol for the important business of re- my public life.’’ He recorded in his diary that ceiving the presidential electoral ballots, ad- ‘‘Mr. Filmore [sic] called at my chamber in the dressed to his attention, that were then arriving Capitol today, shortly I had left the Senate, and from the individual states. He explained that his remained for an hour, making enquiries as to the duty was to ‘‘mark on each [envelope containing forms of proceeding and the general duties an- a state’s ballots] the day and manner of receiving nexed to the office he was about assuming. He it, and file them with the Secretary [of the Sen- was good enough to say that every body had told ate], of course without breaking the seals. If a him I eclipsed as a presiding officer, all of my messenger hand me the list, I give him a certifi- predecessors, and that he felt extreme diffidence [ 160 ] GEORGE M. DALLAS in undertaking to follow me. Of course, after this, Later Years I took pleasure in answering all his questions.’’ 46 Dallas returned to private life until 1856, when Dallas left Washington largely embittered James Buchanan resigned as minister to Great about the price of success in public life, which Britain to launch his presidential campaign chal- he believed led ‘‘almost invariably to poverty lenging President Franklin Pierce for the Demo- and ignorance. Truth, Courage, Candour, Wis- cratic nomination. Pierce, seeking to remove an- dom, Firmness, Honor and Religion may by acci- other potential rival for reelection, named Dallas dent be serviceable:— but a steady to that prize diplomatic post. Philadelphia jour- perseverance in them leads inevitably to private nalist John Forney, a longtime Buchanan ally life.’’ 47 His only regret about leaving the Senate who had once described Dallas as ‘‘below medio- was that he would miss the ‘‘strange political cre as a public man,’’ thought the sixty-four- tableau [that] would present itself on the floor year-old Dallas fit the part. ‘‘I do not know any- of the Senate Chamber . . . on the 6. of March thing more charming, always excepting a lovely next [if] Mr. Clay, Genl. Cass, Mr. Van Buren, woman, than a handsome old man—one who, Mr, Calhoun, Mr. Webster, and Col. Benton were like a winter apple, is ruddy and ripe with time, grouped together! Such a convocation of self- and yet sound to the heart. Such a man was 49 imagined gods could not fail to be followed by George M. Dallas.’’ After Buchanan won the much thunder and lightening.’’ But, he consoled presidency, he retained Dallas at the Court of St. James but conducted sensitive diplomatic rela- himself, ‘‘All this galaxy, in the order of nature, tions with Great Britain from the White House. may disappear in the course or two or three Tired and longing for the comforts of home and years. When then? Why, the Sun will still shine, family, Dallas resigned his post in May 1861. As the earth still roll upon its axis, and the worms a states’ rights Unionist, he was deeply saddened of the Capitol be as numerous and phosphores- 48 by the of his Democratic party and its fail- cent as ever.’’ ure to prevent civil war. He died at the age of seventy-two on December 31, 1864.

[ 161 ] NOTES 1 George M. Dallas to unknown addressee, 1845 [?], in 26 Ingersoll had accused Webster of corruption and em- Roy M. Nichols, ‘‘The Library: The Mystery of the Dallas bezzlement while serving as secretary of state. Dallas to So- Papers (Part I),’’ The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and phia, April 7, 1846, Nichols-I, pp. 375–76; Roy F. Nichols, Biography 73 (July 1949): 373 [hereafter cited as Nichols-I]. ‘‘The Library: The Mystery of the Dallas Papers (Part II),’’ 2 Lewis A. McArthur, Oregon Geographic Names, 5th ed. The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 73 (Octo- (Portland, OR, 1982), p. 205. ber 1949): 480 [hereafter cited as Nichols-II]. 3 John M. Belohlavek, George Mifflin Dallas: Jacksonian Pa- 27 U.S., Congress, Senate, Journal, 29th Cong., Extra Ses- trician (University Park, PA, 1977), pp. 13–14. sion, Appendix, p. 274. 4 Ibid. pp. 4–5. 28 Dallas to Sophia, November 27, 1845, Nichols-I, p. 366. 5 Ibid., p. 15. 29 Ruth Ketring Nuermberger, ‘‘Asbury Dickins (1780– 6 Ibid., p. 5. 1861): A Career in Government Service,’’ The North Carolina 7 Ibid., p. 27. Historical Review 24 (July 1947): 311–12; Dallas to Sophia, 8 Ibid., p. 37. March 17, 1845, Nichols-I, p. 365. On March 3, 1851, the 9 Quoted in ibid., p. 43. president approved a statute (Chapter 42) ending the prac- 10 Bruce Ambacher, ‘‘George M. Dallas and the Bank tice of paying members of the previous Congress for mile- War,’’ Pennsylvania History 42 (April 1975): 135. age to attend the Senate special session beginning on March 11 Belohlavek, p. 77. 4, 1853, and every four years thereafter. 12 Charles Sellers, ‘‘Election of 1844,’’ in History of Amer- 30 Nichols-I, p. 391; Nichols-II, p. 475. ican Presidential Elections, edited by Arthur M. Schlesinger, 31 Dallas to Sophia, December 2, 1845, Nichols-I, p. 369. Jr., and Fred L. Israel (New York, 1971), 1:759–72. 32 Dallas to Sophia, November 27, 1845, ibid., p. 367. 13 John Arthur Garraty, Silas Wright (New York, 1949), pp. 33 Belohlavek, pp. 134–35. 280–82. 34 Ibid., pp. 135–36; Dallas to Sophia, December 10, 1848, 14 Belohlavek, pp. 86–88; Sellers, pp. 772–73. Nichols-II, p. 483. 15 Belohlavek, p. 88. 35 Senate Journal, 30th Cong., 2d sess., March 2, 1849, p. 16 Sidney George Fisher quoted in ibid., p. 89. 294. Nineteen of the thirty votes that Dallas claimed to have 17 By the time of the presidential elections of 1840 and cast have been identified in records of Senate floor proceed- 1844, states were increasingly selecting presidential electors ings. If Dallas’ figure is accepted, he would hold the record by popular vote, rather than by vote of their legislatures. among vice presidents for exercising this constitutional pre- With presidential elections scheduled on a variety of days rogative (although some scholars have credited John throughout the states, conditions were ripe for election Adams with casting as many as thirty tie-breaking votes— fraud. Both political parties organized gangs of voters who see Chapter 1, note 1). If the lower figure is accurate, it still moved from state to state in an attempt to boost tallies in places him just behind John Adams—and just ahead of John close elections. Finally, in 1845 Congress established a uni- C. Calhoun—for the number of ties broken in a four-year form date for presidential elections—the first Tuesday after period. For a list of vice-presidential tie-breaking votes, see the first Monday in November. Congressional elections U.S., Congress, Senate, The Senate, 1789–1989, by Robert C. were not similarly standardized until 1872. Peter H. Byrd, S. Doc., 100–20, 100th Cong., 1st sess., vol. 4, Historical Argersinger, ‘‘Electoral Processes,’’ Encyclopedia of American Statistics, 1789–1992, 1993, pp. 640–46. Political History (New York, 1984), 2:496. 36 Dallas to Sophia, July 17, 1846, Nichols-I, pp. 384–85. 18 Sellers, p. 795; Belohlavek, p. 97. 37 Dallas’ public letter quoted in Charles John Biddle, Eu- 19 Paul H. Beregeron, The Presidency of James K. Polk (Law- logy upon the Hon. George Mifflin Dallas Delivered before the rence, KS, 1987), pp. 16–17. Bar of Philadelphia, February 11, 1865 (Philadelphia, 1865), p. 20 Dallas to Polk, December 15, 1845; Dallas to Sophia, 36; Belohlavek, pp. 113–14; Dallas to Sophia, July 30, 1846, February 14, 1845 in Nichols-I, pp. 355–60. Nichols-I, p. 386. 21 Dallas to Robert J. Walker, November 6, 1844, quoted 38 Belohlavek, p. 118. in Belohlavek, p. 100. 39 Charles McCool Snyder, The Jacksonian Heritage: Penn- 22 Belohlavek, pp. 105–10. sylvania Politics, 1833–1848 (Harrisburg, PA, 1958), pp. 205– 23 See Chapter 7 of this book, ‘‘John C. Calhoun,’’ pp. 10– 7; Frederick Moore Binder, James Buchanan and the American 12. Empire (Cranbury, NJ, 1994), p. 91. 24 U.S., Congress, Congressional Globe, 29th Cong., 1st 40 Dallas to Sophia, June 7, 1846, Nichols-I, pp. 381–82; sess., p. 20. Dallas diary, January 14, 1849, Nichols-II, pp. 492–93; 25 Ibid., pp. 19–22; Belohlavek, pp. 107–9; Dallas to So- Belohlavek, pp. 132–33. phia, December 9, 1845, Nichols-I, p. 370. 41 Dallas diary, December 5, 1848, Nichols-II, p. 475.

[ 162 ] GEORGE M. DALLAS

42 Dallas to Sophia, December 7, 1848, ibid., p. 477. 46 Dallas diary, March 2, 1849, Nichols-II, pp. 515–16. 43 Dallas diary, February 10, 1849, ibid., pp. 512–13. 47 Dallas diary, January 28, 1849, ibid., p. 501; Dallas 44 Dallas to Sophia, December 7, 1848; Dallas diary, De- diary, March 2, 1849, ibid., pp. 516–17. cember 8, 1848, ibid., pp. 477–78. 48 Dallas diary, January 28, 1849, ibid., p. 502. 45 Senate Journal, 30th Cong., 2d sess., March 2, 1849, pp. 49 Belohlavek, p. 107; John W. Forney, Anecdotes of Public 293–94. Men (New York, 1881), 2:102.

[ 163 ]

Chapter 12 MILLARD FILLMORE 1849–1850

[ 165 ] MILLARD FILLMORE Chapter 12 MILLARD FILLMORE

12th Vice President: 1849–1850

I know how difficult it is to determine what is and what is not in order, to restrain improper lan- guage, and yet not abridge the freedom of debate. But all must see how important it is that the first departure from the strict rule of parliamentary decorum be checked, as a slight attack, or even insinuation of a personal character, often provokes a more severe retort, which brings out a more disorderly reply, each Senator feeling a justification in the previous aggression. There is, therefore, no point so proper to interpose for the preservation of order as to check the first violation of it. —MILLARD FILLMORE, APRIL 3, 1850

The new vice president needed a clerk. Millard Fillmore got his clerk. From this experience, Fill- Fillmore suffered from an eye disorder that lim- more may have learned both how much the Sen- ited his ability to read by candlelight, yet his offi- ate valued precedent and how little some of its cial duties kept him so busy during the daytime members regarded the office of vice president.1 that he had to put off reading and preparing his Millard Fillmore rose to the vice-presidency, in correspondence until evening. A clerk would be part, because he was from New York. In presi- most useful. When Fillmore’s immediate prede- dential elections from 1812 to 1968, that state had cessor, George Dallas, took office in 1845, no the nation’s largest congressional delegation and funding was provided for a vice-presidential therefore was entitled to cast more votes in the clerk because there had been no vice president electoral college than any other state. New since 1841, when John Tyler had succeeded to the York’s electoral riches account for the fact that, presidency after the death of William Henry during the century from 1801 to 1901, eight of Harrison. Senator Willie Mangum (W-NC), who the twenty-two vice presidents called that state had fulfilled the office’s major constitutional home. In designing a presidential ticket that function as Senate president pro tempore from would attract large blocks of electoral votes, the 1842 to 1845, had considered his duties too light national parties always paid very careful atten- to justify continuing the perquisite that Vice tion to New York political leaders. President Richard M. Johnson had enjoyed dur- Millard Fillmore would occupy the nation’s ing his 1837–1841 term. Aware of these prece- second highest office for fewer than seventeen dents, Fillmore asked Mangum, one of the Whig months. During his brief tenure, he suffered the party’s senior senators, to introduce the nec- fate of other vice presidents: his president ig- essary authorizing resolution. When Mangum nored him, his state’s party leaders undercut did so, a Democratic senator immediately ob- him, and the Senate over which he presided jected, noting that former Vice President Dallas barely tolerated him. Yet the office benefitted had gotten along just fine without a clerk. him, just as he improved it. The experience rati- Mangum responded by citing the example of fied and extended his stature as a significant na- Vice President Johnson, also a Democrat. The tional figure. When Zachary Taylor’s death Democratic senator withdrew his objection and thrust Fillmore into the presidency, few seriously

[ 167 ] MILLARD FILLMORE doubted that he was up to the job. His close rela- er and as a law clerk, until he was admitted to tions with senators at a time when the Senate the New York bar in 1824. He then opened a served as the final arbiter of crucial national pol- small law practice in East Aurora and in 1826 icy issues eased passage of the vital compromise married Abigail Powers.3 legislation that staved off national political dis- In 1830 Millard and Abigail settled in Buffalo, integration for another decade. To his role as the the thriving western terminus of the Erie Canal. Senate’s president, Fillmore brought a deep His practice flourished, as the local business knowledge and understanding of the institu- community came to recognize him as an ener- tion’s rules, precedents, and culture. Aware that getic, careful, and talented lawyer. An impres- the incendiary climate in the Senate chamber sive figure, Fillmore stood six feet tall and hand- during 1850 could foster an explosion of dev- some, with sparkling blue eyes, a pinkish com- astating national consequence, he insisted on plexion, a jovial and kindly demeanor, and pol- order, decorum, and fair play. For his successors, ished manners. He enjoyed dressing in the latest he provided a valuable example, couched in the fashions, displaying impeccable good taste that spirit of Thomas Jefferson a half century earlier. masked his humble origins. The Fillmore family, Early Years which now included a son and daughter, rose rapidly in Buffalo society. Millard and Abigail Millard Fillmore was born on January 7, 1800, regularly entertained the city’s elite and others into an impoverished farm family in the central with whom he associated in founding and pro- New York frontier town of Locke. The second of moting local educational, cultural, and civic in- Nathaniel and Phoebe Fillmore’s nine children, stitutions. Millard found little time for formal schooling Buffalo’s proximity to major water transpor- and had barely learned to read by the age of sev- tation routes predisposed Fillmore to be a strong enteen. As a youth he worked on his father’s supporter of John Quincy Adams’ National Re- farm—developing a muscular chest and broad publicans and Henry Clay’s ‘‘American System’’ shoulders that would remain a distinguishing of internal improvements, tariffs, and national physical characteristic for years to come—and he bank. In 1828, Fillmore met Albany editor and served apprenticeships to a cloth dresser and a political boss Thurlow Weed. Weed saw in Fill- textile mill operator. Aware of his educational more a natural politician and assisted his cam- deficiencies, young Millard struggled to improve paign, as a National Republican, for a seat in the his reading skills, carrying a dictionary on his state assembly. Despite the strong contrary tide 2 daily rounds. At age nineteen, he enrolled in a that swept Democrat Andrew Jackson into the small academy in the town of New Hope, where White House, Fillmore won his race. Over the he engaged in his first formal education, as well next few years, he rose to leadership in western as a budding relationship with Abigail Powers, New York’s newly emerging Whig party, spon- a local minister’s daughter. When Millard re- soring legislation beneficial to transportation, as turned to the central New York tenant farm, the well as financial and educational enterprises. judge who owned the property recognized his Fillmore and Weed would remain close allies for potential and provided him with essential finan- many years.4 cial and educational support to pursue a legal ca- reer. Young Fillmore taught in a local school and In the House of Representatives saved enough money to buy out the time remain- In 1832, Anti-Mason and National Republican ing in his textile mill apprenticeship. When, be- party voters in the congressional district that en- fore long, personal differences caused Millard compassed Buffalo elected Fillmore to the U.S. and the judge to part ways, the young man once House of Representatives. There he served a sin- more returned to work on his father’s farm. In gle term and dedicated himself to merging those 1820, the elder Fillmore moved his family west two parties into a strong Whig party in opposi- to the town of Aurora, eighteen miles from Buf- tion to President Jackson’s policies. Maneuvering falo. There Millard resumed his work as a teach- to repair ill feelings between his supporting [ 168 ] MILLARD FILLMORE party factions, Fillmore removed himself from a put his influence behind Fillmore’s vice-presi- reelection bid in 1834, but reentered the contest dential quest. The plan fell apart when Seward in 1836. He resumed his seat in the House the declared he had no interest in the number two following year and served there until 1843.5 position. To protect against the election of his When the Whigs took control of the White House enemy Collier, Weed urged Fillmore to shift his and both houses of Congress for the first time focus and seek the governorship. Fillmore ini- in 1841, Fillmore’s allies in the House nominated tially refused. Weed then quietly went to work him for the post of Speaker. Although he came to sabotage any chances that his faction-ridden in second to a candidate supported by Henry party would award Fillmore its vice-presidential Clay, he was subsequently elected chairman of nomination. He hinted to delegates at the Whigs’ the Committee on Ways and Means, a powerful Baltimore convention that Seward would accept position at this time of national financial crisis. a draft, while loudly proclaiming that no Whig His major accomplishment as chairman was to but Fillmore could win the governorship. Seeing steer through his chamber’s rough waters, and through Weed’s machinations, Fillmore wrote an against the force of President John Tyler’s oppo- ally: ‘‘I need not tell you that I have no desire sition, the protective , a key reve- to run for governor. . . . I am not willing to be nue-raising component of his party’s plan for treacherously killed by this pretended kindness. economic recovery. The heads of executive . . . Do not suppose for a moment that I think branch agencies came to fear the chairman’s they desire my nomination for governor.’’ 8 quietly efficient scrutiny of their budget requests, Weed’s tactics succeeded in denying Fillmore the as he routinely returned their spending estimates vice-presidential nomination, as Theodore heavily marked in red pencil with notes asking Frelinghuysen won a third-ballot nomination to for thorough justification of matters great and join Henry Clay on the party’s ticket. 6 small. At the end of the Twenty-seventh Con- Henry Clay made northern antislavery Whigs gress, in March 1843, Fillmore again abandoned nervous. Soon after receiving the party’s presi- the political and social life of Washington, which dential nomination with a vow of opposition to he heartily disliked, for the quiet pleasures of the annexation of Texas, which seemed certain Buffalo. to become a slave state, he shifted to a more am- Neither Vice President nor Governor bivalent stance. As abolitionists among New Whig party elder statesman John Quincy York’s Whigs began to explore alliances with Adams visited Buffalo in the summer of 1843 to other parties, Weed redoubled his efforts to so- praise publicly his former house colleague’s lidify the state party by putting Fillmore at the achievements and to urge him to return to gov- top of its ticket in the race for governor. Under ernment service. Still enjoying the high regard of Weed’s pressure, John Collier withdrew in favor his party allies as a result of his successful man- of Fillmore, who then received the unanimous agement of the 1842 tariff, Fillmore had decided nomination of the New York state Whig conven- to launch a behind-the-scenes campaign for the tion. Aware that the governorship could be a Whig party’s 1844 vice-presidential nomination. way station on the road to greater national ambi- He learned, however, that state party strategist tions, Fillmore set aside his earlier reluctance. He Thurlow Weed coveted that spot for his close ran a strong campaign based on his opposition ally, former New York governor William Sew- to Texas annexation, which he believed would ard, against whom Fillmore ‘‘harbored a jealousy benefit slaveholders at the expense of the rest of that had in it something of the petulance of a the country. Fillmore’s views, however, proved child.’’ 7 To derail this scheme, Fillmore made a unpopular with many voters, particularly recent bargain with John Collier of Binghamton, a New immigrants who resented his party’s nativist, York City-supported antagonist of the party’s anti-Catholic stance. In vain did Fillmore try to Weed-Seward Albany faction. Fillmore would appeal to foreign-born voters by working to cre- support Collier for governor and Collier would ate a German-language newspaper in Buffalo. [ 169 ] MILLARD FILLMORE

He lost by ten thousand votes to Democrat Silas presidential candidacy of war hero General Wright, who earlier in the year had turned down Zachary Taylor.10 his party’s nomination as vice president in favor The June 1848 Whig Convention of this race. The disaffection of New York’s antislavery When the Whigs gathered at Philadelphia in Whigs accounted for Fillmore’s defeat, and the June 1848, party leaders expected that General loss of that pivotal state also cost Henry Clay the Taylor would win their presidential nomination. presidency. Despite his setback, Fillmore A Louisiana slaveholder, Taylor lacked partisan emerged as his party’s state leader, much to the political experience and commitment. He had irritation of Seward and Weed, who feared the never voted in a presidential election, but he was New York Whig party’s center of influence an obviously electable military hero and had the would thereby shift westward from their Albany important support of the southern or ‘‘Cotton power base to Fillmore’s in Buffalo. Thus began Whig’’ branch of the party. Despite unhappiness a politically destructive geographical and ideo- among the party’s antislavery elements in the logical polarization between Fillmore in the North and West, and a sputtering effort to revive state’s western districts and the Seward-Weed Henry Clay’s candidacy (Clay lamented, ‘‘I wish 11 forces in the east.9 I could slay a Mexican.’’ ), Taylor gained the Whig nomination on the fourth ballot. Ambition for National Office Following the selection of Taylor, convention In his earlier life, Fillmore had shown no com- chairman John Collier, a New Yorker and skillful pelling ambition for public office, despite the evi- parliamentary tactician, took the rostrum and dence of his 1844 vice-presidential and guber- gained control of Henry Clay’s disappointed and natorial campaigns. Twice he had given up his angry forces, who threatened to disrupt the con- seat in the U.S. House of Representatives for vention. Assuring the agitated delegates that other goals, and the center of his personal and New York would actively support Taylor, Collier political universe seemed to be the city of Buf- presented a peace offering—a ‘‘surprise’’ can- falo, where his law practice was flourishing. By didate for vice president. On hearing the name 1847, however, as in 1844, Fillmore had grown of Millard Fillmore, many opponents of Taylor restless away from the larger state and national set aside their reservations and joined to support arenas. He had become deeply hostile toward the new ticket. By the second ballot, the prize President James K. Polk, whose administration was Fillmore’s.12 Although Collier had skillfully was reversing Whig economic gains. In addition, associated Fillmore with Clay, playing on his the president was leading the nation in a war well-established advocacy of Whig legislative with Mexico aimed at acquiring western terri- programs, the nominee was by no means broadly tories, presumably to feed slavery’s insatiable sympathetic to the Kentucky statesman. How- appetite. In this frame of mind, Fillmore readily ever, the nervous delegates were in no mood for accepted his party’s nomination for the influen- an extended examination of Fillmore’s beliefs. tial post of state comptroller. (He would have Collier saw that Fillmore would balance the tick- preferred a U.S. Senate seat, but none was avail- et and block fellow New Yorkers Seward and able.) By a wide margin over his Democratic op- Weed, whose wishes for a return to a larger role ponent, Fillmore won the election, and his politi- in Whig affairs threatened to further polarize cal star again began to rise. In Albany, he built that party’s factions. Weed reluctantly acqui- a record of accomplishment that enlarged his al- esced to the nomination, while Seward remained ready considerable popularity. While comptrol- deeply concerned. 13 ler, Fillmore retained a national presence, regu- The same contentiousness reflected in the 1848 larly denouncing President Polk’s war with Mex- convention’s proceedings made it inadvisable for ico, so that by 1848, northern Whigs had come party leaders to develop a specific platform. In- to view the New York comptroller as a logical stead, the Whig candidates devised their posi- vice-presidential choice to balance the likely tions to fit the prejudices of specific regions. Can- [ 170 ] MILLARD FILLMORE didate Fillmore told southern audiences that he tive. In a letter written immediately after his elec- ‘‘regarded slavery as an evil, but one with which tion, he explained that in all areas not directly the National Government had nothing to do.’’ covered by the Constitution, ‘‘as to all other Under the Constitution, he contended, ‘‘the questions of mere policy, where Congress has whole power over that question was vested in the to legislate, the will of the the several states where the institution was toler- people, as expressed through their representa- ated. If they regarded it as a blessing, they had tives in Congress, is to control, and that will is a constitutional right to enjoy it; and if they re- not to be defeated by the arbitrary interposition garded it as an evil, they had the power and of the [executive] veto power.’’ By adhering to knew best how to apply the remedy.’’ As for this classic Whig doctrine, Taylor and Fillmore Congress, Fillmore concluded that it had no hoped to avoid the roiling sectional controversies power to interfere with slavery in the states that could easily wreck their administration, where it existed. He dodged entirely the more leaving them to the people’s representatives in ominous issue of slavery in the territories.14 Congress. With guarded optimism, Fillmore saw In the weeks after the national convention, the 1848 election ‘‘as putting an end to all ideas Thurlow Weed and other northern Whig leaders of disunion. It raises up a national party, occupy- who suspected Taylor of Democratic sympathies ing a middle ground, and leaves the fanatics and considered moves to undercut his candidacy by disunionists, north and south, without the hope influencing state party conventions to select pan- of destroying the fair fabric of our constitu- els of unpledged presidential electors. Fillmore tion.’’ 18 Yet, even as he wrote this, secessionist defused this subversive strategy by persuading conventions were gathering in the South and Taylor to write and publish a letter in which he antislavery in the North were stating distanced himself from his vocal Democratic their legislative demands. As word of the revolu- supporters. In the so-called Allison Letter, Taylor tions sweeping Europe reached the United asserted that Congress, not the president, should States, it became clear that the political climate control the nation’s policy agenda. ‘‘The personal in the months ahead would hardly be free of opinions of the individual who may happen to grave challenges to the nation’s constitutional occupy the executive chair ought not to control order. the action of Congress upon questions of domes- In the months before taking his oath of office, tic policy; nor ought his objections to be inter- Fillmore had reason to believe his would be an posed where questions of constitutional power active vice-presidency. Thurlow Weed heard have been settled by the various departments of that President-elect Taylor, fearing the unaccus- government, and acquiesced in by the people.’’ 15 tomed administrative burdens that awaited him, Thanks in great measure to the influence of the had said ‘‘I wish Mr. Fillmore would take all of Allison Letter and Fillmore’s hard work, as well the business into his own hands.’’ The ill-in- as to the candidacy of Martin Van formed Taylor believed that the vice president Buren that divided traditional northern Demo- would be an official member of his cabinet. Weed cratic ranks, the Taylor-Fillmore ticket won New worried that Fillmore would use his new posi- York state by a narrow margin, providing barely tion to take control of New York state’s lucrative enough electoral votes to swing the election to federal patronage appointments, which would the Whigs.16 Expressing a common belief that the surely accelerate the political decline of that Whigs had sold out their principles with the se- state’s once-potent Weed-Seward political 19 lection of Taylor, journalist , a faction. Seward-Weed ally, concluded that the party was In a typically crafty move to rescue their for- ‘‘at once triumphant and undone.’’ 17 tunes, Weed lobbied Fillmore to support Sew- ard’s candidacy for the Senate over that of John A New Administration Collier, who had engineered Fillmore’s vice- Millard Fillmore shared Zachary Taylor’s be- presidential nomination. In return, Weed prom- lief in a strong legislature and a compliant execu- ised full consultation in all state patronage mat- [ 171 ] MILLARD FILLMORE ters. Anxious to secure his own political base in to reconsider, Fillmore observed that ‘‘the senate New York before moving onto the national stage, is composed of eminent statesmen, equally dis- Fillmore abandoned Collier and yielded to tinguished for their high intellectual endow- Weed’s entreaties, despite his misgivings based ments and their amenity of manners, whose per- on twenty years of experience with the suasive eloquence is so happily tempered with duplicitous political boss. As a result of Fill- habitual courtesy, as to relieve your presiding of- more’s shift, Seward obtained the necessary ficer from all that would be painful in the dis- votes in the state legislature to win the Senate charge of his duty, and render his position as seat. He headed to Washington with the vice agreeable as it must be instructive.’’ 23 When he president-elect after both men, at a dinner with concluded his remarks, President Polk and Gen- Weed in Albany, had agreed to consult with one eral Taylor, after an awkward delay, entered the another from time to time on the state’s rich fed- chamber and took their assigned seats. Pausing eral patronage. Outwardly cordial to Fillmore, only briefly, the presidential party then formed Seward harbored a dark plot, conceived by ranks and proceeded with the senators to the in- Weed, to sabotage Fillmore’s control over New augural platform on the Capitol’s eastern York’s federal appointments. Fillmore would portico. 20 pay dearly for his abandonment of Collier. In the weeks following the inauguration, Fill- In 1849, March 4 fell on a Sunday. In observ- more began to realize that on patronage matters ance of the Christian sabbath, President-elect Weed and Seward had already succeeded in Taylor chose to defer his public oath-taking to weakening his limited influence with the new the following day.21 Thus, on a cloudy and brisk president. When the important post of marshal Monday morning, Fillmore met Vice President for New York’s northern district opened, Seward George Dallas at Willard’s Hotel on Pennsylva- and Weed, without consulting the vice president, nia Avenue, the preferred lodging place of both men. At 11 a.m., the two men set out for Capitol sent word to Secretary of State John Clayton that Hill in an open carriage. Onlookers on Penn- they and Fillmore had agreed on P.V. Kellogg. sylvania Avenue had difficulty telling the Clayton forwarded Kellogg’s name to the presi- present and future vice presidents apart. Both dent, who made the selection. Learning of their were large, clean-shaven men, dressed in somber duplicity, Fillmore asked Taylor to rescind the black with full heads of white hair. Only Fill- appointment, but the president refused to do so more’s muscular torso, pink face, and sparkling without consulting Clayton. Weed rushed to blue eyes distinguished him. At this point in the Washington and advised the president that Fill- transition process, as the president-elect was more’s anger reflected a parochial dispute be- making key appointments to his cabinet and tween state factions that could best be avoided thereby setting the tone of his administration, by placing New York’s patronage recommenda- Taylor and Fillmore had met only for social occa- tions in other hands. He suggested Governor sions. Yet, Fillmore seemed unconcerned that , a ‘‘neutral’’ figure who was actu- Taylor had not bothered to take advantage of his ally firmly within the Weed-Seward camp. Tay- broad knowledge of party leaders and issues.22 lor naively agreed.24 The extent of Weed’s vic- An honor guard of senators escorted Fillmore tory became clear when Fillmore recommended into the mobbed Senate chamber where Vice John Collier for the post of New York naval offi- President Dallas led him to the presiding offi- cer. Taylor ignored the request and appointed a cer’s chair. Chief Justice Roger Taney adminis- Weed ally to that coveted position. The ultimate tered the oath of office, and the new vice presi- Fillmore defeat occurred in the vice president’s dent delivered a brief inaugural address. Fill- own political back yard with the appointment of more confessed his inexperience in the customs a Weed-Seward crony as collector for the port of and procedures of legislative bodies and asked Buffalo. A Buffalo newspaper under Weed’s con- senators for their ‘‘indulgent forbearance.’’ In trol gloated, ‘‘We could put up a cow against a cheerful words that he would soon have cause Fillmore nominee and defeat him.’’ Reflecting on [ 172 ] MILLARD FILLMORE his lowly status, Fillmore wrote Harvard Presi- The 1848 treaty concluding the war with Mex- dent that since he had ‘‘no fa- ico added to the nation’s land mass 500,000 vors to bestow, either legislative or official,’’ he square miles of new western territories, includ- expected a restful tenure.25 ing present-day California, Nevada, Utah, and By November 1849, as Congress was about to much of New Mexico, , Wyoming, and convene for the first regular session of the Taylor . Confronting Congress and the new administration, Fillmore complained to the presi- Taylor administration in 1849 was the explosive dent that the administration’s appointments, in- issue of how these territories would be organized fluenced by Weed and Seward, were destroying with respect to slavery. Northern ‘‘free soil’’ ad- his influence in New York. He asked the presi- vocates insisted that slavery be contained in the dent whether in the future he would be ‘‘treated states where it already existed. Southern planters as a friend or foe?’’ Taylor promised to do bet- and their allies believed that their region’s eco- ter—and soon forgot his promise. nomic system should be allowed to operate with- The ‘‘Memorable Senate of that fearful epoch’’ out such crippling restrictions. In the 1848 presi- Departing Vice President George M. Dallas dential campaign, Democratic candidate Lewis had regretted that he would not be present in the Cass had supported the doctrine of ‘‘popular presiding officer’s chair in December 1849 to wit- sovereignty,’’ under which the residents of the ness the constellation of illustrious figures territories would decide the issue for themselves. among the sixty-member Senate of the Thirty- Former President Martin Van Buren, running as first Congress. Together again for what would the Free Soil party candidate, demanded support prove to be their last legislative session were the for the 1846 Wilmot Proviso. This amendment to members of the already legendary ‘‘Great Trium- an appropriations bill had failed to pass the Sen- virate.’’ Returning from a seven-year absence, ate, but it provided a rallying cry for antislavery Henry Clay, whose initial Senate service dated forces by proposing the prohibition of slavery in back forty-three years to 1806, had been the Whig the territory acquired from Mexico. The Whigs, party’s preeminent legislative leader. Daniel standing on no platform, had simply ducked the Webster, an eighteen-year Senate veteran, had issue during the election campaign. Southerners taken a sabbatical to be secretary of state in the who at first had believed a Louisiana slaveholder first Whig administration under Harrison and would be a sympathetic president, soon had Tyler. And John C. Calhoun, gaunt, ill, and un- cause for concern when Taylor began to take ad- likely to survive the session, had been vice presi- vice from Senator Seward and other antislavery dent in the John Quincy Adams and Andrew Whigs. Jackson administrations, as well as Webster’s In his December 24, 1849, annual message to successor as secretary of state in the Tyler presi- the newly convened Congress, Taylor sought to dency. Each of these men was by then identified defuse this portentous issue by proposing that as the congressional personification of his region. California and New Mexico apply immediately Also present among this eminent assembly were for statehood, bypassing the territorial stage and Stephen A. Douglas, the ‘‘Little Giant’’ of Illinois; the Wilmot Proviso controversy. As Mexico had Michigan’s Lewis Cass, the recently defeated prohibited slavery in these regions, there would Democratic presidential candidate; Henry Foote be few slaveholders to vote in favor of that insti- and of Mississippi; Missouri’s tution. In fact, California had already approved Thomas Hart Benton, approaching a thirty-year a constitution that prohibited slavery. Southern record of Senate service; Seward of New York; members of Congress realized that the admission Salmon P. Chase of Ohio, an eventual U.S. chief of an additional free state would destroy the bal- justice; the fiery Sam of Texas; and— ance between slave and free states that had made at a lesser level of eminence—the Dodges, Henry the Senate the principal forum for debate on the of Wisconsin and Augustus Caesar of Iowa, the slavery issue since the 1820 Missouri Com- Senate’s only father-son team.26 promise. Taylor’s message only further inflamed [ 173 ] MILLARD FILLMORE the festering controversy among southerners, and deference. He soon realized that he had been who argued that if the territories had been taken naive. To arm himself against the challenge of re- with the blood of all Americans, they should not curring disorderly behavior, he had consulted be closed to those citizens choosing to move with old Senate records and manuals of parliamentary their property to those regions. Southern mem- practice for guidance. He discovered, to no one’s bers introduced legislation designed to preserve surprise, that the Constitution conferred on the the balance of new states and to toughen fugitive vice president the general, if not express, power slave laws. to maintain order. Rules 16 and 17, adopted dur- Conflicting northern proposals prompted ing the First Congress in 1789, had defined the Henry Clay in January 1850, with the assistance vice president’s constitutional prerogatives. He of Democrat Stephen A. Douglas, to fashion an alone possessed the authority to call a member ‘‘,’’ a series of eight measures to ad- to order, and his decision was to be considered dress the slavery and territorial issues that collec- final, not subject to appeal to the full Senate. In tively became known as the ‘‘Compromise of 1828 the Senate had adopted a rule that broad- 1850.’’ In the weeks that followed, the compel- ened the chamber’s responsibility for taking no- ling oratory of Clay, Webster, Calhoun, and oth- tice of unruly senators, while weakening the vice ers drew capacity crowds to the Senate chamber. president’s role. Rule 6 provided that either the On March 7, Daniel Webster opened his classic vice president or a senator could take action to address with these memorable lines of national silence a disorderly senator. When a senator reconciliation—and political suicide—addressed called another senator to order, the offending to Senate President Fillmore: ‘‘Mr. President, I words were to be written down so that the vice wish to speak to-day, not as a Massachusetts president could review them. Then the vice man, nor as a northern man, but as an Amer- president would rule on the merits of the ques- ican.’’ Four days later, Seward rose to denounce tion, subject to an appeal to the Senate to confirm the proposed compromise. Acknowledging that or override that ruling. The Senate adopted this the Constitution protected slavery, he asserted, rule after Vice President John C. Calhoun, in ‘‘But, there is a higher law than the Constitution, 1826, declared that he lacked authority to call a which regulates our authority over the domain, senator to order. He also objected to the arbitrary and devotes it to the same noble purposes.’’ practice of not permitting an appeal to the full These speeches drew new battle lines, with Sew- Senate.29 ard and the mortally ill Calhoun representing Fillmore acknowledged that senators were their sections’ hard-liners, while Webster and generally unwilling ‘‘to appear as volunteers in Clay sought a middle way. Suddenly secession the discharge of such an invidious duty’’ as call- seemed a real possibility.27 ing other senators to order. This reluctance Obligation to Preserve Order placed a greater obligation on the vice president The death of John C. Calhoun on March 31 re- to exercise that power. The House of Representa- moved a tenacious opponent of the compromise. tives had recognized the unequal nature of the Fillmore presided at the statesman’s funeral in responsibility in the wording of its comparable the Senate chamber on April 2. On the following rule, which provided that ‘‘the Speaker shall, or day, responding to the deeply unsettled atmos- a member may, call to order.’’ Fillmore con- phere, the vice president took an extraordinary cluded that, although some might charge him step for a presiding officer—he addressed the with impeding freedom of debate, he would do Senate. His topic: the vice president’s ‘‘powers his duty to contain the first spark of disorder be- and duties to preserve order.’’ 28 Speaking in a fore it ignited a conflagration that would be more solemn manner, Fillmore stated that when he difficult to bring under control. ‘‘[A] slight at- had first entered the office, he had assumed he tack, or even insinuation, of a personal character, would not be called on to maintain order in a often provokes a more severe retort, which body with such a strong reputation for courtesy brings out a more disorderly reply, each Senator [ 174 ] MILLARD FILLMORE feeling a justification in the previous aggres- vance, the ‘‘father of the Senate’’ shrieked ‘‘I sion.’’ 30 Exactly two weeks after Fillmore spoke have no pistols! Let him fire! Stand out of the these words, an altercation of historic propor- way, and let the assassin fire!’’ Foote handed tions on the Senate floor dramatically validated over his pistol to a fellow senator, while Benton his concern. demanded to be searched to prove that he had On Saturday, April 17, 1850, the Senate re- no weapon. Fillmore called for order, but the sumed its consideration of the volatile legislation chamber would not be quieted. As several sen- related to the slavery issue and California state- ators shouted ‘‘Be cool!’’ Benton and Foote an- hood. Mississippi’s senior senator, Henry S. grily hurled justifications of their actions. Ac- Foote, made a motion to refer the various pro- cepting that no further business would be trans- posals to a special thirteen-member committee, acted that day, Fillmore recognized a senator which would reshape them into a new legislative who moved to adjourn. Despite his earnest prep- plan. Since Missouri’s Thomas Hart Benton fa- arations, the vice president now understood the vored compromise but disliked Henry Clay’s near impossibility of maintaining order in such specific plan, he offered an amendment to under- a deeply fractured Senate.33 cut Foote’s motion. Seated in his accustomed On the following day, agreeing to Foote’s in- place at the dais, Vice President Fillmore ruled terrupted proposal, the Senate appointed the Se- that Benton’s motion was in order, citing as his lect Committee of Thirteen to prepare a suitable authority Thomas Jefferson’s Manual of Par- compromise measure. The committee reported liamentary Practice (Section 35.2). Henry Clay rose on May 8, but for the remainder of the spring in anger, charging that Fillmore’s ruling was an and into the summer the Senate heatedly de- attack on the Senate’s ‘‘power,’’ ‘‘consistency,’’ bated the slavery-related issues that underlay the and ‘‘dignity.’’ He demanded that the Senate Benton-Foote controversy. Vice President Fill- vote to reverse the decision. more’s estrangement from the Taylor adminis- Clay’s complaint triggered an extended debate tration deepened during this period and he and a fiery exchange in which Benton charged Foote and his southern allies with alarming the turned his creative energies to service on the country ‘‘without reason, and against reason.’’ 31 newly established ’s Foote, who had been goading Benton for weeks, board of regents. responded by asserting that Benton had unfairly On the Fourth of July, President Taylor cele- maligned the ‘‘action of a band of patriots, wor- brated the holiday by laying a ceremonial stone thy of the highest laudation, and who will be at the partially constructed Washington Monu- held in veneration when their calumniators, no ment and listening to a lengthy speech of rec- matter who they may be, will be objects of gen- onciliation by Senator Henry Foote. Suffering eral loathing and contempt.’’ 32 As Foote sharp- from extended exposure to the sun, the president ened his reference to Benton, ‘‘a gentleman long returned to the White House, ate some raw fruit denominated the oldest member of the Senate— and vegetables, which he washed down with the father of the Senate,’’ the burly sixty-eight- large amounts of iced milk. He soon fell ill with year-old Missourian rose from his seat separated the symptoms of acute gastroenteritis, which his from Foote by four desks on the rear row of the doctors diagnosed as ‘‘cholera morbus.’’ Under Democratic side, shoved back his chair, and ad- their treatment, his condition worsened. On July vanced on the diminutive forty-six-year-old sen- 7, 1850, Fillmore was called from the dais in the ator. Foote stepped away from Benton and into Senate chamber to the White House to keep vigil the chamber’s nearby center aisle. He removed outside the president’s bedroom. Late in the a ‘‘five-barrelled’’ pistol from his pocket, cocked evening of July 9, a cabinet messenger went to the weapon, and pointed it at the floor. The Sen- Fillmore’s quarters in the Willard Hotel to in- ate exploded in pandemonium. As alarmed sen- form the sleepless vice president that Taylor was ators called for order and blocked Benton’s ad- dead.34

[ 175 ] MILLARD FILLMORE

President Fillmore didacy. Webster, however, was too frail to attract On the morning of July 10 a presidential mes- the serious support of Whig national convention senger carried into the Senate chamber a letter delegates. At the last minute, Fillmore half- in which Millard Fillmore announced the ‘‘most heartedly decided to run, in order to prevent the afflicting bereavement’’ of President Taylor’s nomination of Mexican War hero General Win- death and his own intention to take the presi- field Scott, the candidate of Fillmore’s - dential oath at noon in the House chamber. This enemy, William Seward. At the convention, dele- time, unlike the first unplanned presidential gates deadlocked between Seward, Scott, and transition less than a decade earlier, no one seri- Webster. After forty-six ballots, Fillmore tried to ously questioned Fillmore’s right to take on the strike a bargain with Webster. The aging states- full powers of the presidency. At the appointed man, the weakest of the three, refused to transfer hour, before a joint session of Congress, Fillmore his delegates. They and others ultimately shifted took his presidential oath. Later in the day, the to Scott, giving him the nomination on the fifty- entire Taylor cabinet resigned to give the new third ballot. In the general election, southern chief executive the opportunity to set his own Whigs abandoned their party to give the election course. to the Democratic candidate, New Hampshire’s As president, Fillmore moved to end the stale- Franklin Pierce. The Whig party would never mate over the western lands issue. By the end again be a significant national political force. of July, Clay’s omnibus compromise bill was Anticipating his return to a happy life in Buf- dead, replaced by a series of individual bills that falo, Fillmore left a chilled White House on a bit- Senator Stephen Douglas had proposed as a terly cold March 4, 1853, to attend Pierce’s inau- means to achieve Clay’s objectives. Working guration. His wife, Abigail, who had suffered closely and tactfully with legislative leaders, Fill- poor health for many months, stood through the more succeeded in shaping these measures to be extended proceedings with other dignitaries in acceptable to all regions and sentiments. Within the slush and lightly falling snow. The next day, a few weeks, the individual bills became law. she complained of cold symptoms, which devel- Passage of this Compromise of 1850 resulted in oped into pneumonia. Her condition worsened a major political realignment, which placed fatal and she died on March 30. Fillmore returned to pressures on the Whig party. Northern Whigs were furious about the Fugitive Slave Act, one Buffalo, where in July 1854 his favorite daughter, of the laws enacted as part of the compromise, Mary Abigail, died at the age of twenty-two. which Fillmore had only reluctantly signed. Grief-stricken and seeking a diversion, he reen- Thus, while Whigs in the South urged modera- tered the national political arena by accepting the tion, their northern counterparts embraced anti- 1856 presidential nomination of the anti-Catho- slavery politics. A modern observer of the Whig lic, anti-immigrant Know-Nothing party, com- party in 1850 characterized its many divisions, posed of former Whig moderates and conserv- including the Seward-Fillmore animosity, as ative southern unionists. In that ill-starred ven- manifesting ‘‘the inescapable tension within ture, the former president carried only Mary- Whiggery between progress and stability, be- land. tween moral urgency and social order.’’ 35 In 1858 Fillmore married Caroline McIntosh, a Against this dark political landscape, Fillmore wealthy Albany widow, and resumed his role as decided once again that he preferred the charms Buffalo’s leading educator and philanthropist.36 of life in Buffalo to the contentiousness of the na- He served as the first chancellor of the University tion’s capital. Throughout 1851, the president let of Buffalo and the first president of the Buffalo it be known that he would not seek a full term Historical Society. Millard Fillmore died at the in 1852, hoping to advance Daniel Webster’s can- age of seventy-four on March 8, 1874.

[ 176 ] NOTES 1 U.S., Congress, Senate, Congressional Globe, 33d Cong., 3, the Senate was without a president pro tempore, who 1st sess., pp. 4–5. under the presidential succession plan then in effect might 2 Robert J. Rayback, Millard Fillmore: Biography of a Presi- have taken over. When the Senate convened on March 5 dent (Norwalk, CT, 1959), pp. 4–7. for the new Congress, it passed a resolution renewing 3 Ibid., pp. 8–15. Atchison’s appointment as the temporary presiding officer. 4 Elbert B. Smith, The Presidencies of Zachary Taylor and Mil- Based on the 1821 Monroe precedent, it was assumed that lard Fillmore (Lawrence, KS, 1988), pp. 44–45. the new president began his term on March 4, but could 5 Rayback, pp. 81–85. not exercise the duties of the office until he had taken the 6 U.S., Congress, House, The Committee on Ways and formal oath. (George H. Haynes, ‘‘President of the United Means: A Bicentennial History, 1789–1989, by Donald R. States for a Single Day,’’ American Historical Review 30 (Janu- Kennon and Rebecca M. Rogers, H. Doc. 100–244, 100th ary 1925): 308–10. Cong., 2d sess., pp. 105, 125–29. 22 Rayback, pp. 196–97. 7 Glyndon G. Van Deusen, Thurlow Weed: Wizard of the 23 Barre, pp. 212–13. Lobby (Boston, 1947), p. 127. 24 Rayback, pp. 200–202; Van Deusen, William Henry Sew- 8 Rayback, pp. 148–51. ard, pp. 114–15. 9 Ibid., pp. 155–59; Glyndon Van Deusen, William Henry 25 Smith, Zachary Taylor and Millard Fillmore, p. 163, Seward (New York, 1967), pp. 100–103. Rayback, pp. 203–4. 10 Rayback, pp. 177–78. 26 Barre, p. 316. 11 Quoted in Gil Troy, ‘‘Election of 1848,’’ in Running for 27 This familiar story is recounted in two modern-era President: The Candidates and Their Images, ed. Arthur M. studies: William W. Freehling, The Road to Disunion: Seces- Schlesinger, Jr., vol. 1, (New York, 1994), p. 188. sionists at Bay, 1776–1854 (New York, 1990), Chapter 28, and 12 Rayback, pp. 183–86; Van Deusen, Thurlow Weed, p. 161. Merrill D. Peterson, The : Webster, Clay, and 13 Thurlow Weed, Autobiography (1883), p. 585; Van Calhoun (New York, 1987), pp. 449–76. Deusen, William Henry Seward, pp. 107–9. 28 Congressional Globe, 31st Cong., 1st sess., pp. 631–32. 14 Rayback, pp. 186–87. Out of his concern for proper decorum, Fillmore reportedly 15 W.L. Barre, The Life and Public Services of Millard Fillmore ordered the removal of the large urn of snuff that had tradi- (New York, 1971; reprint of 1856 edition), p. 308. tionally been placed on the vice president’s desk. He acted 16 Smith, The Presidencies of Zachary Taylor and Millard Fill- because its availability caused members to congregate there, more, p. 46. talking loudly and obscuring his view of the chamber. (This 17 Troy, 1:193. story is drawn from the recollections of Senate Assistant 18 Barre, p. 311. Doorkeeper Isaac Bassett as reported in , 19 Rayback, p. 192; Van Deusen, William Henry Seward, pp. June 7, 1894.) 114–15. 29 See Chapter 7, ‘‘John C. Calhoun,’’ pp. 89–92. 20 Smith, The Presidencies of Zachary Taylor and Millard Fill- 30 Congressional Globe, 31st Cong., 1st sess., p. 632. more, p. 165; Rayback, pp. 192–96; Van Deusen, Thurlow 31 Ibid., p. 762. Weed, pp. 165–67; Van Deusen, William Henry Seward, pp. 32 Ibid. 111–12. 33 Elbert B. Smith, Magnificent Missourian: The Life of Thom- 21 Twenty-eight years had passed since an inauguration as Hart Benton (New York, 1958), pp. 271–72; Smith, The day had fallen on a Sunday. On that occasion, in 1821, Presi- Presidencies of Zachary Taylor and Millard Fillmore, pp. 138– dent Monroe had taken Chief Justice John Marshall’s advice 39; Congressional Globe, 31st Cong., 1st sess., pp. 762–64. to postpone ‘‘the oath until Monday unless some official 34 Smith, The Presidencies of Zachary Taylor and Millard Fill- duty should require its being taken on Sunday.’’ (Stephen more, pp. 156–57; Rayback, pp. 238–39. W. Stathis and Ronald C. Moe, ‘‘America’s Other Inaugura- 35 Daniel Walker Howe, The Political Culture of the Amer- tion,’’ Presidential Studies Quarterly, 10 (Fall 1980): 553.) The ican Whigs (Chicago, 1979), p. 207; Mark J. Stegmaier, Texas, story that Senate President Pro Tempore David Atchison New Mexico, and the Compromise of 1850: Boundary Dispute served as ‘‘president for a day’’ on March 4, 1849, is without and Sectional Crisis (Kent, OH, 1996), p. 319. foundation. Since Atchison’s Senate term expired on March 36 Rayback, p. 416.

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Chapter 13 WILLIAM RUFUS DEVANE KING 1853

[ 179 ] WILLIAM R. KING Chapter 13 WILLIAM RUFUS DEVANE KING

13th Vice President: 1853

The ceremony, although simple, was very sad and impressive, and will never be forgotten by any who were present. To see an old man, on the very verge of the grave, clothed with honors which he cared not for, and invested with authority which he could never exercise, was truly touching. It was only by persuasion that Mr. King would go through with the ceremony, as he looked on it as an idle form, for he said he was conscious he would not live many weeks. —National Intelligencer, APRIL 8, 1853

Since the adjournment of Congress, the Vice President of the United States has passed from the scenes of earth, without having entered upon the duties of the station to which he had been called by the voice of his countrymen. Having occupied, almost continuously, for more than thirty years, a seat in one or the other of the two Houses of Congress, and having by his singular purity and wisdom, se- cured unbounded confidence and universal respect, his failing health was watched by the nation with painful solicitude. His loss to the country, under all circumstances, has been justly regarded as irreparable. —FRANKLIN PIERCE, DECEMBER 5, 1853 1

On April 18, 1853, death cheated William King over the -Nebraska Act and—the single of his life’s calling. Experience and temperament most dramatic act in the Senate’s history—the had uniquely prepared him to be the Senate’s 1856 caning of Massachusetts Senator Charles constitutional presiding officer, but tuberculosis Sumner by a South Carolina representative. One denied him that role as vice president.2 Between can now only speculate about the calming role 1836 and 1850, King had won a record-breaking that this natural mediator might have played in eleven elections to the post of Senate president such events, although, ultimately, personalities pro tempore. At the time of his 1852 election to and minds much stronger than his would direct the vice-presidency, only one other member in the fateful course to national disunion and civil the body’s entire history had exceeded King’s war. twenty-eight years and ten months of Senate William King was far from a genius and he had service.3 Warm-hearted and even-tempered, little talent as an . These qualities were so King personified balance and fairness in deeply well noted during his lifetime that a fellow disputatious times. Elected to the vice-presi- southerner, Senator Robert M. T. Hunter of Vir- dential term that ran from March 4, 1853, to ginia, felt free to remark on them even in the March 3, 1857, King was positioned to occupy speak-no-evil context of a funeral oration. Hun- center stage during such tumultuous future per- ter was quick to acknowledge, however, that this formances as the party rending 1854 struggle guileless and self-effacing man was an individ-

[ 181 ] WILLIAM R. KING ual of integrity, sound judgment, and rich expe- months short of the constitutionally prescribed rience, who could be stern ‘‘when the public in- age of twenty-five, he won the Wilmington dis- terests or his personal honor required it.’’ Hunter trict’s seat in the U.S. House of Representatives.8 and others lamented the demise of such a mod- There he joined with House Speaker Henry Clay, erate and conciliatory statesman at ‘‘a period like also a freshman member, John C. Calhoun, and this [April 1853], pregnant with change, and other young, expansionist ‘‘warhawks’’ of the teeming, perhaps, with great and strange Twelfth Congress in a determined and successful events.’’ 4 Symbolic of the sectional balance that campaign to initiate hostilities with Great Brit- King tried to achieve, the Virginia senator’s eulo- ain. In November 1816, King traded lawmaking gy was followed by one from a longtime friend for diplomacy by resigning from the House to from Massachusetts, the renowned orator Ed- serve as legation secretary under William ward Everett. Everett reminded all that when the Pinkney, recently appointed U.S. minister to Senate over the past several decades had needed Russia. Pinkney and King traveled first to the a presiding officer in the absence of the vice Kingdom of Naples in an unsuccessful attempt president, its members ‘‘turned spontaneously’’ to obtain compensation for seized American to Senator King. ‘‘He possessed, in an eminent ships. In January 1817, they reached St. Peters- degree, that quickness of perception, that burg, where they served for a year. In February promptness of decision, that familiarity with the 1818, without waiting to be formally recalled, now complicated rules of congressional proceed- Pinkney and King returned to the United States.9 ings, and that urbanity of manner, which are re- King then moved from North Carolina to the quired in a presiding officer.’’ 5 rich economic and political opportunities of the Early Career newly organized Alabama Territory. In October 1818, he purchased 750 acres of land and created William Rufus Devane King was born in an Alabama River estate, ‘‘King’s Bend,’’ six Sampson County, North Carolina, on April 7, miles from the town of Cahaba, the new state 1786, the second son of William King and Mar- capital. In March 1819, King and several others garet Devane. His father, a wealthy planter and organized a land company and founded the justice of the peace, had fought in the Revolu- nearby town of Selma, which he named for a site tionary War, served as a delegate in the state con- in classical legend that occupied high bluffs vention called to ratify the U.S. Constitution, and above a river.10 The town prospered because of was an occasional member of the North Carolina its proximity to Cahaba, which remained the state assembly. At the time of his son’s birth, he state’s capital until 1826. The former congress- owned more than two dozen slaves. Young Wil- man and diplomat rose quickly to local promi- liam studied at local academies and at the Uni- nence and was selected as a delegate to the terri- versity of North Carolina Preparatory School, a tory’s July 1819 constitutional convention and facility established in 1795 to cater to the edu- then, in December 1819, as one of Alabama’s first cational needs of ‘‘raw, mostly untaught youths United States senators. of diverse ages and acquirements.’’ 6 He entered the University of North Carolina in the summer Senator from Alabama of 1801 and proved to be a capable student, but Despite his lengthy Senate service and his im- he left that institution at the end of his junior portant role as conciliator in a fractious era, Wil- year.7 Following a period of legal training with liam King is not today counted among the great Fayetteville’s William Duffy—one of the state’s statesmen of the Senate’s ‘‘Golden Age.’’ 11 One leading lawyers—he gained admission to the scholar of the period, mindful of King’s practice North Carolina bar in 1805. A Jeffersonian Re- of wearing a long after such coverings had publican, King served in the North Carolina leg- gone out of fashion, dismissed him as a ‘‘tall, islature’s house of commons from 1808 to 1809, prim, wigtopped mediocrity.’’ Novelist John and then as solicitor of the fifth circuit of the state Updike, after his own extended research, took a superior court at Wilmington. In 1810, several more positive view of the slender and courtly [ 182 ] WILLIAM R. KING statesman. Describing King’s face as ‘‘darkly to his region’s hostility to high protective tariffs, handsome and smolderingly receptive,’’ he char- arguing that high rates tax ‘‘the many for the acterized the senator as ‘‘one of those eminences benefit of the few,’’ but he opposed John C. Cal- whose strong impression on their own times has houn’s theory that the South had the right to suffered a gradual erasure upon the tablets of ‘‘nullify’’ odious laws, such as the 1828 ‘‘Tariff history.’’ 12 A fellow senator offered the follow- of Abominations.’’ ‘‘I view [nullification] as nei- ing assessment: ther peaceful nor constitutional, but clearly revo- He was distinguished by the scrupulous correct- lutionary in its character, and if persevered in, ness of his conduct. He was remarkable for his must, in the nature of things, result in the sever- quiet and unobtrusive, but active, practical use- ance of the Union. From such a calamity may fulness as a legislator. He was emphatically a God in His mercy deliver us.’’ When Clay early business member of the Senate, and, without osten- in 1833 presented a compromise tariff bill that tation, originated and perfected more useful defused the building confrontation between fed- measures than many who filled the public eye by eral force and state resistance, King, ever the greater display and daily commanded the ap- moderate, quickly rose to support the measure. plause of a listening Senate. . . . [T]o his honor His moderation irritated both President Jackson be it spoken, he never vexed the ear of the Senate and southern hard-liners, who charged that he 13 with ill-timed, tedious, or unnecessary debate. had not worked hard enough to defend his re- A moderate Democrat, King became an active gion’s interests.16 supporter of Andrew Jackson soon after the 1825 King contested Henry Clay’s 1832 move to re- decision of the House of Representatives to select charter the Bank of the United States, not because John Quincy Adams over Jackson for president. he opposed the bank, but because he objected to In the 1828 presidential election, Alabama cast its Clay’s political opportunism, tied to that year’s electoral votes for Jackson, due in large measure presidential election. When, as part of that con- to King’s efforts. King generally supported the troversy, Jackson ordered the removal of federal Jackson administration during its stormy eight- funds from the bank and then refused to respond year life, although as a southerner he was also to a Clay-inspired Senate demand for a copy of associated with the ‘‘little Senate’’ group consid- a related document, the Senate took the unprece- ered loyal to Jackson’s nemesis, South Carolina’s dented action on March 28, 1834, of censuring John C. Calhoun.14 The Alabama senator shared the president. Administration partisans, led by Jackson’s hostility to Kentuckian Henry Clay’s Missouri Senator Thomas Hart Benton and King, ‘‘accursed American System’’ of centralized gov- launched a vigorous and ultimately successful ernmental action against foreign competition campaign to expunge the censure from the Sen- through protective tariffs, a central banking sys- ate’s journal. King, who had become widely re- tem, and a public works program of canal and spected for his knowledge of the Senate’s rules road-building. and precedents, argued that Jackson’s refusal to In 1831 and 1832, King used his chairmanship produce the document was in no way an assault of the Senate Committee on Public Lands to ad- on senatorial prerogatives. ‘‘The Senate was in vance Jackson administration land policies. Con- no danger,’’ he asserted, ‘‘it had never been so sistent with his long-held views on the subject, strong or so saucy as it was at the present mo- he attacked the notion that public lands should ment; why, then, was it like the Italian beggar, be priced primarily to produce large amounts of continually wounding itself, for the purpose of federal revenue (that would go ‘‘to the East to exciting the commiseration and benevolence of pay the pensioners and support the fortifica- the public.’’ 17 tions’’); he believed public lands should be sold King’s conflict with Clay and the dangerous only to those who actually planned to settle tenor of the times are symbolized in the clash be- them. A reduction in land prices would simulta- tween the two men that took place in March neously stimulate territorial settlement and na- 1841, as the Senate, under Clay’s leadership, for tional economic growth.15 King also subscribed the first time passed to the control of a new Whig [ 183 ] WILLIAM R. KING majority. A great battle developed over Senate absences from the Senate chamber. He enjoyed printing patronage as Clay sought to dismiss significant support in the electorally important Democrat Francis P. Blair, editor of the Washing- state of Pennsylvania, thanks to his roommate ton Globe, as official Senate printer. Clay ‘‘be- and close ally Senator James Buchanan. Bu- lieved the Globe to be an infamous paper, and chanan wished to thwart the 1844 presidential its chief editor an infamous man.’’ King re- ambitions of both Senator Thomas Hart Benton sponded that Blair’s character would ‘‘compare and Secretary of State John Forsyth by blocking gloriously’’ to that of Clay. The Kentucky senator their paths to the vice-presidency in 1840. (In the jumped to his feet and shouted, ‘‘That is false, closeness of their relationship in the years after it is a slanderous base and cowardly declaration 1834, King and Buchanan—both lifelong bach- and the senator knows it to be so.’’ King an- elors—became known as the ‘‘Siamese swered ominously, ‘‘Mr. President, I have no twins.’’ 20) King assured Buchanan that in return reply to make—none whatever. But Mr. Clay de- for the Pennsylvanian’s help in obtaining the serves a response.’’ King then wrote out a chal- vice-presidency in 1840, he would refuse to run lenge to a duel and had another senator deliver for the presidency in 1844, thus clearing the way it to Clay, who belatedly realized what trouble for Buchanan. The Pennsylvania senator agreed his hasty words had unleashed. As Clay and to King’s plan and circulated his name among King selected seconds and prepared for the im- leading Democratic newspaper editors. The an- minent encounter, the Senate sergeant at arms ticipated renomination of President Van Buren, arrested both men and turned them over to a a New Yorker, required balancing by a south- civil authority. Clay posted a five-thousand-dol- erner such as King. By the start of 1840, however, lar bond as assurance that he would keep the King’s vice-presidential chances had evaporated peace, ‘‘and particularly towards William R. because he was unable to generate support from King.’’ Each wanted the matter behind him, but Democratic leaders in the influential states of King insisted on ‘‘an unequivocal apology.’’ On North Carolina and Pennsylvania. At the party’s March 14, 1841, Clay apologized and noted that national convention in Baltimore, a motion to he would have been wiser to have kept quiet de- give the second spot to King failed to draw seri- spite the intensity of his feelings against Blair. ous interest and party leaders decided to leave King then gave his own apology, after which the vice-presidential selection to the individual Clay walked to King’s desk and said sweetly, state party organizations.21 ‘‘King, give us a pinch of your snuff.’’ King rose In 1842, King’s name again surfaced as a vice- and both men shook hands as applause engulfed presidential contender for the 1844 Democratic the chamber.18 ticket. Supporters of a presidential bid by South Vice-Presidential Ambitions Carolina’s John C. Calhoun tried without success In the late 1830s, as a leading southern mod- to dissuade King, as there would be room for no erate among long-serving, middle-aged senators, more than one southerner on a national slate. But William King attracted attention within the by late 1843, the stronger candidacy of former Democratic party as a prospective vice-presi- President Van Buren smothered Calhoun’s aspi- dential candidate for the 1840 election. As early rations. For Van Buren’s running mate, the as 1838, dissatisfaction with Vice President Rich- names most frequently mentioned were James K. ard M. Johnson for his negative impact on the Polk and William King. King’s supporters ar- 1836 race and his scandalous personal life 19 gued that, as a Jacksonian and resident of a caused party leaders to begin the search for a southern state loyal to the Democratic party (a strong second-term running mate for President slap at Polk’s Whig-inclined Tennessee), he de- Martin Van Buren. King was a natural contender, served the vice-presidency.22 However, in a re- having been on the national political stage for a peat of his troubles four years earlier, King was quarter century and having routinely substituted unable to attract serious support in the for Johnson during the vice president’s frequent electorally rich eastern states, so that his can- [ 184 ] WILLIAM R. KING didacy had lost its vitality by the eve of the 1844 went to Lewis.26 King, however, did not have to Baltimore convention. Meanwhile, Van Buren wait long to fulfill his senatorial ambitions. With- had destroyed his own chances of becoming the in seven months, Alabama’s other Senate seat be- presidential nominee with his announcement of came vacant when President Polk named Arthur opposition to the annexation of Texas. King Bagby minister to Russia. On July 1, 1848, the hoped that party leaders would fill that void by governor appointed King to fill the eight months selecting Buchanan, in which case he would remaining in Bagby’s term. Later that year, in a again offer himself for the second spot on the close race with his nemesis Arthur Hopkins, grounds that his presence would help secure es- King won a full term.27 sential electoral votes from the wavering state of Compromiser in 1850 North Carolina. On April 9, 1844, President Tyler ended King’s The national mood had darkened during preconvention maneuvering by appointing him King’s four-year absence from the Senate. He minister to France. Throughout 1843 and into told James Buchanan that he had doubts about early 1844, angry with Tyler’s policies, the Senate the wisdom of returning in those troubled days. had rejected many of his nominations to major ‘‘A seat in the Senate is, I assure you, far from judicial, cabinet, and diplomatic posts. Among being desirable to me; bringing with it as it does these was the appointment as minister to France at this particular time especially, great respon- of Virginia Representative Henry A. Wise, de- sibility, great labor, and no little anxiety.’’ 28 scribed by a modern historian as a ‘‘high-strung, Characteristically, King tried to calm the brewing -chewing extrovert.’’ 23 As a result, this storm. He urged northern senators to resist in- sensitive post had remained vacant for eighteen tensifying pressures to introduce antislavery pe- months until Tyler selected King, one of the Sen- titions. ‘‘I speak as a senator who has been here ate’s most popular members. Easily confirmed, many years, and as one always anxious to see King left for Paris and soon succeeded in his the members of this body preserve that decorum central mission: to keep France from interfering and kindness toward each other which secures with U.S. plans to annex Texas.24 to the body the respect in which it is held From Paris, King kept actively in touch with throughout the country and the world.’’ 29 He national and Alabama political developments. In supported the spirit, if not always the specifics, April 1846 he wrote his friend James Buchanan, of Henry Clay’s compromise measures. He op- now his boss as secretary of state, ‘‘Most sin- posed admitting California without the season- cerely do I wish that we had both remained in ing period of territorial status and he believed the Senate.’’ 25 King therefore decided to run for that Congress had ‘‘about as much constitutional his old Senate seat, then occupied by political power to prohibit slavery from going into the rival and fellow Democrat Dixon H. Lewis. De- Territories of the United States as we have power siring to return in time to influence the Alabama to pass an act carrying slavery there.’’ He be- legislature’s election, he left for the United States lieved that abolishing slavery in the District of in November 1846. In a three-way race that in- Columbia would be unfair to the slaveholders in cluded Whig leader Arthur Hopkins, the legisla- adjacent states, but he supported abolition of the ture took seventeen ballots during December slave trade there. 1847 but failed to make a selection. Throughout As the regional positions hardened in the tu- this hotly contested battle between unionist and multuous early months of 1850, King lamented states’ rights forces—a battle that one modern the ‘‘banefull spirit of party’’ that in dividing the historian of Alabama labeled ‘‘probably the most South encouraged northern extremists. In April, significant senatorial election in the antebellum King’s seniority and moderate views earned him period’’—states rights’ candidate Lewis led, fol- a place as one of two southern Democratic rep- lowed by Hopkins and then unionist King. On resentatives on the Senate’s Select Committee of the eighteenth ballot, in the only election defeat Thirteen, appointed to review Henry Clay’s com- of his public career, King withdrew and the seat promise resolutions regarding territories and [ 185 ] WILLIAM R. KING slavery. With a majority of the committee’s mem- his ticket from the vice president. New Jersey bers, he agreed that slavery was a ‘‘rightful’’ sub- Senator William Dayton predicted there would ject for legislative attention, but only in the legis- be few takers. ‘‘All the multitudinous persons latures of states and not of territories. Thus, King who hang around the Capitol will not have the took the view of southern conservatives that the face to ask Senators to go to the Vice President Constitution protected owners in their control of and formally get the permit to allow them to slave property until a territory became a state.30 come on the floor every day.’’ Others laughed at At home, he met bitter opposition from a faction the dilemma of a senator having to decide be- of ‘‘Southern Rights’’ secessionists who argued tween male and female guests and the idea of that his voting record better reflected the inter- such a system that would have sixty senatorial ests of Massachusetts, but an equally large group guests contending with sixty senators and sev- of supporters praised his support for com- eral hundred House members for floor space in promise, union, and peace. He counseled pa- such cramped quarters. Senator Jefferson Davis tience, optimistically expecting the North to re- of Mississippi sounded the most realistic note: spect southern rights, but warning that if that ‘‘It is utterly impossible to attempt to admit all section’s actions jeopardized those rights—both who desire to come on the floor. . . . The evil can constitutional and material—all southern men only be remedied by an enlarged chamber.’’ As should ‘‘hurl defiance at the fanatical crew, and the member most identified with Senate deco- unitedly determine to defend their rights at rum and tradition, King brought the debate to every hazard and every sacrifice.’’ 31 a close by moving to refer the matter to a special Arbiter of Decorum committee, knowing that another committee would soon propose the construction of new The Senate chamber in 1850 was frequently Senate and House chambers, each with ample jammed to capacity as the major debates on slav- public galleries.33 ery in the territories drew large crowds of House members, reporters, and the general public eager Finally Vice President to get a glimpse of the likes of Henry Clay, Dan- On July 10, 1850, Zachary Taylor’s death iel Webster, Thomas Hart Benton, Stephen A. placed Millard Fillmore in the White House and Douglas of Illinois, of Texas, and left the vice-presidency vacant. On July 11, the others of the nation’s most notable public fig- solemn Senate set aside the practice of having ures. As a frequent presiding officer, King regu- each party offer a nomination for the president larly acted to restore decorum. In this electrically pro tempore’s post and unanimously selected charged environment, he took every opportunity King for the vacancy. This otherwise routine act to remind other senators of his need for their took on special significance, for King would be support ‘‘to put down the least movement to- in effect the acting vice president of the United ward disorder, or the slightest indulgence in per- States. King addressed the Senate in the tone of sonal remarks.’’ 32 a vice president offering an inaugural oration. In May, while Vice President Millard Fillmore Noting the unusual bipartisan support for his was presiding, a senator won adoption of a rou- election, King vowed to enforce the Senate’s tine resolution to admit a local newspaper re- rules ‘‘mildly, but firmly, and I trust impartially. porter to the Senate floor. Dissatisfied with such . . . Should I err, I look to my brother Senators, flagrant circumvention of the Senate’s floor ac- in a spirit of kindness, to correct my errors.’’ 34 cess rules, another member suggested referring Continuing in the fashion of former Vice Presi- the matter to a committee. Several senators pro- dent Fillmore, King worked hard to calm the posed that the presiding officer be allowed to angry seas that swelled with increasing violence issue each member one admission permit to on the Senate floor. award as he saw fit. According to the proposal, King’s long quest for the vice-presidency had with a guest waiting at the chamber’s entrance, resumed immediately after he returned from the host senator would go to the dais and request France in 1846. However, his failure that year to [ 186 ] WILLIAM R. KING regain his Senate seat, coupled with deep ideo- In November, King began to suffer from a logical divisions within the Alabama Democratic worsening cough. A month later, he described party, denied him the support necessary to himself as looking like a skeleton and told launch a vigorous national campaign. At the friends he doubted that he would ever recover. 1848 national convention in Baltimore, following On December 20, two weeks into the short De- the nomination of Michigan’s Lewis Cass for the cember-March congressional session, King re- presidency, King’s was among a half-dozen signed his Senate seat and made plans to regain names placed before the delegates. On the first his health away from wintertime Washington.37 ballot, he came in third. On the second ballot, the On January 17, 1853, King left for the more salu- convention selected Kentucky’s General William tary climate of Cuba, by way of Key West, Flor- O. Butler, a veteran of the War of 1812 and the ida; he reached in early February. Soon Mexican War.35 realizing that he would be unable to return to In January 1852, the Alabama state Democratic Washington in time for the March 4, 1853, inau- convention endorsed the Compromise of 1850 guration, King requested that Congress permit and directed the state’s national convention dele- him to take his oath in Cuba.38 Consequently, for gates to support King for either the presidency the only time in this nation’s history, Congress or vice-presidency. At the jam-packed, tumul- passed legislation allowing the vice-president- tuous Baltimore convention, delegates selected elect to be sworn in outside the country. On Franklin Pierce on the forty-ninth ballot. In a March 24, 1853, near Matanzas, a seaport town peace gesture to the Buchanan wing of the party, sixty miles east of Havana, the gravely ill states- Pierce’s supporters allowed Buchanan’s allies to man, too feeble to stand unaided, became the na- fill the second position, knowing that they would tion’s thirteenth vice president. Deciding that he select King. On the second ballot, with only would make every effort to return to the United minor opposition, King finally captured his States, King set sail for Mobile on April 6. He prize.36 During the ensuing campaign, King’s tu- reached his Alabama plantation on April 17, but berculosis, which he believed he had contracted his struggle was at an end. The sixty-seven-year- while in Paris, denied him the active behind-the- old King died there the following day. An oppo- scenes role that he might otherwise have played, sition newspaper praised his ‘‘purity and patriot- although he worked hard to assure his region’s ism’’ and concluded, ‘‘[t]hough not, perhaps, voters that New Hampshire’s Pierce was a brilliant, he was better—sensible, honest, never ‘‘northern man with southern principles.’’ King’s running into ultraism, but in the contests be- deteriorating physical condition clouded the vic- tween the State and the federal government, tory that came in November; Pierce’s unwilling- maintaining the true conservative medium, so ness to consult the vice-president-elect on cabi- necessary to the preservation of the constitution, net appointments deepened his malaise. the rights of the States and the Republic.’’ 39

[ 187 ] NOTES 1 U.S., Congress, Senate, Journal, 33d Cong., 1st sess., p. 20, 100th Cong., 1st sess., vol. 2, 1991, Chapter 6; vol. 4, His- 25. torical Statistics, 1993, pp. 647–53.) 2 On taking office as president pro tempore in January 4 U.S., Congress, Senate, Congressional Globe, 33d Cong., 1837, King offered the following observations about the 1st sess, pp. 19–21. See also U.S., Congress, Obituary Address- Senate and the role of its presiding officer. They are similar es on the Occasion of the Death of the Hon. William R. King, in tone and formulation to those that Vice President Aaron of Alabama, Vice President of the United States, Delivered in the Burr uttered on March 2, 1805. Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, Eighth of December, 1853 (Washington, 1854), pp. 8–13, 37. Rep- The Senate of the United States, gentlemen, is, from resentative Sampson Harris (D-AL) also commented that its very organization, the great conservative body in King lacked ‘‘many of those great attributes of mind, which this republic. Here is the strong citadel of liberty. To dazzle and lead captive the admiring throng . . .’’ (p. 37) this body the intelligent and the virtuous, throughout and the National Intelligencer began its obituary, ‘‘Not en- our wide-spread country, look with confidence for an dowed with shining talents, though of excellent sense . . .’’ unwavering and unflinching resistance to the encroach- (April 20, 1853). ments of power on the one hand, and the effervescence 5 Congressional Globe, 33d Cong., 1st sess, p. 20. of popular excitement on the other. Unawed and 6 Martin, ‘‘William Rufus King: Southern Moderate,’’ pp. unseduced, it should firmly maintain the constitution 3–5, 11–12. in its purity, and present an impregnable barrier 7 No book-length biography of King exists. against every attack on that sacred instrument, come Martin, the only modern-era scholar to have given King’s it from what quarter it may. The demon of faction career serious consideration, prepared a 1955 doctoral dis- should find no abiding place in this chamber, but every sertation (‘‘William Rufus King: Southern Moderate,’’ Uni- heart and every head should be wholly occupied in ad- versity of North Carolina) and articles in the early 1960s on vancing the general welfare, and preserving, King’s role as a ‘‘Jacksonian Senator’’ and his multiple unimpaired, the national honor. To insure success, gen- quests for the vice-presidency. Biographies of King’s lead- tlemen, in the discharge of our high duties, we must ing contemporaries and histories of nineteenth-century Ala- command the confidence and receive the support of the bama political life give him only passing reference. A small people. Calm deliberation, courtesy toward each other, unorganized collection of his personal papers survives at order and decorum in debate, will go far, very far, to the Alabama Department of Archives and History in Mont- inspire that confidence and command that support. It gomery. Incomplete records at the University of North becomes my duty, gentlemen, to banish (if practicable) Carolina have led to conflicting accounts of his stay there. from this hall all personal altercation; to check, at once, An error-ridden biographical article by E.S.W. Dameron in every remark of a character personally offensive; to that institution’s University Magazine (March 1905, p. 317– preserve order, and promote harmony. . . . I earnestly 22) credits him with graduating in 1803, but notes that the solicit your co-operation, gentlemen, in aiding my ef- ‘‘ravages of a century have despoiled his Alma Mater of all forts promptly to put down every species of disorder. account of his college life.’’ Others have accepted that infor- (U.S., Congress, Senate, Register of Debates in Congress, mation, including Thomas M. Owen in 24th Cong., 2d sess., pp. 618–19.) and Dictionary of Alabama Biography, vol. 3 (Chicago, 1921), 3 As early as 1824, King regularly served as the chairman p. 983, and Roy F. Nichols in ‘‘William Rufus Devane King,’’ of the Committee of the Whole, a long-since-abandoned Dictionary of American Biography (vol. 10, p. 406). John M. parliamentary form by which the full Senate could expedite Martin, King’s only reliable modern biographer, disagrees, its proceedings. (John Milton Martin, ‘‘William Rufus King: indicating that he withdrew in 1804, ‘‘William R. King and Southern Moderate,’’ Ph.D. dissertation, University of the Compromise of 1850,’’ The North Carolina Historical Re- North Carolina, 1955, p. 81.) Prior to 1890, the Senate elected view 39 (October 1962): 500. In his University of North Caro- its president pro tempore only when the vice president was lina doctoral dissertation (pp. 20–22), Martin explores the away from the chamber. Election to that post during the matter in greater detail and concludes that King felt he was Senate’s first century was generally considered an acknowl- sufficiently prepared to begin his legal studies. edgment of the Senate’s respect for the individual’s judi- 8 By the time the Twelfth Congress convened on Novem- cious temperament. In later years, the Senate designated a ber 4, 1811, King had reached the required age of twenty- permanent president pro tempore for each Congress, usu- five. In those early years both houses of Congress occasion- ally the senior member of the majority party. (U.S., Con- ally ignored the minimum age requirement, which was gen- gress, Senate, The Senate, 1789–1989: Addresses on the History erally applied at the time the oath of office was adminis- of the United States Senate, by Robert C. Byrd, S. Doc. 100– tered rather than on the date of election.

[ 188 ] WILLIAM R. KING

9 Martin, ‘‘William R. King and the Compromise of 1850,’’ 20 Philip Shriver Klein, President James Buchanan (Univer- p. 500; Martin, ‘‘William Rufus King: Southern Moderate,’’ sity Park, PA, 1962), p. 111; Novelist John Updike, in Memo- Chapter 2. ries of the Ford Administration (pp. 227–41), speculates at 10 Martin, ‘‘William Rufus King: Southern Moderate,’’ pp. length on the nature of the intimacy between King and 61–65. King took the name ‘‘Selma’’ from the poem by Buchanan. , ‘‘the Song of Selma.’’ Virginia O. 21 John M. Martin, ‘‘William R. King and the Vice Presi- Foscue, Place Names in Alabama (Tuscaloosa, AL, 1989), pp. dency,’’ The Alabama Review 16 (January 1963): 35–40; Klein, 26–27, 125; Writers’ Program, Alabama, Alabama: A Guide pp. 131–32. to the Deep South (WPA American Guide Series) (New York, 22 Martin, ‘‘William R. King and the Vice Presidency,’’ pp. 1941), pp. 47–50, 237–38. 43–44. 11 The major documentary record of his Senate service is 23 John Niven, John C. Calhoun and the Price of Union (Baton found in the quasi-official proceedings of Congress, the An- Rouge, LA, 1988), p. 260. nals of Congress (1811–1816; 1819–1824), the Register of De- 24 St. George Leakin Sioussat, ‘‘John Caldwell Calhoun,’’ bates in Congress (1824–1838), and the Congressional Globe in American Secretaries of State and Their Diplomacy, ed. Sam- (1833–1853). Yet even this record is spare, as King made few uel Flagg Bemis, vol. 5 (New York, 1928), pp. 164–65, 169, substantive speeches, preferring to preside rather than to 208, 300; Martin, ‘‘William Rufus King: Southern Mod- debate. He never married or had children, thus there were erate,’’ Chapter 7. no direct heirs with a vested interest in preserving a useful 25 Letter of April 30, 1846, quoted in Martin, ‘‘William record of his service. Rufus King: Southern Moderate,’’ p. 268. 12 Roy Nichols and Jeannette Nichols, ‘‘Election of 1852,’’ 26 William Warren Rogers, et al., Alabama: The History of in History of American Presidential Elections, 1789–1968, ed. a Deep South State (Tuscaloosa, AL, 1994), p. 155. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., vol. 2 (New York, 1971), p. 942; 27 Martin, ‘‘William Rufus King: Southern Moderate,’’ pp. John Updike, Memories of the Ford Administration (New York, 274–81, 290–91, 300–303. 1992), pp. 227, 233. 28 Martin, ‘‘William R. King and the Compromise of 13 Congressional Globe, 31st Cong., 1st sess., p. 21. 1850,’’ p. 501. 14 John M. Martin, ‘‘William R. King: Jacksonian Senator,’’ 29 Congressional Globe, 31st Cong., 1st sess., p. 342. The Alabama Review 18 (): 243–45. 30 Remini, Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union, pp. 746– 15 Martin, ‘‘William R. King: Jacksonian Senator,’’ pp. 47. 247–51; Martin, ‘‘William Rufus King: Southern Moderate,’’ 31 Ibid. p. 77. 32 Congressional Globe, 31st Cong., 1st sess., p. 915. 16 Martin, ‘‘William R. King: Jacksonian Senator,’’ pp. 253, 33 Ibid., pp. 1054–55. 256. 34 Ibid., p. 1370. 17 Ibid., p. 262. 35 Martin, ‘‘William R. King and the Vice Presidency,’’ pp. 18 This story is derived from the account presented in 46–49. Robert V. Remini, Henry Clay: Statesman for the Union (New 36 Congressional Quarterly’s Guide to U.S. Elections, 3d ed. York, 1991), p. 574. Remini consulted many sources beyond (Washington, DC, 1994), p. 43. the quasi-official Congressional Globe (26th Cong., 2d sess., 37 Congressional Globe, 32d Cong., 2d sess., p. 89. pp. 245, 247–249, 256–257), which was reported in the third 38 In King’s absence, Senator Lewis Cass, as the Senate’s person and without the detail that Remini located in con- oldest member, administered the oath of office to newly temporary newspapers, letters, and diary accounts. See also elected senators. President Franklin Pierce made no ref- Martin, ‘‘William Rufus King: Southern Moderate,’’ pp. erence to his absent running mate during his inaugural ad- 183–86. dress. Congress approved the necessary legislation on 19 See Chapter 9 of this volume, ‘‘Richard Mentor John- March 2, 1853. (Congressional Globe, 32d Cong., 2d sess., Ap- son,’’ p. 129. pendix, p. 341.) 39 Daily [Montgomery] Alabama Journal, April 20, 1853.

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Chapter 14 JOHN CABELL BRECKINRIDGE 1857–1861

[ 191 ] JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE Chapter 14 JOHN CABELL BRECKINRIDGE

14th Vice President: 1857–1861

I trust that I have the courage to lead a forlorn hope. —JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE, 1860

The only vice president ever to take up arms Purchase and had served during the administra- against the government of the United States, tion of Thomas Jefferson first as a Senate leader John Cabell Breckinridge completed four years and then as attorney general. The grandfather as vice president under James Buchanan, ran for might well have become president one day but, president as the Southern Democratic candidate like his son, he died prematurely. The sense of in 1860, and then returned to the Senate to lead family mission that his grandmother imparted the remnants of the Democratic party for the first shaped young John C. Breckinridge’s self-image congressional session during the Civil War. Al- and directed him towards a life in public office. though his cousin resided in The family also believed strongly in education, the White House and his home state of Kentucky since Breckinridge’s maternal grandfather, Sam- remained in the Union, Breckinridge chose to uel Stanhope Smith, had served as president of volunteer his services to the Confederate army. the College of New Jersey at Princeton, and his The United States Senate formally expelled him uncle Robert J. Breckinridge started Kentucky’s as a traitor. When the Confederates were de- public school system. The boy attended the Pres- feated, Breckinridge’s personal secession forced byterian Centre College in Danville, Kentucky, him into exile abroad, bringing his promising po- where he received his bachelor’s degree at seven- litical career to a bitter end. teen. He then attended Princeton before return- An Illustrious ing to Lexington to study law at Transylvania 1 Born at ‘‘Cabell’s Dale,’’ the Breckinridge fam- University. ily estate near Lexington, Kentucky, on January A tall, strikingly handsome young man with 16, 1821, John Cabell Breckinridge was named a genial air and a powerful voice, considered by for his father and grandfather. The father, Joseph many ‘‘a perfect gentleman,’’ Breckinridge set Cabell Breckinridge, a rising young politician, out to make his fortune on the frontier. In 1841 died at the state capital at the age of thirty-five. he and his law partner Thomas W. Bullock set- Left without resources, his wife took her children tled in the town of Burlingame, back to Cabell’s Dale to live with their grand- in the Iowa Territory. There he might have en- mother, known affectionately as ‘‘Grandma tered politics and pursued a career relatively free Black Cap.’’ She often regaled the children with from the divisive issue of slavery, but Iowa’s stories of their grandfather, the first John Breck- fierce winter gave him influenza and made him inridge, who, in addition to introducing the Ken- homesick for Kentucky. When he returned home tucky Resolutions that denounced the Alien and on a visit in 1843, he met and soon married Mary Sedition Acts, had helped secure the Louisiana Cyrene Burch of Georgetown. The newlyweds [ 193 ] JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE settled in Georgetown, and Breckinridge opened manners, attractive appearance, and rare talent a law office in Lexington.2 for public affairs, exactly the elements they need- A Rapid Political Rise ed in their concealed designs against the coun- try.’’ People noted that his uncle, Robert Breckin- When the Mexican War began, Breckinridge ridge, was a prominent antislavery man, and that volunteered to serve as an officer in a Kentucky as a state legislator Breckinridge had aided the infantry regiment. In Mexico, Major Breckinridge Kentucky Colonization Society (a branch of the won the support of his troops for his acts of kind- American Colonization Society), dedicated to ness, being known to give up his horse to sick gradual emancipation and the resettlement of and footsore soldiers. After six months in Mexico free outside the United States. They sus- City, he returned to Kentucky and to an almost pected that he held private concerns about the inevitable political career. In 1849, while still morality of slavery and that he supported grad- only twenty-eight years old, he won a seat in the ual emancipation. Yet, while Breckinridge was state house of representatives. In that election, as no planter or large slaveholder, he owned a few in all his campaigns, he demonstrated both an household slaves and idealized the southern way exceptional ability as a stump speaker and a poli- of life. He willingly defended slavery and white tician’s memory for names and faces. Shortly supremacy against all critics.4 after the election, he met for the first time the Illi- nois legislator who had married his cousin Mary The Kansas-Nebraska Controversy Todd. Abraham Lincoln, while visiting his wife’s In Congress, Breckinridge became an ally of Il- family in Lexington, paid courtesy calls on the linois Senator Stephen A. Douglas. When Doug- city’s lawyers. Lincoln and Breckinridge became las introduced the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, friends, despite their differences in party and which repealed the Missouri Compromise and ideology. Breckinridge was a Jacksonian Demo- left the issue of slavery in the territories to the crat in a state that Senator Henry Clay had made settlers themselves—a policy known as ‘‘popular a Whig bastion. In 1851, Breckinridge shocked sovereignty’’—Breckinridge worked hard to the Whig party by winning the congressional enact the legislation. Going to the White House, race in Clay’s home district, a victory that also he served as a broker between Douglas and brought him to the attention of national Demo- President Franklin Pierce, persuading the presi- cratic leaders. He arrived in Congress shortly dent to support the bill. He also spoke out in the after the passage of Clay’s Compromise of 1850, House in favor of leaving the settlers ‘‘free to which had sought to settle the issue of slavery form their own institutions, and enter the Union in the territories. Breckinridge became a spokes- with or without slavery, as their constitutions man for the Democrats, arguing that should prescribe.’’ 5 the federal government had no right to interfere During those debates in March 1854, the nor- with slavery anywhere, either in the District of mally even-tempered Breckinridge exchanged Columbia or in any of the territories.3 angry words on the House floor with Democratic Since Breckinridge defended both the Union Representative Francis B. Cutting of New York, and slavery, people viewed him as a moderate. almost provoking a duel. ‘‘They were a high- The Pennsylvania newspaper publisher and po- strung pair,’’ commented Breckinridge’s friend litical adventurer John W. Forney insisted that Forney. Cutting accused Breckinridge of ingrati- when Breckinridge came to Congress ‘‘he was in tude toward the North, where he had raised no sense an extremist.’’ Forney recalled how the campaign funds for his tough reelection cam- young Breckinridge spoke with great respect paign in 1853. Breckinridge, ‘‘his eyes flashing about Texas Senator Sam Houston, who de- fire,’’ interrupted Cutting’s speech, denied his nounced the dangers and evils of slavery. But charges, denounced his language, and de- Forney thought that Breckinridge ‘‘was too inter- manded an apology. When Cutting refused, esting a character to be neglected by the able Breckinridge interpreted this as a challenge to a ultras of the South. They saw in his winning duel. He proposed that they meet near Silver [ 194 ] JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE

Spring, the nearby Maryland home of his friend nated former House Speaker for vice Francis P. Blair, and that they duel with western president. Then a Louisiana delegate nominated rifles. The New Yorker objected that he had Breckinridge. Gaining the floor, Breckinridge de- never handled a western rifle and that as the clined to run against his delegation’s nominee, challenged party he should pick the weapons. but his speech deeply impressed the convention. Once it became clear that neither party consid- One delegate admired ‘‘his manner, his ered himself the challenger, they gained a face- severely simple style of delivery with scarcely an saving means of withdrawing from the ‘‘code of ornament [or] gesture and deriving its force and honor’’ without fighting the duel. When the two eloquence solely from the remarkably choice next encountered each other in the House, Breck- ready flow of words, the rich voice and intona- inridge looked his adversary in the eye and said: tion.’’ The delegate noted that ‘‘every member ‘‘Cutting, give me a chew of tobacco!’’ The New seemed riveted to his seat and each face seemed Yorker drew a plug of tobacco from his pocket, by magnetic influence to be directed to him.’’ cut off a wad for Breckinridge and another for When Boyd ran poorly on the first ballot, the himself, and both returned to their desks chew- convention switched to Breckinridge and nomi- ing and looking happier. Those who observed nated him on the second ballot. Although Ten- the exchange compared it to the American Indi- nessee’s Governor Andrew Johnson grumbled 6 ans’ practice of smoking a peace pipe. that Breckinridge’s lack of national reputation Breckinridge supported the Kansas-Nebraska would hurt the ticket, Buchanan’s managers Act in the hope that it would take slavery in the were pleased with the choice. They thought territories out of national politics, but the act had Breckinridge would appease Douglas, since the entirely the opposite effect. Public outrage two men had been closely identified through throughout the North caused the Whig party to their work on the Kansas-Nebraska Act. Being collapse and new antislavery parties, the Repub- present at the convention, Breckinridge was pre- lican and the American (Know-Nothing) parties, vailed upon to make a short acceptance speech, to rise in its wake. When the spread of Know- thanking the delegates for the nomination, en- Nothing lodges in his district jeopardized his dorsing Buchanan and the platform, and re- chances of reelection in 1855, Breckinridge de- affirming his position as a ‘‘state’s rights man.’’ clined to run for a third term. He also rejected The nominee was thirty-six years old—just a President Pierce’s nomination to serve as min- year over the constitutional minimum age for ister to Spain and negotiate American annexation holding the office—and his election would make of Cuba, despite the Senate’s confirmation of his him the youngest vice president in American appointment. Citing his wife’s poor health and history.8 his own precarious finances, Breckinridge re- Breckinridge spent most of the campaign in turned to Kentucky. Land speculation in the Kentucky, but he gave speeches in Ohio, Indiana, West helped him accumulate a considerable and Michigan, defending the Kansas-Nebraska amount of money during his absence from Act. The election was a three-way race among politics.7 the Democrats under Buchanan, the Republicans The Youngest Vice President under John Charles Fre´mont, and the Know- As the Democratic convention approached in Nothings under former President Millard Fill- 1856, the three leading contenders—President more. Denouncing the antislavery policies of the Pierce, Senator Douglas, and former Minister to Republicans and Know-Nothings, Breckinridge Great Britain James Buchanan—all courted described himself not as proslavery but as a de- Breckinridge. He attended the convention as a fender of the people’s constitutional right to delegate, voting first for Pierce and then switch- make their own territorial laws, a position that ing to Douglas. When Douglas withdrew as a caused some Deep South extremists to accuse gesture toward party unity, the nomination went him of harboring abolitionist views. In Novem- to Buchanan. The Kentucky delegation nomi- ber, Democrats carried all the slaveholding states [ 195 ] JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE except Maryland (which went Know-Nothing) pensive, connected houses at New Jersey Ave- and enough northern states to win the election. nue and I Street that would become known as Breckinridge was proud that Kentucky voted for ‘‘ Row.’’ Before the construction was a Democratic presidential ticket for the first time completed, however, the friendship had become since 1828.9 deeply strained when Douglas fell out with Strained Relations with Buchanan President Buchanan over slavery in Kansas. A proslavery minority there had sent to Washing- Buchanan won the nomination and election ton a new territorial constitution—known as the primarily because nobody knew where he stood . Buchanan threw his on the issues, since he had been out of the coun- weight behind the Lecompton Constitution as a try for the past three years as minister to Eng- device for admitting Kansas as a state and defus- land. Although his supporters promoted him as ing the explosive issue of slavery in the territory. ‘‘the man for the crisis,’’ Buchanan was in fact But Douglas objected that the Lecompton Con- the worst man for the crisis. Narrow, secretive, stitution made a mockery out of popular sov- petty, vindictive, and blind to corruption within ereignty and warned that he would fight it as a his administration, he proved unable to bind to- fraud. Recalling the way Andrew Jackson had gether either the factions of his party or the re- dealt with his opponents, Buchanan said, ‘‘Mr. gions of his nation. A poor winner, Buchanan Douglas, I desire you to remember that no Dem- distrusted his rivals for the nomination and re- ocrat ever yet differed from an Administration fused to invite Stephen Douglas to join his cabi- of his choice without being crushed.’’ To which net or to take seriously Douglas’ patronage re- Douglas replied, ‘‘Mr. President, I wish you to quests. Similarly snubbed, Breckinridge quickly remember that General Jackson is dead.’’ Be- discovered that he held less influence with Bu- tween these two poles, the vice president vainly chanan as vice president than he had as a mem- sought to steer a neutral course. He sided with 10 ber of the House with Pierce. Buchanan on the Lecompton Constitution but Viewing Breckinridge as part of the Pierce- endorsed Douglas for reelection to the Senate.12 Douglas faction, Buchanan almost never con- sulted him, and rarely invited him to the White An Impartial Presiding Officer House for either political or social gatherings. As vice president in such a turbulent era, Early in the new administration, when the vice Breckinridge won respect for presiding grace- president asked for a private interview with the fully and impartially over the Senate. On January president, he was told instead to call at the White 4, 1859, when the Senate met for the last time in House some evening and ask to see Buchanan’s its old chamber, he used the occasion to deliver niece and hostess, . Taking this as an eloquent appeal for national unity. During its a rebuff, the proud Kentuckian left town without half century in the chamber, the Senate had calling on either Miss Lane or the president. His grown from thirty-two to sixty-four members. friends reported his resentment to Buchanan, The expansion of the nation forced them to move and in short order three of the president’s con- to a new, more spacious chamber. During those fidants wrote to tell Breckinridge that it had been years, he observed, the Constitution had ‘‘sur- a mistake. A request to see Miss Lane was really vived peace and war, prosperity and adversity’’ a password to admit a caller to see her uncle. to protect ‘‘the larger personal freedom compat- How Breckinridge could have known this, they ible with public order.’’ He recalled the legisla- did not explain. In fact, the vice president had tive labors of Henry Clay, Daniel Webster, and no private meetings with the president for over John C. Calhoun, whose performance in that three years.11 chamber challenged their successors ‘‘to give the The new vice president bought property in the Union a destiny not unworthy of the past.’’ He District of Columbia and planned to construct, trusted that in the future ‘‘another Senate, in an- along with his good friends Senator Douglas and other age, shall bear to a new and larger Cham- Senator Henry Rice of Minnesota, three large, ex- ber, this Constitution vigorous and inviolate, and [ 196 ] JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE that the last generation of posterity shall witness vention met in Charleston, South Carolina. Ste- the deliberations of the Representatives of Amer- phen Douglas was the frontrunner, but when his ican States, still united, prosperous, and free.’’ supporters defeated efforts to write into the plat- The vice president then led a procession to the form a plank protecting the right of slavery any- new chamber. Walking two-by-two behind him where in the territories, the southern delegates were the political and military leaders of what walked out. They held their own convention in would soon become the Union and the Baltimore and nominated Breckinridge as their Confederacy.13 presidential candidate.15 Breckinridge counseled against secession. A fa- For national balance, the breakaway Demo- mous incident, recounted in many memoirs of crats selected Senator , a Democrat the era, took place at a dinner party that the vice from Oregon, for vice president. Lane had spent president attended. South Carolina Representa- his youth in Kentucky and Indiana and served tive Lawrence Keitt repeatedly denigrated Ken- in the Mexican War. President James K. Polk had tucky’s compromising tendencies. Breckinridge appointed him territorial , an responded by recalling a trip he had made office he held from 1849 to 1850 before becoming through South Carolina, where he met a militia Oregon’s territorial delegate to Congress in 1851. officer in full military regalia. ‘‘I tell you, sah, we When Oregon entered the Union in 1859, he was can not stand it any longer; we intend to fight,’’ chosen one of its first senators. Lane’s said the officer. ‘‘And from what are you suffer- of the secessionist spirit attracted him to the ing?’’ asked Breckinridge. ‘‘Why, sah, we are suf- Southern Democrats. Had the four-way election fering from the oppression of the Federal Gov- of 1860 not been decided by the electoral college ernment. We have suffered under it for thirty but been thrown into Congress, the Democratic years, and will stand it no more.’’ Turning to majority in the outgoing Senate might well have Keitt, Breckinridge advised him ‘‘to invite some elected him vice president. Instead, the race of his constituents, before undertaking the war, ended Lane’s political career entirely, and Or- upon a tour through the North, if only for the egon became a Republican state.16 purpose of teaching them what an almighty big Breckinridge faced a campaign against three country they will have to before they get old friends: Stephen Douglas, the Democratic through!’’ 14 candidate; Abraham Lincoln, the Republican; and John Bell of Tennessee, the Constitutional A Four-Way Race for President Union party candidate. He was not optimistic Early in 1859 a New York Times correspondent about his chances. Privately, he told Mrs. Jeffer- in Washington wrote that ‘‘Vice President Breck- son Davis, ‘‘I trust that I have the courage to lead inridge stands deservedly high in public esti- a forlorn hope.’’ At a dinner just before the nomi- mation, and has the character of a man slow to nation, Breckinridge talked of not accepting it, form resolves, but unceasing and inexorable in but Jefferson Davis persuaded him to run. Wor- their fulfillment.’’ At a time when the Buchanan ried that a split in the anti-Republican vote administration was falling ‘‘in prestige and polit- would ensure Lincoln’s victory, Davis proposed ical consequence, the star of the Vice President a scheme by which Breckinridge, Douglas, and rises higher above the clouds.’’ Later that year, Bell would agree to withdraw their candidacies Linn Boyd died while campaigning for the Sen- in favor of a compromise candidate. Breckin- ate, and Kentucky Democrats nominated Breck- ridge and Bell agreed, but Douglas refused, ar- inridge for the seat, which would become vacant guing that northern Democrats would take Lin- at the time Breckinridge’s term as vice president coln before they voted for any candidate that the ended. Breckinridge may also have been harbor- southern firebrands had endorsed. The Illinois ing even greater ambitions. Although he re- senator pointed out that, while not all of Breckin- mained silent about the upcoming presidential ridge’s followers were secessionists, every seces- campaign, many Democrats considered him a sionist was supporting him. But Breckinridge strong contender. In 1860, the Democratic con- also counted on the support of the last three [ 197 ] JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE

Democratic presidential candidates, Lewis Cass, of . As he spoke, Oregon Republican Franklin Pierce, and James Buchanan, as well as Senator Edward D. Baker entered the chamber, most of the northern Democratic senators and dressed in the blue coat of a colonel. representatives. Despite these endorsements and Baker had raised and was training a militia unit the financial levies that the Buchanan adminis- known as the California Regiment. When Breck- tration made on all Democratic officeholders for inridge finished, Baker challenged him: ‘‘These him, Breckinridge failed to carry any northern speeches of his, sown broadcast over the land, states. In the four-way race, he placed third in what meaning have they? Are they not intended the popular vote and second in electoral votes. for disorganization in our very midst?’’ Baker Most disappointingly, he lost Kentucky to Bell.17 demanded. ‘‘Sir, are they not words of brilliant, A Personal Secession polished treason, even in the very Capitol?’’ Within months of this exchange, Senator Baker Following the election, Breckinridge returned was killed while leading his militia at the Battle to Washington to preside over the Senate, hoping of Ball’s Bluff along the , and Sen- to persuade southerners to abandon secession. ator Breckinridge was wearing the gray uniform But in December, South Carolina, Alabama, Mis- of a Confederate officer.19 sissippi, and Florida left the Union. In January, After the special session, Breckinridge re- Mississippi Senator Jefferson Davis and other turned to Kentucky to try to keep his state neu- southerners bid a formal farewell to the Senate. tral. He spoke at a number of peace rallies, pro- In February, Vice President Breckinridge led a claiming that, if Kentucky took up arms against procession of senators to the House chamber to the Confederacy, then someone else must rep- count the electoral votes, and to announce the resent the state in the Senate. Despite his efforts, election of Abraham Lincoln of Illinois. On pro-Union forces won the state legislative elec- March 4, Breckinridge administered the oath of tions. When another large peace rally was sched- office to his successor, Hannibal Hamlin, who in uled for September 21, the legislature sent a regi- turn swore him into the Senate. When President ment to break up the meeting and arrest Breckin- Lincoln called Congress into special session on ridge. Forewarned, he packed his bag and fled July 4, 1861, to raise the arms and men necessary to Virginia. He could no longer find any neutral to fight the Civil War, Breckinridge returned to ground to stand upon, no way to endorse both Washington as the leader of what was left of the the Union and the southern way of life. Forced Senate Democrats. Many in Washington doubted to choose sides, Breckinridge joined his friends that he planned to offer much support to the in the Confederacy. In Richmond he volunteered Union or the war effort. Breckinridge seemed out for military service, exchanging, as he said, his of place in the wartime capital, after so many of ‘‘term of six years in the Senate of the United his southern friends had left. On several occa- States for the musket of a soldier.’’ On December sions, however, he visited his cousin Mary Todd 4, 1861, the Senate by a 36 to 0 vote expelled the 18 Lincoln at the White House. Kentucky senator, declaring that Breckinridge, During the special session, which lasted until ‘‘the traitor,’’ had ‘‘joined the enemies of his August 6, 1861, Breckinridge remained firm in country.’’ 20 his belief that the Constitution strictly limited the powers of the federal government, regardless of General Breckinridge secession and war. Although he wanted the Commissioned a brigadier general, and later a Union restored, he preferred a peaceful separa- major general, Breckinridge went west to fight tion rather than ‘‘endless, aimless, devastating at Shiloh, Stone’s River, Chickamauga, and Chat- war, at the end of which I see the grave of public tanooga. He returned east to the battle of Cold liberty and of personal freedom.’’ The most dra- Harbor, and in July 1864 he and General Jubal matic moment of the session occurred on August T. Early led a dramatic raid on Washington, D.C. 1, when Senator Breckinridge took the floor to Breckinridge’s troops advanced as far as Silver oppose the Lincoln administration’s expansion Spring, Maryland, where they sacked Francis [ 198 ] JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE

Blair’s home but did not destroy it, supposedly Cuba. From there he sailed for England. Subse- at the urging of Breckinridge, who had often quently, the settled in To- been a guest there. Breckinridge got so close to ronto, Canada. His daughter Mary later re- Washington that he could see the newly com- marked that, while exile was a quiet relief for her pleted Capitol dome, and General Early joked mother, it was hard on her father, ‘‘separated that he would allow him to lead the advance into from the activities of life, and unable to do any- the city so that he could sit in the vice-presi- thing towards making a support for his family.’’ dential chair again. But federal troops halted the In Canada he met other Confederate exiles, in- Confederates, who retreated back to the Shen- cluding the freed Jefferson Davis. Once, Breckin- andoah Valley. There, at Winchester, Virginia, ridge and Davis rode to Niagara. Across the river they confronted Union troops commanded by they could see the red stripes of the American Philip H. Sheridan. The Confederate general flag, which Breckinridge viewed nostalgically John B. Gordon later recalled that Breckinridge but the more embittered Davis described as ‘‘the was ‘‘desperately reckless’’ during that cam- gridiron we have been fried on.’’ 22 paign, and ‘‘literally seemed to court death.’’ On Day, 1868, departing President When Gordon urged him to be careful, Breckin- Andrew Johnson issued a blanket for all ridge replied, ‘‘Well, general, there is little left for Confederates. John C. Breckinridge returned to me if our cause is to fail.’’ As they rode from their the United States in February 1869. Stopping in defeat on the battlefield, Jubal T. Early turned to many cities to visit old friends, he reached Lex- ask, ‘‘General Breckinridge, what do you think ington, Kentucky, a month later. He had not been of the ‘rights of the South in the territories’ back in Kentucky since he fled eight years before. now?’’ He received no answer.21 In welcome, a band played ‘‘Home Sweet During the closing months of the war in 1865, Home,’’ ‘‘Dixie,’’ and ‘‘.’’ Breck- Jefferson Davis made Breckinridge his secretary inridge declared himself through with politics: ‘‘I of war. He performed well in this final govern- no more feel the political excitements that ment position, firing the Confederacy’s bum- marked the scenes of my former years than if I bling commissary general and trying to bring were an extinct volcano.’’ Other than publicly order out of the chaos, but these efforts came too denouncing the lawless violence of the Ku Klux late. When General Robert E. Lee surrendered Klan, he devoted himself entirely to private mat- his army, President Davis was determined to ters. The former vice president practiced law and keep on fighting, but Breckinridge opposed con- became active in building railroads. Although he tinuing the war as a guerrilla campaign. ‘‘This was only fifty-four, his health declined severely has been a magnificent epic,’’ he said; ‘‘in God’s and he died on , 1875. Despite his weak- name let it not terminate in farce.’’ Fleeing Rich- ened condition at the end, Breckinridge sur- mond, Breckinridge commanded the troops that prised his doctor with his clear and strong voice. accompanied Davis and his cabinet. Davis was ‘‘Why, Doctor,’’ the famous stump speaker captured, but Breckinridge evaded arrest and smiled from his deathbed, ‘‘I can throw my voice imprisonment by fleeing through Florida to a mile.’’ 23

[ 199 ] NOTES 1 Frank H. Heck, Proud Kentuckian: John C. Breckinridge, 14 Forney, 1:283–84; Poore, 2:47; Davis, Breckinridge, p. 1821–1875 (Lexington, KY, 1976), pp. 1–11; James C. Klotter, 175. The Breckinridges of Kentucky, 1760–1981 (Lexington, KY, 15 Davis, Breckinridge, p. 197; Smith, p. 113. 1986), pp. 95–98. 16 David M. Potter, The Impending Crisis, 1848–1861 (New 2 Heck, pp. 11–18; Klotter, p. 101. York, 1976), p. 438; see also Margaret Jean Kelly, The Career 3 Heck, pp. 22, 30–31; William C. Davis, Breckinridge: of Joseph Lane (Washington, 1942). Statesman, Soldier, Symbol (Baton Rouge, LA, 1974), p. 45. 17 William C. Davis, Jefferson Davis: The Man and His Hour 4 John W. Forney, Anecdotes of Public Men (New York, (New York, 1991), pp. 282–83; Heck, p. 85; Smith, pp. 124– 1873), 2:41–42; Heck, pp. 30–31, 163–64; Klotter, p. 113. 26; Summers, p. 274; Lowell H. Harrison, ‘‘John C. Breckin- 5 Heck, pp. 41–43. ridge: Nationalist, Confederate, Kentuckian,’’ The Filson 6 Forney, 2:301; Heck, pp. 44–46; Benjamin Perley Poore, Club History Quarterly 47 (April 1973): 128. Perley’s Reminiscences of Sixty Years in the National Metropolis 18 Margaret Leech, Reveille in Washington, 1860–1865 (New (Philadelphia, 1886), 1:439–42; L.A. Gobright, Recollections of York, 1941), pp. 32, 87. As a sign of the public confusion Men and Things at Washington During The Third of a Century over Breckinridge’s loyalties, ’s studio pro- (Philadelphia, 1869), p. 138. duced a photograph of Breckinridge retouched to make him 7 Heck, pp. 47, 53–54; Mark W. Summers, The Plundering appear to be wearing a Union army uniform. See Susan Generation: Corruption and the Crisis of the Union, 1849–1861 Kismaric, American Politicians: Photographs from 1843 to 1993 (New York, 1987), p. 203. (New York, 1994), p. 66. 8 Davis, Breckinridge, p. 145; Heck, pp. 59–60; Klotter, p. 19 Heck, pp. 101–2; U.S., Congress, Senate, The Senate, 111. 1789–1989: Addresses on the History of the United States Senate, 9 Klotter, pp. 111, 113; Heck, pp. 55–66. by Robert C. Byrd, S. Doc. 100–20, 100th Cong., 1st sess., 10 Frederick Moore Binder, James Buchanan and the Amer- vol. 1, 1989, p. 250. ican Empire (Cranbury, NJ, 1994), pp. 219–22. 20 Heck, pp. 101–2, 106; U.S., Congress, Senate, United 11 Ibid., p. 223; Heck, pp. 67–68; Davis, Breckinridge, p. 172. States Senate Election, Expulsion, and Censure Cases, 1793– 12 Heck, pp. 69–74; Davis, Breckinridge, pp. 171–72; Elbert 1990, S. Doc. 103–33, 103d Cong., 1st sess., 1995, p. 103. B. Smith, The Presidency of James Buchanan (Lawrence, KS, 21 Klotter, p. 127; Leech, p. 345; Heck, pp. 111, 127–28; 1975), p. 41; Forney, 1:41–42; Robert W. Johannsen, Stephen Harrison, p. 136. A. Douglas (New York, 1973), p. 652. 22 Heck, pp. 133–34; Davis, Jefferson Davis, pp. 600–601, 13 U.S., Congress, Senate, The : Proceed- 616–33, 658; Lucille Stilwell Williams, ‘‘John Cabell Breckin- ings in the Senate of the United States upon Vacating their old ridge,’’ Register of the Kentucky State Historical Society 33 (Jan- Chamber on January 4, 1859, S. Doc. 67, 74th Cong., 1st sess., uary 1935): 29. pp. 4–15; Heck, pp. 75–76; Davis, Breckinridge, p. 194. 23 Heck, pp. 149, 157; Davis, Breckinridge, pp. 593, 623.

[ 200 ] Chapter 15 HANNIBAL HAMLIN 1861–1865

[ 201 ] HANNIBAL HAMLIN Chapter 15 HANNIBAL HAMLIN

15th Vice President: 1861–1865

What can I do? The slow and unsatisfactory movements of the Government do not meet with my approbation, and that is known, and of course I am not consulted at all, nor do I think there is much disposition in any quarter to regard any counsel I may give much if at all. —HANNIBAL HAMLIN, 1862

The emotional issue of slavery demolished the Roman general Scipio Africanus (everyone called American political system during the 1850s: the the boy ) and called his twin sons Cyrus, Whig party disintegrated; the Democrats di- after the great Persian conqueror, and Hannibal, vided; and the Free Soil and American (or Know- after the Carthaginian general who crossed the Nothing) parties flourished briefly and died. Alps on elephants in his campaigns against Emerging from the wreckage of the old system, Rome. Cyrus became a Harvard-trained medical the Republican party, which ran its first presi- doctor and moved to the village of Paris Hill, dential campaign in 1856, drew converts from all Maine, where on August 27, 1809, was born his of these parties. Within the new party stood men son, whom he named after his brother Hannibal. who had spent years fighting each other under The boy grew up in a prosperous family, living different political banners. In constructing a in an imposing, three-story white house. A natu- presidential ticket in 1860, therefore, Republicans ral leader among his peers, physically fit and ath- needed candidates who would reflect their com- letic, Hannibal was also an avid reader. He was plex construction and reinforce their new unity. sent to local public schools and then to Hebron They picked a presidential candidate, Abraham Academy. Lincoln, who was not only a westerner but a Hannibal’s ambition to become a lawyer was Whig who claimed Henry Clay as his political nearly sidetracked, first when his elder brother role model. To balance Lincoln, Republicans took ill, forcing him to leave school to run the chose as their vice-presidential candidate Hanni- family farm, and then when his father died, re- bal Hamlin, an easterner who had spent the bulk quiring him, under the terms of his father’s will, of his political career as a Democrat and who had battled Henry Clay when they served together to stay home and take care of his mother until in the United States Senate. Despite their dif- he turned twenty-one. When he came of age, ferences, Lincoln and Hamlin shared an opposi- however, Hannibal left home to read law at the tion to the expansion of slavery into the western offices of Fessenden and Deblois, under Samuel territories, without being abolitionists.1 C. Fessenden, an outspoken abolitionist and fa- ther of Hamlin’s future political rival, William Youth Pitt Fessenden. The association made Hamlin an Hannibal Hamlin owed his classical name to antislavery man and launched him into his new his grandfather Eleazer Hamlin, a man well read profession. He set up his own law practice and 2 in history, who named his first son after the became the town attorney in Hampden, Maine. [ 203 ] HANNIBAL HAMLIN

Democratic Politics in Maine and Washington Polk. ‘‘Mr. Hamlin professes to be a democrat,’’ Politically, from the 1830s to the 1850s, Maine the president wrote in his diary, ‘‘but has given was an entrenched Democratic state, and the po- indications during the present session that he is litically ambitious Hamlin joined the Democratic dissatisfied, and is pursuing a mischievous party. In 1835 he was elected to the state house course . . . on the slavery question.’’ The presi- of representatives. Described as ‘‘tall, and gra- dent attributed Hamlin’s stand to a patronage cious in figure, with black, piercing eyes, a skin quarrel with the administration, but Hamlin almost olive-colored, hair smooth, thick and stood squarely on principle. ‘‘I have no doubt jetty, a manner always courteous and affable,’’ that the whole North will come to the position he fit easily into legislative politics, became a I have taken,’’ he said. ‘‘Some damned rascals popular member of the house, and was soon who may be desirous of disposing of myself, will elected its speaker. His most notable legislative mutter & growl about but I do not 4 achievement was to lead the movement to abol- care the snap of my fingers for them all.’’ ish capital punishment in Maine. In 1840 he lost The Free Soil Challenge a race for the U.S. House of Representatives, but In the House, Hamlin encountered many of the in 1843 (after the next election was delayed until men with whom he would serve and against the districts could be reapportioned) he won a whom he would contend for the rest of his long seat in Congress. There he denounced Henry career. Among others, he met Representatives Clay’s economic programs and voted very much Abraham Lincoln of Illinois, Andrew Johnson of as a Jacksonian Democrat. He became chairman Tennessee, and Jefferson Davis of Mississippi. of the Committee on Elections and won a cov- He and Davis sparred frequently in the House eted seat on the House Rules Committee. Hamlin and Senate over slavery. Tempers between the enjoyed considerable luck in his career, particu- two men rose to such a level that for the only larly in February 1844, when he missed sailing time in his life Hamlin thought it prudent to on the U.S. Navy Princeton, which was carry a pistol for self-protection. The unexpected going to demonstrate its new guns. One of the death of Senator from malpractice guns exploded, killing Secretary of State Abel by an incompetent physician opened a Senate Upshur and several others.3 seat from Maine, which Hamlin was elected to The extension of slavery into the territories fill in 1848. That same year, antislavery Whigs was the most perplexing issue to face Congress and Democrats united to form a Free Soil party during Hamlin’s long career in the House and that nominated Martin Van Buren for president. Senate. His state of Maine had entered the Union Although Hamlin approved of their antislavery as a result of the Missouri Compromise, which platform and had supported Van Buren in the admitted one free state for every slave state. But past, he could not bring himself to abandon his in 1846, when the United States entered a war party—to which he owed his Senate seat. As a with Mexico, the prospects of vast new con- Democratic senator, Hamlin strongly opposed quered territories south of the Missouri Com- Henry Clay’s proposed Compromise of 1850. If promise line raised the question of the param- the bill spread slavery into the West, he declared, eters of slavery. Hamlin joined with other radical ‘‘it will not be with my vote.’’ 5 antislavery men in the House to devise an As a temperance man, Senator Hamlin was amendment that would prohibit the introduction distressed by the drinking habits of his col- of slavery into any territory taken from Mexico leagues. He observed that New York Senator as a result of the war. Pennsylvania Representa- Silas Wright was never sober and even sipped tive David Wilmot was selected to introduce the whiskey while he addressed the Senate. Hamlin measure, which became known as the Wilmot estimated that as many as a third of the senators Proviso. Hamlin introduced his own version of were drunk by the end of a daily session and that the proviso on an army appropriations bill, much after a long executive session (held behind closed to the anger of Democratic President James K. doors) two-thirds of the members left inebriated. [ 204 ] HANNIBAL HAMLIN

Nor did he approve of the ruffianly tendencies the popular Hamlin to join their party to balance and tempers of some senators. After a dispute the radicals who threatened to gain control. ‘‘We between Senator Thomas Hart Benton and have a great many men in our party who go off Henry S. Foote, in which Foote pulled a pistol half cocked,’’ wrote the young editor and polit- on the Senate floor, Hamlin wrote in disgust to ico, James G. Blaine. ‘‘They must be made to ride a friend, ‘‘Don’t you think the American Senate in the rear of the car instead of in the engine or is a dignified body!!!!!!!!’’ 6 else we are in constant danger of being thrown Woolheads Versus Wildcats from the track.’’ In 1856, Republicans wanted The slavery issue split the Maine Democratic Hamlin to head their ticket as the Republican party into two factions. Hamlin’s antislavery fac- candidate for . Hamlin clung tion won the name ‘‘Woolheads’’ from its oppo- to his old party as long as he could, and also had nents. The Woolheads in turn labeled their ad- no desire to leave the Senate. However, Repub- versaries, who opposed the Wilmot Proviso, licans warned him that refusal to run for gov- ‘‘Wildcats.’’ In addition to the slavery issue, tem- ernor would end any chance of his being re- perance also divided the two factions, with turned to the Senate. Hamlin agreed to run for Hamlin’s ‘‘Woolheads’’ supporting prohibition governor, but only if the legislature would send laws and the ‘‘Wildcats’’ opposing them. In 1854, him back to the Senate as soon as possible. An Hamlin denounced Senator Stephen Douglas’ ef- effective campaigner, Hamlin canvassed the forts to enact the Kansas-Nebraska bill and re- state. Republicans won a smashing victory over peal the Missouri Compromise. ‘‘Shall we repeal both Whigs and Democrats, sweeping all six con- freedom and make slavery?’’ he asked. ‘‘It comes gressional districts and carrying the legislature. to that.’’ When the bill passed the Senate by a Since Maine’s elections were held in September vote of 37 to 14, Hamlin was among only four (because of the state’s harsh winter weather), the Democrats to vote against it.7 early victory gave a psychological boost to the As political turmoil reigned, Hamlin’s atten- national Republican campaign that year. Hamlin tion was distracted by the illness of his wife, won widespread credit for helping Republicans Sarah Jane Hamlin. Both Hannibal and Sarah broaden their electoral base.9 Hamlin loved Washington’s social life of dances, Inaugurated governor on , 1857, receptions, card playing, and theater-going. The Hamlin resigned on February 25 to begin his senator, she wrote home to their son, ‘‘has had third term as senator. In Washington he pro- about ten invitations a week to dine, and he en- vided the Republicans with a strong voice joys them very much, you know how much he against the ‘‘’’ policies of James enjoys a good dinner.’’ But Sarah’s health de- Buchanan’s administration. (It was a decidedly clined so severely in 1855 that for a while he con- Maine ‘‘Down East’’ voice, with Hamlin pro- sidered resigning his Senate seat. Sarah Jane nouncing ‘‘now’’ as ‘‘ne-a-ow,’’ for instance.) Hamlin died from tuberculosis in April 1856. While boarding at the St. Charles Hotel in Wash- That September, Hamlin married his wife’s ington, Hamlin became reacquainted and favor- younger half-sister, Ellen, who was the same age ably impressed with Andrew Johnson of Ten- as one of his sons. Characterized as plain but nessee, with whom he had served in the House witty and warm-hearted, she bore two more of and who had just been elected to the Senate. As his children and offered him companionship the 1860 elections approached, some Maine Re- 8 through the rest of his long life. publicans viewed Hamlin as a possible favorite- Becoming a Republican son candidate, in case the frontrunner, New York To some degree, Sarah’s illness provided polit- Senator William Seward, should falter. But James ical cover for Hannibal Hamlin at a time when G. Blaine worked the Maine delegation to the Re- he was under intense pressure to abandon the publican National Convention in favor of Abra- Democrats in favor of the newly formed Repub- ham Lincoln’s nomination. On the train ride to lican party. Republican leaders were anxious for Chicago, Blaine convinced Governor Lot Morrill [ 205 ] HANNIBAL HAMLIN and other delegates to throw their support to bined the ticket into a single name: ‘‘Abra/Ham- Lincoln. When Lincoln upset Seward, the vice- lin/coln.’’ On a less friendly note, southerners presidential nomination was offered first to the denounced Lincoln and Hamlin as a radical abo- Seward camp. The disappointed Seward men litionists. Going even further, Robert Barnwell put no one forward for the second spot. There Rhett, editor of the Charleston [S.C.] Mercury, was strong support among the delegates for wrote that ‘‘Hamlin is what we call a mulatto. Cassius M. Clay, the Kentucky abolitionist, but He has black blood in him.’’ An amused New Republican party leaders thought him too radi- Yorker, George Templeton Strong, observed that cal. By contrast, Hamlin seemed a more ‘‘natu- Hamlin seemed ‘‘a vigorous specimen of the ral’’ choice, more moderate, but with a spotless pure Yankee type. His complexion is so swarthy record against slavery, and a friend of Seward’s that I cannot wonder at the demented South for in the Senate. Hamlin won the nomination on the believing him a mulatto.’’ 12 second ballot.10 Once the election had been won, Lincoln sum- The nomination came as a shock to Hannibal moned Hamlin to meet him in Chicago on No- Hamlin. While playing cards in his Washington vember 22. After some casual initial conversa- hotel room, Hamlin heard a racket in the cor- tion—Hamlin noted that Lincoln had started to ridor. The door burst open and the room filled grow a , and both men reminisced about with excited men, led by Indiana Congressman hearing each other’s speeches during their term Schuyler Colfax, who read a telegram from the together in the House of Representatives—they convention and addressed him as ‘‘Mr. Vice- got down to work. Lincoln wanted to discuss the President.’’ Stunned, Hamlin said he did not composition of his cabinet and knew that Ham- want the office, but Ohio Senator Ben Wade lin, as a senator, had worked with and taken the warned him that to decline would only give am- measure of many of the men he was considering munition to the Democrats, suggesting that he for appointment. Lincoln was especially con- was afraid to run on a losing ticket. Hamlin cerned about attracting his former rival, William agreed, whispering to Wade and Colfax: ‘‘You Seward, into the cabinet as secretary of state. people have spoiled a good lone hand I held.’’ When the Senate convened in December, Senator Afterwards, writing to his wife, Hamlin ex- Hamlin carried notes from Lincoln to Seward plained: ‘‘I neither expected or desired it. But it and pressed his colleague to accept the offer, has been made and as a faithful man to the cause, which he did. Hamlin also successfully pro- it leaves me no alternative but to accept it.’’ At moted of Connecticut as a New least, he conceded, the duties of the office would England candidate for the cabinet as secretary of ‘‘not be hard or unpleasant.’’ Whether in cards the navy. These early dealings hinted that Ham- or in politics, Hamlin had a lucky streak. As lin might play a more active role in the adminis- Blaine observed: ‘‘He always turns up on the tration than had previous vice presidents. It soon winning side.’’ 11 turned out, however, that Hamlin’s usefulness to Lincoln was tied mostly to his role as a senior Abra/Hamlin/coln senator and subsided almost as soon as he va- During the campaign, both Lincoln and Ham- cated his Senate seat for the vice-presidency.13 lin considered it prudent to make no speeches. The Lincoln-Hamlin victory triggered the se- However, Hamlin assured Lincoln, ‘‘While I cession of the southern states. When asked by a have been silent, I have never been so busy thro’ friend from Maine what the future would hold, the Press and by personal effort endeavoring to the new vice president replied, ‘‘there’s going to strengthen the weak points all along the line.’’ be a war, and a terrible one, just as surely as the After Maine Republicans swept the September sun will rise to-morrow.’’ Congress was out of elections, Hamlin traveled to Boston in October session and Hamlin was in Maine when word to march in a torchlight parade, accompanied by came that Confederates had fired on Fort Sum- Maine lumberjacks, Penobscot Indians, and ter. The vice president devoted himself to raising party . One of the favorite signs com- a Maine regiment to fight for the Union. On his [ 206 ] HANNIBAL HAMLIN way back to Washington, Hamlin stopped in Hamlin explained that he soon saw that his office New York City, where he complied with Presi- was a ‘‘nullity’’ in Washington. He tried not to dent Lincoln’s request to keep him advised daily intrude upon the president, but always gave Lin- on what troops were leaving New York to pro- coln his views, and when asked, his advice.16 tect the capital.14 Moreover, Hamlin found presiding over the ‘‘A Contingent Somebody’’ Senate so boring that he was frequently absent. When the Senate convened on the Fourth of In contrast to his service as a senator, when he July in 1861 to take the legislative actions nec- rarely missed a day of a session, as vice president essary for raising and funding an army for the he would leave for Maine well before the end of Union, Vice President Hamlin discovered that he a session, turning his duties over to the president had far less power and patronage as vice presi- pro tempore. Hamlin’s inattentiveness to Senate dent than he had as a senator. The loss of patron- proceedings became an embarrassment when the age particularly galled Hamlin, who was ‘‘noted Delaware Democrat Willard Saulsbury launched for his fidelity to political friends.’’ He also felt into a savage attack on President Lincoln as ‘‘a unhappy over being relegated to serving as an weak and imbecile man.’’ Republican senators inactive observer of events. Hamlin considered objected that the remarks were not in order, but himself the most unimportant man in Washing- Vice President Hamlin had to admit that ‘‘[t]he ton, ignored equally by the administration and Chair was not listening to what the Senator from the senators. He called his job ‘‘a fifth wheel on Delaware was saying, and did not hear the a coach’’ and identified the vice president as ‘‘a words.’’ To this Saulsbury replied, ‘‘That is the contingent somebody.’’ When Jessie Benton fault of the Chair, and not of the Senator who Fre´mont asked Hamlin to intervene in favor of was addressing the Chair.’’ Hamlin finally or- a new military command for her husband, the dered Saulsbury to be seated for questioning the vice president replied: ‘‘What can I do? The slow motives of the senators who had raised the objec- and unsatisfactory movements of the Govern- tion, and when Saulsbury refused to comply, the ment do not meet with my approbation, and that vice president ordered the sergeant at arms to is known, and of course I am not consulted at place the senator in custody. After a brief con- all, nor do I think there is much disposition in versation, Saulsbury accompanied the assistant any quarter to regard any counsel I may give sergeant at arms out of the chamber.16 much if at all.’’ 15 Hamlin attributed Saulsbury’s belligerence to Reflecting later on his office, Hamlin told an his drinking. ‘‘He was very drunk—beastly so on interviewer: the night of the transaction,’’ the vice president There is a popular impression that the Vice wrote. ‘‘It was a most disgraceful scene.’’ As a President is in reality the second officer of the temperance man, Hamlin determined to banish government not only in rank but in power and liquor from the Senate chamber and committee influence. This is a mistake. In the early days of rooms. The combination of his rule outlawing the republic he was in some sort an heir apparent the sale of liquor in the Senate restaurant and the to the Presidency. But that is changed. He pre- departure of the hard-drinking southern sen- sides over the Senate—he has a casting vote in ators after secession sobered the institution. One case of a tie—and he appoints his own private visitor to the Capitol noted, ‘‘A few Senators secretary. But this gives him no power to wield were seen walking with unsteady gait from the and no influence to exert. Every member who has cloak room to their desks, but thanks to the firm- a constituency, and every Senator who represents ness of Hannibal Hamlin, the Senate became a a state, counts for more in his own locality, and with the Executive who must needs, in wielding pleasant place to the sober people who had to 17 the functions of his office, gather around him, live there.’’ and retain by his favors, those who can vote in Throughout the war, Hamlin identified more Congress and operate directly upon public senti- with the frustrated congressional radicals than ment in their houses. with the more cautious President Lincoln. Those [ 207 ] HANNIBAL HAMLIN around Lincoln concluded that the vice president Prince of Wales or the Heir Apparent. He is wait- was not in close sympathy with the president but ing for somebody to die, and that is all of it.’’ ‘‘was known as one who passively rather than Hamlin maintained a dignified silence but was actively strengthened a powerful cabal of Repub- vexed by his defeat. Years later he wrote: ‘‘I was lican leaders in their aggressive hostility to Lin- dragged out of the Senate, against my wishes— coln and his general policy.’’ Lincoln did not ap- tried to do my whole duty, and was then pear to hold this against Hamlin. As one news- unceremoniously ‘whistled down the wind.’ paper correspondent of the era observed: ‘‘Lin- While I have never complained to any one, I did coln measured the men about him at their value. not fail to feel and know how I was treated.’’ 19 He knew their worth, their fidelity, and in no During the summer of 1864, the lame-duck sense distrusted them.’’ He did not require abso- vice president briefly served in the Union army. lute loyalty in order to use a person. Hamlin, for When the war began in 1861, Hamlin had en- instance, was among those who pressed Lincoln listed as a private in the Maine Coast Guard. His hard to issue an emancipation proclamation. unit was called to active duty in 1864 and or- Fearing at first that such a measure would divide dered to report to Fort McClary, at Kittery, the North, Lincoln resisted until he believed he Maine. Although Hamlin could have accepted a could use the issue as a military advantage, to purely honorary place on the roll, he insisted give a nobler purpose to the war. When Lincoln upon active service. ‘‘I am the Vice-President of first drafted a proclamation, he invited Hamlin the United States, but I am also a private citizen, to dinner and let him be the first to see the docu- and as an enlisted member of your company, I ment, asking for his suggestions. Hamlin later am bound to do my duty.’’ He added, ‘‘I aspire described Lincoln as ‘‘much moved at the step only to be a high private in the rear ranks, and he was taking.’’ 18 keep step with the boys in blue.’’ Promoted to corporal, Hamlin reported on July 7, drilled, and Dumped from the Ticket did guard duty and kitchen patrol along with the Despite Hamlin’s grumbling about the power- rest of the enlisted men. As vice president, how- lessness of the vice-presidency, he was willing to ever, he was assigned to officers’ quarters. When stand for reelection in 1864. Hamlin assumed his tour of duty ended in September, he left the that Lincoln supported his nomination, but the company to campaign for the Republican ticket, president—an entirely pragmatic politician— first in Maine, and then down through New Eng- doubted that Hamlin would add much strength land to New York and Pennsylvania, doing what to the ticket in what was sure to be a difficult he could to aid Lincoln’s reelection.20 reelection campaign, with the survival of the na- In the Vice President’s Room in the Capitol on tion at stake. Maine would vote Republican inauguration day, Hamlin’s successor, Andrew whether or not Hamlin was on the ticket, and he Johnson, approached him with a request. ‘‘Mr. carried little weight in any other state. Lincoln Hamlin, I am not well, and need a stimulant,’’ sent emissaries to sound out several prominent he said. ‘‘Have you any whiskey?’’ Hamlin ex- War Democrats, among them Tennessee’s war plained that he had prohibited the sale of liquor governor, Andrew Johnson. As the thinking in the Capitol, but when Johnson pressed his re- went, to nominate a southerner like Johnson quest, a messenger was sent to procure a bottle. would be a way to ‘‘nationalize the Republican Johnson poured a tumbler and downed it party.’’ At the convention, to the surprise of straight, then had two more drinks before going Hamlin’s supporters, the Tennessee governor onto the Senate floor to give an embarrassingly outpolled the vice president on the first ballot drunken inaugural address. Recounting the and went on to win the nomination on the sec- scene later, Hamlin privately commented that if ond. ‘‘To be Vice President is clearly not to be Johnson ordinarily drank that way, ‘‘he must be anything more than a reflected greatness,’’ Sec- able to stand a great deal.’’ retary of the Senate John W. Forney wrote to con- A few weeks after Hamlin returned to Maine, sole Hamlin. ‘‘You know how it is with the on the morning of April 15, 1865, he encountered [ 208 ] HANNIBAL HAMLIN a group of sorrowful men on the street in Bangor, elder statesman and served two terms. One jour- who informed him that Lincoln had been assas- nalist who met Senator Hamlin in 1871 described sinated. Hamlin boarded a steamer for Washing- him as attired in an antique blue swallow-tailed ton to attend the president’s funeral. At the coat with big brass buttons, the type worn by White House, he stood side by side with Andrew antebellum statesmen. Hamlin mistook the jour- Johnson at Lincoln’s casket, causing those who nalist for a resident of Maine ‘‘and with the ami- saw them to note the irony that Hamlin had able humbug habit of many years wrung my within a matter of weeks missed the presidency. hand warmly and affectionately inquired for the None could have realized how differently the na- folks at the farm.’’ The journalist took no offense, tion’s history might have developed if Lincoln recognizing that ‘‘this trick of pretending re- had been succeeded by Hamlin, who favored a membrance is a venial sin with politicians and Radical Reconstruction of the South, rather than head waiters, great and small.’’ Still, the incident by Johnson, who opposed it.21 gave an indication of how Hamlin had survived A Post-Vice-Presidential Political Career in politics for so long.23 After Hamlin’s defeat for renomination as vice In 1877, Hamlin fainted in the Senate Repub- president, Lincoln had considered appointing lican cloakroom, the first signs of his heart dis- him secretary of the treasury but concluded that ease. He chose not to stand for reelection in 1880. ‘‘Hamlin has the Senate on the brain and nothing The election that year of James Garfield as presi- more or less will cure him.’’ However, Hamlin dent made Maine’s James G. Blaine secretary of was outmaneuvered for the Senate seat by his state. Garfield and Blaine appointed Hamlin Maine Republican rival, William Pitt Fessenden. minister to Spain, a post that carried few duties Massachusetts Senator instead and allowed him to make an extended tour of recommended that Hamlin be appointed collec- the European continent. The most amusing part tor of the port of Boston, and President Johnson of his brief diplomatic tenure was that the var- made the nomination. In time, Hamlin became ious foreign ministers he met ‘‘seemed to regard dismayed over Johnson’s policies on Reconstruc- as of great importance’’ the fact that he had tion and his abandonment of the rights of the served as vice president. Hamlin retired from freedmen. As other Republican officeholders re- public service in 1882. He made his last public signed in protest, many looked to Hamlin to join appearance at a Republican Club dinner at them, but he held onto his collectorship. Finally, Delmonico’s in honor of Lincoln’s birthday in the governor of Maine wrote to Hamlin that his February 1891. There he was toasted as ‘‘The Sur- resignation would ‘‘strike a lofty note’’ and set viving Standard-Bearer of 1860,’’ to thunderous a ‘‘high example’’ of sacrifice for principles. Real- applause. A few months later, on the Fourth of izing that his political future depended upon July in 1891, thirty years to the day after he con- distancing himself from Johnson, Hamlin aban- vened the Senate at the start of the Civil War, doned the office with a blast at the president.22 Hannibal Hamlin walked from his home to the In 1868, against his wishes, Hamlin’s name Tarratine Club of Bangor, Maine. He had found- was put forward as a vice-presidential candidate ed the social club, served as its president, and on the ticket headed by U.S. Grant, but the nomi- went there every afternoon (except Sunday) to nation went to House Speaker Schuyler Colfax. play cards. While seated at the card table, Ham- At last in 1869 Hamlin was elected to another lin collapsed and fell unconscious, dying that term in the Senate. He returned as a respected night at the age of eighty-one.24

[ 209 ] NOTES 1 See William E. Gienapp, The Origins of the Republican 14 Hunt, pp. 148, 153. Party, 1852–1856 (New York, 1987). 15 Ibid, p. 155; Benjamin Perley Poore, Perley’s 2 Charles Eugene Hamlin, The Life and Times of Hannibal Reminiscences of Sixty Years in the National Metropolis (Phila- Hamlin (Cambridge, MA, 1899), pp. 7–8; H. Draper Hunt, delphia, 1886), 2:97–98. Hannibal Hamlin of Maine: Lincoln’s First Vice-President (Syra- 16 ‘‘Conversation with Hon. H. Hamlin,’’ April 8, 1879, in cuse, NY, 1969), pp. 1–11; Mark Scroggins, Hannibal: The Life Michael Burlingame, ed., An Oral History of Abraham Lincoln: of Abraham Lincoln’s First Vice President (Lanham, MD, 1994), John G. Nicolay’s Interviews and Essays (Carbondale, IL, 1996), pp. 4–19. pp. 67–68. 3 Hunt, pp. 23–26. 16 Hunt, pp. 157–58. 4 Ibid., pp. 40–41; Scroggins, pp. 34–58. 17 Ibid, pp. 158, 188; Hamlin, p. 497. 5 Hunt, pp. 44–47, 63; Hamlin, pp. 72–181; Frederick J. 18 Hunt, pp. 160, 189; Young, p. 54. Blue, The Free Soilers: Third Party Politics, 1848–54 (Urbana, 19 David Donald, Lincoln (New York, 1995), pp. 503–6; IL, 1973), pp. 97–100. Hunt, pp. 177–89; Hamlin, pp. 461–89; James G. Blaine, 6 Hunt, pp. 48, 62. See description of the incident in Chap- Twenty Years of Congress: From Lincoln to Garfield (, ter 12 of this volume, ‘‘Millard Fillmore,’’ p. 175. CT, 1884), p. 522; David Donald, Charles Sumner and the 7 Hunt, pp. 68, 81; Gienapp, pp. 47, 77. Rights of Man (New York, 1970), pp. 169–73. 8 Hunt, pp. 84–85; Scroggins, pp. 102–5, 117–18. 20 Scroggins, pp. 210–12. 9 Gienapp, pp. 208, 390–94. 21 Hamlin, p. 497; Hunt, p. 200; Poore, pp. 159–60. 10 Hunt, pp. 114–18, 152; Young, Men and 22 Scroggins, pp. 213–15; Hunt, pp. 194, 200; Beverly Wil- Memories, Personal Reminiscences (New York, 1901), pp. 48– son Palmer, ed., The Selected Letters of Charles Sumner (Bos- 50; Hans L. Trefousse, Andrew Johnson: A Biography (New ton, 1990), 2:326–27. York, 1989), p. 115. 23 Edward P. Mitchell, Memoirs of an Editor (New York, 11 Hunt, pp. 118–19; Hamlin, p. 580. 1924), p. 314. 12 Hunt, pp. 121, 125–26, 152; Hamlin, pp. 354–55, 359. 24 Hunt, pp. 221, 250; , Reconstruction: America’s 13 Hunt, pp. 127, 133; Hamlin, pp. 366–75. Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877 (New York, 1988), p. 266.

[ 210 ] Chapter 16 ANDREW JOHNSON 1865

[ 211 ] ANDREW JOHNSON Chapter 16 ANDREW JOHNSON

16th Vice President: 1865

The inauguration went off very well except that the Vice President Elect was too drunk to perform his duties & disgraced himself & the Senate by making a drunken foolish speech. —SENATOR

Vice President-elect Andrew Johnson arrived his duties & disgraced himself & the Senate by in Washington ill from . The night making a drunken foolish speech,’’ Michigan Re- before his March 4, 1865, inauguration, he for- publican Senator Zachariah Chandler wrote tified himself with whiskey at a party hosted by home to his wife. ‘‘I was never so mortified in his old friend, Secretary of the Senate John W. my life, had I been able to find a hole I would Forney. The next morning, hung over and con- have dropped through it out of sight.’’ Johnson fronting cold, wet, and windy weather, Johnson presided over the Senate on March 6 but, still proceeded to the Capitol office of Vice President feeling unwell, he then went into seclusion at the Hannibal Hamlin, where he complained of feel- home of an old friend in Silver Spring, Maryland. ing weak and asked for a tumbler of whiskey. He returned to the Senate only on the last day Drinking it straight, he quickly consumed two of the special session, March 11. Rumors that had more. Then, growing red in the face, Johnson en- him on a drunken spree led some Radical Repub- tered the overcrowded and overheated Senate licans to draft a resolution calling for Johnson’s chamber. After Hamlin delivered a brief and resignation. Others talked of impeachment. stately valedictory, Johnson rose unsteadily to President Lincoln, however, assured callers that harangue the distinguished crowd about his he still had confidence in Johnson, whom he had humble origins and his triumph over the rebel known for years, observing, ‘‘It has been a severe aristocracy. In the shocked and silent audience, lesson for Andy, but I do not think he will do President Abraham Lincoln showed an expres- it again.’’ 2 sion of ‘‘unutterable sorrow,’’ while Senator Charles Sumner covered his face with his hands. Plebian Roots Former Vice President Hamlin tugged vainly at Lost in his muddled inaugural was Johnson’s Johnson’s coattails, trying to cut short his re- celebration of his dramatic rise from ‘‘plebeian’’ marks. After Johnson finally quieted, took the roots. He had been born in a log cabin in Raleigh, oath of office, and kissed the , he tried to North Carolina, on December 29, 1808, to Jacob swear in the new senators, but became so con- Johnson, an illiterate bank porter and city con- fused that he had to turn the job over to a Senate stable, and his wife, Mary, known as ‘‘Polly the clerk.1 Weaver’’ for her work as a seamstress and laun- Without a doubt it had been the most inauspi- dress. When Andrew was three his father died. cious beginning to any vice-presidency. ‘‘The in- His mother remarried and later apprenticed her auguration went off very well except that the sons William and Andrew at James Selby’s tailor Vice President Elect was too drunk to perform shop. Young Andy Johnson was something of a [ 213 ] ANDREW JOHNSON hell-raiser and at fifteen he and his brother got He proposed cutting the number of government into trouble by pelting a neighbor’s house with clerks, voted against raising soldiers’ pay, as- pieces of wood. When the woman threatened to sailed military academies as aristocratic, op- sue, the boys fled from Raleigh, causing their em- posed purchasing paintings of past presidents ployer Selby to post a ten-dollar reward for their for the White House, and opposed accepting the return.3 funds bequeathed to the United States by James Johnson went to Laurens, South Carolina, Smithson to create a Smithsonian Institution, on where he worked in a tailor shop. He fell in love the grounds that if the funds were unwisely in- with a local girl, but her mother objected to her vested the taxpayers would have to support the marriage with a penniless tailor. Disappointed, enterprise. Among those with whom he served he abandoned South Carolina and walked to in Congress who had the opportunity to take his Tennessee. There he worked in a tailor shop and full measure were the Whig representative from in 1827 married Eliza McCardle, daughter of a Illinois, Abraham Lincoln, and the Democratic Greenville shoemaker. Eliza did not teach her representative from Mississippi, Jefferson Davis. husband to read, as some stories later had it, but Johnson particularly sparred with Davis, whom she aided his further efforts at self-education. he portrayed as part of the South’s ‘‘illegitimate, Short, stocky, and swarthy, but always impec- swaggering, bastard, scrub aristocracy.’’ 5 cably dressed, as befitted his trade, Johnson built In 1852, Tennessee elected Johnson governor. a solid business as a tailor, invested in real estate, During his term he succeeded in enacting tax- raised a growing family, joined a debating soci- supported public education for his state. He won ety, and won the title ‘‘Colonel Johnson’’ for his reelection over intense opposition and served rank in the state militia. With his steadily in- until 1856, when the legislature elected him to creasing wealth and status, he also bought a few the U.S. Senate. Once more, Johnson pressed for slaves. A staunch supporter of the Democrat An- passage of a Homestead bill, which he succeeded drew Jackson, Johnson became active in local in moving through Congress in 1860, only to politics. In 1829, he won his first race as alder- have it vetoed by President James Buchanan. man. He was chosen mayor of Greenville in 1834 While Johnson was preoccupied with his Home- and elected to the Tennessee state legislature the stead bill, his party was breaking up over the following year. In the legislature he introduced issue of slavery in the territories. In 1860, John- a homesteading bill that would give poor men son supported the Southern Democratic can- 160 acres of public land if they would live on it— didate, John C. Breckinridge, but he strenuously a measure he persisted in pushing when he opposed the secessionists within his party. After moved to the U.S. Congress, until it became fed- Lincoln’s election, Johnson fought to keep Ten- eral law in 1862.4 nessee in the Union. To Andrew Johnson, seces- A Rising Political Star sion appeared simply a continuation of John C. Calhoun’s discredited policy of nullification, Tennessee Democrats, spotting Andrew John- against which his hero Andrew Jackson had son as a rising star and a pugnacious debater, stood his ground. Johnson threw his support be- sent him around the state to campaign for their hind Lincoln as the new embodiment of ticket in the 1840 election. Governor James K. Jackson.6 Polk received reports that Johnson was ‘‘a strongminded man who cuts when he does cut not with a razor but with a case knife.’’ In 1843, In the spring of 1861, Johnson took the train Johnson won election to the U.S. House of Rep- from Washington back to Tennessee and was resentatives, where he attracted attention as an mobbed at several stops in Virginia. The senator outspoken and unbending defender of Jeffer- had to pull a pistol to defend himself. Although sonian-Jacksonian principles. He opposed Whig Union sympathies were strong in the eastern programs for protective tariffs and internal im- mountains of Tennessee, where Johnson’s home- provements as unnecessary public expenditures. town of Greenville was located, he found Con- [ 214 ] ANDREW JOHNSON federate flags flying around the town. There ward the choice of a vice president, but privately were enough Union sympathizers in Tennessee he sent emissaries to several War Democrats as to defeat an effort to call a state convention to potential candidates on a fusion ticket. General secede, but after the firing on , senti- Benjamin F. Butler let the president know he had ment in the state swung more heavily to the Con- no interest in the second spot, but Johnson of federates. To avoid arrest, Johnson left Tennessee Tennessee and Daniel S. Dickinson of New York and returned to the Senate. As the only southern both expressed eagerness to be considered. Sec- senator to remain loyal to the Union after his retary of State William Seward, who counted state seceded, Johnson became a hero in the New York as his own political base, wanted no North. As a leader of the ‘‘War Democrats,’’ he part of Dickinson in the cabinet and threw his denounced ‘‘Peace Democrats’’ and defended weight behind Johnson. The fearless, tough- President Lincoln’s use of wartime executive minded war captured the power. ‘‘I say, Let the battle go on—it is Free- imagination of the delegates. As John W. Forney dom’s cause. . . . Do not talk about Republicans judged Johnson’s wartime record: ‘‘His speeches now; do not talk about Democrats now; do not were sound, his measures bold, his administra- talk about Whigs or Americans now; talk about tion a fair success.’’ Johnson won the nomination your Country and the Constitution and the on the first ballot.9 7 Union.’’ Becoming a Household Word When federal troops conquered Nashville and During the campaign, the great Republican or- its immediate vicinity, President Lincoln sent ator Robert G. Ingersoll wrote to Johnson saying: Andrew Johnson back to Tennessee in 1862 as war governor. Johnson still identified himself as The people want to see and hear you. The name a Democrat, but as one who put the Union before of Andrew Johnson has become a household party. He denounced the state’s aristocratic word all over the great West, and you are re- planting class who had supported the war, and garded by the people of Illinois as the grandest said that if freeing their slaves would help to end example of loyalty in the whole South. the war, then he was in favor of emancipation. Traveling to Logansport, Indiana, in October, ‘‘Treason,’’ he said, in a much-publicized quote, Johnson told the crowd that a Democratic news- ‘‘must be made odious and traitors punished.’’ paper had accused the Republicans of nominat- In 1863, Tennessee held elections for a civilian ing ‘‘a rail-splitter’’ at the head of their ticket and government. Much to Johnson’s chagrin, a con- ‘‘a boorish tailor’’ at its tail. Rather than see this servative, proslavery candidate won the race for as a rebuke, Johnson took pride in having risen governor. President Lincoln wired Johnson to ig- up ‘‘from the mass of the people.’’ The aristocrats nore the results and not recognize the new gov- were offended that he was a tailor, he said, but ernor. ‘‘Let the reconstruction be the work of he had learned ‘‘that if a man does not disgrace such men only as can be trusted for the Union,’’ his profession, it never disgraces him.’’ Johnson Lincoln instructed. ‘‘Exclude all others. . . . Get acquitted himself well during the campaign but emancipation into your new state constitution.’’ at times had trouble restraining himself in the ex- Following Lincoln’s advice, Johnson made any- citement of facing a crowd, whether hostile or one who wished to vote take an oath of loyalty, supportive. Late in October 1864 he addressed a which was then followed by a six-month waiting large rally of in Nashville. period. Since this meant that only those who had Johnson noted that, since Lincoln’s emancipation opposed the Confederacy could vote, Johnson’s proclamation had not covered territories like Radical forces swept the next state elections.8 Tennessee that were already under Union con- Lincoln faced a difficult campaign for reelec- trol, he had issued his own proclamation freeing tion in 1864, and he doubted that his vice presi- the slaves in Tennessee. He also asserted that so- dent, Maine Republican Hannibal Hamlin, ciety would be improved if the great plantations would add much to his ticket. Officially, the were divided into many small farms and sold to president maintained a hands-off attitude to- honest farmers. Looking out over the crowd and [ 215 ] ANDREW JOHNSON commenting on the storm of persecution through tin Van Buren, and William R. King) were sworn which his listeners had passed, he wished that in on dates after March 4. With the war still un- a Moses might arise to ‘‘lead them safely to their derway, however, Lincoln replied that he and his of freedom and happiness.’’ ‘‘You cabinet unanimously believed that Johnson must are our Moses,’’ shouted people in the crowd. be in Washington by March 4. Had Johnson not ‘‘We want no Moses but you!’’ ‘‘Well, then,’’ re- complied, he might not have taken the oath of plied Johnson, ‘‘humble and unworthy as I am, office before Lincoln’s death on April 14, adding if no other better shall be found, I will indeed more constitutional confusion to the aftermath of by your Moses, and lead you through the Red the assassination.12 Sea of war and bondage, to a fairer future of lib- An Assassination Plot erty and peace.’’ 10 During Johnson’s six weeks as vice president, Vice President he faced greater danger than he knew. The assas- Success on the battlefield brought Lincoln and sination plot that would make Johnson president Johnson victory in the election of 1864. As the included him as a target. The circle of conspira- Civil War approached its end, the equally monu- tors that had gathered at Mrs. mental challenge of reconstructing the Union lay ’s boardinghouse had at first ahead. In Congress, the planned to capture President Lincoln and whisk wanted a victor’s peace, enforced by federal him off to the Confederacy. But the war was end- troops, that would allow the former Confederate ing sooner than they anticipated, and when the states to return to the Union only on terms that attempted capture went awry, Booth decided to protected the rights of the freedmen. They of- kill Lincoln, Vice President Johnson, and Sec- fered their plan as the Wade-Davis bill of 1864, retary of State William H. Seward, thereby which Lincoln killed by a . Lincoln throwing the North into confusion and anarchy. wanted to be free to pursue a more lenient, flexi- Booth intended to kill Lincoln himself, and as- ble approach to Reconstruction. Having gotten signed Lewis Payne to assassinate Seward. For the United States into the Civil War during a con- the vice president, whom he considered the least gressional recess in 1861, Lincoln anticipated important victim, Booth assigned his weakest ending the war and reconstructing the South partner, . A German carriage during the long recess between March and De- maker from Port Tobacco, Maryland, Atzerodt cember 1865. He presumed that his new vice had spent the war years ferrying Confederates president would be in sympathy with these across the Potomac River to circumvent the plans, since in July 1864 Johnson had congratu- Union blockades. lated Lincoln on his veto of the Wade-Davis bill, On the morning of April 14, 1865, Atzerodt saying that ‘‘the real union men’’ were satisfied registered at Kirkwood House, a hotel at the cor- with the president’s approach.11 ner of Twelfth Street and , The vice president-elect hesitated in leaving between the White House and the Capitol. He Tennessee. In January 1865, Johnson wrote to took a room almost directly above the ground- Lincoln out that the final abolition of floor suite occupied by the vice president. So in- slavery in Tennessee could not be taken up until competent at conspiracy was Atzerodt that he the new civilian legislature met that April. He signed his right name to the hotel register. His wanted to remain as war governor until that notion of surveillance was to spend the afternoon time, before handing power over to the elected in the hotel bar asking suspicious questions representatives of the people. Johnson suggested about the vice president and his guard. Suffi- that his inaugural as vice president be delayed ciently fortified with liquor, Atzerodt armed until April. His friend, John W. Forney, secretary himself and asked the desk clerk to point out the of the Senate, had checked the records and found vice president’s suite. When informed that John- that several vice presidents (John Adams, George son had just come back to his rooms, Atzerodt Clinton, Elbridge Gerry, Daniel Tompkins, Mar- reacted in shocked surprise, and left the hotel. [ 216 ] ANDREW JOHNSON

Shortly afterwards, Johnson also left for an ap- Mary Todd Lincoln. Somberly, he walked back pointment with Lincoln. to Kirkwood House. There, in his parlor, at ten When Booth arrived at the Kirkwood House o’clock that morning after Lincoln’s death, John- and learned that Atzerodt was gone, he lost hope son took the oath of office from Chief Justice that this weak man would have the nerve to Salmon P. Chase.13 carry out his assignment. If he could not have A Stormy Presidency Johnson killed, Booth improvised a way of dis- crediting him. He asked for a blank card, which Lincoln’s death stunned the nation and ele- he filled out: ‘‘Don’t wish to disturb you. Are you vated the often harshly criticized wartime presi- at home? J. Wilkes Booth.’’ Booth assumed that dent to a sanctified martyr. In Washington, some Johnson would have a hard time explaining the Radical Republicans viewed Lincoln’s death as card, since it suggested that the vice president a godsend. They held, as Johnson’s friend Forney was himself part of the conspiracy. Fortunately wrote in the Philadelphia Press, that ‘‘a sterner for Johnson, his secretary, William A. Browning, and less gentle hand may at this juncture have picked up the mail at the desk and assumed that been required to take hold of the reins of Govern- the card was for him, since he had once met ment.’’ Johnson’s fiery rhetoric in the Senate and Booth after a performance. as war governor, his early embrace of the ‘‘state A pounding at the door later that evening suicide’’ theory that secession had reduced the awakened Andrew Johnson. Rather than George southern states to the status of territories, to be Atzerodt with a pistol, the excited man at the readmitted under terms set by Congress, his call door was former Wisconsin Governor Leonard for expropriation of plantation lands, his author- Farwell, who had just come from Ford’s Theater ship of the Homestead Act, all suggested that the and who exclaimed, ‘‘Someone has shot and new president would act more sympathetically murdered the President.’’ Johnson ordered toward Radical Reconstruction than would Lin- Farwell to go back to the theater to find out what coln. ‘‘Johnson, we have faith in you,’’ the Radi- he could about the president’s condition. Farwell cal Republican Senator Ben Wade told the new returned with the District of Columbia’s provost president. ‘‘By the Gods, there will be no trouble marshal, who assured Johnson and the crowd now in running this government.’’ 14 that had gathered in his room that President Lin- Johnson also won admiration for his gallant coln was dying and that Secretary of State Wil- treatment of Mrs. Lincoln, who was too dis- liam Seward was dead, as part of a gigantic plot traught to leave the White House for more than (in fact, Seward had been badly wounded but a month after her husband’s death. Rather than not killed). Johnson wished to leave immediately move into the White House, which served as the to be with the president, but the provost marshal president’s office as well as his residence, Presi- urged him to wait until order had been restored dent Johnson worked out of a suite of rooms in in the streets. At dawn, Johnson, receiving word the Treasury Department (marked today by a from Secretary of War that Lin- plaque on the door). However, the spirit of good coln was dying, insisted on going to the presi- will evaporated almost a soon as Johnson began dent’s side. Flanked by Governor Farwell and making decisions regarding Reconstruction. the provost marshal, the vice president walked Showing a strange amalgam of political cour- the few blocks to the , just across age and ‘‘pigheaded’’ stubbornness, Andrew from Ford’s Theater, where Lincoln had been Johnson confounded both his supporters and his carried. Admitted to the bedroom where the cab- adversaries. By the end of May 1865, it became inet and military leaders were gathered around clear that, like Lincoln, he intended to pursue a the president’s deathbed, Johnson stood with his more lenient course toward Reconstruction than hat in his hand looking down saying nothing. He the Radicals in Congress wanted. Members of then took Robert Lincoln’s hand, whispered a Congress grumbled when Johnson handed par- few words to him, conversed with Stanton, and dons to former Confederate leaders, suspected went to another parlor to pay his respects to that the plebeian president took pride in having [ 217 ] ANDREW JOHNSON former aristocrats petition him. Congress was The Impeachment of Andrew Johnson further shocked when the new governments Although Johnson’s term was coming to a formed under Johnson’s plan enacted ‘‘Black close and he had little chance of nomination by Codes’’ that sought to regulate and restrict the any party, the House of Representatives voted to activities of the freedmen. There was fear also impeach the president. The New York Tribune’s that the former Confederate states would send editor Horace Greeley thought this a foolhardy Confederate officers and officeholders to reclaim tactic. ‘‘Why hang a man who is bent on hanging their seats in Congress and undo the legislative himself?’’ Greeley asked. But the Republican accomplishments of the wartime Republican ma- members of Congress and their allies in the press jorities. When the president opposed granting wanted to take no chance of the president’s sabo- political rights to the freedmen, white south- taging congressional Reconstruction during his erners looked to him as a defender of white su- last months in office. Said , premacy and as their protector against Radical leader of the House impeachers: ‘‘I don’t want retribution. The Democratic party considered to hurt the man’s feelings by telling him he is Johnson as one of their own, who might be in- a rascal. I’d rather put it mildly, and say he duced to return to their fold.15 hasn’t got off that inaugural drunk yet, and just The predominantly Republican Washington let him retire to get sobered.’’ The House voted press corps had at first embraced President John- for impeachment, and on March 5, 1868, the son, assuring their readers that he supported United States Senate convened as a court to con- and other Radical measures. sider removing Johnson from the presidency. As Forney celebrated his old friend as a ‘‘practical the trial opened, the majority of the northern statesman’’ whose policies offered a common press favored conviction, but as the proceedings ground for ‘‘all earnest loyalists.’’ Whatever hon- wound on, a profound sense of disillusionment eymoon the new president enjoyed with Con- set in among the correspondents, who commu- gress and the press ended in February 1866 when nicated their dismay to their readers.17 Johnson vetoed the Freedmen’s Bureau bill. The Correspondent George Alfred Townsend de- veto shocked Republican conservatives and scribed Johnson’s Senate trial as ‘‘a more terrible drove them into alliance with the Radicals scene than the trial of Judas Iscariot might be be- against the president. The press and even Forney fore the College of Cardinals.’’ Not a single Dem- deserted Johnson. That fall, Johnson conducted ocrat countenanced the impeachment, he point- a disastrous ‘‘,’’ cam- ed out, ‘‘It was purely within the political organi- paigning by train in favor of congressional can- zation which had nominated the offender.’’ Al- didates who supported his policies. Egged on by though Townsend was a Republican who con- hecklers, he made intemperate remarks that fur- sidered Johnson a barrier against any settlement ther alienated the voters and resulted in the elec- of ‘‘the Southern question,’’ when he arrived at tion of an even more hostile Congress. The new the Capitol he found none except Charles Sum- Congress seized the initiative on Reconstruction ner and Thaddeus Stevens who seemed excited from the president—most notably with a con- over Johnson’s policies. ‘‘It was his abuse of the stitutional amendment giving the freedmen the party patronage which was an unforgiven sin.’’ right to vote—and passed legislation to limit his Johnson took patronage away from his critics responses. Among these laws, the Tenure of Of- and purged over 1,600 postmasters. In addition, fice Act prohibited the president from firing cabi- Townsend noted: ‘‘He had disobeyed an act of net officers and other appointees without Senate Congress, of doubtful validity, taking away from approval. Johnson considered the act unconstitu- him the power to make ad-interim appoint- tional—as indeed the Supreme Court would later ments, or those made between sessions of Con- declare it—and in February 1868 he fired his sec- gress. This was a challenge to every member of retary of war, Edwin Stanton, for insubordina- Congress in the regular caucus ranks that off tion.16 straight come the heads of HIS post-master, HIS [ 218 ] ANDREW JOHNSON revenue officials, HIS clerks, and HIS brothers- 5, along with Lincoln’s other vice president, Han- in-law.’’ 18 nibal Hamlin, reelected a senator from Maine. Rather than appear in the Senate chamber per- (Both men had begun their congressional service sonally, President Johnson wisely left his defense in the House of Representatives on the same day, to his attorneys. Although Republicans enjoyed thirty-two years earlier.) Hamlin in 1866 had re- a more than two-thirds majority in the Senate at signed as collector of the port of Boston as a pub- the time, seven Republicans—fearing impeach- lic protest against Johnson’s policies on Recon- ment’s negative impact on the office of the presi- struction. The oath was administered by Vice dency—broke with their party. As a result, the President Henry Wilson, who as a senator had impeachers failed by a single vote to achieve the voted for Johnson’s conviction and for his dis- two-thirds majority necessary to convict the qualification from holding future office. When president. In the 1868 elections, Johnson en- Johnson stepped forward to shake hands first dorsed the Democratic candidate, Horatio Sey- with Hamlin and then Wilson, the chamber mour, and was deeply disappointed over the vic- erupted into cheers. A reporter asked if he would tory of the Republican, U.S. Grant. Refusing to use his new position to settle some old scores, attend Grant’s inauguration, Johnson left the White House in March 1869, discredited but not to which Johnson replied, ‘‘I have no enemies to disgraced. Out of office for the first time in thirty punish nor friends to reward.’’ The special ses- years, he could not stay retired. That fall he cam- sion ended on March 24, and Johnson returned paigned for a Senate seat from Tennessee and to Tennessee. At the home of a granddaughter, lost. Never giving up, Johnson tried again in Jan- he suffered a stroke and died on July 31, 1875. uary 1875 and won back a seat in the Senate that A marble bust of Johnson, sculpted with a typi- had once tormented him.19 cally pugnacious and defiant expression, looks The only former U.S. president ever to return down from the gallery at the Senate chamber, to serve in the Senate, Johnson saw his election where he served on three occasions as a senator, as a vindication and came back to Washington briefly presided as vice president, and was tried in triumph. He took his oath of office on March and acquitted in a court of impeachment.20

[ 219 ] NOTES 1 H. Draper Hunt, Hannibal Hamlin of Maine: Lincoln’s First 11 Ibid., 7:30. Vice-President (Syracuse, NY, 1969), pp. 196–98; Lloyd Paul 12 Ibid., 7:420–21, 427. Stryker, Andrew Johnson: A Study in Courage (New York, 13 See Jim Bishop, (New York, 1929), p. 167. 1955). 2 Hans L. Trefousse, Andrew Johnson: A Biography (New 14 Dell, p. 323; Foner, p. 177. York, 1989), pp. 188–91; John W. Forney, Anecdotes of Public 15 Graf, ed., 7:639; Foner, pp. 176–216; Joel H. Silbey, A Men (New York, 1873), 1:177. Respectable Minority: The Democratic Party in the Civil War 3 Trefousse, Andrew Johnson, pp. 20–23. Era, 1860–1868 (New York, 1877), pp. 178–79. 4 Ibid., pp. 35–50. 16 Donald A. Ritchie, Press Gallery: Congress and the Wash- 5 Ibid, pp. 43, 51–83; Donald W. Riddle, Congressman Abra- ington Correspondents (Cambridge, MA, 1991), pp. 79–90; ham Lincoln (Urbana, IL, 1957), pp. 144, 147, 159. Foner, pp. 261–71. 6 Trefousse, Andrew Johnson, pp. 84–127; Eric Foner, Recon- 17 Ritchie, pp. 83–84; Hans L. Trefousse, Impeachment of a struction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877 (New President: Andrew Johnson, the Blacks, and Reconstruction York, 1988), p. 176; LeRoy P. Graf, ed., The Papers of Andrew (Knoxville, TN, 1975), pp. 146–64; Benjamin Perley Poore, Johnson, vol. 7, 1864–1865 (Knoxville, TN, 1986), p. 9. Perley’s Reminiscences of Sixty Years in the Nation’s Metropolis 7 Christopher Dell, Lincoln and the War Democrats: The (Philadelphia, 1886), 2:229. Grand Erosion of Conservative Tradition (Rutherford, NJ, 18 George Alfred Townsend, Washington, Outside and In- 1975), pp. 36–37, 80. side (Hartford, CT, 1873), pp. 506–7; Foner, p. 266. 8 Ibid., pp. 202, 238–39, 289; Foner, pp. 43–44. 19 Michael Les Benedict, The Impeachment and Trial of An- 9 Hunt, pp. 178–89; Trefousse, Andrew Johnson, pp. 176– drew Johnson (New York, 1973), pp. 126–80. 79; Stryker, pp. 121–23; Forney, 1:166–67, 2:48. 20 Trefousse, Andrew Johnson, pp. 353–79; Stryker, pp. 805– 10 Graf, ed., 7:110, 222, 251–53. 11, Hunt, pp. 202–5.

[ 220 ] Chapter 17 SCHUYLER COLFAX 1869–1873

[ 221 ] SCHUYLER COLFAX Chapter 17 SCHUYLER COLFAX

17th Vice President: 1869–1873

The Vice Presidency is an elegant office whose occupant must find it his principal business to try to discover what is the use of there being such an office at all. — Journal, MARCH 7, 1871

As amiable a man who ever served in Con- Washington, married Hester Schuyler, a cousin gress, good-natured, kindly, cordial, and always of General Philip Schuyler, and named one of his diplomatic, Indiana’s Schuyler Colfax won the sons for Washington and another for Schuyler. nickname ‘‘Smiler’’ Colfax. Through two of the Schuyler Colfax, Sr., became a teller in a bank on most tumultuous decades in American public New York City’s Wall Street. In 1820 he married life, Colfax glided smoothly from the Whig to Hannah Stryker, the daughter of a widowed Know-Nothing to Republican parties, mingling boardinghouse keeper. He died of tuberculosis easily with both conservatives and radicals. He two years later, as his wife was expecting her rose to become Speaker of the House and vice first child. Four months after his father’s death, president and seemed poised to achieve his goal Schuyler, Jr. was born in New York City on of the presidency. Along the way, there were March 23, 1823. those who doubted the sincerity behind the smile As a boy, Colfax attended public schools until and suspected that for all his political dexterity, he was ten, when he was obliged to work as a Colfax stood for nothing save his own advance- clerk in a retail store to help support himself, his ment. Those close to President Abraham Lincoln mother, and his grandmother. Three years later, later revealed that he considered Speaker Colfax his mother married George W. Matthews, and an untrustworthy intriguer, and President Ulys- the family moved to New Carlisle, Indiana. ses S. Grant seemed relieved when the Repub- Young Colfax worked in his stepfather’s store, lican convention dumped Vice President Colfax from the ticket in 1872. Even the press, which which served also as the village post office. counted the Indiana editor as a colleague and Townspeople later recalled that Colfax would sit pumped him up to national prominence, eventu- on barrels reading newspapers as they arrived ally turned on Colfax and shredded his once ad- by post. He borrowed whatever books he could mirable reputation until he disappeared into the get to provide himself with an education. In forgotten recesses of American history.1 1841, the family moved to South Bend, where Matthews was elected as the Whig candidate for Early Years county auditor and hired Schuyler as his deputy. Schuyler Colfax was born into a family of dis- Enjoying politics, the boy became active in a tinguished heritage but depleted circumstances. ‘‘moot legislature,’’ where he gained his first His grandfather, who had fought in the Amer- experience in debate and parliamentary ican Revolution and served closely with George procedure.2

[ 223 ] SCHUYLER COLFAX

Politics and the Press scoundrelism of the nation as while in At sixteen, Colfax wrote to Horace Greeley, Congress.’’ 4 editor of the influential Whig newspaper, the Building a New Party New-York Tribune, offering to send occasional ar- Antislavery Whigs like Colfax sought to build ticles. Always open to new talent, Greeley agreed a new party that combined the antislavery ele- and published the boy’s writings on Indiana pol- ments among the Whigs, Democrats, and Free itics, beginning a correspondence and friendship Soilers, a coalition that eventually emerged as that lasted for the rest of their lives. Colfax also the Republican party. For a brief time, however, reported on the Indiana legislature for the Indi- it seemed likely that a nativist organization, the ana State Journal, and when he was nineteen local Know-Nothings, might become the new majority Whigs engaged him to edit the South Bend Free party. The first Know-Nothing lodge in Indiana Press. The young editor described himself as an opened in early 1854 and by election time the ‘‘uncompromising Whig.’’ He idolized Henry party had grown, in the words of one Methodist Clay and embraced all of the Whig reforms, tak- minister, ‘‘as thick as the Locusts in Egypt.’’ The ing a pledge of abstinence from alcoholic spirits Know-Nothings opposed slavery and alcohol (but not from the cigars he loved). In 1844 he but turned their greatest passions against Catho- married a childhood sweetheart, Evelyn Clark, lics and immigrants. Although Colfax shared and by the next year was able to purchase the these nativist prejudices (arguing that ‘‘Protes- Free Press, renaming it the St. Joseph Valley Reg- tant foreigners, who are thoroughly American- ister. The writer later pro- ized’’ should be admitted into the party), he claimed it ‘‘a morally pure paper.’’ 3 made it clear that he would remain only if the Advancing from the editorial page into poli- Know-Nothings kept a firm antislavery plank in tics, Colfax served as a delegate to the Whig con- their platform. When the new congressman ar- vention of 1848 and to the convention that draft- rived in the House of Representatives in 1855, it ed a new constitution for Indiana in 1849. He led was unclear which members belonged to what the opposition to a provision in the constitution party. The New-York Tribune Almanac estimated that barred African Americans from settling in that there were 118 Anti-Nebraska representa- tives, a number that included Republicans, anti- Indiana or those already in the state from pur- Nebraska Democrats, and antislavery Know- chasing land. Despite his efforts, this racial bar- Nothings, comprising a slight majority of the rier stood until ruled unconstitutional as a con- House. By the following year, the Know- sequence of the Thirteenth Amendment to the Nothings had already peaked and declined, and Constitution in 1865. In 1851, the Whigs chose Colfax announced that he would run for reelec- Colfax to run for Congress. At that time, Indiana tion as a Republican.5 was a Democratic state and Colfax narrowly lost The House of Representatives proved an ideal to the incumbent Democrat. He declined to run arena for Colfax’s talents. Short and stocky, fair- again in 1852. Dismayed over the disintegration haired, with a ready smile, he got along well of the Whig party and offended by Senator Ste- with his colleagues in private but never hesitated phen A. Douglas’ Kansas-Nebraska Act that re- to do battle with the opposition on the House pealed the Missouri Compromise, Colfax again floor. When Republicans held the majority, he ran for Congress in 1854 as an Anti-Nebraska served energetically as chairman of the Commit- candidate. His friend and fellow editor Horace tee on Post Offices and Post Roads, handling the Greeley, who had served a brief term in 1849, en- kind of patronage that built political organiza- couraged him: ‘‘I thought it would be a nuisance tions. Never having been a lawyer, he could put and a sacrifice for me to go to Congress,’’ he ad- complex issues of the day into layman’s terms. vised Colfax, ‘‘but I was mistaken; it did me last- In 1856, his speech attacking laws passed by the ing good. I never was brought so palpably and proslavery legislature in Kansas became the most tryingly into collision with the embodied widely requested Republican campaign docu- [ 224 ] SCHUYLER COLFAX ment. His speech raised warnings that it was a once stepping down from the presiding officer’s short step between enslaving blacks and sup- chair to urge the House to expel an Ohio Demo- pressing the civil liberties of . Watching crat who had advocated recognizing the inde- Colfax battle southern representatives over the pendence of the Confederacy. Another time the slavery issue, James Dabney McCabe recorded Speaker broke precedent by requesting that his that ‘‘Mr. Colfax took an active part in the de- vote be recorded in favor of the Thirteenth bate, giving and receiving hard blows with all Amendment. Yet with the exception of the the skill of an old gladiator.’’ 6 power to appoint members to committees, the Colfax traveled widely, spoke frequently, and Speaker of the House was still mostly a figure- helped fuse the various Republican and antislav- head. Observers declared the real power in the ery groups into a unified party for the 1860 elec- House to be the tough-minded Pennsylvanian tion. When the southern Democrats seceded and Thaddeus Stevens, chairman of the Appropria- put House Republicans in the majority, he con- tions Committee and de facto Republican floor sidered running for Speaker, but after testing the leader.8 waters declined to be a candidate. He resumed Washington newspaper correspondents cele- his chairmanship of the Post Office Committee. brated the election of one of their own as Speaker Colfax took a moderate position on emanci- and threw a dinner in his honor. ‘‘We journalists pation and other issues of the day, maintaining and men of the newspaper press do love you, close ties with both wings of his party. He en- and claim you as bone of our bone and flesh of joyed direct access to President Lincoln and often our flesh,’’ said correspondent Sam Wilkeson. served as a conduit of information and opinion ‘‘Fill your glasses, all, in an invocation to the from Horace Greeley and other Republican edi- gods for long life, greater success, and ever-in- tors. He worked tirelessly on behalf of the Union, creasing happiness to our editorial brother in the recruiting regiments and raising public spirits. Speaker’s Chair.’’ In reply Colfax thanked the Yet antiwar sentiments ran strong in Indiana and press for sustaining him through all his elections. many other northern states, and in 1862 Colfax Trained in journalism, Speaker Colfax applied faced a tough campaign for reelection against the lessons of his craft to his political career, David A. Turpie. Winning a narrow victory fur- making himself available for interviews, planting ther elevated Colfax within the party at a time stories, sending flattering notes to editors, sug- when many other Republicans, including House gesting editorials, and spreading patronage. A Speaker Galusha Grow, were defeated. When the widower (his wife died in 1863) with no children, Thirty-eighth Congress convened in December Colfax was free to socialize nightly with his 1863, House Republicans—with their numbers friends on Washington’s ‘‘Newspaper Row.’’ He considerably thinned—elected Schuyler Colfax hoped to parlay his popularity with the press Speaker, despite President Lincoln’s preference into a national following that would make him 9 for a Speaker less tied to the Radical faction of the first journalist to occupy the White House. his party.7 The press lavished more attention on Speaker Colfax than they had on Galusha Grow or any Speaker of the House of his immediate predecessors. They praised the As Speaker of the House, Schuyler Colfax pre- regular Friday night receptions that the Speaker sided, in the words of the journalist Ben: Perley and his mother held and commended him for the Poore, ‘‘in rather a slap-dash-knock-’em-down- ‘‘courtesy, dignity, and equitability which he ex- auctioneer style, greatly in variance with the dec- hibited in the discharge of the important duties orous dignity of his predecessors.’’ He had stud- of the chair.’’ It was harder for the press to detect ied and mastered the rules of the House, and whether Speaker Colfax actually had any influ- both sides considered his rulings fair. Credited ence on specific legislation. He gave the radical as being the most popular Speaker since Henry firebrands wide latitude, while speaking with Clay, Colfax aspired to be as powerful as Clay. moderation himself. At one point, when Radical Certainly, he shared Clay’s sense of the dramatic, Republicans were prepared to introduce a reso- [ 225 ] SCHUYLER COLFAX lution in the party conference that defended the ed equally under the law. He made no mention Republican record and called for the use of black of the radical demand that the freedmen also soldiers in the Union army, Colfax outflanked have the right to vote. The speech won wide- them with a motion that substituted patriotic flag spread praise in the North, where it was per- waving for partisanship, calling instead for all ceived as the firm foundation of Republican pol- loyal men to stand by the Union. His action was icy on which both the president and Congress taken as an effort to give the Republican party could stand.12 a less vindictive image that would build a broad- Colfax’s efforts at party harmony and a mod- er base for congressional elections.10 erate course of Reconstruction were short lived. On April 14, 1865, Colfax called at the White Johnson resented Colfax’s preempting his own House to talk over Reconstruction and other statement of policy on the subject. The presi- matters with President Lincoln before Colfax left dent’s plans to reconstruct the South showed lit- on a long tour of the western states and terri- tle regard for the rights of the freedmen, and he tories. With the war won, Lincoln was in an ebul- vetoed such relatively moderate congressional lient mood and held a long and pleasant con- efforts as the Freedmen’s Bureau bill. His action versation with the Speaker (whom Lincoln pri- drove moderate and radical Republicans into an vately regarded as ‘‘a little intriguer—plausible, alliance that brought about congressional Recon- aspiring beyond his capacity, and not trust- struction of the South. Finally, Johnson’s dismis- worthy’’). The president invited the Speaker to sal of Secretary of War Edwin Stanton in viola- join his party at Ford’s Theater that night, but tion of the Tenure of Office Act convinced even Colfax declined. Later that evening, he was moderates like Colfax that the president must be awakened with news that the president had been impeached. Through all of these dramatic events, shot and rushed to spend the night in the room Colfax’s most astonishing success was his ability where Lincoln died.11 to retain the support of all sides in his party and Reconstructing the South to hold House Republicans together. The party defections that saved Johnson took place in the During the summer of 1865, Colfax toured the Senate rather than the House.13 mining regions between the and the . Newspaper correspondent Al- From Speaker to Vice President bert Richardson, who accompanied him, re- As the 1868 presidential election approached, corded that the trip proved to be ‘‘one continu- Speaker Colfax believed the nomination of Ulys- ous ovation’’ for Colfax, with brass bands, ban- ses S. Grant to be ‘‘resistless.’’ As for himself, he quets, and public receptions, during which the declined to run either for the Senate or for gov- Speaker made seventy speeches. He returned to ernor of Indiana, leaving the door open for the a capital still uncertain over how the new Presi- vice-presidential nomination. Colfax insisted dent Andrew Johnson would handle the recon- that presiding over the House as Speaker was struction of the southern states. Radicals in Con- ‘‘the more important office’’ than presiding over gress trusted that Johnson would use federal the Senate as vice president. But the vice-presi- troops to support tough policies toward the dency was the more direct avenue to the presi- former Confederacy, but there were signs that dency. At the convention, his chief rivals for the Johnson favored a speedier, more lenient read- second spot were Senate President pro tempore mission of the states. That November, at a sere- Ben Wade and Massachusetts Senator Henry nade to mark his return to Washington, Speaker Wilson. Colfax polled fourth on the first ballot Colfax made some remarks that seemed im- and gained steadily with each subsequent ballot. promptu but that may have been prearranged. The temperance forces were delighted that He endorsed Johnson’s attempts to begin Recon- Colfax’s headquarters distributed no liquor, in struction prior to congressional legislation and contrast to Senator Wade, who handed out spir- set as a minimum for the return of the southern its freely among the delegates. Among Repub- states a guarantee that freedmen would be treat- licans there was a collective sense that the absti- [ 226 ] SCHUYLER COLFAX nent Colfax would balance a ticket with Grant, thirty,’’ an attractive and charming woman. By who had been known to drink heavily.14 April 1870 their son Schuyler III was born. This Colfax stayed in Washington while the Repub- domestic bliss would in fact contribute to lican convention met in Chicago. His good Colfax’s political undoing. As a married man, he friend, William Orton, head of the Western found less time to socialize with his old friends Union Telegraph Company, arranged for Colfax in the press, and invitations to the lavish recep- to receive dispatches from the convention every tions at his new home became harder for report- ten minutes. On May 21 Colfax was in the Speak- ers to receive, causing considerable resentment er’s Lobby when he received Orton’s telegram among his old friends on Newspaper Row, who announcing his nomination. Cheers broke out, thought he was putting on airs. Not a wealthy and the room quickly filled with congressmen man, the new vice president could never say no wishing to offer congratulations. As he left the to a gift. He grew indiscreet in his acceptance of lobby, Colfax was greeted by House staff mem- everything from sterling silver to free railroad bers, who ‘‘gathered around him in the most af- passes. In 1868 Colfax also accepted some rail- fectionate manner and tendered him their re- road stocks from his friend Representative Oakes gards.’’ Citizens hailed him as he walked across Ames, who promised handsome dividends. Nei- the Capitol grounds. On the Senate side, Bluff ther suspected the political price that the stock Ben Wade received the news that he had been would ultimately exact.17 beaten and said, ‘‘Well, I guess it will be all right; Plans to Retire he deserves it, and he will be a good presiding officer.’’ The news was received with seemingly The first Speaker of the House ever elected vice universal applause. ‘‘His friends love him devot- president (a previous former Speaker, James K. edly,’’ wrote one admirer, ‘‘and his political ad- Polk, had won the presidency in 1844), Colfax versaries . . . respect him thoroughly.’’ 15 moved easily to the Senate chamber as a man For years, Colfax had addressed Sunday long familiar with the ways of Capitol Hill. The schools and temperance revival meetings, Senate proved an easier body to preside over, quoting from the Bible and urging his listeners leaving him with time on his hands to travel, lec- to a life of virtue. He won support from the reli- ture, and write for the press. The Indianapolis gious magazines as a ‘‘Christian Statesman.’’ Journal observed that ‘‘the Vice Presidency is an One campaign biography praised his ‘‘spotless elegant office whose occupant must find it his integrity’’ and declared, ‘‘So pure is his personal principal business to try to discover what is the character, that the venom of political enmity has use of there being such an office at all.’’ Colfax never attempted to fix a stain upon it.’’ Demo- consulted periodically with President Grant, but, crats, however, lambasted Colfax as a bigot for as one Democratic paper sneered, the vice presi- the anti-Catholicism of his Know-Nothing past. dent carried ‘‘more wind than weight.’’ His dis- Republicans dismissed these charges as mud- tance from the president proved not to be a dis- slinging and organized Irish and German Grant advantage when various scandals began to tar- and Colfax Clubs to court the Catholic and for- nish Grant and his administration. Speculation eign-born vote. (Although it was not known at soon arose that Colfax would replace Grant in the time, U.S. Grant had also once joined the the next election. There was much surprise, Know-Nothings and apparently shared their therefore, when in September 1870, at age forty- anti-Catholic prejudices.) 16 seven, Colfax announced that he intended to re- In November 1868, Grant and Colfax were nar- tire at the end of his term. ‘‘I will then have had rowly elected over the Democratic ticket headed eighteen years of continuous service at Washing- by New York Governor . Days ton, mostly on a stormy sea—long enough for after the election, the vice president-elect mar- any one; and my ambition is all gratified and sat- ried Ellen Wade, niece of the Ohio senator he had isfied.’’ This was an old tactic for Colfax, who defeated for the vice-presidential nomination. periodically before had announced his retire- The groom was forty-five and the bride ‘‘about ment and then changed his mind. Some believed [ 227 ] SCHUYLER COLFAX he intended the announcement to further sepa- freely that they dubbed him ‘‘the official reporter rate himself from the Grant administration and of the [secret] executive sessions of the Senate.’’ open the way for the presidential nomination in Colfax bitterly charged that Wilson had invited 1872. But the national press and Senator Henry newspapermen in ‘‘nearly every evening, asking Wilson took the announcement at face value, and them to telegraph that he was gaining steadily, before long the movement to replace him went that I did not care for it.’’ When he lost the nomi- further than Colfax had anticipated.18 nation, the vice president magnanimously shook Colfax predictably changed his mind early in Senator Wilson’s hand, but one observer noticed 1872 and acceded to the wishes of his friends that that his famous smile had become ‘‘a whitened he stand for reelection on ‘‘the old ticket.’’ Presi- skeleton of its former self.’’ At least Colfax’s de- dent Grant may have questioned Colfax’s inten- feat spared him having to run against his old tions. In 1871 the president had sent his vice mentor, Horace Greeley, presidential candidate president an extraordinary letter, informing him that year on a fusion ticket of Democrats and Lib- that Secretary of State Hamilton Fish wished to eral Republicans.20 retire and asking him ‘‘in plain English’’ to give The Cre´dit Mobilier Scandal up the vice-presidency for the State Department. Grant appeared to be removing Colfax as a po- As a man still in his forties, Colfax might well tential rival. ‘‘In all my heart I hope you will say have continued his political career after the vice- yes,’’ he wrote, ‘‘though I confess the sacrifice presidency, except for his connection to the you will be making.’’ Colfax declined, and a year worst scandal in nineteenth-century U.S. politi- later when Senator Wilson challenged Colfax for cal history. In September 1872, as the presidential renomination, the president chose to remain neu- campaign was getting underway, the New York tral in the contest.19 Sun broke the four-year-old story about the For a man who had assiduously courted the Cre´dit Mobilier, a finance company created to press for so long, Colfax found himself aban- underwrite construction of the transcontinental doned by the Washington correspondents, who . Since the railroad de- overwhelmingly supported Henry Wilson. pended on federal subsidies, the company had Colfax’s slide in the opinion of the Washington recruited Massachusetts Representative Oakes press corps had its roots in a dinner at the begin- Ames to distribute stock among the key mem- ning of his term as vice president, when he had bers of Congress who could help them the most. lectured them on the need to exercise their re- Some members had paid for the stock at a low sponsibilities prudently, since in their hands lay value, others had put no money down at all but the making and unmaking of great men. The re- simply let the generous dividends pay for the porters had noted archly that Colfax, like other stock. On ’ list were the names of politicians, had never complained about the both Schuyler Colfax and Henry Wilson, along ‘‘making’’ of their reputations, just the with such other Washington luminaries as Rep- ‘‘unmaking.’’ Mary Clemmer Ames, a popular resentatives James Garfield and James G. Blaine. newspaper writer in Washington, attributed In South Bend, Indiana, Vice President Colfax Colfax’s downfall to envy within the press corps. made a public statement that completely dissoci- He did not invite them to his dinners and recep- ated himself from Cre´dit Mobilier, assuring his tions, so they decided to ‘‘write him down.’’ The listeners that he never owned a dollar of stock naturally cynical and skeptical reporters, appar- that he had not paid for.21 ently considering the vice president’s sanctimo- On January 7, 1873, the House committee in- niousness contradictory to his newfound riches vestigating the Cre´dit Mobilier scandal called the and opulent lifestyle, sought to take him down vice president to testify. Ames claimed that, since a few pegs. One correspondent likened Colfax to Colfax had lacked the money to buy the stock, ‘‘a penny dip burning high on the altar among the stock had been paid for by its own inflated the legitimate tapers of State.’’ By contrast, the dividends. Ames’ notes indicated that Colfax reporters liked Senator Wilson, who leaked so had received an additional $1,200 in dividends. [ 228 ] SCHUYLER COLFAX

On the stand, Colfax swore flatly that he had Bend, Indiana. Briefly, there was talk that his never received a dividend check from Ames, but friend William Orton would put up the funds to his testimony was contradicted by evidence from enable him to purchase the prestigious New-York the files of the House sergeant at arms. Without Tribune after Horace Greeley’s death in 1872, but missing a beat, Colfax insisted that Ames himself the deal fell through. Then a new opportunity must have signed and cashed the check. Then the developed. Called upon to deliver a short speech committee produced evidence from Colfax’s at the unveiling of a statue of Abraham Lincoln Washington bank that two days after the pay- in Springfield, Illinois, Colfax discovered that the ment had been made, he had deposited $1,200 public had an insatiable appetite for information in cash—and the deposit slip was in Colfax’s about their martyred president. He commenced own handwriting. Taking two weeks to explain, a lucrative career as a public lecturer (up to Colfax claimed that he had received $200 from $2,500 per speech) on his wartime relationship his stepfather (who worked as a clerk in the with Lincoln. From time to time, Colfax’s name House of Representatives) and another $1,000 surfaced as a candidate for the House or the Sen- from George Nesbitt, a campaign contributor by ate, or for the presidential nomination, but he de- then deceased. This story seemed so patently clined to become a candidate. ‘‘You can’t imag- self-serving and far-fetched that even his strong- ine the repugnance with which I now view the est supporters dismissed it. Making matters service of the many headed public,’’ he wrote, worse, the committee disclosed evidence sug- ‘‘with all its toils, its innumerable exactions of all gesting that Nesbitt, who manufactured station- kinds, the never ending work and worry, the ex- ery, had bribed Colfax as chairman of the House planations about everything which the public Post Office Committee in order to receive gov- think they have a right to, the lack of independ- ernment contracts for envelopes. A resolution to ence as to your goings and comings, the mis- impeach Colfax failed to pass by a mostly party- understandings, the envyings, backbitings, etc., line vote, in part because just a few weeks re- etc., etc.’’ On , 1885, on his way to a mained in his term. The pious statesman had speaking engagement in Iowa, Colfax was strick- been exposed, and the public was unforgiving. en by a heart attack and died while waiting at Colfax left the vice-presidency in disgrace, be- a railroad station in Mankato, Minnesota, where coming a symbol of the sordidness of the temperature dipped to thirty below zero. Un- politics. Later in 1873, when the failure of the recognized by those around him, the former transcontinental railroads to make their bond Speaker and vice president was identified only payments triggered a disastrous financial col- by papers in his pocket.23 lapse on Wall Street, plunging the nation into a Doggerel from a critical newspaper perhaps depression that lasted for the rest of the decade, served as the epitaph for Schuyler Colfax’s rise one ruined investor muttered that it was ‘‘all to national prominence and precipitous fall from Schuyler Colfax’s fault, damn him.’’ 22 grace: Later Years A beautiful smiler came in our midst, Too lively and fair to remain; Others implicated in Cre´dit Mobilier survived They stretched him on racks till the soul of politically. Henry Wilson was elected vice presi- Colfax dent. James Garfield became president in 1880, Flapped up into Heaven again, and James G. Blaine won the Republican presi- May the fate of poor Schuyler warn men of a dential nomination, but not the election, in 1884. smiler, Colfax, however, returned to private life in South Who dividends gets on the brain! 24

[ 229 ] NOTES 1 James G. Blaine, Twenty Years of Congress: From Lincoln tion: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877 (New York, to Garfield (Norwich, CT, 1884), 1:497–98; Neil MacNeil, 1988), pp. 181, 226. Forge of Democracy: The House of Representatives (New York, 13 Benedict, pp. 168, 255; Smith, pp. 222–26. 1963), p. 69; Allan G. Bogue, The Congressman’s Civil War 14 Foner, p. 338; Smith, p. 284, Russell, p. 237. (New York, 1989), p. 117. 15 Martin [James Dabney McCabe], pp. 246–47, 253. 2 Willard H. Smith, Schuyler Colfax: The Changing Fortunes 16 Russell, p. 237; Richardson, p. 560; Tyler Anbinder, Na- of a Political Idol (Indianapolis, 1952), pp. 1–7; Albert D. Rich- tivism and Slavery: The Northern Know Nothings and the Poli- ardson, A Personal History of Ulysses S. Grant with a Portrait tics of the 1850s (New York, 1992), pp. 271–74. and Sketch of Schuyler Colfax (Hartford, CT, 1868), p. 553. 17 Smith, pp. 308–9, 312; Mark Wahlgren Summers, The 3 Smith, pp. 13–16; Edward Winslow Martin [James Era of Good Stealings (New York, 1993), p. 66; McNeil, p. 198. Dabney McCabe], The Life and Public Service of Schuyler 18 Smith, pp. 316–17, 324, 326, 333; Ernest A. McKay, Colfax (New York, 1868), p. 15. Henry Wilson: Practical Radical: A Portrait of a Politician (Port 4 Richardson, pp. 554–55; Donald A. Ritchie, Press Gallery: Washington, NY, 1971), p. 225. Congress and the Washington Correspondents (Cambridge, 19 George S. Sirgiovanni, ‘‘Dumping the Vice President: MA, 1991), p. 43. An Historical Overview and Analysis,’’ Presidential Studies 5 William E. Gienapp, The Origins of the Republican Party, Quarterly 24 (Fall 1994): 769–71. 1852–1856 (New York, 1987), pp. 109, 180–81, 240–41, 245. 20 Poore, 2:243; Ritchie, pp. 96, 106; Richard H. Abbott, 6 Ibid, p. 359; Martin [James Dabney McCabe], p. 109. Cobbler in Congress: The Life of Henry Wilson, 1812–1875 (Lex- 7 Charles Edward Russell, Blaine of Maine: His Life and ington, KY, 1972), p. 243; Smith, pp. 358–59; Summers, Era Times (New York, 1931), p. 237; Bogue, p. 116; David Her- of Good Stealings, p. 66; Mark Wahlgren Summers, The Press bert Donald, Lincoln (New York, 1995), pp. 468–69. Gang: Newspapers and Politics, 1865–1878 (Chapel Hill, NC, 8 Benjamin Perley Poore, Perley’s Reminiscences of Sixty 1994), pp. 152–53. Years in the National Metropolis (Philadelphia, 1887) 2:211; 21 Smith, pp. 369–74; Ritchie, pp. 102–3. McNeil, pp. 69, 171; James G. Blaine, Twenty Years of Con- 22 Smith, pp. 374–416; Russell, pp. 243–45; Sean Dennis gress: From Lincoln to Garfield (Norwich, CT, 1884), 1:325– Cashman, America in the Gilded Age: From the Death of Lincoln 26, 497–98; Albert G. Riddle, Recollections of War Times: to the Rise of Theodore Roosevelt (New York, 1984), p. 197; Reminiscences of Men and Events in Washington, 1860–1865 Summers, The Era of Good Stealings, pp. 52–53, 66, 242; see (New York, 1895), p. 222. also W. Allan Wilbur, ‘‘The Credit Mobilier Scandal, 1873,’’ 9 Ritchie, pp. 63–64, 67. in Congress Investigates: A Documented History, 1792–1974, 10 Bogue, pp. 116, 125. ed. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. and Roger Bruns (New York, 11 Smith, pp. 202–9. 1975), pp. 1849–63. 12 Richardson, p. 559; Michael Les Benedict, A Compromise 23 Merrill D. Peterson, Lincoln in American Memory (New of Principle: Congressional Republicans and Reconstruction York, 1994), p. 138; Smith, pp. 422, 430, 438–39; O.J. Hollis- 1863–1869 (New York, 1974), p. 130; Eric Foner, Reconstruc- ter, Life of Schuyler Colfax (New York, 1886), pp. 385–91. 24 Summers, The Press Gang, p. 154.

[ 230 ] Chapter 18 HENRY WILSON 1873–1875

[ 231 ] HENRY WILSON Chapter 18 HENRY WILSON

18th Vice President: 1873–1875

He was not learned, he was not eloquent, he was not logical in a high sense, he was not always consistent in his political actions, and yet he gained the confidence of the people, and he retained it to the end of his life. —SENATOR GEORGE BOUTWELL

Long before public opinion polling, Vice Presi- and win elections. It also added an element of dent Henry Wilson earned recognition as a mas- opportunism to Wilson’s political maneuvering ter at reading the public’s mind. During his that brought him distrust, even from his political eighteen years in the United States Senate, Wil- allies. Yet he did not simply follow the winds of son traveled relentlessly through his home state public opinion whichever way they blew. of Massachusetts. A typical day would find him Throughout his long political career, Wilson re- visiting shops and factories around Boston. Then mained remarkably consistent in his support for he would board the night train to Springfield, human freedom and equality of rights for all where he would rouse some political friend at men and women regardless of their color or 2 a.m. and spend the rest of the night talking class. over current issues, departing at dawn to catch the early train to Northampton or Greenfield. The Rise of Jeremiah Jones Colbath ‘‘After a week or two spent in that way,’’ his Henry Wilson’s life resembled a Dickens friend George F. Hoar observed, novel. Like Pip, David Copperfield, and Nich- never giving his own opinion, talking as if he olas Nickleby, he overcame a childhood of hard- were all things to all men, seeming to hesitate ship and privation through the strength of his and falter and be frightened, so if you had met character, his ambition, and occasional assistance him and talked with him you would have said from others. He was born Jeremiah Jones . . . that there was no more thought, nor more Colbath on February 16, 1812, in Farmington, steadiness of purpose, or backbone in him than New Hampshire. His shiftless and intemperate in an easterly cloud; but at length when the time father named the child after a wealthy bachelor came, and he had got ready, the easterly cloud neighbor in vain hope of inheritance. The boy seemed suddenly to have been charged with an grew to hate the name, and when he came of age electric fire and a swift and resistless bolt flashed had it legally changed to Henry Wilson, inspired out, and the righteous judgment of Massachu- either by a biography of the Philadelphia school setts came from his lips.1 teacher Henry Wilson or by a portrait of the Rev. Such systematic sampling of public opinion Henry Wilson in a volume on English clergymen. enabled Wilson to represent the prevailing senti- The Colbaths lived from hand to mouth; ‘‘Want ments of his constituents and to make remark- sat by my cradle,’’ he later recalled. ‘‘I know ably accurate political prognoses. This skill what it is to ask a mother for bread when she helped him build political alliances and parties has none to give.’’ 2 [ 233 ] HENRY WILSON

When the boy was ten years old, his father ap- work, vastly increasing his production. As a fac- prenticed him to a nearby farmer, binding him tory owner, Wilson was able to build a hand- to work until his twenty-first birthday. The ap- some house for his family and to devote his at- prenticeship supposedly allowed one month of tention more fully to civic affairs.5 school every year, so long as there was no work An active member of the Natick Debating Soci- to be done, but he rarely had more than a few ety, Wilson became swept up in the leading re- days of school at any time. Lacking formal edu- form issues of his day, temperance, educational cation, he compensated by reading every book reform, and antislavery, and these in turn shaped in the farmhouse and borrowing other books his politics. Although the Democratic party in from neighbors. He read copiously from history, Massachusetts appealed to workers and small biography and philosophy. Also as part of his businessmen like Wilson, he was drawn instead self-improvement efforts, at age nineteen he took to the more upper-crust Whig party because it a pledge of total abstinence from alcohol, which embraced the social reforms that he supported. he maintained thereafter. In 1833 he reached At a time when the Whigs were seeking to ex- twenty-one and was freed from his apprentice- pand their political base, Wilson’s working-class ship. Long estranged from his parents, the newly background and image as the ‘‘Natick Cobbler’’ renamed Henry Wilson set out for new horizons. appealed to the party. During the 1830s and He hunted for employment in the mills of New 1840s, the Whigs ran him repeatedly for the state Hampshire and then walked one hundred miles legislature, and he won seats in its upper and from Farmington to Boston. Just outside of Bos- lower houses. Unlike many other Whigs, Wilson ton he settled in the town of Natick, where he mingled easily in the state’s factories and sa- learned shoemaking from a friend.3 loons. He gathered political lieutenants around The ambitious young cobbler worked so hard the state and invested some of his shoemaking that by 1836 his health required he get some rest. earnings in the Boston Republican, which he Gathering his savings, Wilson traveled to Wash- edited from 1848 to 1851. He also joined the ington, D.C., to see the federal government. His Natick militia, rising to brigadier general and attention was caught instead by the sight of proudly claiming the title ‘‘General Wilson’’ slaves laboring in the fields of Maryland and Vir- through the rest of his long political career.6 ginia and of slave pens and auctions within view As a self-made man, Henry Wilson felt con- of the Capitol Building. He left Washington de- tempt for aristocrats, whether Boston Brahmins termined ‘‘to give all that I had . . . to the cause or southern planters. ‘‘I for one don’t want the of emancipation in America,’’ he said. Wilson endorsement of the ‘best society’ in Boston until committed himself to the antislavery movement I am dead,’’ he once declared, ‘‘—for it endorses and years later took pride in introducing the leg- everything that is dead.’’ He reserved even great- islation in Congress that ended slavery in the er contempt for aristocratic southerners who District of Columbia. Home from his journey, he lived off the labor of their slaves, swearing that enrolled briefly in three academies and then slavery must be ended. ‘‘Freedom and slavery taught school for a year, falling in love with one are now arrayed against each other,’’ he de- of his students, Harriet Malvina Howe. They clared; ‘‘we must destroy slavery, or it will de- were married three years later, in 1840, when she stroy liberty.’’ Although the Whigs promoted turned sixteen.4 numerous reforms, as a national party they in- cluded many southerners who supported slav- From Shoemaker to Politician ery. In Massachusetts, the party split between Although he harbored political aspirations, ‘‘Cotton Whigs,’’ with political and economic ties Wilson returned to the shoemaking business. between the New England cotton mills and the Even during the economic recession that swept southern cotton plantations, and the ‘‘Conscience the country in the late 1830s, he prospered. Whigs,’’ who placed freedom ahead of patronage Abandoning the cobbler’s bench himself, he and profits. Sensing the changing tides of public hired contract laborers and supervised their opinion, Wilson predicted that, if antislavery [ 234 ] HENRY WILSON supporters in all the old parties could bind to- ing to match Sumner’s grandiloquent addresses. gether to form a new party, they could sweep Listeners described Wilson instead as ‘‘an ear- the northern elections and displace southerners nest man’’ who presented ‘‘the cold facts of a from power in Washington. In 1848 he aban- case’’ without relying on flamboyant oratory. doned the Whigs for the new Free Soil party, George Boutwell, who served with him in Mas- which nominated Martin Van Buren for presi- sachusetts and national politics, judged Wilson dent on an antislavery platform.7 an especially effective speaker during elections A Residue of Distrust and estimated that during the course of Wilson’s career he spoke to more people than anyone else The Free Soil party proved to be premature. alive. Boutwell concluded of Wilson: Wary voters defeated Wilson in his campaigns as the Free Soil candidate for the U.S. House of He was not learned, he was not eloquent, he was Representatives in 1852 and governor in 1853. not logical in a high sense, he was not always Sadly disappointed in 1853 at the defeat of a new consistent in his political actions, and yet he gained the confidence of the people, and he re- state constitution for which he had labored long tained it to the end of his life. His success may and hard, Wilson responded by secretly joining have been due in part to the circumstance that the Order of the Star Spangled Banner, also he was not far removed from the mass of the peo- known as the American or Know-Nothing ple in the particulars named, and that he acted party—an anti-Catholic and anti-immigrant, na- in a period when fidelity to the cause of freedom tivist movement. Given the collapse of the estab- and activity in its promotion satisfied the public lished parties, the Know-Nothings flourished demand.9 briefly, offering Wilson an unsavory opportunity Despite their different backgrounds and per- to promote his personal ambitions—despite the sonalities, Wilson and Sumner agreed strongly party’s conflict with his political ideals of racial on their opposition to slavery and pooled their and religious equality. At the same time, Wilson efforts to destroy the ‘‘peculiar institution.’’ Even called for the creation of ‘‘one great Republican when people distrusted Wilson’s wily political party’’ in opposition to the Kansas-Nebraska maneuvering or disdained his plebeian roots, Act, which threatened to open the western terri- they gave him credit for showing backbone in his tories to slavery. In 1854, he ran as the Repub- fight against slavery. Massachusetts returned lican candidate for governor, but his strange ma- him to the Senate for three more terms, until his neuvering during and after the campaign con- election as vice president. vinced many Republicans that Wilson had sold them out by throwing the gubernatorial election Chairman of the Military Affairs Committee to the Know-Nothings in return for being elected During the 1850s, Wilson fought from the mi- a U.S. senator by the Know-Nothings in the Mas- nority. When the southern states seceded in 1860 sachusetts legislature, with the aid of Free Soilers and 1861 and the Republicans moved into the and Democrats. Although Wilson identified him- majority, Henry Wilson assumed the chairman- self as a Republican, his first Senate election left ship of the Senate Committee on Military Affairs, a residue of distrust that he would spend the rest a key legislative post during the Civil War. In the of his life trying to live down.8 months that Congress stood in recess, impatient In the Senate, Henry Wilson was inevitably Radical Republicans demanded quick military compared with his handsome, dignified, schol- action against the South. In July 1861, at the arly senior colleague from Massachusetts, war’s first battle, along Bull Run creek in Manas- Charles Sumner. An idealist and fierce foe of sas, Virginia, Wilson rode out with other sen- slavery, Sumner laced his speeches with classical ators, representatives, newspaper reporters, and allusions and gave every indication that he members of Washington society to witness what would appear quite natural in the toga of a they anticipated would be a Union victory. In his Roman senator. Henry Wilson would have carriage, Senator Wilson carried a large hamper seemed ludicrous in Roman garb or in attempt- of sandwiches to distribute among the troops. [ 235 ] HENRY WILSON

Unexpectedly, however, the Confederates routed Wilson and the Radicals the Union army. Wilson’s carriage was crushed Henry Wilson soon stood among the inner cir- and he was forced to beat an inglorious retreat cle of Radical Republicans in Congress beside back to Washington.10 Charles Sumner, , Thaddeus Ste- Defeat at the ‘‘picnic battle,’’ sobered many in vens, and . He introduced the North who had talked of a short, easy war. bills that freed slaves in the District of Columbia, In seeking to assign blame for the debacle, ru- permitted African Americans to join the Union mors spread that Wilson himself might have army, and provided equal pay to black and tipped off the enemy through his friendly rela- white soldiers. Wilson pressed President Lincoln tionship with a Washington woman, Mrs. Rose to issue an emancipation proclamation and wor- O’Neal Greenhow. When she was arrested as a ried that the final product left many people still Confederate spy, ‘‘the Wild Rose’’ held a packet enslaved in the border states. Known as one of of love letters signed ‘‘H.’’ But the letters were the most persistent newshunters in Washington, not in Wilson’s handwriting, and Mrs. Wilson brought knowledgeable newspaper re- Greenhow knew many other senators, members porters straight from the battlefield to the White of Lincoln’s cabinet, and other highly placed House to brief the president. Despite his inti- sources of information.11 macy with Lincoln, Wilson considered him too Wilson went back to Massachusetts to raise a moderate and underestimated his abilities. The volunteer infantry, in which he wore the uniform senator was once overheard denouncing Lincoln of colonel. However, once the regiment reached while sitting in the White House waiting room. Washington, he resigned his commission and re- He hoped that Lincoln would withdraw from the turned to his Senate seat. Wilson also served as Republican ticket in 1864 in favor of a more radi- 13 a volunteer aide-de-camp to General George cal presidential candidate. McClellan, who commanded the Union armies. Following Lincoln’s assassination, Wilson ini- When he reported to the general’s camp, he was tially hoped that the new president, his former ordered to accompany other officers on a horse- Senate colleague Andrew Johnson, would pur- back inspection of the capital’s fortifications. As sue the Radical Republican agenda for recon- the Boston newspaper correspondent Benjamin struction of the South. He was deeply dis- appointed in Johnson’s endorsement of a speedy Perley Poore observed, ‘‘Unaccustomed to return of the Confederate states to the Union horsemanship, the ride of thirty miles was too without any protection for the newly freed much for the Senator, who kept his bed for a slaves. When the Thirty-ninth Congress con- week, and then resigned his staff position.’’ Still, vened in December 1865, Wilson introduced the this brief association made Wilson more sympa- first civil rights initiative of the postwar Con- thetic to McClellan than were other Radical Re- gress. His bill aimed at outlawing the Black publicans in Congress. The Radicals established Codes and other forms of racial discrimination a Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War, in the former Confederacy but, deemed too ex- in part to bypass Wilson’s Military Affairs Com- treme by the non-Radical Republicans, it was de- mittee in scrutinizing and attacking the various feated. Wilson also proposed that the Constitu- officers of the Union army. Wilson at first de- tion be amended to prohibit any effort to limit fended the army, arguing that Democratic gen- the right to vote by race.14 erals were opposed to the Republican adminis- Johnson’s more lenient policies for Reconstruc- tration but not to the war. Over time, he grew tion and his veto of the Freedmen’s Bureau bill disheartened by the protracted war and impa- and other congressional efforts to protect black tient with McClellan’s overly cautious military southerners eventually drove moderate Repub- tactics. However, he made it a point, as commit- licans into an alliance with the Radicals. Over tee chair, to avoid public criticism of the military time, Wilson saw his objectives added to the operations of any general.12 Constitution as the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and [ 236 ] HENRY WILSON

Fifteenth amendments. He supported the use of gained strength, Wilson’s delegates switched to federal troops to enforce congressional Recon- Colfax, giving him the nomination. Grant’s elec- struction, to permit freedmen to vote, and to es- tion brought expectations that Wilson might be tablish Republican governments in the southern named to the cabinet, but the senator asked that states. When Johnson stubbornly resisted the his name be removed from consideration, citing Radical programs, Wilson endorsed efforts to his wife’s critically ill health—she died in 1870. impeach the president. He accused the president Still, Wilson remained an influential and fre- of ‘‘unworthy, if not criminal’’ motives in resist- quently consulted senator throughout Grant’s ing the will of the people on Reconstruction and first term. cast his vote to remove Johnson from office. Grant’s Second Vice President However, seven moderate Republican senators broke ranks with their party, and the Radicals By Grant’s inauguration in 1869, Massachu- failed by a single vote to achieve the two-thirds setts boasted the most powerful delegation in necessary to remove the president.15 Congress. Wilson chaired the Senate Military Af- fairs Committee, while Sumner chaired Foreign National Ambitions Relations. In the House, four Massachusetts rep- Prior to the presidential election of 1868, Henry resentatives chaired committees, including Ap- Wilson made an extended speaking tour propriations and Foreign Affairs. Commenting throughout the southern states. Many journalists on the state’s two senators, Massachusetts Rep- interpreted this effort as a means of promoting resentative George F. Hoar noted that, while himself as a presidential candidate. In fact, Wil- Sumner was a man of great learning, great prin- son supported U.S. Grant, the hero of Appomat- ciple, and great ego, ‘‘Wilson supplied almost ev- tox, for president and sought the vice-presi- erything that Sumner lacked.’’ Wilson was the dential nomination for himself. Always a politi- more practical politician, with his finger on the cal mechanic bent on building coalitions, Wilson public pulse. He recognized the value of party felt certain that the southern Republican party organization and ‘‘did not disdain the art and di- could survive only if it became biracial. ‘‘I do not plomacies of a partisan.’’ Wilson also combined want to see a white man’s party nor a black practical politics with a strong inclination for re- man’s party,’’ he told a black audience in New form. He spoke out for civil rights for the freed- Orleans. ‘‘I warn you to-night, as I do the black men, voting rights for women, federal aid to edu- men of this country everywhere, to remember cation, federal regulation of business, protection this: that while a black man is as good as a white of women, and prohibition of liquor. Hoar man, a white man is as good as a black man. See judged that no other man in the Senate, ‘‘not to it while you are striving to lift yourselves up, even Sumner, had more influence over his col- that you do not strive to pull anybody else leagues’’ than did Henry Wilson.17 down.’’ By urging southern blacks to take a con- During Grant’s first term, the imperious Sum- ciliatory, nonviolent approach toward those who ner challenged the new president and defeated had so recently enslaved and oppressed them, his plans for incorporating into Wilson stunned his Radical Republican col- the United States. President Grant retaliated by leagues in Congress. ‘‘Wilson is a —————— goading the Senate Republican caucus to remove fool!’’ wrote Ohio Senator Ben Wade. Neverthe- Sumner as chair of the Foreign Relations Com- less, southern delegates to the Republican con- mittee (Wilson spoke in defense of retaining vention generally supported Wilson’s Sumner’s chairmanship). A wounded Sumner candidacy.16 opposed Grant’s renomination in 1872, raising On the first ballot for vice president at the Chi- concerns that he and his allies might bolt to the cago convention, Ben Wade led with Wilson not Liberal Republican-Democratic fusion ticket far behind. That ballot marked Wilson’s peak, headed by the eccentric newspaper editor Hor- and he lost support steadily on subsequent bal- ace Greeley. After Vice President Schuyler lots. When House Speaker Schuyler Colfax Colfax released word that he did not intend to [ 237 ] HENRY WILSON stand for a second term, many Republican lead- whenever fatigued. Although doctors ordered ers calculated that selecting Wilson for vice presi- him to rest, the advice went against his nature. dent would outflank Sumner and strengthen A friend wrote, ‘‘You know he was never still Grant with workers and with the ‘‘old anti-slav- for five minutes, and it is more difficult for him ery guard.’’ Saluting the working-class origins of than for most persons to sit quietly and dream their ticket, Republican posters showed idealized away the time.’’ After spending the summer versions of Grant, ‘‘the Galena Tanner,’’ and Wil- recuperating in Massachusetts, Wilson traveled son, ‘‘the Natick Shoemaker,’’ attired in workers’ to Washington in December for the opening of aprons.18 the new Congress, but by January his poor health Just as the presidential campaign got under- forced him to return home once again. Instead way in September 1872, the New York Sun pub- of presiding over the Senate, he spent his time lished news of the Cre´dit Mobilier scandal, offer- writing a multi-volume history of the rise and ing evidence that key members of Congress had fall of the , memorializing his own accepted railroad stock at little or no cost, pre- role in the great events of the Civil War and Re- sumably to guarantee their support for legisla- construction.20 tion that would finance construction of a trans- Wilson’s ill health kept him from playing any continental line. On the list were the names of role of consequence as vice president but did not Grant’s retiring vice president, Colfax, and his suppress his political concerns and ambitions. new running mate, Henry Wilson. Newspaper He lamented that a ‘‘Counter-Revolution’’ was correspondent Henry Van Ness Boynton sent the overtaking Reconstruction and urged his old New York Times a dispatch reporting that Senator antislavery veterans to speak out against efforts Wilson had made a ‘‘full and absolute denial’’ to limit the rights of the freedmen. Wilson that he had ever owned Cre´dit Mobilier stock. blamed the decay of Reconstruction on the Grant In truth, Wilson had purchased the stock in his administration. According to Representative wife’s name but had later returned it. Called to James Garfield, the vice president had asserted testify before a House investigating committee, that ‘‘Grant is now more unpopular than An- Boynton recounted how he had gone to see Wil- drew Johnson was in his darkest days; that son to ask if he would deny the charges against Grant’s appointments had been getting worse him and that Wilson had given him an absolute and worse; that he is still struggling for a third denial, knowing that he would file the story that term; in short that he is the millstone around the night. Wilson did not contradict the reporter. neck of our party that would sink it out of sight.’’ ‘‘General Boynton is a man of character and Yet Wilson could not bring himself to admit that truth,’’ he told the committee, ‘‘and I should take his own involvement in the Cre´dit Mobilier scan- his word.’’ Although the committee cleared Wil- dal, as well as the involvement of other members son of any wrongdoing in taking the stock, it of Congress in the many other scandals of the concluded that the information Wilson had given era, had dimmed the moral fervor of the antislav- the Times had been ‘‘calculated to convey to the ery movement and congressional Reconstruc- public an erroneous impression.’’ 19 tion, thus undermining public confidence in an active federal government. For the rest of the The Ravages of Ill Health nineteenth century, political trends moved away The Cre´dit Mobilier scandal did not dissuade from Wilson’s cherished reforms. A new genera- voters from reelecting Grant and making Henry tion of genteel reformers advocated limited gov- Wilson vice president. Wilson helped the ticket ernment, civil service reform, and other adminis- by embarking on an ambitious speaking tour trative solutions and abandoned support for the that took him some ten thousand miles to deliver voting and civil rights of the freedmen, women’s ninety-six addresses, ruining his health in the rights, and other social reforms that Wilson process. In May 1873, the sixty-one-year-old Wil- esteemed.21 son suffered a stroke that caused him to lose con- In the spring of 1875, Vice President Wilson trol of his facial muscles and to speak thickly made a six-week tour of the South, raising sus- [ 238 ] HENRY WILSON picions that he intended to ‘‘advertise himself’’ large marble tubs, enjoy a massage, and have for the presidential nomination the next year. He their hair cut and trimmed. On November returned home optimistic about the chances that 10, 1875, Wilson went down to soak in the tubs. the Republicans could build political and eco- Soon after leaving the bath, he was struck by pa- nomic ties to conservative southerners by ap- ralysis and carried to a bed in his vice-presi- pointing a southern ex-Whig to the cabinet and dential office, just off the Senate floor. Within a by offering economic aid to southern business few days, he felt strong enough to receive visi- (policies later adopted by the next president, tors and seemed to be gaining strength. When Rutherford B. Hayes). Although Grant desired a he awoke in his Capitol office on November 22, third term, Wilson’s friends felt sure that the vice he was informed that Senator Orris Ferry of Con- president could win the presidential nomination necticut had died. Wilson lamented the passing and election.22 of his generation, commenting ‘‘that makes Wilson’s great ambition went unfulfilled. That eighty-three dead with whom I have sat in the fall, he consulted Dr. William Hammond, com- Senate.’’ Shortly thereafter, he rolled over and plaining of pain in the back of his head and an quietly died, at age sixty-three. His body lay in inability to sleep. ‘‘I enjoined rest from mental state in the Rotunda, and his funeral was con- labor,’’ the doctor noted, but the vice president ducted in the Senate chamber, the vice-presi- replied that he could not comply with those dential chair arrayed in black crepe. wishes ‘‘as fully as desirable.’’ Dr. Hammond In his memory, the Senate in 1885 placed a saw Wilson again in early November and noted marble bust of Wilson by the sculptor Daniel ‘‘vertigo, thickness of speech, twitching of the fa- Chester French in the room where the vice presi- cial muscles, irregularity of respiration, and the dent died.24 There the Senate also installed a action of the heart, slight difficulty of swallow- bronze plaque, with an inscription written by his ing, and intense pain in the back of the head and old friend and colleague, George F. Hoar: nape of the neck.’’ He observed that the vice IN THIS ROOM president’s ‘‘hands were in almost constant mo- HENRY WILSON tion and he could not sit longer than a few sec- VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES onds without rising and pacing the floor, or AND A SENATOR FOR EIGHTEEN YEARS, changing to another chair.’’ Wilson insisted that DIED NOVEMBER 22, 1875 he must travel to Washington for the new Con- The son of a farm laborer, never at school more gress but promised his doctor not to work too than twelve months, in youth a journeyman hard. He told a friend that ‘‘he would at least shoemaker, he raised himself to the high places be able to preside at the opening of the Senate, of fame, honor and power, and by unwearied and perhaps through most of the session.’’ 23 study made himself an authority in the history of his country and of liberty and an eloquent pub- During the nineteenth century, many members lic speaker to whom Senate and people eagerly of Congress lived in boardinghouses and hotels listened. He dealt with and controlled vast public where the plumbing left much to be desired. To expenditure during a great civil war, yet lived accommodate them, the Capitol provided luxu- and died poor, and left to his grateful country- rious bathing rooms in its basement for the men the memory of an honorable public service, House and Senate. There members could soak in and a good name far better than riches.25

[ 239 ] NOTES 1 George F. Hoar, Autobiography of Seventy Years (New 13 Wilson also introduced a bill to permit women to vote York, 1903), 1:218. and hold office in the District. Bogue, pp. 109–10, 152, 167, 2 Richard H. Abbott, Cobbler in Congress: The Life of Henry 169; T. Harry Williams, Lincoln and the Radicals (Madison, Wilson, 1812–1875 (Lexington, KY, 1972), pp. 1–6; Elias WI, 1941), pp. 161, 309, 316; J. Cutler Andrews, The North Nason and Thomas Russell, The Life and Public Services of Reports the Civil War (, 1955), p. 332. Henry Wilson, Late Vice-President of the United States (New 14 Earl M. Maltz, Civil Rights, The Constitution, and Con- York, 1969; reprint of 1876 ed.), p. 17. gress, 1863–1869 (Lawrence, KS, 1990), pp. 43, 148; Michael 3 Nason and Russell, pp. 18–21; Ernest A. McKay, Henry Les Benedict, A Compromise of Principle: Congressional Repub- Wilson: Practical Radical: A Portrait of a Politician (Port Wash- licans and Reconstruction, 1863–1869 (New York, 1974), p. 24. ington, NY, 1971), pp. 6–12. 15 Abbott, pp. 200–202. 4 Nason and Russell, pp. 29–34; Abbott, p. 11. 16 Ibid., pp. 196–99; Benedict, pp. 259–60. 5 McKay, Henry Wilson: Practical Radical, p. 16; Abbott, pp. 17 Hoar, pp. 213, 215, 217–18; Abbott, p. 225. Henry Wil- 14–15. son, History of Antislavery Measures of the Thirty-Seventh and 6 Abbott, pp. 30, 36. Thirty-Eighth Congresses (Boston, 1865); History of the Recon- 7 Ibid, pp. 27, 53. struction Measures of the Thirty-Ninth and Fortieth Congress 8 Ibid., pp. 46–63; Ernest A. McKay, ‘‘Henry Wilson: Un- (Chicago, 1868); History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Power principled ,’’ Mid-America 46 (January 1964): in America, 3 vols. (Boston, 1872–1877). 29–37; , Charles Sumner and the Com- 18 William B. Hesseltine, Ulysses S. Grant, Politician (New ing of the Civil War (Chicago, 1960), p. 268; William E. York, 1935), pp. 276–77; McKay, Henry Wilson: Practical Radi- Gianapp, The Origins of the Republican Party, 1852–1856 cal, pp. 222–23. (New York, 1987), pp. 135–36. 19 Donald A. Ritchie, Press Gallery: Congress and the Wash- 9 Allan G. Bogue, The Earnest Men: Republicans of the Civil ington Correspondents (Cambridge, MA, 1991), pp. 105–6. War Senate (Ithaca, NY, 1981), pp. 33–34; Abbott, p. 18; 20 Abbott, p. 249. George S. Boutwell, Reminiscences of Sixty Years in Public Af- 21 Eric Foner, Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolu- fairs (New York, 1968; reprint of 1902 ed.), 1:228–29. tion, 1863–1877 (New York, 1988), p. 527; William S. 10 Abbott, p. 116; McKay, Henry Wilson: Practical Radical, McFeely, Grant: A Biography (New York, 1981), p. 406; see pp. 146–47. also Mark Wahlgren Summers, The Era of Good Stealings 11 Abbott, p. 117; Margaret Leech, Reveille in Washington, (New York, 1993). 1860–1865 (New York, 1941), pp. 134–38. 22 Abbott, p. 255. 12 Abbott, pp. 125–26; McKay, Henry Wilson: Practical Rad- 23 William A. Hammond, On The Cause of Vice-President ical, p. 161; Benjamin Perley Poore, Perley’s Reminiscences of Wilson’s Death (Cambridge, MA, 1875), pp. 7–8. Sixty Years in the National Metropolis (Philadelphia, 1887), 24 In 1886 the Senate began the practice of acquiring mar- 2:99. ble busts of all former vice presidents. 25 Hoar, p. 219.

[ 240 ] Chapter 19 WILLIAM ALMON WHEELER 1877–1881

[ 241 ] WILLIAM A. WHEELER Chapter 19 WILLIAM ALMON WHEELER

19th Vice President: 1877–1881

Who is Wheeler? —RUTHERFORD B. HAYES

In the wake of the Grant-era scandals, both the own well-being. An excessively cautious politi- Republican and Democratic parties searched for cian—to the point of timidity—he straddled the untarnished candidates as they approached the various factions in his party, avoided all commit- presidential election of 1876. Democrats chose ments, and advanced himself politically while one of their most prominent leaders, New York covering himself with obscurity. William Wheel- Governor Samuel J. Tilden, who had won na- er was born on June 30, 1819, in the upstate New tional attention by taking on the Tweed Ring in York town of Malone, near the Canadian border. New York City. Republicans passed over their His father, Almon Wheeler, had attended the party’s bigger names, men who had been stained University of Vermont and was a promising by various expose´s in the press, and settled in- young attorney and local postmaster who died stead on a ticket of Ohio Governor Rutherford at the age of thirty-seven, when William was just B. Hayes and New York Representative William eight years old. Left in debt, his mother, Eliza, A. Wheeler. Although neither man was very well took in boarders from the nearby Franklin Acad- known to the nation, both had reputations for emy to support her two children. William at- scrupulous honesty and independence. If history tended the academy, farmed, and did whatever remembers William Wheeler at all, it is for his he could to save money for college. At nineteen, character. In his introduction to John F. Ken- with the help of a loan from a friend, he entered nedy’s , the historian Allan the University of Vermont in Burlington. There Nevins reproduced a colloquy between Wheeler he studied for two years, at times living on bread and Senator , the Republican and water, until ‘‘an affection of the eyes’’ caused political boss of New York. ‘‘Wheeler, if you will him to drop out.2 act with us, there is nothing in the gift of the State He returned to Malone, taught school and of New York to which you may not reasonably studied law. In 1845, shortly after he was admit- aspire,’’ Conkling tempted; to which Wheeler re- ted to the bar, he married one of his former stu- plied, ‘‘Mr. Conkling, there is nothing in the gift dents, Mary King. A Whig, Wheeler was soon of the State of New York which will compensate running for office. He became town clerk, school me for the forfeiture of my self-respect.’’ 1 commissioner, and school inspector. In later years he recalled that the thirty dollars a year he A Cautious Politician earned as town clerk, recording deeds and laying Among the stranger individuals to occupy the out roads, ‘‘were of more value to me than the vice-presidency, William Almon Wheeler seems thousands I have since attained.’’ He served as to have been scarred by his father’s ill health, district attorney for Franklin County from 1846 which left him neurotically obsessed with his to 1849 and, from 1850 to 1851, served in the state [ 243 ] WILLIAM A. WHEELER assembly, where he chaired the ways and means ward, and only the persuasiveness of his wife committee. Joining the new Republican party, he and friends kept him from retiring from moved to the state senate in 1858 and was elected Congress.4 its president pro tempore. Wheeler also con- In the House, Wheeler generally kept silent un- ducted a private law practice until ‘‘throat trou- less he was managing a bill, but then he always ble’’ interfered with his courtroom advocacy and proved to be well prepared and highly effective. convinced him to abandon the law in favor of He remained in the political shadows until 1874, running a local bank and serving as a railroad when as a member of the House Committee on trustee, positions that he held until ‘‘driven from Southern Affairs he investigated a disputed elec- business in 1865, by broken health.’’ 3 tion in Louisiana. The election of 1872 had torn A Silent Member of the House apart the Republican party in the state, with half of the party machinery supporting William Pitt Wheeler was elected to serve in the U.S. House Kellogg for governor, and the other half joining of Representatives from 1861 to 1863. He then re- the Democrats on a fusion ticket. The election turned to New York, where he chaired the state board declared the Democratic candidates the constitutional convention, a prestigious body victors, but Republicans refused to concede. whose members included two future presi- They created their own election board, which dential candidates, Horace Greeley and Samuel gave the governorship to Kellogg and a number J. Tilden. Although Wheeler spoke infrequently, of disputed elections to their candidates for the his words carried weight, and he gained high state legislature. After President Grant recog- marks for fairness as presiding officer. In 1868 nized Kellogg as governor, a battle erupted on he again won election to the House, where he the streets of New Orleans that left fifty-six peo- chaired the Committee on Pacific Railroads. It ple dead. A mob ousted Kellogg, but federal was at this time that Iowa Representative Oakes troops restored him to office.5 Ames, acting as an agent for the Cre´dit Mobilier, the construction company for the Union Pacific The Wheeler Compromise Railroad, began spreading railroad stock among Traveling to Louisiana, Wheeler and other high-ranking members of Congress, ‘‘where it committee members heard highly emotional and would do the most good.’’ Wheeler not only re- contradictory testimony from both sides. It was fused all stocks offered to him, but resigned his Wheeler who forged the compromise that let chairmanship to avoid further temptation. In Kellogg remain as governor and allowed the 1872, when the Cre´dit Mobilier scandal broke in committee to arbitrate the disputed seats in the the newspapers, Wheeler remained clean as legislature, most of which went to the Demo- some of the most prominent members of Con- crats. In March 1875, the House endorsed the gress were caught with the stock. His rectitude ‘‘Wheeler compromise,’’ a plan which essentially even inspired him to oppose an appropriation to undid federal Reconstruction of the state and construct a post office in his home town of held out hope for peace between the North and Malone. South a decade after the Civil War had ended. Wheeler stayed aloof from the New York state When Louisiana Democrats violated the spirit of run by Senator Roscoe the compromise by unseating even more Repub- Conkling. In 1872, Conkling maneuvered to lican state legislators, in order to elect a Demo- make Wheeler Speaker of the House in place of crat to the U.S. Senate, most northern politicians his hated rival, James G. Blaine. Wheeler de- and newspapers ignored the violations. The clined to have anything to do with the scheme North seemed relieved to escape the responsibil- and supported Blaine, who apparently had ities of Reconstruction. Representative Wheeler promised, but never delivered on the promise, observed that northerners had expected too to make Wheeler chairman of the House Appro- much from the South and declared that it was priations Committee. Wheeler also cited his poor time to admit the failure of efforts to promote health as a reason for not putting himself for- peace with the sword. His compromise taught [ 244 ] WILLIAM A. WHEELER northern Republicans how to cut their losses. Former Vermont Senator and Representative Thereafter the party concentrated on preserving Luke placed Wheeler’s name in nomina- its power in the North while scaling down its tion, while Conkling’s lieutenant Tom Platt nom- military efforts in the South, even if that meant inated Woodford. The publicity Wheeler had re- abandoning the political rights of the freedmen.6 ceived for his compromise, coupled with his Wheeler was content in his life as a member independence from the Conkling machine, ap- of the House of Representatives and dreamed of pealed to the delegates, who voted for him over- becoming Speaker. However, in early 1876 some whelmingly. When the roll call of the states Republicans began talking of him as a candidate reached New York, the stalwarts realized they for president or vice president. The politically as- were about to lose and withdrew Woodford’s tute manager of the Western Associated Press, name. The New York delegation voted unani- William Henry Smith, predicted that the GOP mously for Wheeler—a bitter pill for Conkling’s 9 ticket would be Hayes and Wheeler. Upon hear- supporters to swallow. ing this forecast, Ohio Governor Rutherford B. During the campaign, Democrats vainly Hayes wrote to his wife, ‘‘I am ashamed to say, sought scandals in the pasts of the Republican Who is Wheeler?’’ Because Wheeler had served candidates but could find nothing that would tar in the House from 1861 to 1863 and again from Wheeler’s reputation. One campaign biography 1869 to 1877, while Hayes had been a representa- boasted that, at the time when it was fashionable tive during the intervening years from 1865 to for congressmen ‘‘to dabble in railroad stocks 1867, there had been no overlap in their service.7 and bonds,’’ Wheeler had neither bought nor sold a share of stock or a single bond in any Pa- A Quiet Candidate cific railroad. He had served his country in Con- gress for ten years without adding to the per- At the Republican convention in Cincinnati, sonal wealth that he brought to Washington. Wheeler received a handful of votes for presi- ‘‘With simple tastes,’’ his biographer extolled, dent, but the major contest was between Senator ‘‘he has never been greedy of gain either for its Conkling, House Speaker Blaine, and Governor own sake or for the luxury it would buy. As a Hayes. When Conkling’s nomination seemed im- legislator, the thought never occurred to him that possible, his party machine, the ‘‘stalwarts,’’ his influence could bring riches, and not the threw their support to Hayes as the best way of shadow of a stain rests on his name.’’ Wheeler stopping Blaine, leader of the ‘‘half-breed’’ fac- had also voted against the ‘‘salary grab’’—an un- tion. Having helped Hayes win the presidential popular attempt by members of Congress to nomination, the stalwarts considered the vice- raise their pay retroactively—and refused the in- presidency theirs to name and they put forward crease in his own salary.10 New York Representative Stewart Woodford. Wheeler also appealed to The half-breeds, however, wanted the stalwarts songwriters, who in 1876 were just taking over off the ticket. Massachusetts half-breed Senator the business of writing campaign songs from the George F. Hoar promoted his friend Wheeler as amateurs who had long prevailed. The Tin Pan a man of high moral character. Hoar approached Alley men leaned towards puns, alliteration and the distinguished author , other word-plays in their songs. Thus the sheet a member of the Massachusetts delegation, on for ‘‘We’ll Go for Hayes! We’ll Wheel’er Wheeler’s behalf. When Lowell replied that he in on Time’’ showed Wheeler pushing Hayes in was unwilling to vote for anyone about whom a wheelbarrow toward the White House.11 he knew so little, Hoar responded, ‘‘Mr. Lowell, While Wheeler did not detract from the ticket, Mr. Wheeler is a very sensible man. He knows he added little to it and even refused to cam- The Bigelow Papers by heart.’’ Lowell, the au- paign. The Democratic vice-presidential nominee thor of The Bigelow Papers, said nothing but later Thomas Hendricks spoke in the swing state of was overheard telling other delegates, ‘‘I under- Indiana, but Wheeler declined all invitations stand that Mr. Wheeler is a very sensible man.’’ 8 from the Republicans. In a remarkable reply to [ 245 ] WILLIAM A. WHEELER

James G. Blaine’s invitation to speak to a series of electoral ballots, one set for Tilden and one set of mass meetings in Maine, Wheeler cited his for Hayes. One of the disputed states was Louisi- frailty and insomnia as excuses: ana, where only a year earlier Wheeler had I greatly regret my physical inability to do little found evidence that the state board of election in the way of speaking in his canvass. But I have had produced fraudulent returns. Now his elec- no reserve of strength to draw upon. I was driv- tion as vice president depended upon that same en from business in 1865, by broken health and board.14 have never been strong since. . . . My trouble for After a specially created electoral commission years has been wakefulness at night. No resident awarded all of the disputed ballots to Hayes, a of the grave or a lunatic asylum has suffered joint session of Congress still had to count the more from this cause than I have. Speaking, and ballots, and there was talk of angry Democrats the presence of crowds, excite me and intensify marching on Washington by the thousands to my wakefulness. . . . Gov. Hayes wrote me, ask- prevent this ‘‘steal’’ of the election. To avoid ing me to go to Indiana and Ohio, to which I an- bloodshed, friends of both candidates met at the swered as I write you. . . . I regret that I was nom- Wormley Hotel in Washington in late February inated. You know I did not want the place. I 1877. There they agreed to a compromise that should have gone back to the House, and into settled the election and ended Reconstruction. In a Republican majority. I should have almost to return for Hayes’ election, Republicans offered a certainty, been its Speaker, which I would federal funds to build railroads through the rav- greatly prefer to being laid away.12 aged South and otherwise restore the southern All that Wheeler would do was to issue the tra- economy, promised to appoint a southerner to ditional letter of acceptance of his nomination. the cabinet, and—most important—pledged to The conciliatory tone of that letter toward the remove all federal troops from the southern South was seen as part of the Republicans’ strat- states. When members of the Democratic major- egy of trying to detach the old southern Whigs ity in the House of Representatives still tried to from the southern Democrats. Candidate Hayes block the counting of the electoral ballots, a Lou- issued a similarly ambiguous endorsement of isiana representative assured them that an ac- reconciliation with the South. At the Republican ceptable arrangement had been negotiated at the convention, the civil rights leader Frederick Wormley Hotel. The revolt fizzled, and at 4 a.m. Douglass had challenged the delegates to decide on March 2, senators marched to the House whether they meant to uphold for blacks the chamber to declare Hayes president. Hayes rights they had written into the Constitution or upheld the bargain and removed the federal whether they could ‘‘get along without the vote troops, abandoning black voters to of the black man in the South.’’ The Hayes and and segregation.15 Wheeler ticket suggested that the party had cho- Hymn Singing and Square Talk sen the latter course.13 Although they had not known each other be- The Contested Election fore their nomination, Hayes and Wheeler devel- On election night, it looked as if Tilden and oped an unusually friendly relationship while in Hendricks had defeated Hayes and Wheeler, es- office. The Hayes family—scorned by many pecially after Democrats captured Wheeler’s Washington politicos for their old-fashioned home state of New York. Republican newspapers manner and strict adherence to temperance—be- conceded the election, but Zachariah Chandler, came a surrogate family to the lonely vice presi- chairman of the Republican National Committee, dent, a sixty-year old widower with no children. saw hope in the southern electors and dis- The vice president was fond of hymn singing, patched telegrams to party leaders in those and each Sunday evening the Hayes family in- southern states still under Reconstruction rule, vited Wheeler and a few other friends to the alerting them that the election was still unde- White House library, where Secretary of the Inte- cided. Three southern states each sent two sets rior played the piano and the vice [ 246 ] WILLIAM A. WHEELER president distributed copies of The Presbyterian their lucrative posts at the New York custom- Hymn and Tune Book for ‘‘a revelry of sweet house, Wheeler disapproved the action because sounds and mingling of souls.’’ 16 he feared it might split the party. Wheeler even Wheeler also provided Hayes with advice endorsed Cornell’s candidacy for governor of about appointments, recommending that selec- New York.19 tions be made according to ‘‘personal character, In December 1879, the Republican National recognized capacity and experience.’’ He espe- Committee met in Washington, as a first step to- cially warned Hayes about the hostility that the ward nominating the presidential ticket for 1880. Conkling machine exhibited toward the new ad- Hayes had let it be known that he would not ministration. At one point, Hayes noted in his stand for a second term, and sentiments within diary that Wheeler was critical of cabinet mem- the party seemed to be roughly divided between bers who, when approached by jobseekers, re- Grant and Blaine. In his diary Hayes com- sponded equivocally. ‘‘When there is no hope mented, ‘‘If New York could with a fair degree tell the man so,’’ Wheeler asserted. ‘‘He will be of unity, present a man like say the Vice Presi- disappointed at the time, but it is the best way.’’ dent . . . he would probably be nominated.’’ But Hayes observed that Wheeler was right. there was no hope of the factions in New York ‘‘Prompt and square talk is in the long run safest uniting, especially over someone who opposed and is just to the parties concerned. I must also Roscoe Conkling.20 At the convention, James A. bear this in mind.’’ 17 Despite their friendship, Hayes rarely con- Garfield defeated Grant, Blaine, and other can- sulted Wheeler and did not include him within didates on the thirty-sixth ballot to become the his circle of advisers. Wheeler spent his vice- Republican nominee. He and his running mate presidency presiding over Senate debates, a job Chester A. Arthur went on to win the election. he found dull and monotonous, comparing his In March 1881, Wheeler turned over the vice- role of repeating set phrases to that of a parrot. presidency to his successor, Conkling’s confed- During his term, he cast six tie-breaking votes, erate Chet Arthur. Within months, Conkling including one that helped his old friend William launched his last great political battle against the Pitt Kellogg to be seated as senator from Louisi- new president. In May, both New York senators, ana. Wheeler grew particularly frustrated at Conkling and Tom Platt, dramatically resigned being left out of both cabinet meetings and party and returned to Albany, where they expected the caucuses and feeling that he was generally ig- state legislature to reelect them as a sign of soli- nored. The greatest trial of being vice president, darity in their patronage struggles with Garfield. he once commented, was attending church. ‘‘I Instead, the legislature rebelled. A number of hear the minister praying for the President, his candidates entered the Senate race, including Cabinet, both Houses of Congress, the Supreme former Vice President Wheeler. On several bal- Court, the governors and legislatures of all the lots, Wheeler ran ahead of Conkling. Although states and every individual heathen . . . and find neither won the election, Conkling’s biographer myself wholly left out.’’ 18 concluded that ‘‘the ambition of former Vice- A Forgotten Man President Wheeler was a major contributing Wheeler made it easy for his nation to forget cause’’ to Conkling’s defeat. Crushed by his de- that he existed. A more assertive man might have feat and by Garfield’s assassination, Conkling re- risen to lead the opposition to the Conkling ma- tired from politics to a lucrative Wall Street law chine, but Wheeler contented himself with sneer- practice. William A. Wheeler also retired from ing at Conkling rather than challenging him. The public life, turning down an appointment from vice president urged President Hayes not to ap- President Chester Arthur to serve on a commis- pear weak and yielding to Conkling. But when sion to study the tariff because, he said, his Hayes took on Conkling by removing his lieuten- health was not up to it. He died on June 4, 1887, ants Chester A. Arthur and Alonzo Cornell from in Malone, a forgotten man.21 [ 247 ] NOTES 1 John F. Kennedy, Profiles in Courage (New York, 1956), 11 Irwin Silber, Songs America Voted By (Harrisburg, PA, p. xiv. 1971), p. 115. 2 William Dean Howells, Sketch of the Life and Character of 12 Mark Wahlgren Summers, The Era of Good Stealings Rutherford B. Hayes, Also a Biographical Sketch of William A. (New York, 1993), p. 281; Polakoff, p. 123. Wheeler (New York, 1876), pp. 5–7; see also James T. Otten, 13 Gillette, pp. 304, 419. ‘‘Grand Old Partyman: William A. Wheeler and the Repub- 14 Ibid., p. 332; Otten, p. 218. lican Party, 1850–1880,’’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of 15 For details of the compromise, see C. Vann Woodward, South Carolina, 1976), pp. 1–11, 285–86. Reunion and Reaction; The and the End of 3 Howells, p. 10; Keith Ian Polakoff, The Politics of Inertia: Reconstruction (New York, 1991; reprint of 1951 edition); Eric The Election of 1876 and the End of Reconstruction (Baton Foner, Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863– Rouge, LA, 1973), p. 123. 1877 (New York, 1988); and Polakoff. See also Chapter 21 4 Otten, pp. 63–79, 288–89. of this volume, ‘‘Thomas Andrews Hendricks,’’ p. 263. 5 Polakoff, p. 181. 16 Kenneth E. Davison, The Presidency of Rutherford B. 6 Ibid; William Gillette, Retreat from Reconstruction, 1869– Hayes (Westport, CT, 1972), pp. 84–85. 1879 (Baton Rouge, LA, 1979), pp. 133, 294. 17 Otten, p. 171; T. Harry Williams, ed., Hayes: The Diary 7 Howells, p. 12; Polakoff, p. 37. of a President, 1875–1881 (New York, 1964), pp. 69, 129. 8 Herbert Eaton, Presidential Timber: A History of Nominat- 18 Howells, p. 26; Otten, pp. 176, 181, 292; U.S., Congress, ing Conventions, 1868–1960 (New York, 1964), pp. 55–59; Senate, The Senate, 1789–1989, by Robert C. Byrd, S. Doc. Richard E. Welch, Jr., and the Half-Breed 100–20, 100th Cong., 1st sess., vol. 4, Historical Statistics, Republicans (Cambridge, MA, 1971), p. 55. 1789–1992, 1993, p. 644. 9 Polakoff, pp. 67–68; David M. Jordan, Roscoe Conkling of 19 Williams, ed., p. 302; Otten, pp. 209, 256, 263. New York: Voice in the Senate (Ithaca, NY, 1971), p. 241. 20 Williams, ed., pp. 256–57. 10 Howells, pp. 16–17, 20. 21 Jordan, pp. 407–8; Otten, pp. 277–79.

[ 248 ] Chapter 20 CHESTER ALAN ARTHUR 1881

[ 249 ] CHESTER A. ARTHUR Chapter 20 CHESTER ALAN ARTHUR

20th Vice President: 1881

Such an honor and opportunity comes to very few of the millions of Americans, and to that man but once. No man can refuse it, and I will not. —CHESTER A. ARTHUR

Following the Civil War and Reconstruction, rial [air] added much to the beauty of his Apollo- ‘‘boss rule’’ and ‘‘machine politics’’ flourished in like appearance. His noble figure, flashing eye the United States, and nowhere more intensely and majestic voice made one forget that he was than in New York, the most populated state in somewhat foppish in his dress.A physical fitness the Union. The Tweed Ring ran the Democratic fanatic, Conkling boxed to keep in shape for his party’s apparatus in New York, political battles, and a journalist noted that Conkling also ‘‘loved to use words as a prize- and an equally powerful machine operated with- fighter loves to use his fists.’’ No one admired in the state’s Republican party. Throughout the Conkling’s talents and abilities more than he 1870s, that party’s ‘‘stalwart’’ faction, led by Sen- himself. A vain and haughty man with a monu- ator Roscoe Conkling, dominated New York pol- mental ego, he believed himself unfettered by the itics until it reached both its apex and nadir with- rules that governed lesser mortals. These im- in the space of a few months in 1881. Although pulses led him to carry on a scandalous affair responsible for some of the most tawdry politics with Sprague, the wife of his Senate in American history, Conkling’s machine also colleague William Sprague, and to challenge produced two vice presidents, Chester Alan Ar- openly two presidents—Rutherford B. Hayes and thur and Levi P. Morton, one of whom—Ar- James A. Garfield—for power and patronage.1 thur—became president of the United States Conkling built his political machine on a rich under tragic circumstances and turned against source of patronage, the New York customhouse, the machine and its spoilsmen. headed by the collector of the port of New York. A spellbinding orator with a commanding Before income taxes, the chief sources of federal presence, Senator Roscoe Conkling was the un- revenue were the duties charged on imported crowned leader of the Senate in an era before ma- goods. The busy port of New York served as the jority and minority leaders were formally des- point of deposit for many imports, and its cus- ignated. One woman newspaper correspondent tomhouse became the largest federal office in the described him as the most alluring politician of government, taking in more revenue and hand- his time and ‘‘the Apollo of the Senate.’’ New ing out more jobs than any other. Since the days York’s other senator, Thomas C. Platt, similarly of Andrew Jackson, the ‘‘’’ had pre- considered Conkling one of the handsomest men vailed in the hiring and retention of federal em- he had ever met. ployees. Each new administration cleaned house, He was over six feet tall, of slender build, and regardless of the ability of individual civil serv- stood straight as an arrow. . . . A curl, described ants, making room for its own appointees. As as Hyperion, rolled over his forehead. An impe- was the case at the city and state level, these fed- [ 251 ] CHESTER A. ARTHUR eral jobs provided the glue that united political Numerous scandals within the administration party organizations. Yet increasingly in the post- of President Ulysses S. Grant led Republicans to Civil War era, federal offices like the New York seek a less-tarnished candidate for the 1876 con- customhouse became symbols of waste, fraud, test. Chet Arthur supported Conkling’s bid for and incompetence that cost the government mil- the Republican presidential nomination, but lions of dollars.2 when the nomination went instead to the reform- Political Lieutenant in the Conkling Machine conscious governor of Ohio, Rutherford B. Hayes, Arthur threw the support of his office be- From 1871 to 1877, the head of the New York hind Hayes, raising funds and getting out voters customhouse was Roscoe Conkling’s close ally, to help Hayes carry New York and win the elec- Chester Alan Arthur. Born in North Fairfield, tion. Rather than showing his gratitude, how- Vermont, on October 5, 1829, Arthur was the son ever, President Hayes appointed a commission of a Baptist minister who held a succession of to investigate the New York customhouse. When pastorates throughout Vermont and upstate the group’s report exposed inefficiency, graft, New York. When his father finally settled at a and a bloated payroll, Hayes issued an order for- church in Schenectady, young Arthur was able bidding federal officeholders to take part in po- to attend Union College, from which he grad- litical activities, so that the customhouse could uated in 1848. For a few years be run under a merit system. Conkling’s lieuten- he taught school and was a principal. He then ants, Arthur as collector and Alonzo Cornell as studied law and gained admission to the bar in naval officer of the port—both members of the New York City in 1854. During the Civil War, Republican State Committee—should have re- he became a judge advocate general and later the signed under this order, but they refused. Hayes quartermaster general of the New York militia. then fired both men and nominated Theodore Although he never saw combat, these posts en- Roosevelt, Sr. (father of the future president) and abled him to campaign as ‘‘General Arthur’’ in L. Bradford Prince to replace them. An outraged his later political career. Conkling persuaded the Senate to reject both Arthur married Virginia-born Ellen Lewis nominations.4 Herndon in 1859 and established his family in a handsome brownstone on Lexington Avenue The Stalwarts and the Half-Breeds near . His law practice enabled As the election of 1880 approached, Hayes him to live in a conspicuously stylish fashion. At chose not to seek a second term. Rather than be- first, Arthur was identified with the conservative come a candidate himself, Conkling threw his wing of his party, led by former Governor Wil- support behind former president U.S. Grant. liam H. Seward and Albany boss Thurlow Weed. Conkling particularly wanted to block the nomi- But at the state convention in 1867, he entered nation of his longtime rival, Senator and former the orbit of the rising political star Roscoe House Speaker James G. Blaine of Maine. Back Conkling. An upstate Republican, Conkling in 1866, when they were both members of the needed alliances with New York City men and House, Blaine had delivered a sarcastic speech recruited Arthur into his organization. that mocked Conkling’s ‘‘-gobbler strut’’ Conkling’s biographer David Jordan assessed and ‘‘Hyperion curl.’’ Delighted political car- Arthur as ‘‘a shrewd, imaginative, and meticu- toonists had seized on these characteristics to lous political manager; he was a master orga- mock Conkling. Although Blaine and Conkling nizer, a necessity for Conkling’s new organiza- served together in the House and Senate for an- tion.’’ The popular ‘‘Chet’’ Arthur rose quickly other fourteen years, they never spoke to one an- within the ranks of the machine. In 1871, Presi- other again. Each dedicated himself to blocking dent Ulysses S. Grant rewarded Conkling’s loy- the other from becoming president.5 alty to his administration by appointing Arthur At the national convention in June, Conkling to the highly lucrative post of collector of the proposed a unit rule to force the entire New York port of New York.3 delegation to support Grant, but William H. Rob- [ 252 ] CHESTER A. ARTHUR ertson, a Blaine supporter, led a minority of the idential candidate in low esteem. One campaign delegation to rebel against the stalwarts. Robert- biography devoted 533 pages to Garfield and son’s faction, known dismissively as ‘‘half- only 21 pages—almost as an embarrassed breeds,’’ joined with other independent dele- aside—to Arthur. Enumerating his ‘‘good’’ gates to defeat the unit rule. The result was an qualities, the campaign tract observed that his extended deadlock that was broken only when face was ‘‘full, fat and fair,’’ that he did not talk the Blaine forces swung their support to a with ‘‘offensive accents,’’ that he dressed ‘‘in per- darkhorse candidate, Ohio Representative James fect good taste,’’ and that he was ‘‘fairly cor- A. Garfield. Garfield’s supporters realized that pulent as his pictures very well suggest.’’ 8 Ar- they needed a New Yorker on the ticket, not only thur probably gained some public sympathy for for the state’s large potential harvest of electoral his wife’s death in 1880, which left him to raise votes but also to mollify Conkling. Garfield at a son and young daughter. first wanted Levi P. Morton, his friend from the An Evenly Balanced Senate House of Representatives, but Morton felt he could not accept without Conkling’s approval. Once elected, Vice President Arthur proved When Conkling made it clear that no friend of crucial to his party’s fortunes in the Senate. At his should join the ticket, Morton declined. The the beginning of the Forty-seventh Congress, the Garfield forces next turned to Chet Arthur, who party balance in the Senate was exactly equal, a showed no such reluctance. ‘‘Such an honor and situation in which the vice president’s vote might opportunity comes to very few of the millions of be needed to give the Republicans a majority to Americans, and to that man but once,’’ Arthur organize the body and chair its committees. told Conkling. ‘‘No man can refuse it, and I will When the Senate met on March 4, 1881, there not.’’ 6 were 37 Republicans, 37 Democrats, and 2 Inde- The selection of Chet Arthur for vice president pendents. One of the Independents, former Su- did not pacify Conkling, whom Garfield knew preme Court Justice David Davis, announced was a man ‘‘inspired more by his hates than his that he planned to vote with the Democrats to loves.’’ In August 1880, Garfield went to New organize the chamber. If the other Independent, York to make peace with Conkling’s machine. In of Virginia, could also be per- the Fifth Avenue Hotel rooms of Levi Morton, suaded to join them, the Democrats would take Garfield met with Arthur, Platt, and other ma- the majority. Rumors spread that the White chine leaders—but not with Conkling, who House was plying Mahone with ‘‘champagne stayed away. The Conkling men sought an un- and satisfaction,’’ or promises of patronage, to derstanding about patronage in a Garfield ad- win him for the Republicans. With a noisy mob ministration. In return for assurances that he watching from the galleries, Vice President Ar- would take their wishes into consideration for thur directed the clerk to call the roll. When New York appointments, they agreed to raise Mahone’s name was reached, the Virginia sen- funds for his campaign. According to Platt, Gar- ator, sitting on the Democratic side of the aisle, field also disavowed any close relations with voted with the Republicans, giving Arthur the Hayes’ civil service proposals. With these guar- deciding vote. For his vote, Mahone received a antees, the Conkling machine threw its weight basket of flowers from the White House, the behind Garfield, enabling him to win a very nar- chairmanship of the Agriculture Committee, and row victory in November. It was said that, while control of federal patronage in Virginia. Demo- Garfield owed his nomination to Blaine, he owed crats, however, intended to fight the administra- his election to Conkling.7 tion at every turn, making every vote—especially Party reformers were chagrined at the choice the vice president’s—critical.9 of Chet Arthur, the recently deposed collector of At this juncture, a fissure disrupted Repub- the port of New York and a symbol of corrupt lican ranks. Much to Roscoe Conkling’s chagrin, machine politics, as Garfield’s running mate. President Garfield had named James G. Blaine as Most Republican newspapers held the vice-pres- secretary of state, and from that post Blaine plot- [ 253 ] CHESTER A. ARTHUR ted against his longtime rival. While a number where he lobbied for Conkling’s reelection. J. L. of offices went to Conkling men, they were ex- Connery, the editor of the New York Herald, cluded from the cabinet seats they desired—es- which the Conkling machine courted, recalled pecially the secretary of the treasury, which had Arthur telling him in confidence that Garfield jurisdiction over the collector of the Port of New had been neither honorable nor truthful. ‘‘It is a York. On the day before their inauguration, Ar- hard thing to say of a President of the United thur had visited Garfield, along with Senators States, but it is, unfortunately, only the truth,’’ Conkling and Platt, to plead for their candidate said Arthur. ‘‘Garfield—spurred by Blaine, by for treasury secretary. As Garfield noted in his whom he is easily led—has broken every pledge diary, Conkling seemed ‘‘full of apprehension made to us; not only that, but he seems to have that he had been or was to be cheated.’’ 10 wished to do it in a most offensive way.’’ Gar- ‘‘A Square Blow at Conkling’’ field’s supporters, however, never forgave Ar- thur for his betrayal of the president.12 Conkling had good reason for apprehension. On March 23, Vice President Arthur, while pre- A Presidential Assassination siding over the Senate, received a list of presi- The strategy of the Conkling forces unraveled dential nominations. His eye fell on the name of when the New York legislature reacted nega- New York state senator William H. Robertson for tively to the ‘‘childish’’ resignations of its two collector of the port of New York, which, as one senators. Led by state senate president pro tem- reporter described it, represented ‘‘a square blow pore William Robertson (the customs collector at Conkling.’’ Arthur folded the document so nominee), the half-breeds called on legislators to that Robertson’s name appeared uppermost and ‘‘stand by the administration,’’ and the legisla- had a page deliver it to Senator Conkling. From ture entered a month-long deadlock over the the press gallery, reporters watched Conkling senatorial elections. On July 2, Platt withdrew walk rapidly to his colleague Platt and hold a from the race in a last-ditch attempt to improve ‘‘whispered conference.’’ Conkling made it Conkling’s chances of reelection. That same day, known that he considered the nomination per- on the brink of victory, President Garfield sonally offensive, and Vice President Arthur walked arm in arm with Secretary of State Blaine joined with Senators Conkling and Platt in a let- through Washington’s Baltimore and Ohio rail- ter asking the president to withdraw Robertson’s road station. A crazed assassin shot the president name. At the Republican caucus, Conkling deliv- in the back and then identified himself with ered a long, eloquent, and bitter attack on the Conkling’s stalwarts. After lingering throughout president for his breach of senatorial courtesy. the summer, the mortally wounded Garfield He persuaded Senate Republicans to postpone died on September 19. By then the New York leg- the customs collectors’ nominations and take up islature had rejected Conkling’s bid for reelec- less controversial posts. President Garfield retali- tion. ‘‘How can I speak into a grave?’’ Conkling ated by withdrawing the nominations of five of complained. ‘‘How can I battle with a shroud. Si- Conkling’s men. When it began to look as if Sen- lence is a duty and a doom.’’ 13 ate Democrats would contribute enough votes to Garfield’s death elevated to the presidency a confirm Robertson, Conkling and his colleague man who had shared an apartment in Washing- Tom Platt decided to resign from the Senate and ton with Conkling and who had sided with return to New York, where they expected the Conkling against Garfield. Political observers state legislature to reelect them as a sign of en- naturally assumed that Conkling would domi- dorsement in their power struggle with the nate Chet Arthur’s administration. Newspaper president.11 correspondent Theron Crawford later noted that Vice President Arthur had no trouble deciding Conkling ‘‘had been in the habit of patronizing which side to take in this epic struggle between Mr. Arthur, and had given him political orders his president and his party boss. After the Senate for so many years that he could not imagine this adjourned, Arthur also journeyed to Albany, pleasure-loving, easy-going man capable of re- [ 254 ] CHESTER A. ARTHUR bellion.’’ Arthur was in New York when Garfield big enough, nor strong enough, to contend with died, and it was Roscoe Conkling who carried the powerful men who were antagonized.’’ 15 the new president’s bag to the station when he Support for Civil Service Reform left for Washington. Since the martyred President Garfield was re- Less than a month later, Conkling arrived in garded as a ‘‘victim of that accursed greed for Washington and held a private meeting with Ar- spoils of office,’’ his death rallied public support thur. Reporters speculated that the two had cho- behind civil service reform legislation. In Ar- sen a new cabinet, yet no announcement was thur’s first annual message to Congress in De- made to the press. Neither man would publicly cember 1881, he pledged his willingness to en- acknowledge what had transpired, but their as- force any reform legislation that Congress might sociates described a stormy session. Conkling enact modeled on the British civil service system. presented his patronage demands: he wanted Democratic Senator George H. Pendleton of Ohio William Robertson dismissed as collector and he sponsored a measure that became known as the himself was willing to accept a cabinet portfolio. Pendleton Act, which President Arthur signed in But Conkling underestimated how deeply the as- January 1883. The Pendleton Act established a bi- sassination had shocked and sobered Chester Ar- partisan Civil Service Commission to set rules by thur. Senator Platt described Arthur as ‘‘over- which federal jobs would be filled. The act come with grief,’’ particularly after newspapers placed about 14,000 jobs, about one-tenth of the quoted the assassin saying ‘‘I am a Stalwart, and total federal employment at the time, under civil I want Arthur for President.’’ Feeling the weight service. Although by no means a complete rever- of his new office and calculating that public sal of the spoils system, it took a large step in opinion would never tolerate Robertson’s re- that direction. As the journalist Henry Stoddard moval, the president rejected Conkling’s advice. mused, it was a strange turn of events that a A New York Republican leader told a friend in spoilsman like Chester Arthur should sign the the press that President Arthur felt very bitter first effective civil service law and also be the over the demands Conkling had made on him. first president to veto a river and harbor appro- ‘‘You can put it down for a fact that ‘Conk’ want- priations bill as excessive ‘‘—the bill that had ed ‘Chet’ to remove Robertson and appoint one come to be known as the ‘’ bill into of our fellows collector.’’ When Arthur refused, which both parties dug deep.’’ 16 Conkling stormed out, swearing that all of his The initial reaction to Vice President Arthur’s friends had turned traitor to him.14 elevation to the presidency had been one of uni- Conkling’s mistress, Kate Chase Sprague, tried versal dismay: ‘‘Chet Arthur in the White to intercede with the president, reminding him House!’’ But, as chief executive, Chester Alan Ar- of ‘‘the vital importance of placing a robust, cou- thur replaced Chet Arthur. The new president rageous, clear-headed man at the head of the acted in a dignified manner, made strong ap- Treasury,’’ and arguing that Conkling would be pointments, and won approval for the ‘‘elevated a ‘‘tower of strength’’ in the cabinet. But Arthur tone’’ of his administration. He redecorated the offered neither a cabinet appointment nor the re- White House and entertained regally. He became moval of Robertson as collector. Instead, famous for his fourteen-course dinners that often Conkling went into permanent political exile. Al- kept his guests at the table until after midnight, though Arthur later named Conkling to the Su- consuming fine wines and rich foods. Overeating preme Court, his former leader declined. At the and underexercising did not help Arthur’s same time, Arthur accepted Blaine’s resignation health, and during his presidency he suffered as secretary of state, feeling that by doing so he from kidney disease that slowly sapped his had neutralized the heads of both warring fac- strength. In 1884, he made himself available for tions and could steer a course between them. renomination. ‘‘Arthur has given us a good ad- Senator later judged that, ministration, but it has been negatively rather while Arthur tried to govern fairly, ‘‘he was not than positively good,’’ wrote one dubious jour- [ 255 ] CHESTER A. ARTHUR nalist. ‘‘He has done well, in other words, by not ‘‘No thank you, I don’t engage in criminal prac- doing anything bad. This kind of goodness does tice.’’ Blaine lost New York by a whisker—and not count for much in presidential cam- with it the election. Grover Cleveland, who had paigns.’’ 17 owed his election as governor of New York to Arthur’s attempt to steer a course between the the split between the stalwarts and the half- stalwarts and half-breeds succeeded only in breeds, now became the first Democratic presi- alienating both sides. At the Republican conven- dent since the Civil War. Chester Arthur re- tion, the remnants of the stalwart wing (led by turned to his New York law office. Rapidly de- Tom Platt) supported James G. Blaine, on the clining in health, he died on November 17, 1886, grounds that Arthur had deserted them. When less than two years after leaving the White they tried to persuade Conkling, now a highly House. He had been chosen as vice president successful New York attorney, to emerge from without much expectation but, when thrust into his political retirement and endorse Blaine’s the presidency, he rose to the occasion and con- presidential candidacy, Conkling acidly replied, ducted the office with style.18

[ 256 ] NOTES 1 David J. Rothman, Politics and Power: The United States 9 ‘‘The Great Senate Deadlock: 1881,’’ Senate History 9 Senate, 1869–1901 (Cambridge, MA, 1966), pp. 27–30; Don- (July 1984): 1, 9–10. ald A. Ritchie, Press Gallery: Congress and the Washington Cor- 10 Harry James Brown and Frederic D. Williams, eds., The respondents (Cambridge, MA, 1991), p. 156; Louis J. Lang, Diary of James A. Garfield (East Lansing, MI, 1981), 4:552. ed., The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Platt (New York, 11 Ben: Perley Poore, Perley’s Reminiscences of Sixty Years 1910), p. 55; Henry L. Stoddard, As I Knew Them: Presidents in the National Metropolis (Philadelphia, 1886), pp. 400–402; and Politics from Grant to Coolidge (New York, 1927), p. 115. Conkling, p. 640; Doenecke, p. 45. 2 Ari Hoogenboom, Outlawing the Spoils: A History of the 12 Theodore Clarke Smith, The Life and Letters of James Civil Service Reform Movement, 1865–1883 (Urbana, IL, 1961), Abram Garfield (New Haven, CT, 1925), 2:1128–29; T.B. pp. 1–32. Connery, ‘‘Secret History of the Garfield-Conkling Trag- 3 David M. Jordan, Roscoe Conkling of New York: Voice in edy,’’ Cosmopolitan 23 (June 1897): 145–62. the Senate (Ithaca, NY, 1971), pp. 146–48. 13 Jordan, pp. 379–409; Henry L. Stoddard, p. 114. 4 Ibid., pp. 155–78; Chester L. Barrows, William M. Evarts: 14 Theron C. Crawford, James G. Blaine: A Study of His Life Lawyer, Diplomat, Statesman (Chapel Hill, NC, 1941), p. 326. and Career, from the Standpoint of a Personal Witness of the 5 Ritchie, pp. 136–37. Principal Events in his History (Philadelphia, 1893), p. 525; 6 Jordan, p. 341; Stoddard, pp. 118–19; Chauncey M. Thomas C. Reeves, Gentleman Boss: The Life of Chester A. Ar- Depew, My Memories of Eighty Years (New York, 1924), pp. thur (New York, 1975), p. 256; William C. Hudson, Random 122–23. Recollections of an Old Political Reporter (New York, 1911), p. 7 Justus D. Doenecke, The Presidencies of James A. Garfield 127; Lang, ed., pp. 162–63. & Chester A. Arthur (Lawrence, KS, 1981), pp. 26–27; Jordan, 15 Katherine Chase Sprague to Chester A. Arthur, October p. 439; Lang, ed., pp. 128–32; Alfred R. Conkling, The Life 21, 1881, Chester A. Arthur Papers, ; and Letters of Roscoe Conkling, Orator, Statesman, Advocate Crawford, pp. 508, 546; Depew, p. 118. (New York, 1889), p. 614. See also Chapter 22 of this volume, 16 Hoogenboom, pp. 213–53; Stoddard, p. 122. ‘‘Levi P. Morton,’’ p. 271. 17 Poore, p. 431; Stoddard, pp. 117, 285; Francis Carpenter, 8 James S. Brisbin, From The Tow-Path to the White House: ed., Carp’s Washington (New York, 1960), p. 30; Doenecke, The Early Life and Public Career of James A. Garfield (Philadel- pp. 76–77, 80, 183–84. phia, 1880), pp. 546–47. 18 Lang, ed., p. 181; Ritchie, p. 137.

[ 257 ]

Chapter 21 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS 1885

[ 259 ] THOMAS A. HENDRICKS Chapter 21 THOMAS ANDREWS HENDRICKS

21st Vice President: 1885

There were no neutral tints in his own political colors. —SENATOR DANIEL VOORHEES

American political parties have traditionally resentative and a soon-to-be governor of that been coalitions of contradictory and contentious new state. Hendricks was raised as a staunch forces. The electoral college is largely responsible Presbyterian and a Jacksonian Democrat, the two for the loose-knit nature of these political parties. pillars of his thinking throughout his life. He at- Victory requires a majority of electors from tended the Presbyterian-run College in throughout the nation, a feat nearly impossible Indiana, where he proved an average student but for any party rooted in a single region or clus- a skillful debater. After graduating, he went east tered about one ideology or interest group. To to Pennsylvania to study at a law school run by build such national coalitions, politicians must one of his uncles. In 1843 he was admitted to the reach out to those with whom they may disagree. bar and practiced in Shelbyville, Indiana. That The Democratic party emerged from Thomas Jef- same year, he met Eliza Morgan, a vivacious ferson’s defense of the yeoman farmer against teenager from Ohio who was visiting in Indiana. Alexander Hamilton’s efforts to use the govern- After two years of correspondence, he felt finan- ment to promote American industry and finance. cially secure enough to propose, and they were Yet to build a national party, Jefferson needed married in 1845. Their only child died at age to embrace New York’s Tammany Hall, which three. In later years, an old neighbor said that he represented urban interests. Nearly a century doubted whether Hendricks could have later, Indiana’s Thomas A. Hendricks confronted achieved his political success without Eliza. ‘‘She that same split. He was a ‘‘soft-money’’ agrarian is generous, wise and discreet. The man born to reformer, who ran twice for vice president on get on in the world always marries that kind of Democratic tickets headed by two different woman, it appears.’’ 1 ‘‘hard-money’’ New York governors. Slavery and Politics Early Years Always ambitious, Hendricks plunged into A son of the Mississippi Valley, Thomas A. politics. He was elected to the Indiana house of Hendricks was born on a farm near Zanesville, representatives in 1848, served as a delegate to Ohio, on September 7, 1819, to John and Jane the state constitutional convention in 1849, and Thomson Hendricks. When just six months old, won a seat in the U.S. House of Representatives he moved with his parents to Indiana, where his in 1850. A popular member of the House, he be- father’s older brother, William, was a U.S. rep- came a follower of Illinois Democratic Senator [ 261 ] THOMAS A. HENDRICKS

Stephen A. Douglas and supported Douglas’ dent of the Confederate States,’’ recommending controversial Kansas-Nebraska Act. That statute that the Confederacy purchase rifles from an In- repealed the Missouri Compromise and per- manufacturer. Bright expected that the In- mitted residents of the territories to determine diana legislature would reelect him, but instead whether or not to permit slavery, a concept Judge was chosen to fill the few known as ‘‘.’’ Public outrage months remaining in his term. The legislature in the North caused the dissolution of the old elected Thomas Hendricks to take the seat dur- Whig party and a period of political instability ing the next full term. Bright thereafter blamed that eventually resulted in the emergence of the Hendricks for his defeat.4 new Republican party. Hendricks believed his When peace Democrats in the state legislature vote for the Kansas-Nebraska Act reflected the attempted to pass antiwar resolutions, pro- sentiments of his constituents, although it was Union members bolted. Hendricks recognized later cited as the cause of his defeat for reelection that the peace movement would discredit the in 1854. He was opposed by a former , and he was sufficiently familiar with the representing a coalition of Free Soilers, abolition- legislature to be certain that there were enough ists, temperance advocates, Know-Nothings, and pro-Union Democrats to defeat the resolutions. Whigs. Hendricks denounced the of the Accepting both his reasoning and his head Know-Nothing movement and defended the counting, the bolters resumed their seats and de- rights of immigrants and religious minorities. feated the peace resolutions.5 Despite these admirable stands for minority Hendricks took his oath as a U.S. senator in rights, he had a blind eye on racial issues. As a 1863, becoming one of only ten Democrats facing delegate to the Indiana constitutional convention thirty-three Republicans. He soon assumed the in 1849, he had led the move to enact ‘‘Black role of his party’s recognized leader in the Sen- Laws’’ that promoted segregation and restricted ate. Hendricks was a thorough partisan. ‘‘There the migration of free blacks into the state.2 were no neutral tints in his own political colors,’’ After losing his seat in Congress, Hendricks in future Indiana Democratic Senator Daniel Voor- 1855 accepted an appointment from President hees later commented. But even Republican sen- Franklin Pierce to become commissioner of the ators acknowledged that his speeches were well in the Interior Department, prepared and that his arguments were plau- a post he held through 1859. As a Douglas Dem- sible—if one accepted all of his premises. Assess- ocrat, he felt increasingly out of step with the ing Hendricks’ Senate career, the journalist A.K. anti-Douglas administration of James Buchanan McClure later said, ‘‘He was a Democratic Sen- and resigned his office to return to Indiana, ator in the most trying times of the war, when where in 1860 he ran unsuccessfully for gov- many less faithful or less discreet men made ernor. He then moved to Indianapolis to practice hopeless shipwreck of their political future, but law.3 the record of Mr. Hendricks has stood the sever- est test and is conspicuous for its freedom from A Pro-Union Democrat the partisan blunders which then and since have When the Civil War erupted in 1861, the ranked as crimes.’’ 6 Democratic party in Indiana divided between President Abraham Lincoln cultivated the sup- peace and pro-Union factions. Jesse D. Bright, port of War Democrats like Hendricks. As Con- the president pro tempore of the U.S. Senate, led gress prepared to adjourn in March 1865, Hen- the party’s peace wing, while Hendricks became dricks paid a last visit to the president, who told a leading ‘‘War Democrat.’’ Bright, an imperious him, ‘‘We have differed in politics, Senator Hen- man who had tolerated no opposition in his dricks, but you have uniformly treated my ad- twenty-year domination of the state Democratic ministration with fairness.’’ During the period of party, was expelled from the Senate in February congressional Reconstruction of the South that 1862, when it was discovered that he had written followed the war, Hendricks never missed an op- a letter addressed to Jefferson Davis as ‘‘Presi- portunity to remind Republican senators that [ 262 ] THOMAS A. HENDRICKS

President Lincoln had opposed such radical Re- creased minting of silver currency would lower construction measures as the Wade-Davis bill farmers’ costs of repaying their debts. Such argu- and had wanted a speedy return of the southern ments struck fear into eastern financial circles, states to the Union. Hendricks consistently op- whose members supported sound currency posed repealing the fugitive slave laws until based on gold and believed that any debasing of slavery was constitutionally abolished, and he the currency would rob creditors of just returns tried to prevent African Americans from gaining on their investments. The hard-money element the right to vote. ‘‘I say we are not of the same within the Democratic party rallied behind the race,’’ Hendricks declared; ‘‘we are so different nomination of Samuel J. Tilden, known in some that we ought not to compose one political circles as the ‘‘Great Forecloser.’’ To balance community.’’ 7 Tilden, the party nominated the soft-money Hen- Hendricks emerged as one of the few promi- dricks for vice president. nent Democrats not to be stigmatized as a Cop- The Republican candidate, Ohio governor perhead (or southern sympathizer) during the Rutherford B. Hayes, carried every midwestern war. As a result, his name arose for the 1868 state except Hendricks’ Indiana. On election Democratic presidential nomination. He lost the night, it appeared that the Tilden-Hendricks tick- nomination to New York Governor Horatio Sey- et had won both the popular and the electoral mour but went back to Indiana, where he was vote, but the outcome in three southern states nominated to run for governor. In the fall, both still controlled by Reconstruction governments Seymour and Hendricks were defeated. Hen- remained in dispute. Both Republicans and dricks returned to his law practice and bided his Democrats claimed these electoral votes. The time for a revival of Democratic fortunes. Look- Democrats needed just one more state to win, the ing toward the 1872 presidential election, former Republicans needed all of the disputed votes. Iowa Senator A.C. Dodge recommended Hen- When a deadlock developed between the Repub- dricks as a ‘‘worthy, able and excellent man.’’ He lican Senate and the Democratic House over believed that there was strong support through- counting the electoral votes, both sides reluc- out the Midwest for the Indianan, although he tantly agreed to set up a special electoral com- doubted that Hendricks would run well in the mission. Republicans gained an 8-to-7 majority East. The Democrats instead nominated the ec- on the commission, and by that straight party centric newspaper editor Horace Greeley for vote the commission assigned all of the disputed president on a fusion ticket with liberal Repub- electoral votes to Hayes, who was sworn in as licans who opposed the corruption of the Ulysses president. To prevent a new civil war, Tilden and Grant administration. That same year, Indiana Hendricks accepted the outcome, but thereafter Democrats nominated Hendricks to run again Democrats charged that the election had been for governor and, while Greeley went down to stolen from them.9 a crashing defeat, Hendricks won the Indiana Hobbled by Illness state house.8 After the electoral disappointment, Hendricks Tilden-Hendricks and his wife consoled themselves with a long His victory in that important swing state made journey through Europe. He returned to his law Hendricks a frontrunner for the Democratic pres- practice and continued to speak out on the issues idential nomination in 1876. However, after the of the day. Hoosiers were ‘‘a speech-loving peo- and the widespread economic crisis ple,’’ as one of Hendricks’ biographers noted, that followed, Hendricks became publicly identi- and large crowds always showed up for his ora- fied with agrarian reform and ‘‘soft money.’’ tions. In 1880, Indiana once again boosted Hen- Currency reformers believed that postwar con- dricks for president, but while he was vacation- tractions of the currency had caused the eco- ing at Hot Springs, Arkansas, Hendricks suffered nomic depression and that inflation of the cur- a stroke. Two years later, he developed a lame- rency through issuance of greenbacks or in- ness in one foot—a result, claimed the journalist [ 263 ] THOMAS A. HENDRICKS

Ben: Perley Poore, of Hendricks’ frequent public raded, Hendricks sat calmly. ‘‘To those near speaking engagements: him,’’ Indiana Senator Daniel Voorhees asserted, While speaking he was in the habit of bending ‘‘he simply appeared to enjoy in a quiet silent forward on the tip of his right foot, resting the way the popular approval of his long and faith- 12 entire weight upon it. From the pressure of his ful services.’’ right shoe a swelling arose on one of his toes. These tactics might have worked, except that . . . In twenty-four hours erysipelas [an acute skin Cleveland’s managers got wind of the conspiracy inflammation] developed, and it was only after and sent messages to all the delegates warning an illness of six months that he recovered. But them not to get caught up in any spurious dem- he always afterwards was somewhat lame, espe- onstrations. Cleveland’s supporters argued that cially when he was fatigued.10 New York was essential for a Democratic victory As the 1884 election approached, Samuel and that Cleveland, a hard-money reform gov- Tilden, who had also suffered a paralytic stroke, ernor, could attract liberal Republican voters, a mentioned to a newspaper reporter that his old group known as the mugwumps. These argu- running mate Thomas Hendricks wanted a re- ments prevailed, and the Hendricks boom fiz- prise of the 1876 ticket of Tilden and Hendricks, zled when Illinois increased its vote for Cleve- ‘‘and I do not wonder, considering my land, followed by enough other states to give weakness!’’ Tilden announced his withdrawal Cleveland the nomination at the end of the sec- from the race, which left the Democratic nomina- ond ballot. Hendricks was rewarded with the tion wide open. No one doubted that Hendricks vice-presidential nomination, once again to bal- was available for the nomination in 1884, but his ance a hard-money presidential candidate and to constant availability in every presidential elec- offer the promise of carrying the swing state of tion since 1868 had devalued his candidacy. The Indiana.13 party looked for a new face to unite them and The prospect of victory invigorated Hendricks, lead them to victory after so many years in the and he campaigned valiantly, proving ‘‘a tower minority. Hendricks was dismissed as a man of of strength for the ticket’’ in what has often been ‘‘inordinate ambition.’’ 11 described as the ‘‘dirtiest’’ campaign in Amer- Cleveland-Hendricks ican political history. He attacked the incumbent Republican administration, helped stop a party Hendricks attended the Democratic National bolt by Tammany Hall, drew large crowds to his Convention in 1884 not as a candidate but rather speeches, and dramatically survived a late-night as a delegate who would nominate former Indi- train wreck while campaigning in Illinois. Hen- ana Senator Joseph E. McDonald. His appear- dricks won praise as an ‘‘urbane leader.’’ He ance at the convention drew much enthusiastic stood five feet nine inches tall and was described applause, since he represented the ‘‘old ticket’’ as ‘‘well proportioned and stoutly built, though of 1876 that had been robbed of victory. As the not corpulent.’’ His once light hair had turned convention moved toward nominating the re- silver, and he wore ‘‘the least of side whiskers, form governor of New York, Grover Cleveland, which are light gray, and his complexion is fair.’’ Cleveland’s opponents—especially New York As a speaker he was clear and forceful, while in City’s Tammany Hall—concluded that Hen- conversation he was ‘‘easy, courteous, cautious, dricks was the only man around whom the op- and deferential.14 position could be united. They planned a strat- egy to stampede the convention to Hendricks the Vice President of the Spoilsmen next day. Just as Indiana swung its vote to him, In 1884, Democrats won their first presidential Hendricks entered the convention hall through election since 1856, and Thomas Hendricks re- a door facing the delegates. The band struck up turned as presiding officer to the Senate where a tune as Tammany Hall boss John Kelly and his he had once served in a pitifully small minority. henchmen leaped from their seats and began From the start, however, Hendricks found him- shouting for Hendricks. As the delegates pa- self at odds with President Cleveland, a scru- [ 264 ] THOMAS A. HENDRICKS pulously honest man with good intentions but at home in Indianapolis, he died in his sleep on limited vision. Unlike Hendricks, who had long November 25, 1885. called for more government intervention in the Death of the Vice President economy to promote agrarian reform, Cleveland Hendricks’ death eliminated the leader of the advocated laissez-faire economics and was a So- possible rival camp to Cleveland’s presidency, cial Darwinist who thought the slightest hint of but also for the second time in a decade deprived government paternalism would undermine the the nation of a vice president for more than three national character.15 years, raising concerns about the problem of Mugwump reformers waited to see if Cleve- presidential succession. If Cleveland should die, land would expand the Civil Service System re- who would become president? The Presidential cently established by the Pendleton Act, but Succession Act of 1792 provided that the Senate’s Democrats, long out of power, demanded pa- president pro tempore and the Speaker of the tronage. Vice President Hendricks and many House, in that order, should succeed. There was Democratic senators, furious when Cleveland ig- concern that one of these offices might soon be nored the patronage requests of their state party filled with members of the opposition rather organizations, considered the president’s con- than members of Cleveland’s party, since both duct ‘‘treacherous.’’ Cleveland dismissed these posts were vacant at the time of Hendricks’ sud- complaints as the howls of old Jacksonian den death and, while Democrats controlled the spoilsmen and wild-eyed currency reformers, House, Republicans controlled the Senate. On among whom he counted his vice president. But the recommendation of Massachusetts Repub- by midsummer 1885, Cleveland buckled at the lican Senator George F. Hoar, Congress in 1886 threat of revolt within his party. He replaced his adopted a law that eliminated congressional offi- civil-service-reform-minded assistant postmaster cers from the line of succession in favor of cabi- general with former Illinois Congressman Adlai net officers, in order of their rank. This system Stevenson, ‘‘who understood practical politics.’’ prevailed until 1947, when the death of a presi- Given free rein, Stevenson replaced Republican dent had again left the vice-presidency open for postmasters with deserving Democrats at a fast almost an entire term, stimulating another re- clip, until more than 40,000 federal jobs changed evaluation and a different solution to the hands.16 problem.18 The Indiana Democratic organization was par- When President Cleveland ran for reelection in ticularly outspoken about its dissatisfaction with 1888, Democrats had to choose a replacement for Cleveland’s skimpy patronage, and Vice Presi- Thomas Hendricks. The honor went to former dent Hendricks became known as ‘‘Vice Presi- Ohio Senator Allen G. Thurman. This time, dent of the spoilsmen.’’ The label ‘‘spoilsman’’ Cleveland faced a Hoosier Republican, Senator distressed Hendricks. As one senator who knew Benjamin Harrison. Without Hendricks on the him explained, Hendricks felt the charge came ticket, the Democrats failed to carry Indiana. Al- from those who ‘‘had been wont to linger in the though Cleveland won a plurality of the popular shade and slumber while he and the ‘boys,’ as vote, he lost the electoral college and with it the he loved sometimes to call the party workers, presidency. had borne the heat and dust and burden of the Hendricks’ death, as the veteran journalist Ben: battle.’’ 17 Perley Poore judged, ‘‘removed an official In September, Hendricks left Washington to at- around whom the disaffected Democrats could tend the thirty-fifth anniversary reunion of the have crystallized into a formidable opposition,’’ surviving members of the constitutional conven- for Hendricks had not been disposed to accept tion of Indiana and to rest in anticipation of the being what Hannibal Hamlin had described as coming session of Congress in December. While the fifth wheel on a coach.19

[ 265 ] NOTES 1 W.U. Hensel, ‘‘A Biographical Sketch of Thomas A. 10 Hensel, pp. 279, 284; Ben: Perley Poore, Perley’s Hendricks,’’ in , Life and Public Services Reminiscences of Sixty Years in the National Metropolis (Phila- of Hon. Grover Cleveland (New York, 1884), pp. 184–95; John delphia, 1887), 2:503–4. W. Holcombe and Hubert M. Skinner, Life and Public Services 11 Herbert Eaton, Presidential Timber: A History of Nominat- of Thomas A. Hendricks with Selected Speeches and Writings (In- ing Conventions, 1868–1960 (New York, 1964), pp. 102–7; dianapolis, 1886), p. 93. Allan Nevins, Grover Cleveland, A Study in Courage (New 2 Hensel, pp. 210–12; Holcombe and Skinner, pp. 117–18; York, 1932), pp. 146–47; Memorial Addresses, p. 25. Ralph D. Gray, ‘‘Thomas A. Hendricks: Spokesman for the 12 Nevins, p. 154; Memorial Addresses, p. 29. Democracy,’’ in Gentlemen from Indiana: National Party Can- 13 Eaton, p. 111; Nevins, p. 154; Poore, p. 284; Richard E. didates, 1836–1940, ed. Ralph D. Gray (Indianapolis, 1977), Welch, Jr., The Presidencies of Grover Cleveland (Lawrence, p. 126. KS, 1988), pp. 28–29. 3 Gray, p. 128. 14 Nevins, p. 177; Hensel, p. 255; Holcombe and Skinner, 4 Holcombe and Skinner, pp. 195, 245. pp. 7, 363–64. 5 Christopher Dell, Lincoln and the War Democrats: The 15 Vincent P. De Santis, ‘‘Grover Cleveland: Revitalization Grand Erosion of Conservative Tradition (Rutherford, NJ, of the Presidency,’’ in Six Presidents from the Empire State, 1975), p. 201. ed. Harry J. Sievers (Tarrytown, NY, 1974), pp. 90–91. 6 U.S., Congress, Memorial Addresses on the Life and Char- 16 John A. Garraty, The New Commonwealth, 1877–1890 acter of Thomas A. Hendricks (Washington: Government (New York, 1968), pp. 288–90; Horace Samuel Merrill, Bour- Printing Office, 1886), pp. 26, 38–39; Hensel, p. 225. bon Leader: Grover Cleveland and the Democratic Party (Boston, 7 Holcombe and Skinner, p. 267; Hensel, p. 226; Eric 1957), p. 99. See also Chapter 23 of this volume, ‘‘Adlai Foner, Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863– Ewing Stevenson,’’ pp. 280–81. 1877 (New York, 1988), pp. 278–79. 17 Nevins, pp. 237, 247; Memorial Addresses, p. 63. 8 Horace Samuel Merrill, Bourbon Democracy of the Middle 18 Chester L. Barrows, William M. Evarts: Lawyer, Dip- West, 1865–1896 (Seattle, 1967; reprint of 1953 edition), p. lomat, Statesman (Chapel Hill, NC, 1941), p. 446; Richard E. 71. Welch, Jr., George Frisbie Hoar and the Half-Breed Republicans 9 The best account of the disputed election is Keith Ian (Cambridge, MA, 1971), p. 137; John D. Feerick, From Failing Polakoff, The Politics of Inertia: The Election of 1876 and the Hands: The Story of Presidential Succession (New York, 1965), End of Reconstruction (Baton Rouge, LA, 1976). See also pp. 140–46. Chapter 19 of this volume, ‘‘William Almon Wheeler,’’ p. 19 Poore, 2:503–4. 246.

[ 266 ] Chapter 22 LEVI PARSONS MORTON 1889–1893

[ 267 ] LEVI P. MORTON Chapter 22 LEVI PARSONS MORTON

22nd Vice President: 1889–1893

Business experience had taught him . He never was influenced by crazy theorists. —SENATOR THOMAS C. PLATT

Like a hero from the pages of a whom he would eventually marry thirteen years novel, Levi P. Morton worked his way up by later. But first he had a fortune to earn. Morton pluck and luck to fame and fortune. From a boy later recalled that he was happiest ‘‘when I was toiling in a country store, he rose to become one learning how to accomplish things; when I was of the nation’s wealthiest and most influential building up my business.’’ When his employer bankers and vice president of the United States. went bankrupt, the chief creditor, James M. Morton might have become president as well, Beebe, came to New Hampshire to inspect the had his political acumen matched his financial situation and was impressed enough with ability. Morton’s industriousness to invite him to join James M. Beebe & Co. in Boston—‘‘the business Youth Mecca for every Yankee boy.’’ Beebe & Co., Bos- Born on , 1824, in the little village of ton’s largest importing firm, soon took Junius Shoreham, Vermont, Levi Parsons Morton was Spencer Morgan as a partner, thus introducing named for his uncle, the first American mission- Levi Morton to Morgan’s son, J.P. Morgan, who ary to Palestine. He was the son of a Congrega- would one day become his principal rival as a tional preacher, who moved his family from banker. In 1854, Beebe sent Morton to New York church to church in New England, never accru- City to take charge of the company’s operations ing much wealth. Although young Morton want- there. A year later, Morton formed his own dry ed to attend college, his father was too poor to goods company in New York. Finally wealthy send him. An older brother advised him not to and secure enough to settle down, he married worry about further schooling since ‘‘a self- Lucy Kimball in 1856. The new Mrs. Morton dis- taught man is worth two of your college boys.’’ liked his Old Testament name of Levi and began Instead, Morton took a job in a country store. calling her husband ‘‘L.P,’’ as he became known After getting his fill of heavy manual labor, he among family and friends thereafter.2 sought respite as a teacher in a country school. Then he took another clerkship in the general Banking and Politics store of W.W. Estabrook, in Concord, New Morton’s chief business was importing cotton Hampshire, where he learned the bookkeeper’s from the South for New England’s textile indus- art of calculating profit and loss.1 try and exporting manufactured goods from the Estabrook dispatched Morton to run his store North to the agricultural South. When the Civil in Hanover, New Hampshire. There the young War broke out in the spring of 1861, his loss of Morton lived with the family of a Dartmouth southern clients forced him to suspend business. College professor and met Lucy Young Kimball, For the next decade, Morton worked to pay back [ 269 ] LEVI P. MORTON his own creditors, dollar for dollar. Although the this position might reward him with an attractive war soon stimulated the northern economy and diplomatic post, he was also considering a race rebuilt Morton’s financial base, he saw a safer for Congress. Morton asked his friend Whitelaw and more profitable future in banking. In 1863, Reid, editor of the New-York Tribune, ‘‘If elected, he founded a Wall Street banking house, later and I wanted a foreign mission, could I well re- named Morton, Bliss & Co., with a London firm sign and accept that, or if defeated, what then?’’ called Morton, Rose. By the end of the war, adding ‘‘I have never made a speech in my life.’’ Morton’s bank could challenge the powerful Jay Reid encouraged him not to worry about speech- Cooke & Co. for the right to handle government making but advised that a resignation from a transactions. In 1873 Cooke’s bank failed, leaving newly won office would create some bitterness. Morton as one of the preeminent bankers in the When Morton declared his candidacy for a nation.3 House seat from New York’s Eleventh District, Morton’s gracious manners and generous cam- a fashionable residential area around upper Fifth paign contributions made him many friends in Avenue, he ran on a platform of sound currency Washington, among them President Ulysses S. based on the gold standard. That plank would Grant and Grant’s strongest supporter in Con- remain consistent through his next quarter cen- gress, Senator Roscoe Conkling of New York. tury in politics. His opponents pictured him as Morton and his British partner, Sir John Rose, ex- a plutocrat and ‘‘a tool of Wall Street,’’ charges panded their financial and political fortunes by that would similarly follow him in every elec- facilitating U.S. negotiations with Great Britain tion. Morton lost by a narrow margin but won to settle the ‘‘.’’ During the war, when he ran again for the seat in 1878.5 Britain had violated its neutrality by allowing the The Conkling Machine construction of Confederate shipping on its soil. Senator Charles Sumner, chairman of the Foreign In politics, Morton identified himself with the Relations Committee, pressed the administration New York political faction, the ‘‘stalwarts,’’ to demand large-scale compensation from Brit- headed by Republican Senator Roscoe Conkling. ain, including the annexation of Canada, even if Opposing the stalwarts were the ‘‘half-breed’’ those claims led the two nations to war. Morton Republicans who rallied behind Senator James and Rose persuaded the British and Americans G. Blaine of Maine. Conkling and Blaine were to accept international of their war bitter personal and political rivals, yet few sub- claims; the U.S. to reduce its demands; and the stantive differences existed between their rival British to pay $15 million in damages, for which factions on the issues of the day. Conkling’s ma- the house of Morton, Rose acted as disbursing chine was more identified with New York’s fi- office. When advised that the government’s posi- nancial interests and made sound currency its tion would be strengthened by using Morton, chief legislative aim, while the half-breeds placed Rose as its agent, President Grant questioned more emphasis on railroads, industry, and the whether Morton’s firm was strong because of the protective tariff. Both organizations, however, government’s patronage rather than the other thrived on government patronage and opposed way around.4 civil service reform. Morton’s presence in the After his wife Lucy died in 1871, L.P. Morton Conkling machine attested to its connections married Anna Livingston Reade Street in 1873. with Wall Street financiers. Anna’s connections as a member of New York’s Entering Congress in 1879, Morton acted as old Knickerbocker society helped propel Morton much as a representative of Morton, Bliss & Co. into New York’s political scene. From all ac- as he did as a representative of the Eleventh Dis- counts, Anna Morton combined great charm, trict, since he saw no difference between his own wisdom and prudence, making her admirably interests and those of his constituents. The news- suited to be the wife of a political man. In 1876, paper reporter George Alfred Townsend de- Morton became financial chairman of the Repub- scribed Morton as ‘‘not a loquacious man, and lican National Committee. Aware that success in yet an interesting talker, and one of the [ 270 ] LEVI P. MORTON pleasantest expressions of his face is that of the cific pledges. In December 1880, Garfield re- respectful, intelligent listener.’’ He stood six feet corded in his diary that Morton was ‘‘under mis- tall, straight-limbed and erect, and walked with apprehension’’ that he had been promised the ‘‘flexible and quiet movements.’’ With close- Treasury Department. ‘‘This was not my under- cropped hair and a square jaw, his face had a cos- standing and seems wholly inadmissable. It mopolitan appearance, ‘‘though the New Eng- would be a congestion of financial power at the land lines are decided.’’ The ‘‘whole tone of his money centre and would create jealousy at the talk and character are toward tranquillity,’’ West.’’ 7 Townsend observed. In the House, Morton was Blaine, who had been named secretary of state, ‘‘a close listener, a silent critic, a genial answerer; pronounced Morton ‘‘unfit’’ for the treasury, neither intrusive nor obtrusive.’’ Since Morton while Senator Conkling traveled to Garfield’s was wealthier than his colleagues, he was able home in Mentor, Ohio, to lobby for Morton. to establish his family in a handsome house on Conkling wanted to balance Blaine in the cabinet, Lafayette Square that became a popular meeting to protect his organization’s control over the place for politicos and high society. Morton won New York customhouse, and to remove Morton a reputation for his urbanity and generous hospi- from a hotly contested race for the other Senate tality. Among the friends he made was Rep- seat from New York, which Conkling wanted for resentative James Garfield of Ohio.6 Tom Platt. Haughtily, Conkling told the presi- dent-elect that New York would rather be passed Declining the Vice-Presidency over completely in the cabinet if it could not ob- In 1880, Morton went to the Republican con- tain the Treasury Department. Even Garfield’s vention as a Conkling lieutenant, dedicated to wife Lucretia joined the fray when she wrote winning a third-term nomination for Ulysses S. from a New York shopping trip: Grant. Conkling’s stalwarts were equally deter- mined to stop the nomination of Blaine. When Mr. [Whitelaw] Reid told me this morning that Morton had been very ugly in his talk about you, a deadlock developed, Blaine’s half-breeds threw using the expression that seems to be so gratify- their support to Garfield, a darkhorse candidate. ing to the Conkling clique, ‘‘That Ohio man can- Once Garfield won the nomination, he realized not be relied upon to stand by his pledges.’’ 8 that he would need a New Yorker on the ticket and immediately thought of his wealthy and Shortly before the inauguration, Garfield of- well-positioned friend, L.P. Morton. Morton fered Morton the secretaryship of the navy, scurried to find Conkling, who objected. When which he accepted. But Conkling and Arthur Morton declined the offer, the vice-presidential roused Morton from his bed in the middle of the night and persuaded him to decline the post. The nomination went instead to another Conkling next day Garfield recorded: ‘‘Morton broke man, Chester A. Arthur, who had fewer scruples down on my hands under the pressure of his about breaking with the boss. N.Y. friends, who called him out of bed at 4 this Still trying to make peace with the Conkling morning to prevent his taking the Navy Dep’t. faction, Garfield came to New York in August . . . The N.Y. delegation are in a great row be- 1880 for a meeting in Morton’s suite at the Fifth cause I do not give the Treasury to that state.’’ Avenue Hotel. There, Garfield promised to sup- Despite his exasperation, Garfield still owed port the Conkling machine’s patronage de- Morton something for his work as campaign fi- mands, which included the post of secretary of nance chairman and settled on making him min- the treasury. The Treasury Department oversaw ister to France.9 the New York customhouse, upon whose patron- age the New York machine had been built. Mor- Collapse of the Conkling Machine ton agreed to chair Garfield’s campaign finance As president, Garfield confronted the committee, assuming that the treasury portfolio Conkling machine by appointing the half-breed would be his. After winning the election, how- Republican William Robertson to be collector of ever, Garfield insisted that he had made no spe- the port of New York and head of the custom- [ 271 ] LEVI P. MORTON house. His action triggered a series of events that of the party), raised his chances for the vice-pres- culminated in the resignations of Senators idential nomination in 1888.12 Conkling and Platt, who expected to be reelected A Strange Victory by the New York legislature as a show of sup- port. Instead, both were defeated. In the midst When James G. Blaine, declining in health, of this monumental struggle, on July 2, 1881, made it clear he would not run again for presi- President Garfield was shot by a deranged fol- dent in 1888, Tom Platt threw New York’s sup- lower of Conkling’s stalwarts. On July 20, when port to Indiana Senator Benjamin Harrison—the Morton sailed for France, Garfield was still lin- grandson of former President William Henry gering and recovery seemed possible. But on Harrison. Blaine recommended Harrison as the September 19, the president died, making Ches- best candidate and suggested for vice president ter Arthur—and not L.P. Morton—president of former Representative William Walter Phelps of the United States. Morton spent the next four New Jersey. However, Platt’s support of Morton years in the diplomatic service, attending largely helped the banker defeat Phelps by a margin of to the ceremonies connected with France’s gift of five to one. The ticket of Harrison and Morton the to the United States. But he put together a strange victory in the presidential still harbored ambitions for a seat in the Senate.10 election. They lost the popular vote by 90,000 but By the time Morton returned to the United still managed to beat the incumbent President States, Roscoe Conkling had quit politics for a lu- Grover Cleveland in the electoral college, 233 to crative law practice and Tom Platt had picked 168. The journalist Arthur Wallace Dunn attrib- up Conkling’s leadership of the New York party. uted the Republican success in 1888 to the com- In 1884 Platt decided to support Blaine for presi- bined political shrewdness of Republican Na- dent, on the grounds that Chet Arthur had de- tional Committee chairman and Pennsylvania serted his former friends. Morton followed the Senator Matt Quay and New York party boss Platt machine into the Blaine camp. He was one Tom Platt.13 of the two hundred businessmen who attended As president, however, Benjamin Harrison the infamous ‘‘millionaires’ dinner’’ given in would not allow Platt and Quay to dictate his Blaine’s honor at Delmonico’s restaurant on Oc- cabinet and other federal appointments. Al- tober 29, 1884. At that dinner, a Protestant min- though principled, his stand against the ister rose to denounce the Democrats as the party spoilsmen alienated him from those most re- of ‘‘rum, Romanism, and rebellion.’’ Blaine ig- sponsible for his election. A thoughtful man, nored the remark, but Democrats seized upon it Harrison was cold in person but articulate and and publicized it widely among Irish voters. compelling as a public speaker. By contrast, Vice Blaine lost New York by a narrow margin and President Morton was no public speaker, but ‘‘a with it the presidency.11 loveable personality,’’ who ‘‘filled every position Platt put Morton forward unsuccessfully for with grace, dignity, and ability.’’ In an era of senator in 1885 and 1887. In the former instance, greed, corruption, and excess, Harrison and Morton was perceived as the frontrunner, having Morton both epitomized family life and puri- greater resources and the full backing of Platt’s tanical religious values. Harrison’s cabinet was machine. But Platt’s men had made the mistake conservative and business oriented, with the de- of taking all the key committee posts in the state partment store magnate serv- assembly, causing the ‘‘soreheads’’ who had ing as postmaster general. The political been left out to unite behind another candidate, officeseekers ridiculed the publicity received by who snatched away the coveted Senate seat. The Harrison’s family, particularly his grand- 1887 election was a three-man race, in which an- daughter, known as Baby Ruth (namesake of the other candidate appeared to have a better chance candy bar); they scoffed that the supposedly pu- of winning for the stalwarts. Morton’s with- ritanical Morton owned Washington’s Shoreham drawal from the race, seen as an expression of Hotel (which he named after his Vermont birth- his selfless sense of duty to his party (or faction place), where liquor was sold; and they belittled [ 272 ] LEVI P. MORTON the attention given to Wanamaker’s Sunday Reconstruction-like Republican rule in the South. school teaching. As a spoilsmen’s verse put it: Harrison summoned Republican senators to the The baby rules the White House, White House and urged them to do everything Levi runs the bar, possible to pass the bill. But western silver Re- Wanny runs the Sunday school, And dammit here we are! 14 publicans believed that the nation’s most press- ing need was an inflated currency to cure eco- Due to Mrs. Harrison’s illnesses and death in nomic ills. These Republicans joined Democrats 1892, Anna Morton often entertained on behalf in passing a resolution to take up a new currency of the administration at the vice president’s man- measure in place of the elections bill. sion on Scott Circle. ‘‘Mrs. Morton became the The elections bill reached the Senate floor only leader of society in Washington, and there was because of Vice President Morton’s tie-breaking never a more brilliant and popular leader than vote. But the bill immediately encountered an- she,’’ according to one account. ‘‘It was her in- other , and Morton did nothing to help nate graciousness, her innate tact, and her kind- Republican efforts to break it. Republican sen- ness of heart . . . which won her admiration and ators hoped to persuade Morton to vacate his respect of all.’’ Morton, whose only child by his chair, in order to allow a more sympathetic first marriage had died in infancy, had five member to preside, but Morton insisted on being daughters by his second wife and boasted a live- present throughout the debate. Because the vice ly home.15 president had announced that he planned to pre- The Businessman’s Cabinet and the Millionaires’ side as a neutral figure and not follow the dic- Club tates of the Republican caucus, he was accused Just as Harrison’s cabinet was called the ‘‘busi- of doing little to maintain party discipline and nessman’s cabinet’’ for its inclusion of Wana- compared unfavorably to Speaker of the House maker and the Vermont marble baron Redfield , who presided with an Proctor, the Senate over which Vice President iron fist. Massachusetts Senator George F. Hoar Morton presided was dubbed a ‘‘millionaires’ sneered at Morton as one of those vice presidents club.’’ In the late nineteenth century, business- who ‘‘asserted their authority with as little show men had steadily gained control over both the of force as if they were presiding over a company Republican and Democratic parties and used of guests at their own table.’’ Finally on January their political positions to advance their eco- 22, 1891, a resolution to replace the elections bill nomic interests. Senators became identified as with another was passed 35 to 34, and the elec- spokesmen for railroads, timber, mining, and tions bill died.17 other industries. As California Senator George Hearst, who had made his millions in mining, Unceremoniously Dumped proclaimed: ‘‘the members of the Senate are the As the Republican convention approached in survivors of the fittest.’’ It seemed appropriate, 1892, Morton’s supporters floated his name for therefore, that the Senate’s presiding officer the presidency, but he lacked the necessary dele- should be one of the nation’s most prominent gate votes. Then Secretary of State Blaine re- bankers.16 signed from Harrison’s cabinet to become a can- President Harrison considered the greatest didate himself. The ‘‘Old Guard’’ bosses, notably failure of his administration to be its inability to Pennsylvania’s Quay and New York’s Platt, sup- pass the federal elections bill sponsored by ported Blaine, but President Harrison held the . Known as the ‘‘Force bill,’’ majority of the delegates. Morton was it was intended to force the South to permit black unceremoniously dumped from the ticket in men to vote and thereby protect their civil rights. favor of another New Yorker, his supposed After Republican losses in the congressional elec- friend . President Harrison appar- tions of 1890, the Senate had taken up the Lodge ently had never cared much for his vice presi- bill again, only to encounter a Democratic fili- dent—or forgiven him for his neutrality over the buster by those who believed it would restore a Force bill—and did not demand his renomina- [ 273 ] LEVI P. MORTON tion. At the same time, the ‘‘Platt Contingent’’ at ley, whose past flirtation with free silver worried the convention determined that a Harrison ticket the gold standard men of the East. Platt orga- was doomed to defeat, and they had better plans nized banquets and planted newspaper edi- for Morton.18 torials that encouraged Morton to envision him- In 1894, Platt ran Morton for governor of New self in the White House. But these efforts were York, a race that he won handily. Platt later me- routed by the campaign strategies of the brilliant morialized Morton as ‘‘the safest Governor New businessman-tactician , who engi- York ever had. Business experience had taught neered McKinley’s nomination.19 him conservatism. He never was influenced by Morton retired from politics and returned to crazy theorists, but conducted his administration his banking career, organizing the Morton Trust as he did his great private financial institutions.’’ Company. In 1909, when Morton was in his Senator Chauncey Depew similarly credited eighties, an offer came from J.P. Morgan to Morton as bringing to the governorship ‘‘busi- merge the Morton bank into the Morgan Guar- ness ability which had made him one of the great anty Trust Company. Morton deeply regretted merchants and foremost bankers.’’ In 1896, Platt that, as a result of the merger, the company bear- put the seventy-two-year-old Governor Morton ing his name was retired from the business forward as New York’s favorite son for the Re- world. L.P. Morton died on his ninety-sixth publican presidential nomination, to stop the birthday in 1920, already a long-forgotten name nomination of Ohio Governor William McKin- in both banking and politics.20

[ 274 ] NOTES 1 Robert McNutt McElroy, Levi Parsons Morton: Banker, Times of an Early Reporter, Julian Ralph of the Sun (Syracuse, Diplomat and Statesman (New York, 1975; reprint of 1930 edi- NY, 1992), p. 141. tion), pp. 25–26. 13 Robert F. Wesser, ‘‘Election of 1888,’’ in History of Amer- 2 Ibid., pp. 20–37, 39; George Alfred Townsend, ‘‘Levi P. ican Presidential Elections, 1789–1968, ed. Arthur M. Schles- Morton: A Biography,’’ in , Life of Gen. Ben Har- inger, Jr., and Fred L. Israel (New York, 1969), 2:1635; Ar- rison (Philadelphia, 1888), p. 361. thur Wallace Dunn, From Harrison to Harding: A Personal 3 McElroy, pp. 42, 51. Narrative, Covering a Third of a Century, 1888–1921 (Port 4 David M. Jordan, Roscoe Conkling of New York: Voice in Washington, NY, 1972; reprint of 1922 edition), 1:8. the Senate (Ithaca, NY, 1971), pp. 151–52; William S. 14 Homer Socolofsky and Allan B. Spetter, The Presidency McFeely, Grant, A Biography (New York, 1981), pp. 333, 336, of Benjamin Harrison (Lawrence, KS, 1987), pp. 19–45; Frank 355. Carpenter, Carp’s Washington (New York, 1960), p. 305; 5 Royal Cortissoz, The Life of Whitelaw Reid (New York, Chauncey M. Depew, My Memories of Eighty Years (New 1921), 1:351; McElroy, pp. 71–74. York, 1924), p. 220; Herbert Adams Gibbons, John Wana- 6 McElroy, pp. 84–88, 97; Townsend, pp. 354–55, 372. maker (New York, 1926), 1:328. 7 Theodore Clarke Smith, The Life and Letters of James 15 Great Leaders and National Issues of 1896 (New York, Abram Garfield (New Haven, CT, 1925), 2:1047, 1055; Louis 1896), p. 287. J. Lang, ed., The Autobiography of Thomas Collier Platt (New 16 Thomas C. Corchran and William Miller, The Age of En- York, 1910), pp. 128, 131–32. See also Chapter 20 of this vol- terprise: A Social History of Industrial America (New York, ume, ‘‘Chester Alan Arthur,’’ p. 253. 1942), pp. 162–64. 8 Smith, pp. 1074, 1078, 1083–84. 17 McElroy, pp. 188–91; Socolofsky and Spetter, pp. 64– 9 Ibid., pp. 1090–91: Harry James Brown and Frederick D. 65; Charles W. Calhoun, ‘‘Civil Religion and the Gilded Age Williams, The Diary of James A. Garfield (East Lansing, MI, Presidency: The Case of Benjamin Harrison,’’ Presidential 1981), 4:552; Jordan, p. 376. Studies Quarterly 23 (Fall 1993): 658; George F. Hoar, Auto- 10 Smith, p. 1072; Justus D. Doenecke, The Presidencies of biography of Seventy Years (New York, 1903), 2:68. James A. Garfield & Chester A. Arthur (Lawrence, KS, 1981), 18 McElroy, pp. 194–205; H. Wayne Morgan, From Hayes pp. 20–21, 30, 95. to McKinley: National Party Politics, 1877–1896 (Syracuse, NY, 11 Lang, ed., p. 181; Jordan, pp. 416–17. 1969), p. 415. 12 Chester L. Barrows, William M. Evarts: Lawyer, Diplomat, 19 Lang, ed., pp. 332–33; Depew, pp. 147, 218, 220; James Statesman (Chapel Hill, NC, 1941), pp. 436–37; Lang, ed., pp. A. Kehl, Boss Rule in the Gilded Age: Matt Quay of Pennsylva- 187–92; Paul Lancaster, Gentleman of the Press: The Life and nia (Pittsburgh, 1981), pp. 199–203; Morgan, p. 491. 20 McElroy, p. 320.

[ 275 ]

Chapter 23 ADLAI EWING STEVENSON 1893–1897

[ 277 ] ADLAI E. STEVENSON Chapter 23 ADLAI EWING STEVENSON

23rd Vice President: 1893–1897

‘‘Has Mr. Cleveland yet consulted you to that extent?’’ Vice President Stevenson was once asked. ‘‘Not yet,’’ he replied. ‘‘But, there are still a few weeks of my term remaining.’’

In February 1900, the Chicago American ran a few slaves and moved to Bloomington, Illinois, photograph of former Vice President Adlai Ste- where he operated a sawmill. Adlai worked in venson holding his new grandson, Adlai Ewing the mill and taught school, earning money for Stevenson II. That year the grandfather was college. He attended the Presbyterian-run Centre again nominated to run for vice president on the College in Danville, Kentucky, headed by the Democratic ticket. A half century later, the Reverend Lewis Warner Green. Adlai fell in love grandson would run twice as the Democratic with Green’s daughter Letitia, but family prob- nominee for president and gain even greater na- lems delayed their marriage for nine years. His tional and international prominence. Yet it was father’s death prompted Adlai to return to the grandfather who came closest to becoming Bloomington to run the sawmill; then, when the president of the United States—when President Reverend Green died, Letitia and her mother Grover Cleveland underwent critical surgery.1 moved near Bloomington. Mrs. Green consid- ered the Stevensons socially inferior and did not Youth favor a marriage between the young people, The Stevenson family were Presbyterians from even though Adlai had studied law and had Northern Ireland who migrated first to Penn- been admitted to the bar in 1858. Not until 1866 sylvania and then to North Carolina and Ken- did Adlai and Letitia finally marry. They had tucky. Adlai E. Stevenson, son of John Turner three daughters and a son, Lewis, who became Stevenson and Eliza Ewing Stevenson, was born father to the later presidential candidate.3 on the family farm in Christian County, Ken- tucky, on October 23, 1835. He attended the com- A Democrat in Republican Territory mon school in Blue Water, Kentucky, presided As a young lawyer, Stevenson encountered over by a ‘‘dreaded schoolmaster,’’ Mr. Caskie. such celebrated Illinois attorneys as Stephen A. Years later, when as vice-presidential candidate Douglas and Abraham Lincoln, campaigning for Stevenson was about to speak at a barbecue in Douglas in his 1858 Senate race against Lincoln. Kentucky, the elderly schoolmaster approached Stevenson also made speeches against the the platform and inquired, ‘‘Adlai, I came twenty ‘‘Know-Nothing’’ movement, a nativist group miles to hear you speak; don’t you remember opposed to immigrants and Catholics. That me?’’ Stevenson instantly replied, ‘‘Yes, Mr. stand helped cement his support in Illinois’ large Caskie, I still have a few marks left to remember German and Irish communities. In a predomi- you by!’’ 2 nantly Republican area, the Democratic Steven- In 1852, when Adlai was sixteen, frost killed son won friends through his storytelling and his the family’s tobacco crop. His father set free their warm and engaging personality. In 1860 at the [ 279 ] ADLAI E. STEVENSON age of twenty-five, he was appointed master in sand dollars a year, these offices were critically chancery (an aide in a court of equity), his first important to local political operations. In small public office, which he held during the Civil towns, the postmaster knew everyone, as well as War. In 1864 Stevenson was elected district attor- the mail they received and the newspapers and ney, and at the end of his term in 1868 he entered magazines they read. This knowledge placed the law practice with his cousin, James S. Ewing. Ste- postmasters in an excellent position to keep the venson & Ewing became one of the state’s most national party organization informed on public prominent law firms.4 opinion. The local postmasters would also dis- In 1874, when Stevenson ran for the House of tribute party literature in bulk more cheaply than Representatives as a Democrat, local Republican if it were individually addressed. Former Demo- newspapers painted him as a ‘‘vile secessionist,’’ cratic nominee Samuel J. Tilden, a master politi- but the continuing hardships from the economic cal organizer, reminded the Cleveland adminis- panic of 1873 caused voters to sweep him into tration that these rural post offices essentially office with the first Democratic congressional served as their party’s local headquarters. To majority since the Civil War. In the presidential leave them in the hands of Republicans would election year of 1876, however, the Republican be ‘‘infidelity to the principles and causes of the ticket headed by Rutherford B. Hayes carried his Administration.’’ 6 district, and Stevenson was narrowly defeated When First Assistant Postmaster General Mal- for reelection, taking 49.6 percent of the vote. colm Hay, a civil service reformer, resigned due Then, in 1878, he ran on both the Democratic and to ill health after only three months in office, Greenback tickets and won. Returning to a Cleveland appointed the more partisan Adlai House from which one-third of his earlier col- Stevenson to succeed him. Given free rein to re- leagues had either voluntarily retired or been re- move Republican officeholders, Stevenson thor- tired by the voters gave Stevenson a sense of the oughly enjoyed swinging the axe. One Repub- swiftly changing tides of politics. In 1880, again lican journalist described Stevenson as ‘‘an offi- a presidential election year, he once more lost cial axman who beheaded Republican office- narrowly, and he was defeated in his final race holders with the precision and dispatch of the for Congress in 1882.5 French guillotine in the days of the Revolution.’’ Dubbed ‘‘the Headsman’’ for replacing some The Headsman of the Post Office 40,000 Republicans with deserving Democrats, Stevenson served as a delegate to the Demo- he once ‘‘decapitated sixty-five Republican post- cratic convention of 1884 that nominated Grover masters in two minutes.’’ Republicans protested Cleveland for president. Cleveland’s reform but recognized that they had swung the same record as governor of New York helped win over axe, and even the mugwumps realized that true Republican reformers, the mugwumps, who en- civil service reform probably could not be abled him to defeat the popular but scandal-rid- achieved until greater balance was achieved be- den Republican candidate James G. Blaine. When tween Democratic and Republican office- Cleveland took office as president, the mug- holders.7 wumps expected him to carry out the goals of Cleveland rewarded Stevenson with a judicial civil service reform rather than return to the nomination to the supreme court of the District spoilsmanship of Jacksonian Democracy. They of Columbia, but Senate Republicans refused to felt reassured at first when Cleveland appointed confirm the man who had discharged so many an able Republican as postmaster of New York of their postmasters. When Cleveland was de- City. But job-hungry Democrats besieged the ad- feated for reelection in 1888, President Benjamin ministration for patronage, and the president Harrison appointed James S. Clarkson as first as- had to respond to the angry rumblings from his sistant postmaster general, and Clarkson party on Capitol Hill. promptly undid Stevenson’s handiwork by re- Particularly at stake were the 55,000 fourth- placing 32,335 of the fourth-class postmasters. class postmasters. Although paying just a thou- When the Democrats chose Cleveland once again [ 280 ] ADLAI E. STEVENSON as their standard bearer in 1892, they appeased difference to the United States if you were not.’’ party regulars by the nomination of the The writer did not know that Cleveland faced a ‘‘headsman of the post-office,’’ Adlai Stevenson, potentially fatal operation. A habitual cigar- for vice president. As a supporter of using green- smoker, Cleveland had developed cancer of the backs and free silver to inflate the currency and mouth that required immediate surgery. The alleviate economic distress in the rural districts, president insisted that the surgery be kept secret Stevenson balanced the ticket headed by Cleve- to avoid another panic on Wall Street over the land, the hard-money, gold-standard supporter. thought of a silverite like Stevenson in the White Just before the election, Cleveland learned that House. While on a yacht in New York harbor Republicans were planning a lurid expose´ of that summer, Cleveland had his entire upper jaw Stevenson’s soft-money record. Cleveland’s cam- removed and replaced with an artificial device, paign manager caught Stevenson at a speaking an operation that left no outward scar. The can- engagement in and handed him a cer surgery remained secret for another quarter letter endorsing sound money. Stevenson signed century. Cleveland’s aides explained that he had the letter and released it to the press, thus defus- merely had dental work. His vice president little ing the issue. The winning Cleveland-Stevenson realized how close he came to the presidency ticket carried Illinois, although not Stevenson’s that summer.10 home district.8 Meanwhile, a major battle loomed in the Sen- Civil service reformers held out hope for the ate over currency reform. In 1890, the Republican second Cleveland administration but saw Vice President Harrison had supported the Sherman President Stevenson as a symbol of the spoils Silver Purchase Act in return for silver Repub- system. He never hesitated to feed names of licans’ support of the protective tariff named Democrats to the Post Office Department. Once after Ohio Representative—and future Presi- he called at the Treasury Department to protest dent—William McKinley. But in the 1890 elec- against an appointment and was shown a letter tions the unpopular McKinley tariff defeated he had written endorsing the candidate. Steven- many Republicans, including McKinley, restored son told the treasury officials not to pay attention Democratic majorities in Congress, and bolstered to any of his written endorsements; if he really the populist movement that was demanding favored someone he would tell them personally.9 more government intervention in railroad regu- lation, currency reform, and farm relief. Disdain- Silver and Gold ful of the populists, Cleveland interpreted the While such stories about ‘‘Uncle Adlai’’ Republican defeat as vindication of his policies. brought smiles around Washington, Stevenson’s Upon reentering the White House in 1893, he presence as next in line to the presidency fright- was determined to repeal the Sherman Act to re- ened Cleveland’s more conservative supporters. store business confidence and therefore called Just before Cleveland took office, a financial Congress into extraordinary session in August to panic on Wall Street had plunged the nation into consider the issue.11 depression. As a staunch advocate of limited In October 1893, efforts to repeal the Sherman government, Cleveland disapproved of any gov- Silver Purchase Act met with a filibuster in the ernment program to reduce economic suffering. Senate. Indiana Senator Daniel Voorhees, leader By contrast, Vice President Stevenson rep- of the Cleveland Democrats, announced that the resented the ‘‘populist doctrines’’ of currency re- Senate would remain in continuous session until form that were creeping into the Democratic a vote was taken. Opponents made repeated calls party. In June 1893, after Cleveland proposed re- for quorums, feigned illness, and refused to ap- peal of the Sherman Silver Purchase Act and a pear even when summoned by the Senate ser- return to the gold standard, one of his hard- geant at arms. Those conducting the filibuster money supporters wrote Cleveland saying: ‘‘I benefitted from the cooperation of the presiding wish you had Congress in session now. You may officer. Vice President Stevenson refused to turn not be alive in September. It would make a vast his back on the silverites, who had helped to [ 281 ] ADLAI E. STEVENSON nominate him, and gave no aid to the adminis- neighbor to his counsels.’’ He credited the presi- tration in whipping the dissenters into line. The dent with being ‘‘courteous at all times’’ but prominent Washington correspondent Julian noted that ‘‘no guards were necessary to the Ralph knew that the Senate had no formal clo- preservation of his dignity. No one would have ture procedure but heard that it might be pos- thought of undue familiarity.’’ For his part, sible for the vice president to cut off debate by President Cleveland snorted that his vice presi- simply ordering a vote. Ralph asked the opinion dent had surrounded himself with a coterie of of former House Speaker Thomas B. Reed, who free-silver men dubbed the ‘‘Stevenson cabinet.’’ had broken similar dilatory actions in the House The president even mused that the economy had by counting the minority as present even if they gotten so bad and the Democratic party so di- failed to answer the roll. Reed asserted that the vided that ‘‘the logical thing for me to do . . . vice president ‘‘could do whatever he pleased if was to resign and hand the Executive branch to he had a majority behind him.’’ But Democrat Mr. Stevenson,’’ joking that he would try to get Isham G. Harris of Tennessee, the president pro his friends jobs in Stevenson’s new cabinet.14 tempore, strongly disagreed. ‘‘Why, sir, I don’t Toward the end of his term, ‘‘Uncle Adlai’’ believe he would live to accomplish it,’’ said was a dinner guest at the home of Senator Harris (who later repudiated the threatening Gorman. The vice president had a strong sense quote when it appeared in the Ralph story).12 of humor, which he suppressed while presiding New York Democratic Senator David Hill fol- over the Senate but let loose in private. At din- lowed Ralph’s suggestion by circulating a peti- ner, Stevenson said he resented the familiar tion to force the vice president to overrule all dil- charge that vice presidents were never consulted atory motions, but it failed to attract many sign- by the president and told a story about Vice ers. Nor were Democrats able to agree on adop- President John Breckinridge once being con- tion of a cloture rule. Finally, the Senate accepted sulted by President James Buchanan—about the a compromise arranged by Maryland Demo- wording of his Thanksgiving message. ‘‘Has Mr. cratic Senator that estab- Cleveland yet consulted you to that extent?’’ lished a gradual reduction of silver purchases Senator Gorman asked. ‘‘Not yet,’’ Stevenson re- over a three-year period. Although this agree- plied. ‘‘But, there are still a few weeks of my term ment made possible passage of the repeal, Presi- remaining.’’ 15 dent Cleveland never forgave Gorman for his Stevenson was mentioned as a candidate to compromise and thereafter rarely consulted this succeed Cleveland in 1896. Although he chaired important Democratic leader. Repeal of the Sher- the Illinois delegation to the Democratic National man Silver Purchase Act only contracted the cur- Convention, he gained little support. As one rency and further weakened the economy. Democrat noted, ‘‘the young men of the country Silverites called it the ‘‘Crime of 1893.’’ The are determined to have something to say during Democrats became tagged as the party of the the next election, and are tired of these old ‘‘empty dinnerpail’’ and suffered sweeping con- hacks.’’ Stevenson received a smattering of votes, gressional defeats in 1894.13 but the convention was taken by storm by a thir- ty-six-year-old former representative from Ne- A Notable Sense of Humor braska, , who delivered Adlai Stevenson enjoyed his role as vice presi- his fiery ‘‘Cross of Gold’’ speech in favor of a dent, presiding over ‘‘the most august legislative free-silver plank in the platform. Not only did assembly known to men.’’ He won praise for rul- the Democrats repudiate Cleveland by embrac- ing in a dignified, nonpartisan manner. In per- ing free silver, but they also nominated Bryan for sonal appearance he stood six feet tall and was president. Many Cleveland Democrats, includ- ‘‘of fine personal bearing and uniformly cour- ing most Democratic newspapers, refused to teous to all.’’ Although he was often a guest at support Bryan, but Vice President Stevenson loy- the White House, Stevenson admitted that he ally endorsed the ticket. In the fall, Bryan con- was less an adviser to the president than ‘‘the ducted the nation’s first whistle-stop campaign, [ 282 ] ADLAI E. STEVENSON traveling extensively around the country and wanted one of their own, and the regular ele- capturing people’s imaginations. Although he ment of the party felt comfortable with Steven- did far better than expected, he lost the election son. Towne withdrew and campaigned for Bryan to Ohio’s Republican governor, William and Stevenson. As a result, Stevenson, who had McKinley.16 run with Cleveland in 1892, now ran with his A bimetallist himself, McKinley ran on a gold- nemesis Bryan in 1900. Twenty-five years senior standard platform. But McKinley wanted to to Bryan, Stevenson added age and experience enact a protective tariff, and, to win support to the ticket. Nevertheless, their effort never from silver Republicans, he promised to appoint stood a chance against the Republican ticket of a bipartisan commission to negotiate an inter- McKinley and Theodore Roosevelt. Stevenson national agreement on bimetallism. Silverites returned again to private practice in Illinois, hoped that a prominent Democrat might be ap- making one last attempt at office in an unsuc- pointed, but when their leading candidates de- cessful race for governor in 1908. After that, he clined they settled for ‘‘a man of no particular retired to Bloomington, where his Republican weight,’’ the former vice president. The work of neighbors described him as ‘‘windy but the commission came to naught. Stevenson amusing.’’ 19 found more satisfaction as a political speaker, ad- Grandfather and Grandson dressing all things ‘‘purely and absolutely Democratic.’’ 17 Through Stevenson’s long career, his wife After the 1896 election, Bryan became the titu- Letitia was a ‘‘keen observer and judge of people, lar leader of the Democrats and frontrunner for and a charming hostess.’’ Although suffering the nomination in 1900. Much of the newspaper from migraine headaches and severe rheu- speculation about who would run as the party’s matism that forced her to wear leg braces when vice-presidential candidate centered on Indiana standing at receptions, she dutifully supported Senator Benjamin Shively. But when reporter Ar- his many political campaigns. Letitia also helped thur Wallace Dunn interviewed Shively at the establish the Daughters of the American Revolu- convention, the senator said he ‘‘did not want the tion as a way of healing the divisions between glory of a defeat as a vice presidential can- the North and South after the Civil War. She suc- didate.’’ A disappointed Dunn said that he still ceeded Mrs. Benjamin Harrison as the DAR’s had to file a story on the vice-presidential nomi- second president-general. Adlai Stevenson II re- nation, and then added: ‘‘I believe I’ll write a membered his grandparents’ home as ‘‘a very piece about old Uncle Adlai.’’ ‘‘That’s a good formal household.’’ The vice president ad- idea,’’ said Shively. ‘‘Stevenson is just the man. dressed his wife as ‘‘Mrs. Stevenson’’ and she There you have it. Uniting the old Cleveland ele- called him ‘‘Mr. Stevenson.’’ Young Adlai con- ment with the new Bryan Democracy. You’ve got sidered his grandfather ‘‘one of the great racon- enough for one story. But say, this is more than teurs of his day’’ and learned much about Amer- a joke. Stevenson is just the man.’’ For the rest ican history and politics from him. At his grand- of the day, Dunn heard other favorable remarks father’s house in Bloomington he met many ‘‘dis- about Stevenson, and by that night the former tinguished Democrats’’ from around the land, in- vice president was the leading contender, since cluding William Jennings Bryan. He recalled that no one else was ‘‘very anxious to be the tail of hanging on the wall was a lithograph, ‘‘The Lost what they considered was a forlorn hope Bet,’’ depicting a gentleman in top hat and frock ticket.’’ 18 coat paying off an election bet by pulling a The Populists had already nominated the tick- wagon down a street beneath a banner that read: et of Bryan and Charles A. Towne, a silver Re- ‘‘Grover Cleveland and Adlai E. Stevenson.’’ 20 publican from Minnesota, with the tacit under- Adlai Stevenson died in Bloomington on June standing that Towne would step aside if the 14, 1914. Thirty-eight years later, his grandson Democrats nominated someone else. Bryan pre- and namesake, then serving as governor of Illi- ferred his good friend Towne, but Democrats nois, agonized over whether to make himself [ 283 ] ADLAI E. STEVENSON available for the Democratic nomination for chance to be the Democratic nominee in 1952?’’ president. When Adlai E. Stevenson II appeared Stevenson, who loathed giving up his governor- on the television news show Meet the Press, a re- ship for what most likely would be a futile cam- porter from the Chicago Daily News pressed him paign against the war hero Dwight Eisenhower, for a commitment by saying: ‘‘Wouldn’t your blanched at the comparison and replied, ‘‘I think grandfather, Vice President Stevenson, twirl in we have to leave Grandfather lie.’’ 21 his grave if he saw you running away from a

[ 284 ] NOTES 1 Jeff Broadwater, Adlai Stevenson and American Politics: dencies of Grover Cleveland (Lawrence, KS, 1988), pp. 60, 106, The Odyssey of a (New York, 1994), p. 1. 119; Robert H. Ferrell, Ill-Advised: Presidential Health and 2 Adlai E. Stevenson, Something Of Men I Have Known Public Trust (Columbia, MO, 1992), pp. 3–11. (Chicago, 1909), p. 47. 11 Paolo E. Coletta, ‘‘The Democratic Party, 1884–1910,’’ 3 Porter McKeever, Adlai Stevenson: His Life and Legacy in History of U.S. Political Parties, ed. Arthur M. Schlesinger, (New York, 1989), pp. 15–18; Jean H. Baker, The Stevensons: Jr. (New York, 1980), 2:996. A Biography of an American Family (New York, 1996), pp. 82– 12 Paul Lancaster, Gentleman of the Press: The Life and Times 95. of an Early Reporter, Julian Ralph of the Sun (Syracuse, NY, 4 George Spiel, The Battle of 1900 (Chicago, 1900), p. 475; 1992), p. 221. Broadwater, p. 1. 13 John R. Lambert, Arthur Pue Gorman (Baton Rouge, LA, 5 McKeever, p. 17; Stevenson, p. 47; Baker, pp. 112–22. 1953), pp. 193, 195, 199; Baker, pp. 163–71. 6 Horace Samuel Merrill, , Doc- 14 Stevenson, pp. 63, 243–44; Spiel, p. 477; Allan Nevins, trinaire Democrat (Madison, WI, 1954), pp. 100, 102–3. ed., Letters of Grover Cleveland, 1850–1908 (Boston, 1933), p. 7 David S. Barry, Forty Years in Washington (Boston, 1924), 380. p. 191; Solomon X. Griffin, People and Politics: Observations 15 David S. Barry, Forty Years in Washington (Boston, 1924), by a Massachusetts Editor (Boston, 1923), p. 307; Wayne Mor- pp. 191–92. gan, From Hayes to McKinley: National Party Politics, 1877– 16 Merrill, William Freeman Vilas, p. 198. 1896 (Syracuse, NY, 1969), p. 446; Merrill, William Freeman 17 Leon Burr Richardson, William E. Chandler, Republican Vilas, p. 105. (New York, 1940), p. 551; Spiel, p. 477. 8 Griffin, pp. 307, 327; McKeever, p. 17; Herbert Eaton, 18 Arthur Wallace Dunn, From Harrison to Harding: A Per- Presidential Timber: A History of Nominating Conventions, sonal Narrative, Covering a Third of a Century, 1888–1921 (Port 1868–1960 (New York, 1964), pp. 145–47; Allan Nevins, Gro- Washington, NY, 1972; reprint of 1922 edition), 1:344; Baker, ver Cleveland, A Study in Courage (New York, 1932), pp. 504– pp. 174–77. 5. 19 Louis W. Koenig, Bryan: A Political Biography of William 9 Nevins, p. 518. Jennings Bryan (New York, 1971), p. 324; Broadwater, p. 2. 10 Horace Samuel Merrill, Bourbon Democracy of the Middle 20 McKeever, p. 18; John Bartlow Martin, Adlai Stevenson West, 1865–1896 (Seattle, 1967; reprint of 1953 edition), pp. (New York, 1952)., p. 41; Baker, pp. 154–63. 216, 237; Morgan, p. 450; Richard E. Welch, Jr., The Presi- 21 McKeever, p. 185.

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Chapter 24 GARRET AUGUSTUS HOBART 1897–1899

[ 287 ] GARRET AUGUSTUS HOBART Chapter 24 GARRET AUGUSTUS HOBART

24th Vice President: 1897–1899

For the first time in my recollection, and the last for that matter, the Vice President was recognized as somebody, as a part of the Administration, as a part of the body over which he presided. —VETERAN NEWSPAPER CORRESPONDENT

It seems startling that someone who never held Church, he attended Rutgers College, which was prior office outside of a state legislature could be then under that church’s control. He graduated nominated and elected Vice President of the at the top of his class in 1863. Although the na- United States, as was Garret Augustus Hobart in tion was deeply engaged in the Civil War, Ho- 1896. By the time convention delegates chose the bart did not join the Union army. Instead, he last nineteenth-century vice president, they had studied law in Paterson, New Jersey, under the come to regard that office as little more than a tutelage of Socrates Tuttle, a childhood friend of ‘‘fifth wheel to the executive coach.’’ The nomi- his father’s. He became a lawyer in 1866, and on nation was in their view simply a device for bal- July 21, 1869, married Tuttle’s daughter, Jennie. ancing the ticket, either by ideology or by region. Hobart’s family had long been Democrats, but ‘‘Gus’’ Hobart, an easterner chosen to run with marriage into the Republican Tuttle household a middle westerner, William McKinley of Ohio, converted the young man to the Grand Old completely shared McKinley’s conservative po- Party.2 litical philosophy. With warm feelings for Ho- bart, President McKinley decided to rescue the Not a Conventional Politician vice-presidency from its low estate. McKinley so After service as clerk of a grand jury, Hobart embraced the vice president as his friend, associ- was elected a judge in Paterson in 1868. In 1871, ate, and confidant that Hobart’s home on Lafay- after his father-in-law became mayor, Hobart ette Square became known as the ‘‘Little Cream was appointed to the post of city counsel. The White House,’’ and Hobart as the ‘‘Assistant following year he went to the state assembly, ris- President.’’ 1 ing speedily to become speaker in 1874. In 1876 he won election to the state senate, which chose Youth him as senate president in 1881, according him Hobart was the descendant of a long line of the distinction of being the first person to head clergymen, with a family tree that dated back to both houses of the . De- the of the early seven- spite these achievements, Hobart was no politi- teenth century. In 1841 his father had left New cian in the conventional sense. ‘‘He was not fond England to open a primary school in Long of standing in the public eye,’’ a friend later as- Branch, New Jersey. There, on June 3, 1844, Gar- sessed. ‘‘He did not seek popularity by those ret Augustus Hobart was born. Young Hobart at- methods which usually evoke the applause and tended his father’s school and then went to admiration of the multitude. He was not boarding school. As a member of the Reformed spectacular.’’ 3 [ 289 ] GARRET A. HOBART

A rotund, jovial, hospitable man, Hobart dis- Hobart insisted that he had not sought the played much tact, charm, and ability to work nomination but that it was handed to him as ‘‘a with other people. These qualities, which made tribute from my friends.’’ It came equally as a him an outstanding state legislator, should have tribute from Marcus A. Hanna, the Cleveland in- helped him move up to the national legislature, dustrialist and political strategist who master- if it had not been for his increasingly lucrative minded McKinley’s nomination. Hanna wanted law practice in New Jersey. The many banks and a ticket to satisfy the business interests of Amer- railroads among his clients made him wealthy, ica, and Hobart, a corporate lawyer, fit that re- and he was loath to abandon his comfortable quirement perfectly. Hanna’s biographer noted family life in New Jersey for the demands of a that, even if Hobart did little to strengthen the political career in Washington. (The Hobart ticket, ‘‘he did nothing to weaken it.’’ 6 home, ‘‘Carroll Hall,’’ was reputedly the ‘‘largest Hobart himself felt ambivalent about the and most sumptuous in Paterson.’’) Several honor. Ambitious for national office, he was real- times Hobart stood for the United States Senate istic enough to know what it would ultimately but never fought hard enough to win election cost him. From the convention, he wrote to his from a state legislature in which he was im- wife: mensely popular. He served instead as chairman I have been too busy to be homesick, but, to tell of the State Republican Committee from 1880 to the honest truth, I am heart-sick over my own 1891 and as a member of the party’s national prospects. It looks to me I will be nominated for committee.4 Vice-President whether I want it or not, and as A Homesick Candidate I get nearer to the point where I may, I am dis- mayed at the thought. . . . If I want a nomination, Since the Civil War, New Jersey had leaned to- everything is going my way. But when I realize ward Democratic presidential candidates. Presi- all that it means in work, worry, and loss of home dent Grover Cleveland had carried the state in and bliss, I am overcome, so overcome I am sim- 1892, but, during the economic depression that ply miserable.7 followed, both houses of the legislature and the Unlike the Democratic presidential candidate governorship of New Jersey went Republican, William Jennings Bryan, who barnstormed the suggesting that the state could be taken by the country making speeches, William McKinley national ticket in 1896. Looking over the scene, stayed at home in Canton, Ohio, running his the Democratic New York Graphic noted that there campaign from his front porch. Hobart similarly was no other Republican in New Jersey as strong limited his speaking to his portico in New Jersey. as this ‘‘sturdy, bright faced, genial McKinley and Hobart stood firm for the gold gentleman.’’ 5 standard and the protective tariff. Bryan, for his In 1896, the New Jersey delegation went to the part, ran on a ‘‘Free Silver’’ platform and at- Republican convention in St. Louis determined tracted many desperate farmers and debtors to to nominate Hobart for vice president, as a way his crusade. But economic conditions—and cor- of consolidating the party’s recent gains within porate interests—favored the Republicans. their state. When Ohio Governor McKinley de- McKinley won by a half million votes, or 51 per- feated House Speaker Thomas Reed and several cent of the total cast. His Republican ticket car- other prominent candidates for the presidential ried 23 of the 45 states, including Hobart’s New nomination, newspapers identified some twenty Jersey. potential candidates for the vice-presidency. All of them were governors, cabinet members, sen- The Little Cream White House ators, and representatives, with the exception of For a running mate, McKinley had preferred Hobart, who remained unknown outside of his Speaker Thomas B. Reed, with whom he had state. Yet when the vote was taken, Hobart, who worked for many years in the House, but Reed had attended the convention as a delegate, would accept only the top spot on the ticket. Al- emerged the nominee. though McKinley and Hobart were strangers by [ 290 ] GARRET A. HOBART comparison, the president had no difficulty veled that ‘‘for the first time in my recollection, warming up to Gus Hobart. The wealthy Ho- and the last for that matter, the Vice President barts leased a house at 21 Lafayette Square, was recognized as somebody, as a part of the Ad- which became known as the ‘‘Little Cream White ministration, and as a part of the body over House.’’ Built in 1828 by Col. Ogle Tayloe, the which he presided.’’ Dunn described Hobart as house had hosted Washington’s high society a ‘‘business politician,’’ whose knowledge of the during the antebellum years. At the outset of the ‘‘relations between business and politics’’ made Civil War, General George McClellan had taken his judgments extremely useful. McKinley even it as his headquarters. After the war, Pennsylva- turned to his vice president for personal financial nia Senator Don Cameron had remodeled and re- advice. Having once suffered the embarrassment stored the old house. The Hobarts used it to en- of declaring personal bankruptcy, McKinley tertain lavishly—particularly because President turned over a portion of his monthly presidential McKinley’s wife was an invalid who could not salary, which Vice President Hobart invested for shoulder the traditional social burdens of the him.10 White House. The president frequently attended The Splendid Little War Hobart’s dinners and afternoon smokers, where he could meet informally with party leaders Although Hobart socialized more frequently from Capitol Hill.8 and worked more closely with the president than No previous vice president had visited the had most of his predecessors, his primary func- White House as often as Gus Hobart, due in part tion remained that of presiding over the Senate. to the warm friendship that developed between In his brief, self-deprecatory inaugural address, Ida McKinley and Jennie Hobart. Mrs. McKinley Hobart had told the senators that, while he was suffered from epilepsy, which left her a recluse unfamiliar with their rules and procedures, he in the White House. President McKinley doted would work to the best of his abilities, feeling on his wife and grew to depend on Jennie Ho- confident that they would indulge him as consid- bart, who visited Ida daily. ‘‘The President con- erately as they had all of the previous occupants stantly turned to me to help her wherever I of the chair. Hobart’s experiences presiding over could,’’ Mrs. Hobart wrote in her memoirs, ‘‘— the New Jersey assembly and state senate served not because I was Second Lady, but because I him well, and he soon won favorable notices for was their good friend.’’ Whenever McKinley had impartial and informed rulings. Massachusetts to be away from his wife in the evenings, he Senator Henry Cabot Lodge applauded Hobart would entrust her to Jennie Hobart’s care. He for abandoning his predecessors’ habit of ‘‘sub- also invited Mrs. Hobart to White House social mitting nearly every question of order to the Sen- functions because her presence ‘‘gave him con- ate,’’ and instead ruling promptly on these fidence.’’ In addition to seeing each other in points himself, ‘‘as every presiding officer ought Washington, the McKinleys and Hobarts vaca- to do.’’ One newspaper correspondent wrote tioned together at Bluff Point on Lake that, initially, Hobart’s ‘‘business-like advice and Champlain.9 warning intimations rather nettled many of the McKinley looked on Hobart as a trusted ad- Senators,’’ but that over time he appeared to cap- viser. Although the vice president was not in- tivate the Senate with his genial good nature.11 vited to join meetings of the cabinet, the presi- Hobart settled comfortably into the job. Senate dent and cabinet members consulted with him vouchers show that he purchased for the Vice freely. The mutual regard between the two men President’s Room in the Capitol silk mohair car- made them, in the words of one acquaintance, peting, Neapolitan silk curtains, Persian throw ‘‘coadjustors in the fixing of the policies of the rugs, and ‘‘a silk velour slumber robe’’ made to Administration to an extent never before match the velour cushions on his sofa. Hobart known.’’ Arthur Wallace Dunn, a newspaper also ordered the grandfather clock and the im- correspondent who covered presidents from posing mahogany desk that his successors con- Benjamin Harrison to Warren Harding, mar- tinue to use.12 Presiding over the Senate was no [ 291 ] GARRET A. HOBART easy task, however. In 1898, following the unex- The Vice President’s Valedictory plained sinking of the U.S. battleship Maine in The vice president’s speech concluding the sec- Havana harbor, sentiment in the Senate swung ond session of the Fifty-fifth Congress was in fact sharply toward war with Spain, which at that his valedictory, for he would die before the next time still ruled Cuba as a colony. President Congress convened. In addressing the senators McKinley’s cautious attempts to avoid going to for the last time, he noted that ‘‘the Senate of the war made him seem indecisive. When United States is a peculiar body. . . . made up, McKinley’s friend Senator William Mason of Illi- as you know of many elements, and in its mem- nois announced in favor of war, a demonstration bership you will find not only straight and stal- broke out on the Senate floor that Hobart found wart Republicans, to whose active efforts the impossible to quiet. As Mrs. Hobart recalled, the country is now looking for relief, but vice president was ‘‘worried to desperation’’ Bimetallists, Populists, Silverites—both Repub- over the rising rebelliousness of the Senate, and lican and Democratic—and a few gold Demo- took his concerns to McKinley. ‘‘Mr. President, crats.’’ Despite the senators’ many differences, I can no longer hold back the Senate,’’ he Hobart as presiding officer observed that each of warned. ‘‘They will act without you if you do not them stood on the common ground of patriot- act at once.’’ Accepting the inevitable, McKinley ism, pride in the nation’s history, zealousness for called on Congress to declare that a state of war its Constitution, and devotion to its flag. For a existed with Spain. Hobart sent the president a generation old enough to remember the Civil pen to sign the declaration.13 War, the Spanish-American War appeared to The ‘‘splendid little war’’ with Spain was represent the end of the old divisions that had fought and won within a six-month period. At led to secession. Former Union and Confederate the conclusion of the Fifty-fifth Congress, Vice soldiers supported a common war effort, with President Hobart congratulated the Senate on some from both sides donning uniforms once 15 this remarkable achievement, noting that ‘‘unlike again. any other session in the history of our country, Beginning in early 1899, Hobart suffered from this Congress has witnessed the inception, pros- fainting spells triggered by serious heart prob- ecution, and conclusion of a war.’’ More than just lems. He never fully recovered. Yet that summer a war Congress, it had also been a peace Con- he performed a last major service for the McKin- ley administration when he helped the gentle gress, having approved the ratification of the president to fire his secretary of war, General that ended the Spanish-American Russell A. Alger. A large, affable man with presi- War. dential ambitions, Alger had become tarred by The vice president played a significant part in scandals that emerged during the Spanish-Amer- one aspect of that peace treaty. Although the ican war—particularly charges that unscrupu- United States had pledged not to take Cuba as lous war suppliers had fed ‘‘embalmed beef’’ to its own territory, it did decide to hold the Phil- American soldiers. McKinley saw the need to ippine Islands, unexpectedly acquired from sacrifice his secretary of war to the demands of Spain. After the Senate had approved the peace public opinion, but could not bring himself to treaty by the necessary two-thirds vote, Georgia fire a friend. When Secretary of State Democrat Augustus O. Bacon had sponsored an declined to deliver the bad news, the task fell to amendment promising independence to the Phil- Hobart. That summer, Alger and his wife regu- ippines if it established a stable government. Due larly spent weekends with the Hobarts at their to the absence of several administration support- summer house at Norwood Park, New Jersey. ers, the vote was tied at 29 to 29. Hobart assured One evening, Hobart took Alger into the smok- the taking of the territory for the United States ing room and suggested that he find some excuse by casting the deciding vote against Bacon’s for retiring from the cabinet. During the next amendment.14 week, newspapers published stories that Alger [ 292 ] GARRET A. HOBART had been pressured to step down but that the ington either for the Dewey reception or to pre- president was standing loyally by him. The ob- side again over the Senate when it reconvened livious Alger returned to Hobart’s seaside home that December. This public announcement was the next weekend and insisted that in light of the an admission that the vice president was ‘‘in vir- president’s loyal backing he had no reason to tual retirement,’’ with no hope of recovery. Ho- leave the cabinet. Now Hobart bluntly explained bart died on November 21, 1899. Arriving at the that the president would feel ‘‘very much re- Hobart home in Paterson for the funeral, Presi- lieved’’ if the secretary would resign. Alger dent McKinley told the family, ‘‘No one outside could not believe what he was hearing until Ho- of this home feels this loss more deeply than I bart admitted that he was speaking with the do.’’ 17 president’s authorization. The shaken secretary History has remembered less for of war hurried back to Washington and at nine his life than for his death. The void he left was o’clock on Monday morning handed his resigna- quickly filled. The powerful Senator Mark tion to President McKinley.16 Hanna moved into the ‘‘Little Cream White As Hobart suffered increasingly debilitating attacks and his strength declined, rumors spread House,’’ and the vacant vice-presidency was that his illness would keep him from running soon occupied by one of America’s most dy- again for vice president. In the fall of 1899, as namic political leaders, Theodore Roosevelt. McKinley was preparing a grand reception to McKinley’s second running mate in 1900 bore lit- honor the return of Admiral from tle resemblance to the man he succeeded. In the Philippines, he invited the Hobarts to stay at short order the young, energetic Roosevelt—and the White House. ‘‘I can imagine no place where the progressive reform movement he em- you will be more comfortable than here.’’ But bodied—eclipsed not only Hobart but McKinley Hobart declined. He conceded that he must re- as well, as the United States entered the twenti- main in Paterson and could not return to Wash- eth century.

[ 293 ] NOTES 1 David S. Barry, Forty Years in Washington (Boston, 1924), 9 Leech, p. 435; Magie, p. 170; Hobart, pp. 13–14, 19, 29. p. 246; David Magie, Life of Garret Augustus Hobart, Twenty- 10 Address of Honorable John W. Griggs, p. 9; Arthur Wallace fourth Vice-President of the United States (New York, 1910), Dunn, From Harrison to Harding: A Personal Narrative, Cover- p. 169. ing a Third of a Century, 1888–1921 (Port Washington, NY, 2 Magie, pp. 1–26, 42; Jennie Tuttle Hobart, Memories 1972; reprint of 1922 edition), 1:224–25; Morgan, p. 321. (Paterson, NJ., 1930), p. 3. 11 U.S., Congress, Senate, Congressional Record, 55th Cong., 3 Address of Honorable John W. Griggs at the Unveiling of the special session, p. 1; Magie, pp. 151–52, 156. Statue of Garret Augustus Hobart, Late Vice-President of the 12 Hobart’s purchases are documented in the reports of United States at Paterson, New Jersey, June 3, 1903 (Paterson, the Secretary of the Senate and in a booklet published by NJ, 1903), p. 4. the Office of the Senate Curator, The Vice President’s Room. 4 Magie, pp. 27–57; Edward S. Ellis, et al., Great Leaders 13 Horace Samuel Merrill and Marion Galbraith Merrill, and National Issues of 1896 (William Ellis Scull, 1896), p. 542. The Republican Command, 1897–1913 (Lexington, KY, 1971), 5 Magie, p. 50. p. 49; Leech, pp. 184–85, 193; Hobart, pp. 58–60. 6 Ibid., pp. 58, 74; Margaret Leech, In The Days of McKinley 14 Harold U. Faulkner, Politics, Reform and Expansion, (New York, 1959), p. 83; Herbert D. Croly, Marcus Alonzo 1890–1900 (New York, 1959), p. 258; Lewis L. Gould, The Hanna (New York, 1912), p. 191. Presidency of William McKinley (Lawrence, KY, 1980), p. 150. 7 Magie, p. 79. 15 Magie, pp. 162–63. 8 Barry, pp. 245–46; Magie, pp. 116–17; H. Wayne Morgan, 16 Barry, pp. 256–59; Magie, pp. 209–11. William McKinley and His America (Syracuse, NY, 1963), pp. 17 Magie, pp. 176, 212–17, 231; Hobart, p. 68. 220, 274.

[ 294 ] Chapter 25 THEODORE ROOSEVELT 1901

[ 295 ] THEODORE ROOSEVELT Chapter 25 THEODORE ROOSEVELT

25th Vice President: 1901

I would a great deal rather be anything, say professor of history, than Vice-President. —THEODORE ROOSEVELT 1

Senator Thomas C. Platt of New York declared woman of remarkable beauty and refined taste. that he went to the presidential inaugural of 1901 The couple made a striking contrast: Theodore ‘‘to see Theodore Roosevelt take the veil.’’ 2 Roo- being a vigorous entrepreneur of somewhat mer- sevelt, the governor of New York, had been elect- curial temperament, while Martha, a Georgian, ed vice president the previous autumn on Wil- was the stereotypical ‘‘southern belle.’’ Theo- liam McKinley’s Republican ticket, and Platt dore, Jr., the second of four children, was a frail looked forward to having the maverick governor boy, frequently suffering from severe asthmatic in seclusion for four years. The new vice presi- attacks. As an adolescent, however, he had taken dent was not entirely certain of his own pros- his father’s advice to ‘‘make’’ his body, so that pects, stating that ‘‘it [the vice-presidency] is not by the time he entered Harvard in 1876, he was a steppingstone to anything except oblivion’’— an accomplished athlete and outstanding boxer. hardly a ringing endorsement of the nation’s sec- At Harvard, Roosevelt excelled in natural science 3 ond highest office. Yet this was the prevailing and politics, graduating twenty-first in a class of opinion about the vice-presidency at the begin- 177. ning of the twentieth century. Most of Roo- Upon graduation, Roosevelt had a number of sevelt’s nearest predecessors were men of lim- careers open to him. He had long considered ited qualifications and interests whose functions science his greatest strength—his first published were primarily social. Some observers hoped work, The Summer Birds of the Adirondacks, ap- that this office would finally tame the firebrand Roosevelt, but if the Rough Rider’s active and peared in 1877 while he was still an undergradu- adventurous past was any indication, the vice- ate—but was gradually losing professional inter- presidency was in for some changes. est in the topic. He began studying law at Co- lumbia and undertook his first work of history, Youth The Naval War of 1812 (published in 1882). It was The life of Theodore Roosevelt is one of the politics, however, that most piqued his interest. great American stories. He was born on October This possible vocation horrified Roosevelt’s fam- 27, 1858, in New York City to a prominent family ily and social peers, most of whom considered of moderate wealth. Theodore Roosevelt, Sr., a politics a low and dirty activity dominated by partner in the importing firm of Roosevelt and corrupt bosses and ill-bred immigrants. Theo- Son, was a well-known philanthropist, teaching dore, however, decided that he ‘‘intended to be in mission schools and founding the Children’s one of the governing class,’’ a determination that Aid Society. His wife, Martha Bulloch, was a would dominate the rest of his life.4

[ 297 ] THEODORE ROOSEVELT

Legislator, Cowboy, and Naturalist subsequent political career, he would maintain In 1881, at the age of twenty-three, Roosevelt an interest in preserving America’s natural beau- was elected to the New York state assembly as ty, despite his penchant for shooting at much of a Republican. He quickly established himself as it on western trips. Whether it was the the leader of a group of young independent- founding of Boone and Crockett Clubs through- minded Republican legislators, known as the out the country or setting up wildlife preserves ‘‘Roosevelt Republicans,’’ who fought to clean as president, this interest would remain a con- up New York politics by opposing the power of stant throughout his life. Another constant inter- both the Republican state machine and the Tam- est was history. In all, Roosevelt wrote fourteen many Hall Democrats of New York City. Roo- books on various topics, as well as numerous ar- sevelt gained a widespread reputation for hon- ticles. While not recognized as great works of esty, integrity, and vigor. In his second term, he history, his Naval War of 1812, Thomas Hart Benton was made minority leader of the assembly and (1886), and Winning of the West (1889) were con- in his third term collaborated often with Demo- sidered standard works for decades. All of this cratic Governor Grover Cleveland to pass reform he accomplished while pursuing an active career 7 legislation, especially civil service reform.5 in politics. This seemingly charmed career was side- Even in his attempts at seclusion, Roosevelt tracked in February of 1884, when Roosevelt suf- could not entirely escape from politics. Before fered the deaths of both his wife and his mother. leaving for the Dakotas in 1884, he led the New He had met the beautiful Alice Lee while he was York delegation to the Republican National Con- at Harvard and they had married on October 27, vention in an attempt to block the presidential 1880, a handsome couple who delighted in the nomination of James G. Blaine. When this effort failed, Roosevelt declined to follow the example social life of New York. Alice became ill with of other reformers, who switched their allegiance Bright’s Disease immediately after giving birth to the Democratic candidate, Grover Cleveland. to their first child, also named Alice. At the same As he boarded his train for the Dakotas, he indi- time, Martha Roosevelt lay ill with typhoid fever cated that he would support the Republican in an upstairs room. On Valentine’s Day, 1884, nominee. The reform press reacted with outrage, Martha died, followed the next morning by excoriating their former hero from afar. During Alice, who died in her husband’s arms. The blow his years as a cowboy, Roosevelt made frequent was tremendous, causing Theodore to lament in trips back east to attend to family business and his diary, ‘‘The light has gone out of my life.’’ regaled reporters with tales of his exotic adven- He never spoke of Alice Lee Roosevelt again. He tures. This ensured that his name remained in declined to run for reelection to the assembly, de- the papers in New York, as well as spreading to ciding instead to go west and forget his sorrows more western locales. He remained enough in by becoming a cowboy. He purchased a ranch the public eye, in fact, that upon one of his return in the and spent the next two trips in 1886, the party nominated him for mayor years tending to a large herd of cattle, chasing of New York City.8 outlaws, writing popular books about the West such as Hunting Trips of a Ranchman (1885), and Politics and War creating an image as one of the nation’s most After losing the three-way mayoral race of enigmatic cowboys.6 1886 and spending a few years on his literary These sojourns in the West helped to expand pursuits, Roosevelt held a succession of ap- one of Roosevelt’s greatest interests, his love of pointed posts in which he performed well and nature. As a young man Roosevelt had enjoyed continued to enhance his public reputation. In studying the plant and animal life of his native 1889 he became a civil service commissioner New York. The Dakota Territory opened up new under President Benjamin Harrison. He left this experiences and also fostered a concern for the position in 1895 to become a New York City po- vanishing wildlife of the nation. Throughout his lice commissioner, and then, in 1897, President [ 298 ] THEODORE ROOSEVELT

William McKinley appointed him assistant sec- come far preferable to the election of a hostile retary of the navy. Roosevelt found himself in Democratic administration.10 this office when the United States declared war On September 17, Roosevelt went to see Platt on Spain in 1898. Never one to miss the action, at the senator’s apartment in the Fifth Avenue Roosevelt promptly resigned his post to form a Hotel in order to come to some sort of working volunteer regiment of western cowboys and east- agreement. The reformers once more cried out in ern adventurers that the press dubbed ‘‘Roo- protest that their leader was consorting with the sevelt’s Rough Riders.’’ The Spanish-American enemy. Roosevelt’s ambiguous relationship with War did not last long, but it was long enough many vocal reform advocates was a recurring for the Rough Riders to ride (or march, since only theme during his career. Those who worked to Colonel Roosevelt was actually mounted) into overthrow the machines did not see how a politi- American folklore. After the well-chronicled Bat- cian could further the cause of reform while still tle of San Juan Hill, Roosevelt returned to the working with men like Tom Platt. Roosevelt was, United States as the most famous man in the above all else, a man of action who measured success by results. He was willing to com- nation.9 promise in order to accomplish gradual changes. In the summer of 1898, the New York Repub- He was contemptuous of what he called ‘‘profes- lican party was searching for a gubernatorial sional reformers,’’ men who refused to bend candidate. As the current Republican adminis- their ideals to the realities of power. While others tration was plagued with scandals and falling railed at the system from without, Roosevelt popularity, the prospects of a Democratic victory would try to reform it from within, but to do this in the fall were rising daily. It quickly became required power.11 obvious to party leaders that only a man of tre- mendous popularity and an impeccable reputa- Governor of New York tion for honesty and ‘‘clean government’’ could Senator Platt agreed to Roosevelt’s nomination rescue the party from defeat. That man was the after the candidate promised to consult him on vigorous colonel just returned from Cuba, Theo- appointments to office and important policy dore Roosevelt. The man whose opinion matters. Roosevelt’s campaign was rather sim- mattered most, however, was not so sure. Sen- ple; he promised merely to run a ‘‘clean’’ admin- ator Thomas Platt had risen to power in the party istration and capitalized on his popularity with the old-fashioned way, by climbing up through the voters. Although he may not have had a clear the party machinery. By 1898, he had established program in mind while running for office, once himself as the unquestioned leader of the state in, he quickly showed that he had no intention GOP. Known as the ‘‘Easy Boss,’’ Platt was in a of being a mere caretaker for the machine. It be- came apparent that he and Senator Platt had dif- position to decide who the state convention ferent definitions of ‘‘consultation.’’ One of the would nominate for governor. As a veteran New governor’s first decisions was to appoint a new York politician, Platt had seen Roosevelt in ac- administrator for the state canal system. It was tion and was suspicious of the young man’s re- in this office that most of the worst scandals of form attitude, his lack of sympathy for the ma- the previous administration had taken place. chine, and his immense personal popularity. The Senator Platt had promised the position to last thing the Easy Boss wanted was a challenge Francis J. Hendricks of Syracuse. When Roo- to his power within the party. On the other hand, sevelt refused to make the appointment (because Roosevelt had shown his party regularity by not Hendricks was from a ‘‘canal county’’), Platt was bolting the Blaine campaign in 1884, and his incensed. Roosevelt managed to calm the situa- most virulent tirades were usually reserved for tion by drawing up a list of names, all good party the Democratic Tammany Hall machine in New men, and allowing Platt to choose from it. By this York City. Most of all, Platt saw in the famous method, most future appointments were made colonel a way to keep the party in office, an out- amicably, but the governor had shown his inde- [ 299 ] THEODORE ROOSEVELT pendence and given the Easy Boss an uneasy seen, Roosevelt used constant publicity to push feeling about the future.12 for his programs. He regularly held two press Conflicts over policy would be a more difficult conferences a day and consulted experts of all matter. Governor Roosevelt supported legisla- kinds on complex issues.14 The growing media tion authorizing the state supreme court to in- of the day feasted on this constant flow of infor- spect the books of corporations, endorsed mation, and the public loved it. Under such in- antimonopoly legislation, pushed for better civil tense public scrutiny, only the most intransigent service laws, supported an eight-hour-day law of legislators cared to challenge Roosevelt. This for public employees, and advocated a minimum method of public persuasion would serve Roo- wage for New York City’s school teachers. These sevelt well in the future, as it defined his political and other measures ran afoul of Senator Platt’s style and formed his most lasting contribution to wishes, but the issue which most disturbed him the political process in the twentieth century. was Roosevelt’s support for a tax on public fran- chises. Platt’s political machine was financed pri- Deciding Whether to Run for Vice President marily by large corporations in New York, many During Roosevelt’s term as governor, many of of which held public franchises. Nothing was his friends and admirers began once more to con- more hateful to these interests than corporate sider his future. As governor of New York, he taxes, especially on companies that were, in their naturally became a potential candidate for presi- eyes at least, providing a public service such as dent. Even Senator Platt realized this when he water or gas. By forcing the franchise tax through was considering Roosevelt’s gubernatorial nomi- the legislature, Roosevelt made powerful en- nation, saying, ‘‘If he becomes Governor of New emies who informed Senator Platt of their dis- York, sooner or later, with his personality, he approval. The boss worried that his hold on the will have to be President of the United States. party was fading because of his inability to con- . . . I am afraid to start that thing going.’’ 15 In trol his governor. He began reconsidering his re- lationship with Theodore Roosevelt.13 1900 however, the Republicans already had a Getting rid of Governor Roosevelt did not candidate in incumbent President William promise to be easy. While the impetuous gov- McKinley. Few doubted that Roosevelt would be ernor may have made enemies in the business a candidate in 1904; the problem was what he community, he was immensely popular with the should do until then. Even if Roosevelt were re- public. In fact, it was this popularity that made elected governor, he could only serve until 1902, him such an effective governor. One reason Sen- leaving two years before he could run for presi- ator Platt had acquiesced in Roosevelt’s nomina- dent. Roosevelt himself did not believe that his tion was that the senator anticipated controlling current popularity could last another four 16 the state assembly. As long as Platt’s will was su- years. His friends, however, found a solution preme in the legislature, the governor’s most to his problem: they would make him vice threatening schemes could be defeated. Roo- president. sevelt, however, had developed a weapon capa- The most conspicuous proponent of this idea ble of changing the minds of wavering legisla- was Massachusetts Senator Henry Cabot Lodge. tors. During his campaign for election, the gov- Roosevelt and Lodge had been close friends for ernor had demonstrated the power of his person- many years, and Lodge had no doubt about his ality; as one observer remarked, ‘‘Teddy . . . friend’s presidential destiny. Lodge was sure [was] a wonder . . . there were immense gather- that the vice-presidency was the way to the Exec- ings of enthusiastic people at every stopping utive Mansion. This must have sounded odd to place. . . . [Even when] the speech was nothing, many since the vice-presidency was widely per- . . . the man’s presence was everything. It was ceived as ‘‘a spot to gain four years of rest and electrical, magnetic.’’ Roosevelt was aware of his a good income,’’ 17 hardly the sort of office to ap- hold on the public imagination. As the most vig- peal to an active man like Roosevelt. Lodge, orous governor most New Yorkers had ever however, knew his friend well enough to realize [ 300 ] THEODORE ROOSEVELT that all Roosevelt needed to succeed was a place [Senator Richard] Pettigrew [D-SD] and the in . As Lodge later put it, scarcely more admirable [Senator William] Mason [R-IL] and [Senator Eugene] Hale [R-ME]. I do not pretend to say that the office [of vice president] in itself is suited to you and to your . . . I would be seeing continually things that I habits, but for the future it is, in my judgement, would like to do, and very possibly would like invaluable. It takes you out of the cut-throat poli- to do differently from the way in which they are tics of New York, where I am sure they would being done.’’ The vice president had little, if any, have destroyed your prospects, if you had re- real authority in the Senate, and Roosevelt was mained two years longer, and it gives you a posi- adamant that he would ‘‘not like to be a tion in the eyes of the country second only to that figurehead.’’ 22 of the President.18 There were also financial reasons for Roo- sevelt’s reluctance to run. He was, by his own Some of Roosevelt’s other friends also speculated standards, a man of ‘‘very moderate means.’’ The that the vice president’s role as presiding officer vice president was expected to carry on an active of the Senate would keep him in the public eye social life in Washington, which required ‘‘the much more effectively than his current position expenditure of a good deal of money for enter- as governor of New York. Finally, many of his taining and the like.’’ Roosevelt could certainly western supporters were eager for the oppor- not entertain on a scale comparable to that of tunity to promote their man for a national office, Levi Morton and Garret Hobart, the two most re- especially after his appearance at the Rough Rid- cent Republican vice presidents. Still, if the office ers’ reunion in Las Vegas in 1899. Newspapers held opportunities to do valuable work, Roo- all over the West championed him for the vice- sevelt would have tolerated the financial prob- presidency in 1900 and the presidency in 1904. lems.23 Unfortunately, the vice-presidency of- Some even suggested replacing McKinley in fered few such possibilities and promised to be 19 1900. The movement was gathering momen- a financial strain as well. tum, and Vice President Garret A. Hobart’s The more Roosevelt thought about it, the less death in November 1899 only increased the appealing the vice-presidency became. He con- pace—but what about the candidate? tinually expressed this opinion to anyone who While flattered by all the support for his can- asked, finally stating, ‘‘I would a great deal rath- didacy, Roosevelt did not relish the idea of being er be anything, say professor of history, than vice president. He worried that as vice president Vice-President.’’ 24 It was not, however, a teach- he ‘‘could not do anything.’’ 20 For a man who ing position that attracted his attention. The posi- thrived on the ‘‘strenuous life,’’ it was an un- tion that Roosevelt really wanted was secretary pleasant prospect indeed. He would have few re- of war, but McKinley appointed to sponsibilities in the office, and it would restrict that recently vacated post. Roosevelt’s second his ability to speak out on issues that greatly con- choice was governor general of the Philippines, cerned him. He worried that ‘‘if I did anything but the president, not trusting Roosevelt’s im- [as vice president] I would attract suspicion and petuous nature, was unlikely to grant him that antagonism.’’ He considered the potential for a office.25 With these options unavailable, the gov- vice president to be active in formulating policy ernor’s mansion seemed the best place for him. to be ‘‘infinitesimal.’’ 21 As governor of New It was left for the Easy Boss to step in and supply York, at least, he was actively doing the work the final piece to the nomination puzzle. that so stimulated him; as vice president that Senator Platt was looking for a way to get Gov- would not be possible. ernor Roosevelt out of New York. The corpora- Presiding over the Senate did not appeal to tions and large financial interests of the state him either. The job would undoubtedly be a were increasingly disturbed by the governor’s ‘‘bore’’ and might, in fact, prove quite madden- performance, especially his support of the fran- ing. As he wrote to Lodge, ‘‘I should be in a cold chise tax, and were anxious to return to business shiver of rage at inability to answer hounds like as usual. They placed growing pressure on Sen- [ 301 ] THEODORE ROOSEVELT ator Platt to do something about his governor. was assured. But Roosevelt could not stay away, While reluctant to resort to a potentially disas- claiming that to do so would look like coward- trous fight against Roosevelt’s renomination for ice.29 As a result, despite his protestations, his governor, the boss saw an opportunity in all the magnetic presence at the convention fired the en- talk about the vice-presidency. If he could push thusiasm of his partisans to a fever pitch. When Roosevelt into that position devoid of power, he he appeared for the opening session clad in a would get the young reformer out of the way, black hat reminiscent of the Rough Riders’ appease his financial supporters, and be free to Cuban campaign—what one delegate called ‘‘an select a more pliable governor as Roosevelt’s re- acceptance hat’’—his nomination was sealed. placement. It seemed the perfect solution.26 Scores of western delegates spent that night pa- The boss proceeded to push Roosevelt’s name rading and chanting ‘‘We want Teddy.’’ As Sen- to party leaders and hinted to the governor that ator Platt put it, ‘‘Roosevelt might as well stand he might not support him for a second guber- under and try to spit water back natorial term. This challenge from the machine, as to stop his nomination by this convention.’’ 30 however, only raised the fighting spirit in Roo- Ohio Senator Mark Hanna, who opposed the sevelt, who was never one to a retreat from polit- Roosevelt nomination, tried to block the move- ical battle. In February 1900 Roosevelt therefore ment from his position as convention chairman, attempted to remove himself from the vice-presi- but without support from the president he could dential race, telling the New York Tribune that do little against the combined forces of Platt, ‘‘under no circumstances could I, or would I, ac- Pennsylvania boss (who had an cept the nomination for the vice presidency.’’ 27 old score to settle with Hanna), and genuine The boom for his nomination, however, contin- popular will. In desperation, Hanna could only ued, with friends and foes alike fanning the protest, ‘‘Don’t you realize that there’s only one flames. life between this madman and the White Meanwhile, in Washington, President McKin- House?’’ 31 ley remained silent on the issue. The president Theodore Roosevelt really did not want to be had never been greatly impressed by Governor vice president, but he was a confirmed political Roosevelt for reasons of both personality and realist with presidential ambitions. He knew that policy. Yet, after Hobart’s death, he gave no indi- regaining the nomination for governor of New cation of preference in the selection of his new York would be difficult, if not impossible, running mate. Most Republican leaders believed against the open opposition of Senator Platt, and Roosevelt would bring a new kind of glamor and even a successful gubernatorial campaign prom- excitement to their ticket. The governor was a re- ised only two years of political struggle against cent war hero, whose record in office had been growing corporate hostility. Although Roosevelt very popular and less radical than some had continued to fight his own nomination, his pro- feared. There were also no other similarly attrac- tests grew gradually weaker, until, by the time tive candidates available.28 McKinley may have of the convention, they were no longer convinc- been opposed to Roosevelt, but he proposed no ing. Everything pointed to the vice-presidency, alternatives, and his silence seemed to indicate and Theodore Roosevelt knew how to read the acceptance. signs. He did not pursue the office, but when it was thrust upon him, he accepted it. For good Election of 1900 or ill, he was now President McKinley’s running By the time the Republican National Conven- mate and he was determined to make the best tion opened in June in Philadelphia, it had be- of it. come obvious that Roosevelt was the favorite to Republican strategy in 1900 was to let their receive the vice-presidential nomination. When youthful vice-presidential candidate take to the he continued to protest that he would rather be hustings while President McKinley conducted governor of New York, Lodge warned him that, his ‘‘front porch campaign,’’ just as he had in if he attended the convention, his nomination 1896, except this time he received guests at the [ 302 ] THEODORE ROOSEVELT

White House rather than his home in Canton, news copy. While other politicians relied on edi- Ohio. This strategy suited the vigorous Roosevelt tors for favorable press coverage, Roosevelt had extremely well, as he proclaimed himself to be an ongoing rapport with reporters. They could ‘‘strong as a bull moose.’’ It allowed him to tour go to any politician for opinions; they could go the West and Midwest, taking on Democratic to Roosevelt for stories. His campaign domi- presidential candidate William Jennings Bryan nated the news. As journalist Finley Peter on issues of the tariff, the gold standard, and Dunne’s favorite character ‘‘Mr. Dooley’’ put it, American empire. These two great set ‘‘’Tis Teddy alone that’s r-runnin’, an’ he ain’t standards of stamina never before seen. Roo- runnin’, he’s gallopin’.’’ 35 sevelt covered 21,000 miles in twenty-four states, An Unenthusiastic Presiding Officer making over 600 speeches.32 Roosevelt’s tour McKinley’s reelection was nearly a foregone helped the GOP compensate for Bryan’s popu- conclusion. The nation was prosperous and the larity in the West and it added life to an other- administration was popular. On election day, wise dull campaign. The vice-presidential can- McKinley received 51.6 percent of the vote, up didate radiated energy, while McKinley sat on from 51 percent in 1896. He lost only one state his porch in Washington, reminding the nation (Kentucky) from the previous election while how prosperous it was. adding Washington, Wyoming, Utah, South Da- For Roosevelt, the campaign also provided an kota, Kansas, and Nebraska. Roosevelt’s popu- opportunity to perform on a national stage. Ev- larity in the West may have influenced these erywhere he went, he drew huge crowds and states, but the prosperity of McKinley’s first term constant public attention. As historian John Mil- had also reduced the impact of ‘‘free silver’’ as ton Cooper, Jr., has put it, ‘‘The sheer fascination a decisive issue, depriving Bryan of his greatest of his presence among people who had already western appeal.36 read or heard about him, together with the pun- Roosevelt was not overjoyed at being vice gency of his personality, made him the sensation president but was proud of helping the ticket of the 1900 campaign.’’ 33 Roosevelt’s nationwide achieve victory. He did, however, show early tour helped accelerate the growing trend toward signs of frustration at the prospect of inactivity. direct, personal campaign techniques. Through- He declined an invitation to speak in February out the nation, ‘‘boy orators’’ such as Roosevelt, 1901, ‘‘chiefly for the excellent reason that I have Bryan, and Robert M. LaFollette of Wisconsin nothing whatever to say.’’ 37 His penchant for were altering the system of party campaigning speaking out would return soon enough, but this that had persisted for decades. Rather than rely- initial hesitation reflected the uncertainty of Roo- ing solely on their parties to obtain office, they sevelt’s new position. Accustomed to the aggres- used whistle-stop campaigns and the burgeon- sive pursuit of his own policies, he now had to ing mass media to take their message directly to be careful not to offend either his president or the voters. They pushed for direct primaries in the party leadership, a goal he had failed to order to bypass the party machines and relied on achieve in New York. It was a potentially trying public indignation to insist on reforms. Theodore situation for an active and outspoken young Roosevelt was helping to lead the way for man. changes in American political campaigns that The first task of the new vice president was to would reverberate throughout the twentieth cen- preside over the Senate, meeting in a special ses- tury.34 Of course, the press played its part in pro- sion for four days beginning March 4. This brief moting these changes. Roosevelt, as the most in- appearance did not give Roosevelt much time to teresting candidate in 1900, received more press make an impression, but in those four days he coverage than even the presidential candidates, impressed no one. He had not been looking for- and certainly more than the Democratic nominee ward to this role, but as he characteristically put for vice president, Adlai Stevenson. Reporters it, ‘‘Now all that there is for me to do is to per- loved Roosevelt because he was always good form with regularity and dignity the duty of pre- [ 303 ] THEODORE ROOSEVELT siding over the Senate, and to remember the fact of the most famous matrons of Washington that the duty not being very important is no ex- society.41 cuse for shirking it.’’ 38 He proved as ill-suited Because of his lack of interest in the official du- for the role as he was unenthusiastic. His mind ties of his new office, Roosevelt in the summer wandered, and he had a limited grasp of Senate of 1901 began looking for other activities and fo- procedures. As Senator Joseph Foraker tactfully cused on two. First, he resumed a regular speak- put it, ‘‘his peculiar qualifications for the public ing schedule. These speeches reveal that, without service fitted him better for wider, broader and more immediate matters to deal with, his more useful fields.’’ 39 Roosevelt confessed to thoughts were increasingly turning to one of his being ‘‘the poorest presiding officer the Senate favorite topics: foreign policy. He spoke to ever had.’’ 40 The first impressions made by the crowds in New York and New England about new vice president in the Senate were hardly the need for an effective navy and the threat 42 encouraging. from a newly powerful Germany. Perhaps Once the Senate adjourned, Roosevelt returned Roosevelt saw this as an area in which he would home to New York to spend the summer with have some freedom, because he and McKinley, his wife and seven children, his most enjoyable while not always in complete accord, had similar vacation in years. Two years after the death of views on foreign policy. Roosevelt’s more viru- lent criticism was aimed at anti-imperialist his first wife, Theodore had married his child- Democrats, who were McKinley’s enemies as hood sweetheart, Edith Carow. Edith was a very well. By spending his time attacking the Demo- private woman who never seemed entirely com- crats on foreign policy, he might avoid disturb- fortable with the publicity that always sur- ing the Old Guard in his own party with his pro- rounded her husband. Privately, however, her gressive views on domestic matters. influence went even beyond the difficult task of Vice President Roosevelt’s second activity re- raising the rambunctious Roosevelt children. She vealed his ambition. He spent considerable time controlled the family’s finances—Theodore hav- lining up support for a presidential bid in 1904. ing never been good at managing his money— Despite his concerns that opposition from the and it was later suspected that she was influen- party in New York would deny him the nomina- tial in his presidential appointments because she tion, he cautiously pursued a course designed to was considered a better judge of character than build a broad base of popular support. He con- he was. (From 1901 to 1909, as first lady, Edith centrated his efforts especially in the West, would help transform the White House into a where he was already popular and where the centerpiece for the social and cultural life of Bryanite Democrats represented a significant Washington and the nation.) The lack of pressing electoral challenge. Friends such as William business as vice president allowed Theodore to Allen White in Kansas, Philip B. Stewart in Colo- spend time playing football with his sons and rado, and Booker T. Washington in the South sparring with his tempestuous older daughter, began acting as unofficial campaign managers, Alice. Theodore’s relationship with Alice would and he planned a national speaking tour for become increasingly strained during his presi- 1902. Roosevelt also undertook a potentially dency as she struggled for greater independence. more risky strategy of supporting progressive- As he later put it, ‘‘I can be President of the Unit- minded Republicans in state elections. He volun- ed States, or I can attend to Alice. I can’t do teered to assist Albert B. Cummins of Iowa in his both.’’ During Roosevelt’s presidency, ‘‘Princess campaign for governor. Cummins had defeated Alice’’ would become a celebrity as a Washing- an Old Guard opponent for the nomination and ton socialite and a prominent model of the inde- in supporting him too heartily, Roosevelt ran the pendent young woman of the new century. She risk of offending the national party leadership. would eventually marry Republican Congress- He may have been willing to take that chance in man of Ohio, a future order to build a separate base of party support Speaker of the House, in 1906, and become one and appeal to the growing public interest in pro- [ 304 ] THEODORE ROOSEVELT gressive candidates. Roosevelt was preparing the Adirondacks. On September 13, he was re- once more for political battle, and, on the whole, called by a note from Secretary of War Elihu the odds looked good.43 Root, ‘‘The President appears to be dying, and It appeared that Vice President Roosevelt’s of- members of the Cabinet in Buffalo think you ficial responsibilities were to be limited, at least should lose no time in coming.’’ Making a furi- for the moment, since President McKinley did ous trip by buckboard and special train, Roo- not consult him either on policy or appoint- sevelt arrived in Buffalo on the fourteenth to find ments. Although McKinley had used Vice Presi- the president already dead. After paying his re- dent Hobart as his liaison with the Senate, Roo- spects to Mrs. McKinley, he met with the cabinet, sevelt was poorly suited for this role, since he telling them, ‘‘I wish to say that it shall be my shone more as a public spokesman than as a par- aim to continue, absolutely unbroken, the policy liamentary operator. In addition, the Senate was of President McKinley for the peace, the prosper- dominated by Old Guard Republicans, most of ity, and the honor of our beloved country.’’ He whom were wary of Roosevelt’s insurgent im- then took the oath of office, becoming, at forty- pulses. In any event, McKinley was not likely to two, the youngest president in the nation’s entrust his impetuous vice president with legis- history.46 lative responsibilities, because he distrusted the A Popular President younger man’s lack of caution. Roosevelt, for his Roosevelt’s pledge to continue McKinley’s part, chafed under the restraints of McKinley’s policies was not only meant to calm the nation, slowness in dealing with contentious issues. As but was consistent with his conception of the role a result, while the relations between the two men Review of were amicable and professional, they were not of the vice president. In an article for close.44 Reviews in 1896, Roosevelt, then New York City’s Early in September 1901, everything changed. police commissioner, had described the vice On September 5 President McKinley, a longtime president as a ‘‘functionless official’’ except for advocate of protective tariffs, delivered a major the possibility of becoming ‘‘the head of the policy speech at the Pan American Exposition in whole nation.’’ He therefore stressed: Buffalo, New York. In his address, the president The Vice-President should so far as possible called for a new era of reciprocal trade with other represent the same views and principles which nations, in which the old trade barriers must fall. have secured the nomination and election of the ‘‘The period of exclusiveness is past . . . the ex- President, and he should be a man standing well pansion of our trade and commerce is the press- in the councils of the party, trusted by his fellow ing problem,’’ he declared. The next day, Sep- party leaders, and able in the event of any acci- tember 6, the president held a public reception dent to his chief to take up the work of the latter just where it was left.47 in the Temple of Music. At slightly after 4 p.m., a young anarchist named Leon Czolgosz walked Of course, the man holding the office in Sep- up to the president with a gun in his right hand, tember 1901 did not fit this model. Roosevelt had hidden in a bandage. He fired two shots at the not been selected because of his similarities to president: one bounced off a button, but the McKinley and, now that he was president, would other lodged in McKinley’s stomach. For a week, not take long to go his own way. He almost im- the president struggled to survive, but on Sep- mediately began pursuing a nature conservation tember 14 he expired, whispering the title of his program and in a few months would instigate favorite hymn, ‘‘Nearer, My God, To Thee.’’ 45 an antitrust suit against the Northern Securities McKinley’s pathbreaking initiative for lower tar- Company. He would genuinely attempt to steer iffs died with him. a middle course between the Old Guard and the Upon hearing of the shooting, Roosevelt had insurgent Republicans, but pressure for change rushed to Buffalo, but when the doctors had been was rising and Roosevelt’s heart had always encouraged by the president’s progress after been with the reformers.48 His first annual mes- three days, the vice president had departed for sage to Congress, calling for some regulation of [ 305 ] THEODORE ROOSEVELT corporations, served notice that life under Roo- ning reelection in 1904. He pursued important sevelt would be different from life under domestic legislation, such as the Hepburn Act McKinley. (for greater regulation of railroads) and the Pure President Roosevelt inherited a number of ad- Food and Drug acts, and he led the nation into vantages from his predecessor. The first was a a more active role in international relations. In powerful and efficient party organization, built 1906, he became the first American to receive the by Mark Hanna, which Roosevelt immediately Nobel Prize for Peace for his mediation of the began making his own. He used appointments Russo-Japanese War. and the connections he had already made to give After leaving office in 1909, Roosevelt em- power to his supporters and prepare for the con- barked on a hunting safari in Africa, returning vention of 1904. He also inherited a talented and home in 1910 to a hero’s welcome. In 1912, dis- able cabinet. He would rely a great deal on men enchanted with the policies of his presidential like Secretary of State John Hay, Secretary of War successor William Howard Taft, Roosevelt de- Elihu Root, and McKinley’s personal secretary cided to run for president once more. Denied the George Courtelyou. Roosevelt had also learned nomination by the Republicans, he formed his some things about press relations from own party, the Progressive or Bull Moose party, McKinley’s White House. The McKinley admin- chose of California as a running istration, thanks primarily to the enterprising mate, and ran against Taft. The three contenders, Cortelyou, had made innovative changes in han- Roosevelt, Taft, and Democrat Woodrow Wilson, dling the media. McKinley had used press re- the eventual winner, together produced one of leases, pre-released speech transcripts, and ‘‘trial the most memorable presidential campaigns in balloons’’ to shape news reports as no other U.S. history. When the ballots were counted, president had ever done. Roosevelt combined Roosevelt’s independent candidacy came in sec- this efficiency with his own tremendous person- ond, ahead of Taft’s Republican ticket.53 ality to dominate the news. His control of the in- After the campaign of 1912, Roosevelt retired formation the papers reported gave him extraor- once more into private life. He would not, how- dinary power to shape his own publicity.49 ever, remain in the background. Upon the out- Because Roosevelt was vice president for so break of World War I in Europe in 1914, Roo- short a time, he had little impact on the office, sevelt called for immediate entry by the United but thanks to his skill at publicity, the potential States on the side of the Allies. When President certainly existed for him to have played an influ- Wilson adopted a policy of neutrality, Roosevelt ential role in that office. Roosevelt had defied became the president’s most vociferous critic. conventional practice by waging an active na- After the United States entered the war in 1917, tional campaign for the vice-presidency, 50 dem- Roosevelt proposed to lead a division of volun- onstrating his ability to publicize the Republican teers, a reincarnation of the Rough Riders, to cause and reach out to the voters in a way that fight in France and was outraged when President McKinley could not. It seems likely that McKin- Wilson refused him a command. Roosevelt con- ley, a man well aware of the power of the press, tinued to criticize Wilson throughout the war, might have continued to use Roosevelt in a simi- but late in 1918, as peace negotiations proceeded lar fashion, as a sort of ‘‘public persuader’’ for in Paris, Roosevelt fell ill. On January 6, 1919, at the administration.51 McKinley had indicated the age of sixty, Theodore Roosevelt died in his that he would pursue trade reciprocity agree- sleep.54 ments in his second term, had begun to prepare As Henry Cabot Lodge had predicted, the vice- an antitrust agenda, and had hinted that he presidency proved a stepping stone for Roo- might take up the tariff issue.52 If so, Roosevelt sevelt to the White House, though not in the way would have been the ideal man to sell these pro- he had foreseen. Theodore Roosevelt was elected grams to the public. vice president thanks to a combination of Senator Theodore Roosevelt became one of the nation’s Platt’s desire to get him out of the way and a most active and popular presidents, easily win- popular movement among friends and admirers [ 306 ] THEODORE ROOSEVELT within the GOP. Despite Platt’s hope that he support for 1904. Lodge thus proved a better would fade from view, Roosevelt appeared to be prophet than either Roosevelt or Platt. The vice- on the path to the presidency, poised to use the presidency led, not to oblivion, but to the White vice-presidency in novel ways to build his own House.

[ 307 ] NOTES 1 Elting E. Morison, ed., The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt, 28 John Milton Cooper, Jr., Pivotal Decades: The United vol. 2, The Years of Preparation, 1898–1900 (Cambridge, 1951), States, 1900–1920 (New York, 1990), p. 29. This work offers p. 1174. an outstanding general synthesis of the politics of this era. 2 Quoted in Irving G. Williams, The Rise of the Vice Presi- 29 Lodge, 1:460. dency (Washington, D.C., 1956), p. 81. 30 Quoted in Harbaugh, Power and Responsibility, p. 135. 3 Morison, 2:1439. 31 Quoted in Blum, p. 22. 4 Edmund Morris, The Rise of Theodore Roosevelt (New 32 Harbaugh, Power and Responsibility, pp. 137–38. York, 1979), pp. 32–36, 60–70, 128, 135–56. This is the most 33 Cooper, Pivotal Decades, pp. 29–30. detailed and colorful account of Roosevelt’s life and early 34 Ibid., pp. 28–30. career. 35 Chalmers M. Roberts, : The First 100 5 Ibid., pp. 159–201, 227–67; William Henry Harbaugh, Years (Boston, 1977), p. 57; David S. Barry, Forty Years in Power and Responsibility: The Life and Times of Theodore Roo- Washington (Boston, 1924), p. 270; Morris, p. 731. sevelt (New York, 1961), pp. 27–28. Harbaugh provides the 36 William H. Harbaugh, ‘‘The Republican Party, 1893– most thorough scholarly account of Roosevelt’s public 1932,’’ in History of U.S. Political Parties, ed. Arthur M. career. Schlesinger, Jr., vol. 3, 1910–1945, From Square Deal to New 6 Morris, pp. 240–45, 270–341. As chairman of the Stock- Deal (New York, 1973), p. 2080; Cooper, Pivotal Decades, pp. man’s Association, Roosevelt was automatically a deputy 24–25. sheriff of Billings County, a responsibility he took very seri- 37 Morison, 2:1422; Lodge, 1:484. ously. 38 Morison, 2:1446. 7 Ibid., pp. 382–85, 153–56, 386–93. Boone and Crockett 39 Quoted in Barry, p. 273. Clubs were dedicated to preserving wildlife throughout the 40 Quoted in Williams, p. 81. nation and to westward expansion. 41 Harbaugh, Power and Responsibility, pp. 143–44; Morris, 8 Ibid., pp. 261–68, 345–47. pp. 26, 313, 359, 372; Lewis Gould, The Presidency of Theodore 9 Ibid., Chapters 16–25. Roosevelt (Lawrence, KS, 1991), pp. 102–4, 226. 10 Ibid., pp. 665–66; Harbaugh, Power and Responsibility, 42 Lodge, 1:484–88, 492–94. pp. 108–11. 43 Morison, 3:121, 129; G. Wallace Chessman, Theodore 11 Harbaugh, Power and Responsibility, pp. 109–11. Roosevelt and the Politics of Power (Boston, 1969), pp. 79–83; 12 Ibid., pp. 111–14. Blum, p. 40; Williams, p. 81; Gould, The Presidency of Theo- 13 Ibid., pp. 114–21. dore Roosevelt, p. 128. 14 Ibid., pp. 113–22; John Morton Blum, The Republican 44 Chessman, Theodore Roosevelt and the Politics of Power, Roosevelt, 2d ed. (New York, 1964), pp. 15–16. p. 77; Lewis Gould, The Presidency of William McKinley (Law- 15 Quoted in Morris, p. 666. rence, KS, 1980), p. 215; Morison, pp. 56–57. 16 Henry Cabot Lodge, ed., Selections from the Correspond- 45 Gould, The Presidency of William McKinley, pp. 251–52; ence of Theodore Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lodge, 1884–1918 Harbaugh, Power and Responsibility, pp. 144–45. (New York, 1925), 1:426. 46 Harbaugh, Power and Responsibility, pp. 144–46. 17 David J. Rothman, Politics and Power: The United States 47 Theodore Roosevelt, ‘‘The Three Vice-Presidential Can- Senate, 1869–1901 (Cambridge, MA, 1966), p. 157. didates and What They Represent,’’ American Monthly Re- 18 Lodge, 1:467. view of Reviews 14 (September 1896): 289–91. 19 Morison, 2:1157; Harbaugh, Power and Responsibility, p. 48 Harbaugh, ‘‘The Republican Party, 1893–1932,’’ p. 2080; 123. Chessman, Theodore Roosevelt and the Politics of Power, pp. 20 Morris, p. 718. 82–84. 21 Lodge, 1:435, 442. 49 Chessman, Theodore Roosevelt and the Politics of Power, 22 Morison, 2:1157; Lodge, 1:448. pp. 80–82; Blum, pp. 38–44; Gould, The Presidency of Theodore 23 Morison, 2:1140; Lodge, 1:442. Roosevelt, pp. 16–21; Robert C. Hilderbrand, Power and the 24 Morison, 2:1174. People: Executive Management of Public Opinion in Foreign Af- 25 G. Wallace Chessman, ‘‘Theodore Roosevelt’s Cam- fairs, 1897–1921 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1981), pp. 52–61; John Mil- paign Against the Vice-Presidency,’’ Historian 14 (Spring ton Cooper, The and the Priest: Woodrow Wilson and 1952): 174–75; Lodge, 1:442. Theodore Roosevelt (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 65, 70. 26 Williams, p. 73; Morison, 2:449. 50 Although most scholars have credited Roosevelt with 27 Quoted in Chessman, ‘‘Theodore Roosevelt’s Cam- being the first vice-presidential candidate to wage a na- paign Against the Vice-Presidency,’’ p. 179. tional campaign, Richard Mentor Johnson also did so in

[ 308 ] THEODORE ROOSEVELT

1840. See Chapter 9 of this volume, ‘‘Richard Mentor John- arations for a more active agenda of antitrust and tariff leg- son,’’ p. 130. islation. 51 This role is suggested in Horace Samuel Merrill and 53 For the most penetrating discussions of Roosevelt’s Marion Galbraith Merrill, The Republican Command, 1897– presidency see Blum’s Republican Roosevelt and Gould’s 1913 (Lexington, KY, 1971), p. 95. Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt. Chessman’s Theodore Roo- 52 Gould, The Presidency of William McKinley, pp. 249–51; sevelt and the Politics of Power is also helpful. For the election Cooper, The Warrior and the Priest, p. 77. McKinley’s un- of 1912, see Cooper’s The Warrior and the Priest. timely death permits only speculation about his full inten- 54 The fullest account of Roosevelt’s post-presidential ac- tions, but his public and private statements indicate prep- tivities appears in Harbaugh’s Power and Responsibility.

[ 309 ]

Chapter 26 CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS 1905–1909

[ 311 ] CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS Chapter 26 CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS

26th Vice President: 1905–1909

My name must not be considered for Vice President and if it is presented, I wish it withdrawn. Please withdraw it. —CHARLES WARREN FAIRBANKS 1

In the summer of 1904 Senator Charles Warren Youth Fairbanks wanted to be president of the United Charles Fairbanks was born on May 11, 1852, States. Many in 1900 had seen him as the natural in a modest log house in Ohio. His father, successor to his good friend President William Loriston Fairbanks, was a farmer and wagon McKinley. Now, however, it was not the fallen maker who had moved from New York to go McKinley who occupied the White House, but into business for himself. He became active in Theodore Roosevelt, and the president appeared Union County as a member of the agricultural on his way to easy renomination at the 1904 Re- board, and his wife, Mary Adelaide Smith, was publican convention. When members of the Re- a local temperance advocate. As a moderately publican Old Guard suggested Fairbanks for vice wealthy farmer, Fairbanks could afford to send president, the senator saw an opportunity for ad- his son Charles to college at Ohio Wesleyan. vancement. After all, the second spot had led to Charles excelled at his studies, graduating eighth the presidency for Roosevelt, it might do the out of forty-four in the class of 1874. He contin- same for him. The vice-presidency might prove ued his education at Cleveland Law College, tak- a good place from which to maneuver for the ing only six months to complete his courses and 1908 convention, and anything could happen pass the bar.4 with the impetuous Roosevelt in the White On October 6, 1874, Charles married Cornelia House. As Finley Peter Dunne’s fictional char- Cole and moved with her to Indianapolis, Indi- acter Mr. Dooley speculated, ‘‘Th’ way they got ana, where, with the help of an uncle, Charles Sinitor Fairbanks to accipt was by showin’ him took a position as attorney with the Chesapeake a pitcher iv our gr-reat an’ noble prisidint thryin and Ohio railroad system. Over the next decade, to jump a horse over a six-foot fence.’’ 2 Most of young Fairbanks built a sterling reputation—as all, Roosevelt’s prodigious shadow seemed a nat- well as a personal fortune—as a lawyer for nu- ural place for a man described by friends as ‘‘a merous railroad interests in the Midwest. He safe and popular politician’’ to wait for his turn specialized in dealing with bankrupt railroads in the White House.3 If ever a man seemed des- and he prosecuted strikers after the Indianapolis tined to remain in the political shadows, it was railroad strike in 1877. These activities brought Charles Warren Fairbanks.

[ 313 ] CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS the young lawyer to the attention of Indiana’s When William McKinley ran for president in Republican party.5 1896, he made his friend Fairbanks a key player Leader of the Indiana Republicans in his campaign strategy. Fairbanks ran McKinley’s campaign in Indiana and delivered In 1884, Indiana’s Republicans split in their a united Hoosier delegation for McKinley at the support of presidential candidates, some favor- Republican National Convention in St. Louis. As ing Walter Q. Gresham and others preferring temporary chairman of that convention, Fair- Benjamin Harrison. The election of Harrison in banks uncharacteristically delivered a stirring 1888 seemingly jeopardized Fairbanks’ pros- keynote address, in which he lambasted the pects, since he had been active on behalf of the Democrats and advocated the gold standard for Gresham faction. Harrison’s lackluster perform- currency.9 McKinley won the Republican nomi- ance in the White House, however, followed by nation handily, then defeated Democrat William impressive Democratic victories in 1892, gave Jennings Bryan in the general election. Indiana, Fairbanks the opportunity to return to promi- which he won by only about 18,000 votes, nence in the state by helping to rebuild the party. proved instrumental to his victory.10 The campaign of 1892 also brought him into con- On the state level, the Republicans also did tact with the governor of Ohio, William McKin- well enough to regain control of the Indiana leg- ley. The two men formed a friendship that lasted islature, guaranteeing that they would determine until McKinley’s untimely death in 1901 and that body’s choice of a United States senator. proved extremely beneficial to the careers of both Speculation naturally turned to Charles Fair- 6 men. banks. The wealthy lawyer had assisted many of Even though he held no office, Fairbanks man- the Republican legislators during their cam- aged to gain control of the Indiana Republican paigns; now they could return the favor. With a party, primarily because of his wealth. He spent little help from President McKinley, Fairbanks freely on campaigns and consistently urged easily won election to his first political office.11 party unity behind candidates at all levels. Per- sistent letter writing and encouragement en- A Senator with Presidential Ambitions deared him to GOP officeholders throughout the Fairbanks’ Senate career proved competent if state, and he used his connections with the rail- unspectacular. He stuck to the party line and was roads to obtain passes for political allies. Perhaps well respected among his colleagues. As chair- most importantly, he secretly owned a majority man of the Immigration Committee, he favored interest in the state’s largest newspaper, The Indi- restricting immigration and requiring a literacy anapolis News. By 1901, he had also purchased the test before entry into the United States—both major opposition daily, The Indianapolis Journal. popular positions. When the Immigration Com- Fairbanks’ control of the press significantly pro- mittee proved too contentious for his liking, Fair- moted the Republican cause in Indiana.7 banks moved to the chairmanship of the more As leader of his state’s Republican party, Fair- agreeable Committee on Public Buildings and banks stood in an excellent position to command Grounds. Although he had originally opposed the attention of the national party. With the par- the pressure for war with Spain in 1898, he faith- ties almost evenly balanced in the late nineteenth fully followed President McKinley’s lead when century, a small shift in the voting patterns of war came. The president appointed him to the one of the more densely populated industrial Joint-High Commission to decide the U.S.-Cana- states could win or lose a presidential election. dian boundary in . No settlement was Indiana was one of these vital states. In the thir- reached, but Fairbanks helped his own popu- teen presidential elections from 1868 to 1916, larity by declaring, ‘‘I am opposed to the yielding eleven of the national tickets boasted a Hoosier of an inch of United States territory.’’ The people candidate, usually running for vice president. of Alaska showed their appreciation by naming Charles Fairbanks thus became an important the city of Fairbanks in his honor. Perhaps Fair- man in Republican electoral considerations.8 banks’ only controversial stand in the Senate was [ 314 ] CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS his support for the demands of black soldiers vocating a policy of overseas expansion for the fighting in Cuba that they be commanded by United States. His growing power in Indiana black officers. Thanks to the senator’s interven- represented a challenge to Fairbanks. The threat tion, Indiana became the first state to accept this became increasingly severe as Beveridge gradu- position as general policy for its militia units.12 ally broke away from the party’s Old Guard and Fairbanks’ calm demeanor and ‘‘safe’’ Repub- began siding with the insurgents in calling for lican views made him very popular in the Senate. greater regulation of railroads and business As a senator from a pivotal state and a consistent trusts. No longer merely over party power, the defender of the McKinley administration, Fair- battle had come also to concern policies. To make banks emerged as a natural successor to McKin- matters worse for Fairbanks, President Roosevelt ley. He certainly looked like a president: tall (ap- quite obviously preferred the counsel of Senator proximately six feet, four inches), dignified, al- Beveridge.17 ways clad in a proper Prince Albert coat.13 In This smoldering conflict erupted in 1901 when 1900 some conservatives, most notably Ohio Sen- a federal judgeship became available in Indiana. ator Mark Hanna, tried to maneuver Fairbanks Beveridge recommended an old friend, Francis into a vice-presidential nomination.14 The con- Baker, whom Fairbanks adamantly refused to servative attempt to block the nomination of endorse. The squabble became public and was New York Governor Theodore Roosevelt ended widely seen as a test of prestige within the state. in failure, but the mention of Fairbanks for vice Because this type of patronage could crucially af- president fueled the senator’s already growing fect a politician’s ability to accumulate and wield ambition. The Indianan turned down Hanna’s power, the dispute had serious repercussions for offer for practical reasons and because he had set Fairbanks. When Roosevelt nominated Baker, his sights higher. As one journalist put it, ‘‘[Fair- apparently without much concern for the prerog- banks] had dreams of the White House. He pre- atives of the senior senator, there was little ques- ferred to remain in the Senate until the real call tion which of Indiana’s senators had the favor of came.’’ 15 the White House.18 Charles Fairbanks’ political fortunes changed dramatically on September 6, 1901, when Presi- Vice-Presidential Candidate dent McKinley was assassinated while visiting Charles Fairbanks saw his presidential hopes the Pan-American Exposition in Buffalo. He lost gradually slipping away. President Roosevelt ef- not only a friend, but also a political patron. Al- fectively maneuvered throughout 1902 and 1903 though McKinley’s successor, Theodore Roo- to gain control of the party and ensure his re- sevelt, promised to continue the fallen presi- nomination in 1904. Some conservatives consid- dent’s policies, Fairbanks’ close connection to the ered supporting Mark Hanna for the nomination, White House was severed. Beyond these per- but Hanna’s death in February 1904 ended any sonal considerations, the nation’s political envi- real opposition to Roosevelt within the GOP. ronment was about to change—partly in re- With Hanna gone, Fairbanks became more close- sponse to Roosevelt—in ways that would leave ly identified as the heir to McKinley, but Roo- Fairbanks in the shadows. President Roosevelt sevelt’s presence—rather than McKinley’s spir- brought a new glamour to the presidency. He it—had come to dominate the party. dominated the news and shifted the national de- Still, the Old Guard could not simply be dis- bate to new issues.16 None of these changes missed. If one of their own could not be the presi- proved helpful to Fairbanks’ presidential dential nominee, they would choose the vice- ambitions. presidential candidate. Fairbanks was the obvi- Conditions were also changing in Indiana. In ous choice, since conservatives thought highly of 1899 the state legislature had elected a young him yet he managed not to offend the party’s firebrand named Albert J. Beveridge to the Sen- more progressive elements. Roosevelt was far ate. The new junior senator from Indiana was a from pleased with the idea of Fairbanks for vice powerful orator who shot to prominence by ad- president. He would have preferred Representa- [ 315 ] CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS tive Robert R. Hitt of Illinois, but he did not con- Dupont Circle, occupied a prominent place in the sider the vice-presidential nomination worth a capital’s social landscape.23 fight. For his part, Fairbanks followed Roo- Charles Fairbanks assumed the principal Re- sevelt’s example from 1900 by declaring that he publican campaign duties for the ticket in 1904, was not a candidate. His friends, however, had as tradition dictated that incumbent presidents little doubt of his interest in the position, and he remain at work in the White House. He toured privately informed Roosevelt that he would all the northern states and spent the final week serve in any way the president indicated. With ensuring a Republican victory in Indiana.24 His solid support from New York, Pennsylvania, and task turned out to be relatively easy thanks to Indiana (thanks to the acquiescence of Senator Theodore Roosevelt’s enormous popularity and Beveridge) Fairbanks was easily placed on the the Democratic nomination of the rather lifeless 1904 Republican ticket in order to appease the Judge Alton B. Parker of New York. The Repub- Old Guard.19 licans’ landslide victory over Democrats Parker By avoiding controversy and contentious is- and Henry G. Davis unquestionably resulted sues, Fairbanks made himself a useful running from Roosevelt’s popularity, but Fairbanks was mate, conservative enough to alleviate business now vice president and he hoped his star was uneasiness about Roosevelt but not so outspoken on the rise once more. He began making plans as to be unacceptable to the insurgents. Still, the to pursue an even higher calling in 1908. reaction was not entirely favorable. The New York President of the Senate Journal called Fairbanks ‘‘a mere blank wall upon In an 1896 article for Review of Reviews, Roo- which the influences that control the Republican sevelt, while New York City police commis- 20 party can paint what they will.’’ sioner, had argued that the vice president should If the goal of constructing a national presi- participate actively in a presidential administra- dential ticket is to achieve a complementary bal- tion, including attendance at cabinet meetings ance between its two members, the Republican and consultation on all major decisions. He even ticket of 1904 came close to being ideal. Roosevelt posited that the vice president should be given and Fairbanks differed from one another in near- a regular vote in the Senate.25 Now that he was ly every way. The ticket offered balance both president, however, Roosevelt displayed no in- geographically, between New York and Indiana, tention of following his own advice. He did not and ideologically, from progressive to conserv- invite Fairbanks to participate in the cabinet and ative. Perhaps the greatest contrast was one of consulted the vice president about nothing of personality. The vigorous and ebullient Roo- substance. Roosevelt certainly showed no incli- sevelt differed markedly from the calm and cool nation to support granting Fairbanks a vote in Fairbanks. One wag called the 1904 ticket ‘‘The the Senate and, given Fairbanks’ conservative Hot Tamale and the Indiana Icicle.’’ Fairbanks’ tendencies, would probably have opposed any cool demeanor often led cartoonists to portray attempt to do so. Discussing the office abstractly him as a block of ice.21 Although friends claimed turned out to be quite different from dealing he was a very genial fellow in private and only with a flesh-and-blood occupant. appeared austere, 22 the icy image remained the The new vice president spent much of his time popular one, providing an interesting contrast to presiding over the Senate. He undoubtedly felt the ‘‘strenuous life’’ of President Roosevelt. comfortable dealing with his old friends on Cap- Mrs. Fairbanks partially offset this impression itol Hill, and President Roosevelt gave him noth- of coldness. Cornelia Fairbanks had become one ing else to do. As Senate president, Fairbanks of the most popular hostesses in Washington, re- had little direct power to affect the course of leg- nowned for her charm and tact. She also re- islation, but working in tandem with the Repub- mained active as president-general of the Daugh- lican leadership he was able to play a role in ters of the American Revolution. The Fairbanks’ passing the president’s ambitious legislative pro- Washington home, the Van Wyck House near gram that included the Hepburn Act regulating [ 316 ] CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS railroad rates, the Pure Food and Drug Act, and The most famous instance of Fairbanks’ effec- an employer’s liability law for the District of tiveness as presiding officer came in May 1908 Columbia. during debate over the conference report on the Fairbanks, Republican Senate leader Nelson Aldrich-Vreeland Emergency Currency Act. This Aldrich of Rhode Island, and Speaker of the legislation authorized the issuance of emergency House Joe Cannon of Illinois also worked to- currency based on state bonds, municipal bonds, gether effectively to bury unwanted legislation and railroad bonds. The inclusion of bonds from in hostile committees and to rule opposition railroad companies enraged many midwestern speakers ‘‘out of order’’ at every opportunity.26 and southern progressives, who saw it as an ex- Fairbanks never had a chance to break a tied ample of the railroads’ control of Congress. As vote, but he seldom missed a session and opposi- Senator Robert C. Byrd observed in discussing tion speakers remained sensitive to his vigilance this incident in a 1989 address to the Senate, in the chair. ‘‘Filibusters are inherently much more difficult In 1907, Fairbanks wielded the power of his of- to wage successfully on conference reports than fice against his old foe Albert Beveridge. When on bills, because conference reports are not the Senate considered legislation for government amendable.’’ 28 Nevertheless, Republican Sen- inspection of packaged meat, Beveridge advo- ator Robert La Follette of Wisconsin, leading the cated charging the inspection fees to the meat small but determined opposition to the legisla- packers, but was unsuccessful in his attempts. tion, decided to filibuster. By holding the floor, Later in the session, he offered this plan as an La Follette and Democratic Senators Thomas amendment to the agriculture appropriations Gore of and William Stone of Mis- bill. In order to stop the amendment, Senator souri hoped to force the leadership to drop rail- Francis Warren of Wyoming raised a point of road bonds from the measure. La Follette began order that the amendment contained ‘‘general speaking at 12:20 p.m. on Friday, May 29. Either legislation’’ and, therefore, under Senate rules, Gore or Stone was to take the floor when he fin- could not be added to an appropriations bill. The presiding officer, Vice President Fairbanks, could ished and, by speaking in rotation, they could sti- either rule on the point of order himself or fle Senate business indefinitely. present it to the Senate for a decision. Senator A filibuster in the early twentieth century Jacob Gallinger of New Hampshire submitted a could be particularly unpleasant. In the summer, list of precedents in which previous officers had an extremely hot Senate chamber customarily referred similar points of order to the Senate for drove senators to the cloakrooms for relief. Dur- determination. Fairbanks promptly ignored ing a filibuster, however, if too many members these precedents and ruled Beveridge’s amend- left the chamber, the speaker, or an ally, could ment out of order, observing, ‘‘During the suggest the absence of a quorum without losing present session the Chair has frequently been in- control of the floor. This procedure required the vited by Senators to submit to the Senate points vice president to direct that the roll be called, of order on amendments which were not in and, if a quorum (forty-seven members at that order, and in every case of such invitation the time) were not present, the Senate would ad- Chair has felt obliged to decline to do so.’’ Fair- journ until a quorum could be obtained, further banks took further pleasure in chastising contributing to the filibuster’s objective of delay. Beveridge for offering an amendment that was In any event, the quorum call allowed the speak- very similar to a bill Beveridge had introduced er a few moments to seek water or food and the previous December. If the matter were of some fresh air. When Robert La Follette took the ‘‘such large consequence,’’ he asserted, the Sen- floor on May 29, 1908, he brought a clerk with ate would have dealt with it then, in ‘‘an orderly him to keep track of the number of senators and appropriate way.’’ 27 The vice-presidency present. Since the day turned out to be especially may not have had much power, but Fairbanks warm, senators had no desire to linger in the knew how to use what he had. sweltering chamber. Whenever the count of [ 317 ] CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS members in the chamber fell below the required disinterested decisions necessary to regulate the number, La Follette would stop his speech to nation’s powerful trusts. He preferred to rely on suggest the absence of a quorum, forcing his col- executive agencies, staffed by experts whom he leagues to file back into the chamber to answer considered capable of maintaining a careful the roll. This cycle continued for hours. When watch over the nation’s business community. He Vice President Fairbanks ordered La Follette’s argued that efficient executive power, rather clerk, who had been keeping count for his boss, than clumsy intermittent legislation, would most to leave the chamber, other members friendly to effectively deal with the trusts. The Hepburn bill the Wisconsin senator’s cause took up the count- included provisions allowing the Interstate Com- ing. Finally, at about 11:45 that night, after thirty- merce Commission to set railroad rates, and Roo- two quorum calls, Fairbanks, under the guidance sevelt pursued legislation to allow executive of party leader Aldrich, managed to limit the tac- agencies to set maximum prices for certain com- tic by making a resourceful parliamentary ruling modities. While the Senate eventually agreed to that some business other than debate must take the Hepburn bill with some modifications, it jeal- place between quorum calls. Not until 2:25 a.m. ously guarded its prerogatives against what it on Saturday, May 30, did La Follette finally es- saw as presidential encroachment. Even a presi- tablish the absence of a quorum, at which point dent as persuasive as Theodore Roosevelt had the Senate adjourned until the sergeant at arms difficulty convincing Congress to expand the ex- roused enough senators from bed to begin de- ecutive’s power.30 bate once more, at 3:40 a.m., allowing La Follette Opposition from his own party in the Senate a short nap. constantly frustrated Roosevelt, who attempted La Follette continued until 7:00 a.m. William to rouse public opinion in support of greater ex- Stone followed, holding the floor until 1:30 p.m., ecutive power. For their part, many Republican and then yielded to Senator Gore. Gore was to senators bristled at the seemingly endless flow speak until 4:30 p.m., when Stone would return. of presidential messages from the White House, At the appointed time, Gore, who was blind, as well as at Roosevelt’s constant public criticism heard that Stone had returned, but when Gore of their cherished institution.31 Vice president yielded the floor, Stone, either by mistake or Fairbanks’ sympathies plainly lay with the Sen- through chicanery, had stepped outside the ate, and when his term ended in 1909, he used chamber for a moment. Vice President Fairbanks, his farewell address to launch a vigorous defense alert to his opportunity, immediately recognized of his Senate colleagues. He supported the record Nelson Aldrich, who moved that the vote be of the recent session against ‘‘erroneous’’ criti- taken on his bill. Fairbanks, ignoring other cism that it was unresponsive to the popular will. speakers shouting for recognition, directed the ‘‘The Senate of the United States,’’ he said, ‘‘was clerk to call the yeas and nays, and Aldrich, first designed by our fathers to be a deliberative on the roll, answered in the affirmative. Under chamber in the fullest and best sense—a chamber Senate rules, once a vote began, it could not be where the passions of the hour might be arrested stopped for further debate. After more than and where the better judgement of the people 29 twenty-eight hours, the filibuster was broken. would find ultimate expression.’’ Offering a Sen- The passage of the Aldrich-Vreeland Act ate response to Roosevelt’s ‘‘,’’ he de- pleased President Roosevelt, but his vice presi- clared, ‘‘A servile Senate was not contemplated dent’s other Senate rulings would not always by its founders.’’ 32 produce such agreeable results. Roosevelt spent most of 1907 and 1908 fighting with Congress. Pursuit of the Presidency The Senate, especially, erected roadblocks to the During his vice-presidency, Fairbanks also president’s legislative initiatives, particularly spent considerable time trying to secure the Re- those seeking to expand the powers of the execu- publican presidential nomination in 1908. In this tive branch. Roosevelt believed that Congress endeavor, he faced serious obstacles. His own was incapable of making the kind of informed, lackluster image offered cartoonists and writers [ 318 ] CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS a favorite target. When President Roosevelt told ‘‘Let Well Enough Alone.’’ Collier’s Weekly columnist Finley Peter Dunne that he was con- summed up his performance with another poem: sidering taking a ride in a submarine, Dunne ad- Then Mr. Fairbanks waxed quite warm; vised, ‘‘You really shouldn’t do it—-unless you His voice ris to a roar. 33 He yelled: ‘‘I say to you, my friends, take Fairbanks with you.’’ Fairbanks even That two and two make four,’’ earned a short mention in David Graham Phil- And thereupon all doubts dissolved, lips’ 1906 expose´ The Treason of the Senate, where All fears were put to rout; Pie-seekers said that Fairbanks knew he is referred to as the ‘‘presiding genius’’ of the Just what he was about. Senate.34 He did not name unbusted trusts Fairbanks’ popularity increased somewhat Or mention Standard Oil; He did not talk of railroad graft after a supposed attempt on his life. While the Nor speak of children’s toil. vice president was laying the cornerstone for a He said the crops looked mighty well, new federal building in Flint, Michigan, police The cattle all seemed fat, arrested a man in the crowd carrying a thirty- The sky was blue, the grass still grew, And the G.O.P. stood pat. two-caliber revolver and pockets full of ‘‘socialis- And he let it go at that.37 tic literature.’’ This incident surely evoked The only substantive issue that really seemed memories of the assassination of President to hold Fairbanks’ attention was the gold stand- McKinley. Fairbanks also tried to use favorable ard. He had demanded a strong gold plank in publicity to bolster his image. He spent the sum- the Indiana platform in 1896 and succeeded in mer of 1905 on a farm he owned in Illinois trying helping McKinley make that a major part of the to appeal to the farm vote. He had himself photo- 1896 campaign.38 After McKinley’s victory in graphed chopping down a tree and cutting it up, 1900, however, the gold standard had ceased to perhaps trying to emulate Roosevelt’s much-ad- be a salient issue for the public. Fairbanks’ con- mired vigor. Still, no one outside the inner circle tinued reliance on it seemed safe and popular, of the Republican party seemed to pay much at- but not likely to create a groundswell of support. tention. The New York Daily News committed his It was merely one more instance of Fairbanks’ obscurity to verse, saying: failure to keep up with the rapid political Fairbanks was in town two days changes of the new century. Yet no one seemed the wiser; He yearned to meet the public gaze An even more serious problem for Fairbanks His own press advertiser. loomed in the form of opposition from Theodore He strolled about the town at will Roosevelt. The president had already announced Without much molestation, he would not run in 1908, but he intended to The only effect was a heavy chill And his own great agitation. choose his own successor. His list clearly did not A stranger on a foreign shore include Fairbanks. Roosevelt preferred Secretary Would scare up more attention; of State Elihu Root, but his age (over sixty) and And he is feeling extra sore background in corporate law made him an un- 35 For lack of even mention. likely choice. The president, therefore, settled on In his effort to attract support, Fairbanks’ ora- his secretary of war and close friend, William tory proved less than appealing. The Nation de- Howard Taft, using the power of his office to se- clared, ‘‘No public speaker can more quickly cure convention delegations loyal to Taft. By the drive an audience to dispair.’’ 36 He seemed both time the convention began, Taft’s selection was uninspiring and out of step with the times. Dur- nearly determined.39 Against the power of a ing an era of growing clamor for progressive re- popular incumbent president, Fairbanks never forms, Fairbanks’ speeches were full of what one had a chance. observer called ‘‘splendid verbosity,’’ simply Roosevelt could hardly conceal his scorn for equating the Republican party with prosperity. Fairbanks. The president liked to tell amusing During the congressional races of 1906, he spoke stories about his uninspiring vice president and often for GOP candidates, stressing the theme would often discuss his preferred successors in [ 319 ] CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS

Fairbanks’ presence without mentioning the gen- ‘‘Mr. Marshall is an argument for the election of tleman from Indiana.40 When Fairbanks and Mr. Hughes. Mr. Fairbanks is an argument for New York Governor both the re-election of Mr. Wilson.’’ Hughes and Fair- showed some strength as possible nominees in banks suffered a narrow defeat in 1916, but Fair- the summer of 1908, Roosevelt seemed stunned. banks could take comfort that Indiana swung As he exclaimed to a Hughes supporter before once more into the Republican column.43 the convention, ‘‘Do you know whom we have After the election, Charles Fairbanks again re- most trouble in beating? Not Hughes—but tired to private life. He remained active in the Fairbanks! Think of it—Charley Fairbanks! I was Indiana Forestry Association, a conservation never more surprised in my life. I never dreamt group of which he was founder and first presi- of such a thing. He’s got a hold in Kentucky, In- dent (perhaps his only similarity to Roosevelt). diana, and some other states that is hard to During the First World War, he visited several break. How and why is beyond me.’’ 41 This army camps to encourage the troops and spoke strength, though, was illusory compared to the for the Liberty Loan campaigns. Fairbanks died influence wielded by Roosevelt on behalf of Taft. on June 14, 1918, at the age of sixty-six. After gaining the nomination, Taft went on to Ironically, the message from the Republican win an easy victory over William Jennings Bryan National Convention in 1904 notifying Charles in November. Fairbanks of his nomination for the vice-presi- dency spoke in glowing terms of the party’s Still Active in Politics unity. It lamented previous selections that had After the inauguration of Taft and new Vice been made to appease defeated factions and re- President James Sherman in March 1909, Fair- joiced that this selection was not such a case. It banks returned to Indiana to live the life of a compared the hoped-for collaboration between country gentleman. He remained marginally ac- Roosevelt and Fairbanks to that of McKinley and tive in Indiana politics but tried to maintain a Garret Hobart (conspicuously passing over low profile during the disastrous party split in McKinley and Roosevelt).44 The author of this 1912. In 1914, the former vice president returned message surely must have been aware of its inac- to prominence once more as the advocate of curacy. Roosevelt accepted Fairbanks because he party unity. The Indiana delegation to the 1916 did not consider the office worth a fight. Fair- Republican National Convention supported him banks took the position in hopes that it would as a ‘‘favorite son’’ candidate for president, in lead to the presidency. The two men never co- hopes of a deadlocked convention. When operated well and spent the last two years of the Charles Evans Hughes obtained the nomination, administration actually working at cross pur- there was talk of proposing Fairbanks for vice poses. Roosevelt thwarted Fairbanks’ bid for the president. The prospect of reacquiring his old presidential nomination, while Fairbanks helped position did not appeal to Fairbanks. He wired to bottle up Roosevelt’s legislation in the Senate. his friends in the Indiana delegation, ‘‘My name Charles Fairbanks was neither a great orator must not be considered for Vice President and nor a brilliant political thinker. He succeeded by if it is presented, I wish it withdrawn. Please mastering the intricacies of the Senate and by withdraw it.’’ When, despite Fairbanks’ wishes, avoiding controversy. Like so many other Indi- he was nominated on the first ballot, 42 his loy- ana politicians, Fairbanks excelled as a political alty to the party induced him to accept the nomi- insider. He was skilled in the arts of political nation and fulfill his duty as a candidate. He management and compromise.45 Those skills toured the country calling for a return to the high made him a valued member of the Senate and tariff policies that Democratic President Wood- an influential state politician but were far less row Wilson had abandoned. Neither Fairbanks useful in presidential politics. Perhaps an ob- nor his opponent and fellow Hoosier, Demo- server in 1897 had him pegged best when he cratic Vice President Thomas Marshall, aroused said, ‘‘Fairbanks may not be a great Statesman, much enthusiasm. As the New Republic put it, but he certainly is a great Politician.’’ 46 By un- [ 320 ] CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS derstanding party politics, Fairbanks advanced and La Follette, Fairbanks’ political skills were as far as the vice-presidency. Yet, in an era domi- not sufficient to allow him to escape the shadows nated by the likes of Roosevelt, Wilson, Bryan, of those men.

[ 321 ] NOTES 1 Quoted in Herbert J. Rissler, ‘‘Charles Warren Fair- 22 George F. Sparks, ed., A Many Colored Toga: The Diary banks: Conservative Hoosier,’’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana of Henry Fountain Ashurst (Tucson, 1962), p. 79. University, 1961), p. 266. 23 Thomas R. Shipp, ‘‘Charles Warren Fairbanks, Repub- 2 James H. Madison, ‘‘Charles Warren Fairbanks and Indi- lican Candidate for Vice President,’’ American Monthly Re- ana Republicanism,’’ in Ralph D. Gray, ed., Gentlemen From view of Reviews 30 (August 1904): 181. Indiana: National Party Candidates, 1836–1940 (Indianapolis, 24 Rissler, pp. 157–58. 1977), p. 184. 25 Theodore Roosevelt, ‘‘The Three Vice-Presidential Can- 3 William Henry Smith, The Life and Speeches of Hon. didates and What They Represent,’’ American Monthly Re- Charles Warren Fairbanks (Indianapolis, 1904), p. 7. view of Reviews 14 (September 1896): 289–97. 4 Rissler, pp. 5–27. 26 Williams, p. 90. 5 Ibid., pp. 28–35. 27 Braeman, p. 109; Asher C. Hinds, Hind’s Precedents of 6 Ibid., pp. 40–62; Smith, p. 39. the House of Representatives of the United States, vol. 2 (Wash- 7 John Braeman, Albert J. Beveridge: American Nationalist ington, 1907), pp. 883–85. (Chicago, 1971), pp. 73–77; Madison, p. 177; Donald A. 28 U.S., Congress, Senate, The Senate, 1789–1989: Addresses Ritchie, Press Gallery: Congress and the Washington Cor- on the History of the United States Senate, by Robert C. Byrd, respondents (Cambridge, MA, 1991), p. 182. S. Doc., 100–20, 100th Cong., 1st sess., vol 2, 1991, p. 108. 8 Rissler, preface; Ralph D. Gray, ed., Gentlemen From Indi- 29 Belle Case La Follette and Fola La Follette, Robert M. ana: National Party Candidates, 1836–1940 (Indianapolis, La Follette, June 14, 1855–, 1925 (New York, 1953), pp. 1977), Chapters VII-XI. 238–56. This source gives the most detailed and interesting, 9 Smith, pp. 44–55; Rissler, pp. 64–72; Madison, p. 179. if one sided, account of the filibuster. 10 Congressional Quarterly’s Guide to U.S. Elections, 3d. ed. 30 John M. Blum, The Republican Roosevelt, 2d ed. (New (Washington, 1994), p. 444. York, 1964), pp. 87, 95–96, 105, 107–8. 11 Rissler, pp. 76–77; Madison, p. 179. 31 Gould, The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt, pp. 276–77, 12 Rissler, pp. 80–97. 291–94. 13 Madison, pp. 181–82. 32 U.S., Congress, Senate, Congressional Record, 60th Cong., 14 Lewis L. Gould, ‘‘Charles Warren Fairbanks and the 2d sess., 1909, p. 3825. Republican National Convention of 1900: A Memoir,’’ Indi- 33 , Crapshoot: Rolling the Dice on the Vice ana Magazine of History 77 (December 1981): 370. Presidency (New York, 1992), p. 58. 15 Henry L. Stoddard, As I Knew Them: Presidents and Poli- 34 David Graham Phillips, The Treason of the Senate (Chi- tics From Grant to Coolidge (New York, 1927), p. 248. cago, 1964; reprint of 1906 edition), p. 198. 16 For the most thorough discussion of Roosevelt’s presi- 35 Rissler, pp. 169–72. dency, see Lewis L. Gould, The Presidency of Theodore Roo- 36 Ibid., pp. 145–46. sevelt (Lawrence, KS, 1991). For a discussion of Roosevelt’s 37 Ibid., pp. 178–79, 202. vice-presidency, see Chapter 25 of this volume, ‘‘Theodore 38 Ibid., pp. 69–70; Stoddard, p. 239. Roosevelt,’’ pp. 303–5. 39 Gould, The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt, pp. 271–73, 17 For the life and career of Albert J. Beveridge, see 283–84. Braeman, Albert J. Beveridge: American Nationalist and 40 Williams, pp. 88–89. Claude G. Bowers, Beveridge and the (New 41 Stoddard, p. 335. York, 1932). 42 Rissler, pp. 265–66. 18 Braeman, pp. 76–77; Bowers, 175–76. 43 Ibid., pp. 266–71; Congressional Quarterly’s Guide to U.S. 19 Gould, The Presidency of Theodore Roosevelt, p. 135; Elections, p. 449. Rissler, pp. 135–50; Irving G. Williams, The Rise of the Vice 44 Smith, pp. 234–35. Presidency (Washington, 1956), pp. 86–87. 45 For an excellent overview of Indiana politics and the 20 Rissler, p. 115. general skills of Hoosier politicians, see Philip R. 21 Ibid., p. 151; Gould, ‘‘Charles Warren Fairbanks,’’ p. VanderMeer, The Hoosier Politician: Officeholding and Political 361. Culture in Indiana 1896–1920 (Urbana, IL, 1985). 46 Madison, p. 173.

[ 322 ] Chapter 27 JAMES SCHOOLCRAFT SHERMAN 1909–1912

[ 323 ] JAMES SCHOOLCRAFT SHERMAN Chapter 27 JAMES SCHOOLCRAFT SHERMAN

27th Vice President: 1909–1912

You will have to act on your own account. I am to be Vice President and acting as a messenger boy is not part of the duties as Vice President. —JAMES SCHOOLCRAFT SHERMAN TO PRESIDENT WILLIAM HOWARD TAFT

A marble bust of James Schoolcraft Sherman Young James Sherman graduated from has the distinction of being the only vice-presi- Whitestown Seminary in 1874 and then attended dential bust in the with , where he achieved recogni- eyeglasses. Sherman apparently had thought tion for his skills in oratory and debate. His ge- that no one would recognize him without his nial temperament made him ‘‘the most popular glasses. However, over time he has grown so ob- man in his class.’’ He graduated from Hamilton scure that no one recognizes him even with his in 1878, received his law degree there the follow- glasses.1 Capitol visitors often confuse him with ing year, and was admitted to the New York the more famous Senator , author state bar in 1880, practicing in a firm with his of the Sherman Antitrust Act. Yet while he never brother-in-law. In 1881, he married Carrie Bab- authored a famous bill, ‘‘Sunny Jim’’ Sherman cock of East Orange, New Jersey; they would was a powerful leader in the House of Rep- have three sons. resentatives, a skilled parliamentarian, and a Sherman was a joiner. In college he had joined popular presiding officer of the Senate during his the Sigma Phi fraternity. He was active in the vice-presidency under William Howard Taft. Dutch Reformed Church. He was a member of Youth the Royal Arcanum, the Order of Elks, and of all the local clubs in Utica. In politics, he broke with James S. Sherman was born on October 24, his Democratic father to become a Republican 1855, in Utica, New York, where his grandfather, and at the age of twenty-nine won election as Willett Sherman, ran a profitable glass factory mayor of Utica. Two years later, in 1886, his dis- and owned an impressive farm. In later years, trict elected him to the U.S. House of Representa- Senator Elihu Root recalled spending summers tives. Except for the two years following his de- at his own grandfather’s farm and ‘‘the big, feat for reelection in 1890, he remained in na- white house, with the great columns,’’ of Sher- tional public office for the rest of his life.2 man’s grandfather’s adjoining farm. Root be- lieved that Sherman inherited his probusiness A Jolly Coterie in the House politics from his grandfather. Sherman’s father, As a Republican committed to a high protec- Richard U. Sherman, headed a food canning tive tariff, Sherman blamed his single defeat on company and published a Democratic news- an angry voter reaction to the McKinley Tariff paper. of 1890, which had swept many members of his [ 325 ] JAMES SCHOOLCRAFT SHERMAN party out of Congress (including William McKin- and the Speaker stepped down as presiding offi- ley). In 1892 Sherman narrowly defeated Demo- cer in favor of another member. Henry Cabot crat Henry Bentley, who had beaten him in 1890, Lodge declared that Sherman ‘‘gradually came and returned to Congress. There Sherman rees- to be recognized as the best Chairman of the tablished himself as the leader of a ‘‘jolly coterie’’ Committee of the Whole whom that great body of New York Republicans. Speaker Thomas B. had known in many years.’’ Presiding effectively Reed, who enjoyed the company of these young- over the committee of the whole, said Lodge, er men, promoted Sherman in the House hier- was ‘‘a severe test of a man’s qualities, both archy. Democratic Leader identi- moral and mental. He must have strength of fied him as among the ‘‘Big Five’’ in the House character as well as ability, quickness in decision Republican leadership, but Sherman never held must go hand in hand with knowledge, and a party leadership post or chaired a major com- firmness must always be accompanied by good 4 mittee. He served on the committees on the Judi- temper.’’ ciary, Census, Industrial Arts and Expositions, While in the House, Sherman was a leader in Interstate and Foreign Commerce, and Rules; the fight to preserve the gold standard against and for fourteen years he chaired the Indian Af- Populist proposals for ‘‘free silver’’—by which fairs Committee. Democratic Representative farmers hoped to reduce their debts by fueling believed that Sherman inflation through an expansion of the amount of could have had a seat on either of the most im- money in circulation. Sherman also fought Democratic President Grover Cleveland’s efforts portant House committees, Appropriations or to lower the tariff. When the Republicans re- Ways and Means, ‘‘for the asking.’’ But the New turned to power with the election of William Yorker always stood aside in favor of friends McKinley as president in 1896, Sherman played who wanted those appointments, ‘‘thereby mak- a key role in passage of the Dingley Tariff that ing the task of the Speaker, who was in those reversed Democratic efforts and restored the days always the party leader, easier and the 3 high protective tariff. As usual, Speaker Reed pathway of his friends pleasanter.’’ turned the gavel over to Sherman to chair the The secret of Sherman’s success in the House committee of the whole throughout most of the was his recognized parliamentary ability. When- debate on the Dingley Tariff. When Speaker ever House Speakers Tom Reed, David Hender- Reed retired in 1900, Sherman sought the Speak- son, and Joseph Cannon had to leave the chair, ership but lost to David Henderson. He became they knew that they could trust Sherman with Henderson’s right-hand man and continued to the gavel, because he was a ‘‘decisive, self-pos- play that role under Henderson’s successor, the sessed, and able parliamentarian.’’ Unlike the powerful ‘‘Uncle Joe’’ Cannon.5 smaller Senate, the House regularly used the de- McKinley’s assassination in 1901 transferred vice of a ‘‘committee of the whole’’ as a means the presidency to the dynamic Theodore Roo- of suspending its rules and moving ahead more sevelt, whose strong personality stimulated a na- speedily on legislation, since a smaller quorum tional reform movement that had grown out of was needed for the committee of the whole, and a series of local responses to the human abuses debate was limited. Amendments could be voted of industrialism. Progressives demanded upon, but the final bill had to be reported back change, which conservative leaders in Congress to the full House to be voted upon in regular ses- resisted. Sherman stood with the Old Guard. sion. Officially known as the Committee of the ‘‘He was preeminently a stand-patter and proud Whole House on the State of the Union, this com- of it,’’ recalled Senator Chauncey Depew. Hav- mittee comprised all House members and met in ing inherited the presidency of the New Hartford the House chamber. To indicate that the House Canning Company from his father, Sherman was meeting in the committee of the whole rath- fought progressive efforts to require accurate la- er than in regular session, the House sergeant at beling of the weights and measures of canned arms lowered the House mace from its pedestal, jelly, catsup, corn, and other foods. He proposed [ 326 ] JAMES SCHOOLCRAFT SHERMAN a substitute amendment that required only that You’ll have to if you’re after me; if a canner did label the weight and measure of Swing low, sweet chariot, 8 the product, that such labeling must be accurate. For I’m lying low, you see. This caused Dr. Harvey Wiley, who led the cru- sade for pure food and drug laws, to rename A Machiavellian Nomination ‘‘Sunny Jim’’ Sherman as ‘‘Short-weight Jim.’’ 6 Taft won the nomination and would have pre- The Republican Congressional Campaign ferred a progressive running mate, someone of Committee the stature of Indiana Senator Albert Beveridge Sherman chaired the Republican Congres- or Iowa Senator Jonathan Dolliver. But House sional Campaign Committee during the congres- members, led by Speaker Cannon, pressed for sional elections of 1906, raising large campaign the nomination of James Sherman. On the sur- contributions from business interests and gain- face, it seemed as though Sherman won the nom- ing further recognition from his party’s leaders. ination by default, after the more progressive Sherman himself faced a hard fight for reelection possibilities withdrew their names from consid- that year. At one point, he turned desperately to eration. But years later, in his memoirs, Senator an old fraternity brother, Elihu Root, then sec- Chauncey Depew revealed a more Machiavellian retary of state in the Roosevelt administration. version of what had happened. The New York Sherman invited Root to speak for him and for delegation had lobbied hard to convince Taft’s the New York Republican gubernatorial can- managers that New York would be a critical state didate, Charles Evans Hughes, who was locked in the election, and that a New Yorker would in battle with the Democratic candidate, news- most strengthen the ticket headed by a ‘‘west- paper publisher Hearst. Other erner’’ like Taft of Ohio. Since Taft’s managers Republican leaders, fearing that Hearst might ex- had already discussed the nomination with sev- ploit Root’s corporate connections to embarrass eral other potential candidates, they could not the Republican ticket, pleaded with Root to can- turn to Sherman without first dissuading these cel his trip. But Sherman begged Root to recon- people—and doing so without offending their sider. Root made the speech, in which he strong- states. As Depew explained: ly and eloquently denounced Hearst, an attack that was credited with helping Hughes and Sher- The method adopted by one of the leading man win their elections.7 managers was both adroit and hazardous. He would call up a candidate on the telephone and In 1908, Sherman chaired the Republican state say to him: ‘‘The friends of Mr. Taft are very fa- convention for the third time (having previously vorable to you for vice-president. Will you accept done so in 1895 and 1900). His supporters then the nomination?’’ The candidate would hesitate launched a vice-presidential boom for him. Presi- and begin to explain his ambitions, his career and dent Theodore Roosevelt had announced that he its possibilities, and the matter which he would would not stand for a third term, and had anoint- have to consider. Before the prospective can- ed Secretary of War William Howard Taft as his didate had finished, the manager would say, successor. The New York delegation went to the ‘‘Very sorry, deeply regret,’’ and put up the convention pledged to their governor, Charles telephone. Evans Hughes, for president, but as one journal- When the nomination was made these gentle- ist observed, the state’s delegation was actually men who might have succeeded would come anxious to nominate Sherman for the second around to the manager and say impatiently and place on the ticket. Fortunately for Sherman’s indignantly: ‘‘I was all right. Why did you cut me ambitions, Governor Hughes did nothing to pro- off?’’ However, those gentlemen have had their mote his candidacy. Hughes’ cool aloofness in- compensation. Whenever you meet one of them spired a Gridiron Club parody of an old he will say to you: ‘‘I was offered the vice-presi- spiritual: dency with Taft but was so situated that I could 9 Swing low, sweet chariot, not accept.’’

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Straddling Party Divisions the Republican party. Roosevelt had finessed House Democratic minority leader Champ party unity by talking publicly of reform while Clark agreed that Sherman stood prominently in working privately with conservative leaders in the House, but no more so than a half dozen Congress, and by steering absolutely clear of other Republicans. In Clark’s estimation, Sher- such divisive issues as the tariff. Taft came into man was ‘‘an industrious, level-headed, capable office with a reputation for but member, and a capital presiding officer,’’ but in with the support of such powerful conservatives truth he received the nomination as a means of as Rhode Island Senator Nelson Aldrich, who placating the GOP’s conservative wing, which had worked quietly behind the scenes for Taft’s viewed Taft suspiciously as a progressive. ‘‘The nomination. During the campaign, Taft had Stand-patters selected Sherman partly because managed to straddle party divisions, but once he he wanted it, partly because they could trust assumed the office, he would have to choose 12 him, and partly because he was perhaps the most sides. acceptable of all the Old Guard chieftains in the No Messenger Boy House to President Roosevelt,’’ Clark assessed. At first, Taft thought he had a perfect role for The vice-presidential nomination was clinched Sherman. The president-elect said that he had no when Speaker Cannon stepped onto the plat- intention of having anything to do with the reac- form, hiked up his sleeves, and offered an impas- tionary House Speaker Cannon. ‘‘I am going to sioned endorsement of Sherman. With the Old rely on you, Jim, to take care of Cannon for me,’’ Guard’s stamp of approval, ‘‘the two wings said Taft. ‘‘Whatever I have to do there will be 10 flapped together.’’ done through you.’’ ‘‘Not through me,’’ Sherman While well-known in Washington, Sherman declined. ‘‘You will have to act on your own ac- had little popular identification across the na- count. I am to be Vice President and acting as tion, and it is doubtful that he brought many a messenger boy is not part of the duties as Vice votes to the Taft ticket. The opposition Demo- President.’’ A month later, Taft invited Cannon cratic candidate was William Jennings Bryan, to visit him, and thereafter Taft and Cannon met who had twice before lost the presidency, in 1896 regularly at the White House. It was the begin- and 1900. Few Republicans would have voted for ning of a drift to the right that would eventually Bryan regardless of who ran with Taft, but Sher- alienate Taft from Republican progressives.13 man campaigned with good grace. When the Whatever ill-will may have resulted from Sher- Democratic candidate for vice president, John man’s refusal to cooperate over handling Speak- Worth Kern, came to Utica he received a tele- er Cannon evaporated in the glow of the inau- gram from Sherman, who was campaigning else- gural festivities. Taft’s wife, Helen, later wrote where, welcoming Kern to his home city and that Vice President and Mrs. Sherman shared a urging him to call upon the Sherman family.11 box with them at the inaugural ball. ‘‘They also For the third and last time, William Jennings had with them a large family party and were Bryan went down to defeat as Taft and Sherman both so jolly and so much in the festive spirit that were elected. While Taft prepared to enter the formality disappeared.’’ 14 White House, Theodore Roosevelt made ar- When Taft met with Speaker Cannon in De- rangements to leave the country for an extended cember 1908, he learned that the House Ways hunting trip in Africa and tour of Europe, to give and Means Committee was at work on major tar- his successor a chance to establish himself. Even iff revisions. Taft favored lowering tariff rates Taft had trouble in accepting the departure of the and negotiating reciprocal trade agreements dynamic Roosevelt from the presidency. ‘‘When with other nations to stimulate international I hear someone say Mr. President,’’ said Taft, ‘‘I trade, but congressional conservatives remained look around expecting to see Roosevelt.’’ Facing committed to high tariff duties to protect Amer- Taft was the problem of keeping together the ican industries. House Ways and Means Com- warring conservative and progressive factions of mittee chairman Sereno Payne eventually pro- [ 328 ] JAMES SCHOOLCRAFT SHERMAN duced the Payne bill, which pleased Taft by its pacity as presiding officer. ‘‘In the Senate we moderate tariff reductions. In the Senate, how- have no rules,’’ observed New York Senator ever, Finance Committee chairman Nelson Al- Chauncey Depew. Sherman had risen in the drich amended the tariff with massive increases House because of his mastery at presiding over in rates. Insurgent Republicans led by Wisconsin the House, whose rules were more rigid and its Senator Robert La Follette fought the Payne-Al- precedents voluminous. He thus found it quite drich Tariff, but Aldrich prevailed. Never in a change to ‘‘preside over a body which is gov- doubt was the stance of the Senate’s new presid- erned practically by no rules whatever, but is a ing officer, Vice President Sherman, a lifelong rule unto itself.’’ Depew noted that the older sen- high-tariff man. In the end, President Taft sided ators resented any effort on the part of the chair with Sherman and the protectionists and signed to curb their wanderings or their ‘‘very unregu- the bill. As progressives began to reevaluate their lated wills.’’ He recalled how the vice president assessment of Taft, the president compounded had ruled against Texas Democrat Joseph W. - his problems by speaking out in defense of the ley, one of the most quarrelsome senators, who Payne-Aldrich Tariff at Winona, Wisconsin, in Senator La Follette’s home state, describing the instantly declared that the independence of the tariff as ‘‘the best bill that the Republican party Senate had been invaded by the Vice President ever passed.’’ At the same time, Vice President who was not a member of the Senate but only Sherman was telling people that the Republican its Constitutional presiding officer; that he had party ‘‘had fulfilled every campaign pledge in no right to use a position which was largely one of courtesy to violate the of the most passing the Aldrich bill.’’ 15 august body in the world and deny, or attempt Growing Relationship Between Taft and Sherman to deny, to a Senator the rights to which every The more conservative the president became, Senator was entitled. the closer he grew to his vice president. Taft Throughout this attack, Sherman showed no found that he liked Sherman, a man who ‘‘hated trace of emotion. shams, believed in regular party organization, He was the presiding officer personified. With and was more anxious to hold the good things perfect calmness, good humor, and dignity, he established by the past than to surrender them stated the case to a breathless Senate. He did it in search for less certain benefits to be derived so clearly and convincingly that the Senate sat from radical changes in the future.’’ Like Taft, down upon the tumultuous senator, and Sher- Sherman possessed a jovial spirit, and the presi- man’s decisions were never after questioned.17 dent credited the vice president with accom- plishing much on Capitol Hill by his ‘‘charm of Always showing his sunny disposition in pub- speech and manner, and his spirit of conciliation lic, Sherman played tough-minded, hard-ball and compromise.’’ Sherman succeeded through politics in private. ‘‘Sherman’s indictments,’’ a ‘‘sunny disposition and natural good will to President Taft once complained, ‘‘are as abrupt all.’’ Yet he also manifested what Taft called ‘‘a and severe as a school master’s.’’ When progres- stubborn adherence’’ to his principles. ‘‘In other sives revolted against the Payne-Aldrich tariff, words,’’ said Taft, ‘‘it would be unjust to Mr. Sherman advised: ‘‘Mr. President, you can’t ca- Sherman to suggest that his sunny disposition jole these people. You have to hit them with a and his anxiety to make everybody within the club.’’ Sherman recommended cutting off reach of his influence happy, was any indication postmastership appointments to the progres- of a lack of strength of character, of firmness of sives as punishment for their disloyalty, to which purpose, and of clearness of decision as to what Taft replied: ‘‘I hate to use the patronage as a he thought was right in politics.’’ 16 club unless I have to.’’ ‘‘It is your only club,’’ From all accounts, Sherman showed fairness, Sherman rebutted. ‘‘You have other weapons, judicial temperament, and good humor in his ca- but the appointing power is your only club.’’ 18

[ 329 ] JAMES SCHOOLCRAFT SHERMAN

Roosevelt and Taft Split Roosevelt maintained that his candidacy was In January 1910, Taft fired Theodore Roo- directed against Sherman and not against the ad- sevelt’s good friend Gifford Pinchot as head of ministration. He portrayed Sherman as having the U.S. Forest Service, after Pinchot had accused spread the erroneous impression of having Taft’s Taft’s secretary of the interior, Richard Ballinger, support. Yet Sherman remained in close commu- of undermining the conservation program in nication with Taft by telephone throughout the favor of business interests. Sherman strongly New York convention fight, and at one point the backed Taft’s decision, and when a joint congres- president laughed as he told aides, ‘‘They have sional committee was established to investigate defeated Theodore.’’ But Sherman could not the Ballinger-Pinchot controversy, the vice presi- overcome Roosevelt’s immense popularity, and dent made sure to name only Taft supporters to convention delegates voted, 568 to 443, to reject the committee. Not surprisingly, the committee Sherman in favor of Roosevelt. Although Taft exonerated Ballinger, but the incident further di- maintained public neutrality, Sherman’s defeat was widely perceived as a defeat for the vided the Republican party.19 president.22 As the 1910 congressional elections ap- The internal split proved a disaster for the Re- proached, Taft dispatched Vice President Sher- publican party in the 1910 congressional mid- man on a number of political missions. In Wis- term elections. Republicans lost eight seats in the consin, Taft tried to block the renomination of Senate—where insurgents now held the balance the Senate’s leading insurgent, Robert La of power—and lost their majority in the House Follette. Although the state had abandoned party to the Democrats. In the hope of restoring har- nominating conferences in favor of primary elec- mony, Taft invited the leading insurgent sen- tions, conservatives had organized a ‘‘true Re- ators to the White House to discuss patronage. publican meeting.’’ The president sent Sherman All but the implacable La Follette attended. But to bestow the administration’s blessing. Despite these efforts alarmed the party’s conservatives, their efforts, however, La Follette easily won re- who warned that, if Taft embraced the progres- 20 nomination and reelection. sives, the Old Guard might throw their support Sherman then plunged into New York state to Vice President Sherman in 1912. Harmony politics, where Governor Charles Evans Hughes’ was the last thing that the hapless Taft could resignation to become a Supreme Court justice achieve.23 had triggered open warfare between conserv- ative and progressive Republicans. William Death and Defeat Barnes of Albany, who led the party’s Old At first, Senator La Follette emerged as the Guard, selected Vice President Sherman as tem- principal challenger to Taft’s renomination, but porary chairman of the state convention to nomi- when the overworked and exhausted La Follette nate the next governor. But Representative Her- suffered a breakdown in , Theo- bert Parson, the Republican national committee- dore Roosevelt jumped into the race for the Re- man for New York and leader of the party orga- publican nomination. In a series of bitter con- nization in New York City, appealed to former frontations, Roosevelt won the popular pri- president Theodore Roosevelt for help. Roo- maries but Taft retained control of the party ma- sevelt, who had just returned from his long over- chinery that chose a majority of the delegates. In seas journey, was deeply angered over the New York, Sherman’s forces managed to gain 78 Ballinger-Pinchot affair, and dismayed by the in- delegates for Taft, with only 12 for Roosevelt.24 creasingly conservative tendencies of the Taft ad- Denied the nomination, the former president ministration. Roosevelt agreed to run against walked out of the Republican convention to form Sherman for chairman to help insure the nomina- the Progressive (‘‘Bull Moose’’) party. Democrats tion of a progressive candidate for governor and meanwhile had nominated the progressive gov- a more progressive platform.21 ernor of New Jersey, Woodrow Wilson, who be- [ 330 ] JAMES SCHOOLCRAFT SHERMAN came the frontrunner by virtue of the Republican ing the battleship New York, when word came split. that Vice President Sherman had died. He was With Taft’s defeat in the November elections fifty-seven years old. Taft asked the diners to ad- an almost foregone conclusion, the Republican journ in Sherman’s memory and later issued a convention renominated Sherman with little fuss statement that he felt ‘‘a sense of personal be- or attention. He became the first sitting vice reavement in the loss of a friend.’’ Privately, Taft president to be renominated since John C. Cal- fretted that Sherman’s death might dissuade houn, eighty years earlier. New York Repub- people from voting for the ticket. Mrs. Taft con- licans continued to argue that Sherman would sidered Sherman’s death ‘‘very unfortunate’’ bring the most strength to the ticket. In fact, Sher- coming just before the election. ‘‘You have the man was too ill to campaign that year. Since 1904 worst luck,’’ she commiserated with her he had suffered from Bright’s disease, a serious husband.27 kidney ailment. During the long session of the A Deceased Running Mate Senate in 1912, Sherman’s discomfort had been increased by the Senate’s inability to elect a Re- Taft considered naming the progressive gov- publican president pro tempore who might spell ernor of Missouri, Herbert S. Hadley, to replace him as presiding officer. He returned to Utica, Sherman, but members of the national committee where his family doctor diagnosed his condition persuaded the president that it would be poor as dangerous and prescribed rest and relaxation. politics to choose someone who was unlikely to His doctor urged him not even to deliver his carry his own state in the election. So Taft put speech accepting the nomination, at ceremonies off the decision and went into the election with planned for late August. ‘‘You may know all a deceased running mate. It mattered little, since about medicine,’’ Sherman responded, ‘‘but you the Democratic candidate, Woodrow Wilson, don’t know about politics.’’ Sherman went won the presidency with 435 electoral votes; the through with the ceremonies and spoke for half Progressive candidate, Theodore Roosevelt, took an hour. Two days later, his health collapsed, second place with 88 electoral votes; and Taft leaving him bedridden. By mid-September, Sher- came in a dismal third, with only the 8 electoral man felt well enough to travel to Connecticut, votes of Vermont and Utah. In January, the Re- where he checked into an oceanside hotel to re- publican National Committee named another cuperate. When reporters caught up with him New Yorker, Columbia University president and asked why he had avoided campaigning, Nicholas Butler, to fill out the Republican ticket Sherman replied, ‘‘Don’t you think I look like a for purposes of receiving electoral votes, which sick man?’’ 25 were counted on February 12, 1913. Taft’s reelec- His longtime colleague and adversary, Robert tion campaign remains one of the worst defeats La Follette, later noted that ‘‘the hand of death’’ ever suffered by a Republican presidential can- had been upon Sherman throughout his vice- didate (in 1936, tied Taft by winning presidency. ‘‘From the first its shadow went with only 8 electoral votes).28 him in and out of this Chamber, stood over him Various memorial services were held to honor at his desk, followed him down the corridors, the deceased vice president. Senator Elihu Root pursued him to his home. Month after month, paid tribute to Sunny Jim, whose ‘‘smile was al- waking or sleeping, in social cheer or the still ways bright; his fair, ruddy face was always hours of the night, it was his constant compan- glowing with kindly feeling; and the impression ion. Before all others he was the first to know produced by his just and sweet and serene tem- what threatened him.’’ Yet Sherman never al- perament was so strong that the world thought lowed his illness to hamper him. ‘‘He bore an of him as a bright and cheerful man. It was all outward geniality and spirit that dispelled fear real; there was none of it put on.’’ Senator from all his friends.’’ 26 Chauncey Depew commended Sherman’s stead- On October 30, 1912, President Taft was at a fast defense of the protective tariff, ‘‘the fun- dinner at the , after launch- damental principle of all his political career.’’ [ 331 ] JAMES SCHOOLCRAFT SHERMAN

Democratic Senator John Worth Kern, who had century vice president until 1974, when he made lost the vice-presidency to Sherman in 1908, re- an unexpected reappearance in E.L. Doctorow’s called his arrival in the Senate in 1911. Vice Presi- best-selling novel Ragtime. At a climactic mo- dent Sherman had been so anxious to show his ment in the book, Sarah, a black domestic, tried good will that within minutes after Kern had to intercede on behalf of her husband, when Vice taken the oath of office, Sherman invited him to President Sherman attends a campaign rally in take the gavel and preside over the Senate. ‘‘I New Rochelle, New York: protested that I was a stranger, not only to this When the Vice-President’s car, a Packard, body but its procedure,’’ said Kern, rolled up to the curb and the man himself but he insisted, saying, ‘‘It will be only for a few stepped out, a cheer went up. Sunny Jim Sher- minutes and it is for my own pleasure and gratifi- man was a New York State politician with many cation that I ask you to do me this personal friends in Westchester. He was a round balding favor.’’ And from that time on until the last he man and in such ill health that he would not sur- never lost an opportunity to make me feel that vive the campaign. Sarah broke through the line however wide our political differences—and and ran toward him calling, in her confusion, they were irreconcilable—I had in him a friend President! President! Her arm was extended and on whose fidelity I might always rely. her black hand reached toward him. He shrank from the contact. Perhaps in the dark windy Senator Charles Curtis of Kansas, who had evening of impending storm it seemed to Sher- served with Sherman in the House, and who man’s guards that Sarah’s black hand was a would follow him as vice president during Her- weapon. A militiaman stepped forward and, bert Hoover’s administration, described Sher- with the deadly officiousness of armed men who man as a fatherly man: ‘‘He was at once inter- protect the famous, brought the butt of his ested in the things in which you were interested, Springfield against Sarah’s chest as hard as he and immediately took upon himself the cloak of could. She fell. A Secret Service man jumped on helper and adviser. He was thus particularly use- top of her. The Vice-President disappeared into 30 ful and congenial to new Members, and com- the hotel. manded for himself respect and support in ev- That scene, which led to Sarah’s death in the erything he undertook.’’ 29 novel, was entirely fictitious. Sherman simply served as the novelist’s metaphor of an An Unexpected Reappearance unhealthy and unresponsive political system. Al- Despite these eulogies, James Schoolcraft Sher- though perhaps better than total obscurity, it was man quickly disappeared from public memory. not the way ‘‘Sunny Jim’’ would have wanted to He remained the least-remembered twentieth- be remembered.

[ 332 ] NOTES 1 Senate Curator James Ketchum provided the following 9 Chauncey M. Depew, My Memories of Eighty Years (New information in response to the popular belief that Sherman’s York, 1924), pp. 176–77. marble bust was damaged in the 1983 explosion that took 10 Champ Clark, My Quarter Century of American Politics place on the second floor of the Capitol’s Senate wing, adja- (New York, 1920), 2:284–87. cent to the Sherman bust. ‘‘As Bessie Potter Vonnoh began 11 Memorial Addresses, p. 43. working on the translation of her Sherman bust from plaster 12 Henry F. Pringle, The Life and Times of William Howard to marble, she discovered an imperfection near the surface Taft (Norwalk, CT, 1967; reprint of 1939 edition), p. 399; of the stone. She raised her concern about its possible effect Horace Samuel Merrill and Marion Galbraith Merrill, The on the finished piece with the Senate Library Committee. Republican Command, 1897–1913 (Lexington, KY, 1971), p. In response, Chairman Wetmore asked ar- 274. chitect Thomas Hastings (of the firm of Carrere and Hast- 13 Henry L. Stoddard, As I Knew Them: Presidents and Poli- ings) and sculptor James Earle Fraser to look into the matter. tics from Grant to Coolidge (New York, 1927), p. 347. Both agreed that the discoloration on the right cheek was 14 Mrs. William Howard Taft, Recollections of Full Years of little concern. Unfortunately, as the carving progressed, (New York, 1914), p. 345. the dark spot became more apparent. There was little that 15 Merrill and Merrill, pp. 277–98; George E. Mowry, Theo- could be done to minimize it and the work proceeded to dore Roosevelt and the Progressive Movement (New York, completion. After the 1983 bombing of the Capitol, it was 1946), p. 70. erroneously reported that the area in question, located just 16 Memorial Services, pp. 9–10. below Sherman’s glasses, resulted from the explosion. The 17 Ibid., p. 28; Clark, 2:285. bust of J.S. Sherman, including his glasses, survived that 18 Judith Icke Anderson, William Howard Taft, An Intimate bombing unscathed.’’ History (New York, 1981), pp. 132, 187. 2 Memorial Services in Honor of the Memory of the Late James 19 William Manners, TR and Will: A Friendship That Split Schoolcraft Sherman, Vice-President of the United States (New the Republican Party (New York, 1969), pp. 104–23. York, 1913), pp. 12, 34–35. 20 George E. Mowry, The Era of Theodore Roosevelt, 1900– 3 Ibid., pp. 5–6; Samuel W. McCall, The Life of Thomas 1912 (New York, 1958), p. 267; Belle Case La Follette and Brackett Reed (Boston, 1914), p. 164; James Schoolcraft Sher- Fola La Follette, Robert M. La Follette, June 14, 1855–June 18, man, Late Vice President of the United States, Memorial Address- 1925 (New York, 1953), 1:298–99. es Delivered at a Joint Session of the Senate and the House of 21 Stoddard, p. 381. Representatives of the United States, February 15, 1913 (Wash- 22 Elting E. Morison, et al., eds., The Letters of Theodore Roo- ington, 1913), p. 50. sevelt (Cambridge, MA, 1954), 7:116, 140, 147; Henry F. 4 Memorial Addresses, pp. 38–39, 50. Holthusen, James W. Wadsworth, Jr.: A Biographical Sketch 5 Ibid., pp. 21–22. (New York, 1926), pp. 64–65. 6 Ibid., p. 23; Mark Sullivan, Our Times, 1900–1925 (New 23 James Holt, Congressional Insurgents and the Party Sys- York, 1953), 2:521; James Harvey Young, Pure Food: Securing tem, 1910–1916 (Cambridge, MA, 1967), p. 44. the Federal Food and Drugs Act of 1906 (Princeton, NJ, 1989). 24 Holthusen, p. 80. 7 Henry F. Pringle, Theodore Roosevelt, A Biography (New 25 New York Times, September 17, October 31, 1912. York, 1956), p. 318; Philip C. Jessup, Elihu Root (New York, 26 Memorial Services, p. 48. 1938), 2:114–15, 122. 27 New York Times, October 31, 1912; Washington Post, Oc- 8 Arthur Wallace Dunn, From Harrison to Harding: A Per- tober 31, 1912; Manners, p. 289. sonal Narrative, Covering a Third of a Century, 1888–1921 (Port 28 New York Times, November 3, 1912, January 5, 1913. Washington, NY, 1971; reprint of 1922 edition), 2:73, 201; 29 Memorial Services, pp. 14, 19; Memorial Addresses, pp. 44, Arthur Wallace Dunn, Gridiron Nights (New York, 1915), p. 54. 201. 30 E.L. Doctorow, Ragtime (New York, 1974), p. 159.

[ 333 ]

Chapter 28 THOMAS R. MARSHALL 1913–1921

[ 335 ] THOMAS R. MARSHALL Chapter 28 THOMAS R. MARSHALL

28th Vice President: 1913–1921

[I]t has not been the practice for Presidents to throw any of the burdens of their office upon the Vice President. He rules the dignified and at times irascible Senate and reflects upon the inactive char- acter of his job. . . . He has an automobile provided for him . . . but has to buy his own tires, gasoline and supplies. —WASHINGTON EVENING STAR, MARCH 2, 1913 1

Vice President Thomas R. Marshall, who Marshall stopped going after a single session. served two terms with President Woodrow Wil- When asked why, he replied that he realized ‘‘he son from 1913 to 1921, claimed that most of the would not be listened to and hence would be un- ‘‘nameless, unremembered’’ jobs assigned to him able to make any contribution.’’ Marshall simi- had been concocted essentially to keep vice larly attended only one meeting of the Senate presidents from doing any harm to their admin- Democratic Caucus. ‘‘I do not blame proud par- istrations. One of these chores, according to Mar- ents for wishing that their sons might be Presi- shall, was that of regent of the Smithsonian Insti- dent of the United States,’’ he later said. ‘‘But if tution. The vice president recalled that at his first I sought a blessing for a boy I would not pray board meeting the other regents, including the that he become Vice-President.’’ 3 chief justice of the United States and the inventor Woodrow Wilson, a supremely self-confident , discussed funding an intellectual, regarded Marshall as a ‘‘small-cali- expedition to Guatemala to excavate for traces of ber man’’ and had not wanted him on his ticket prehistoric man. With the breezy manner of a in 1912.4 During their eight years together, Wil- self-described ‘‘light-hearted Hoosier,’’ Marshall son undoubtedly made Marshall feel uncomfort- asked if the Smithsonian had ever considered ex- able. The editor White once de- cavating in Washington, D.C. Judging from the scribed presenting a proposal to Wilson at the specimens walking about on the street, he said, White House. Wilson ‘‘parried and countered they would not have to dig far below the capital quickly, as one who had heard the argument I to discover prehistoric man. ‘‘And then the utter would present and was punctiliously impatient. uselessness and frivolity of the vice-presidency He presented another aspect of the case and was disclosed,’’ Marshall confessed, ‘‘for not a outtalked me, agreeing in nothing. I could not man smiled. It was a year before I had courage tell how much he assimilated.’’ 5 For a more inse- to open my mouth again.’’ 2 cure man like Marshall, such a response must This typically self-deprecating story revealed have been excruciating. Convinced that the much about Marshall’s lamentable vice-presi- president and other high-ranking officials did dency. His feelings of inadequacy in both himself not take him seriously enough to listen to him, and the position he held were reflected again in Marshall learned not to speak, not to attend his reaction to an invitation from President Wil- meetings, and not to offer suggestions. He be- son to attend cabinet meetings. Vice President came the epitome of the vice president as non- [ 337 ] THOMAS R. MARSHALL entity. But this condition moved from comedy to An Indiana Democrat tragedy when President Wilson suffered a para- Marshall came from a traditionally Democratic lytic stroke in 1919. Faced with the crisis of hav- family who traced their political roots back to the ing to determine whether the president was able age of Andrew Jackson. Marshall himself was al- to fulfill the duties of his office, Marshall failed ways a regular party man. In 1876 he became sec- miserably. retary of the Democratic County Convention and spoke for many Democratic candidates. In 1880 A Man of Contradictions he lost an election for prosecuting attorney. For Thomas Riley Marshall had been little known years that defeat dissuaded him from campaign- outside his home town of Columbia City, Indi- ing for office. Although he became a member of ana, before he was elected governor in 1908. Born the Democratic State Central Committee, he did in Indiana on March 14, 1854, he was the only not run again until 1908, when he sought the child of a country doctor and his sickly wife. Democratic nomination for governor. When the After moving to Illinois and Kansas for Mrs. frontrunning candidates eliminated each other Marshall’s health, the family returned to Indiana from the race, Marshall won the nomination. He where Thomas attended Wabash College. From campaigned against Republican Representative his youth he intended to become a lawyer and James ‘‘Sunny Jim’’ Watson, who would later be- spent many of his Saturdays in the courtroom lis- come Senate majority leader. Marshall was elect- tening to such prominent Indiana lawyer-politi- ed governor that year, even though in the presi- cians as Benjamin Harrison, Thomas Hendricks, dential election Republican William Howard and Daniel Voorhees—who became president, Taft carried Indiana against William Jennings vice president, and senator, respectively. Mar- Bryan, whose vice-presidential candidate, John shall read law and went into practice in Colum- W. Kern, was a Hoosier. It was the first time that bia City. In his early years he was a hard-drink- Indiana Democrats had won the governorship ing man, who ‘‘wanted a barrel, not a drink.’’ His since 1896.8 intemperance persisted for years, and he often The ‘‘boss’’ of the at appeared hung over in court. A seemingly con- that time was the Irish-born , firmed bachelor, he lived with his mother until owner of a nationally famous hotel, health resort, her death. Shortly thereafter, however, at the age and gambling casino at French Lick, Indiana.9 of forty-one, he married Lois Kimsey, a deputy After William Jennings Bryan’s two unsuccessful in the office of her father, the county clerk in campaigns for president in 1896 and 1900, Tom nearby Angola, Indiana. After several difficult Taggart had helped the anti-Bryan Democrats years, his wife persuaded him to stop drinking, and regular machine organizations to nominate and after 1898 he never touched another alco- the more conservative Judge Alton B. Parker for holic beverage.6 president in 1904. Taggart managed Parker’s Marshall’s biographer, Charles M. Thomas, campaign as Democratic party national summarized the contradictions of his subject’s chairman. personality: Bryan recaptured the Democratic nomination He was prior to 1898, a most pronounced drinker in 1908, but Taggart, a national committeeman, and at the same time a leader in the church and had enough influence in the party to ensure the a temperance lecturer. He was inconsistent, yet choice of Indiana’s John Worth Kern for vice he was trusted. He was a fundamentalist in reli- president. In 1912 Taggart went to the Demo- gion, yet not sectarian [that is, not intolerant]. He was enjoyed as the biggest wit in town, yet his cratic convention with similar plans to recognize judgment was respected by those who knew him, Indiana Democrats by winning the second spot and his leadership was accepted. His later politi- for the governor, who could not succeed himself cal career proves that, despite his conflicting in the statehouse. A conventional, middle-of-the- traits, there was something in his character which road politician, Marshall as governor had been made men like him.7 neither in Taggart’s pocket nor much identified [ 338 ] THOMAS R. MARSHALL with his party’s more progressive wing. But Indi- bernatorial messages to the Indiana legislature, ana was a pivotal state, carried by every winning Marshall had no legislative experience. He as- presidential candidate since 1880. Moreover, sumed that as presiding officer of the Senate he having Marshall on the national ticket would had some authority, but it did not take him long help state Democrats elect the machine’s new to discover ‘‘that the Senate was not only a self- candidate for governor. governing body but that it was a quite willful set Tom Taggart disliked New Jersey Governor of men, who had not the slightest hesitancy in Woodrow Wilson, whom progressive Democrats overruling a presiding officer.’’ Marshall and his were supporting. Instead Taggart hoped for the wife also found that they were invited every- nomination of House Speaker Champ Clark. But where to social functions in Washington. After the party boss was shrewd enough to keep Indi- a while, however, he decided that these invita- ana’s 29 votes united for Marshall as their ‘‘fa- tions were less out of respect for him and his of- vorite son,’’ until he could determine how to use fice, than Washington’s efforts to ‘‘size up’’ a them to the best advantage. The Democratic con- new man under the microscope. With whatever vention required a two-thirds vote to nominate illusions he might have had about his office a presidential candidate. On the first ballot, Clark quickly dispelled, Marshall came to agree with had 440 delegates to Wilson’s 324. Despite his the early senator who had suggested that Vice majority of votes, Clark peaked on the tenth bal- President John Adams be titled ‘‘His Superfluous lot. On the fourteenth ballot, William Jennings Excellency.’’ 11 Bryan endorsed Wilson. Sensing the way the A slight, bespectacled man, with his hat wind was blowing, Taggart on the twenty-eighth pushed back on his head, a pipe or cigar always ballot gave all of Marshall’s delegates to Wilson, ready in his hand, Marshall knew that he ‘‘was who went on to win the nomination on the forty- too small to look dignified in a Prince Albert sixth ballot. Wilson would have preferred Ala- coat,’’ and so he continued his ordinary manner bama Representative Oscar W. Underwood for of dress. ‘‘He is calm and serene and small; mild, vice president, but when Underwood declined, quiet, simple and old-fashioned,’’ as one Indiana Taggart clinched the nomination for Governor writer described him. ‘‘His hair is gray and so Marshall. As for Marshall, he had hoped that the is his mustache. His clothes are gray and so is frontrunning Wilson and Clark would eliminate his tie. He has a cigar tucked beneath the mus- each other, giving him the presidential nomina- tache and his gray fedora hat shades his gray tion as the darkhorse candidate. When awarded eyes.’’ Another observer characterized Mar- the vice-presidential nomination instead, Mar- shall’s voice as ‘‘musical, pleasant in tone, and shall’s first inclination was to decline on the . . . sufficient for stump-speaking out of doors, ground that the job did not pay enough. But Mrs. altho you wouldn’t think it to hear its soft notes 12 Marshall had always wanted to go to Washing- in conversation.’’ ton, and her tears of disappointment convinced In later years, President Franklin D. Roosevelt him to change his mind and accept. In a multi- loved to tell the story of Vice President Mar- candidate race, the Democratic ticket won with shall’s arrival aboard the cruiser San Diego, an- 435 electoral votes to 88 for Theodore Roosevelt’s chored off the Panama-Pacific Industrial Expo- ‘‘Bull Moose’’ ticket and only a meager 8 for Re- sition, that took place in 1915 in San Francisco. publican William Howard Taft.10 As assistant secretary of the navy, FDR had de- signed the first vice-presidential flag, which was Vice President flown when Marshall came on board. Appar- Thomas R. Marshall went to Washington ently, the vice president had not been instructed ‘‘with the feeling that the American people might about naval etiquette. He came up the gangplank have made a mistake in setting me down in the in the formal attire that the occasion required: company of all the wise men in the land.’’ His silk hat, frock coat, gloves, and cane, and his job as vice president required him to preside ever-present cigar. When the band struck up the over the Senate, but other than delivering his gu- ‘‘Star Spangled Banner,’’ the vice president ‘‘real- [ 339 ] THOMAS R. MARSHALL ized his predicament,’’ shifted the cane from Serving under a vigorous and innovative right hand to left, took the cigar out of his mouth, president, Marshall had difficulty determining got the hat off his head and saluted. But when his own role. Woodrow Wilson broke tradition the first gun went off: ‘‘the whole works went in April 1913 by personally coming to the Capitol two feet into the air.’’ After the hat, gloves, cane to address a joint session one day and the next and cigar were retrieved, Marshall tried to shake by visiting the President’s Room outside the Sen- hands with the first saluting sailor he ap- ate chamber to lobby senators in support of his proached. ‘‘By that time,’’ Roosevelt recalled, tariff proposals. It was clear that the president ‘‘the Admiral and I had sprinted across the deck intended to be his own lobbyist on Capitol Hill and rescued the Vice President.’’ Later at the ex- and had no particular use for his vice president. position, Roosevelt and Marshall watched a mo- Marshall quickly ascertained that he was ‘‘of no tion picture that included the scene aboard the importance to the administration beyond the cruiser. ‘‘My God,’’ said Marshall, ‘‘if I looked duty of being loyal to it and ready, at any time, like that I will never go on board another ship to act as a sort of pinch hitter; that is, when ev- as long as I live!’’ 13 erybody else on the team had failed, I was to be given a chance.’’ Marshall was probably also Witty but Overshadowed aware of Wilson’s belittling comments about the vice-presidency in his 1885 book Congressional From these descriptions, it is not surprising Government. The position, Wilson the scholar of that Vice President Marshall gained a reputation government declared, ‘‘is one of anomalous in- as a rustic provincial. He also won notice for his significance and curious uncertainty,’’ whose folksy stories and down-home wit. In those days chief importance ‘‘consists in the fact that he may the Capitol guides escorted visitors through the cease to be Vice President.’’ 16 corridor behind the Senate chamber. Whenever Although both men had served as Democratic the vice president left the door to his office open, governors and both were Calvinist Pres- he could hear the guides pointing him out as if byterians, Wilson and Marshall in fact had little he were a curiosity. One day he went to the door in common. Marshall had considered himself a and said, ‘‘If you look on me as a wild animal, progressive governor of his state, but the presi- be kind enough to throw peanuts at me.’’ Seek- dent and his closest advisers looked upon him ing more space and more privacy, Marshall re- as a conservative. The White House rarely con- quested and received an office in the recently sulted him, and many months often elapsed be- opened Senate Office Building, where he could tween meetings of the president and vice presi- 14 ‘‘put his feet on the desk and smoke.’’ dent. Marshall loyally supported Wilson’s pro- Compared with the president, or even the gram but was by nature too iconoclastic to em- Speaker of the House, Vice President Marshall brace wholeheartedly Wilson’s idealism. For in- could boast few perquisites of office. He had to stance, the vice president never reconciled him- share his small quarters in the Capitol with a sec- self to child labor laws or woman suffrage. Cer- retary and stenographer. His $12,000 annual sal- tainly Marshall lacked Wilson’s imagination and ary compared poorly with the president’s determination, two qualities that the vice presi- $75,000 stipend, and he lacked travel and hous- dent admired greatly in his chief executive. ing allowances. Awarded an automobile and a ‘‘Whether you may like Woodrow Wilson, or $1,000-per-year chauffeur, Marshall had to fi- not, is beside the point,’’ Marshall wrote, ‘‘this nance auto repairs from his personal resources. one thing you will be compelled to accord him: Each of the recent vice presidents had accepted he had ideas and he had the courage to express from the Senate a solid silver inkstand as a me- them. He desired things done, and he had the mento of their office, but Vice President James nerve to insist on their being done.’’ 17 Sherman had declined the honor, leaving Mar- Even in the Senate, Marshall was over- shall to wrestle with the inevitable questions of shadowed by his two fellow Indianans, both pro- propriety.15 gressive Democrats. Indiana’s senior senator was [ 340 ] THOMAS R. MARSHALL

Benjamin Shively, whom Marshall described as for which Thomas R. Marshall is remembered ‘‘one of the finest specimens of physical man- today. But historian John E. Brown has traced the hood in the Senate—tall, commanding, of strik- quotation back to the Indiana newspaper car- ing appearance, and his brain was as large as his toonist Kin Hubbard, who put the words in the body.’’ Shively was also ‘‘a great orator, and a mouth of his popular character ‘‘ Martin.’’ great logician, and when he spoke his words As a fan of the cartoon strip, Marshall simply commanded careful consideration.’’ The junior picked up the phrase, repeated it, and became senator from Indiana was John Worth Kern, its surrogate father.21 chairman of the Democratic caucus and floor In 1916, the Democratic Convention renomi- leader for Wilson’s New Freedom program. Kern nated Wilson and Marshall. Wilson gave little in- was ‘‘strong in debate, gentle as a woman in his dication whether he wanted to retain or replace relations with his fellow-men, full of good ways Marshall. In late 1915, Arizona Senator Henry F. and good works.’’ The majority leader had ‘‘a Ashurst had learned of a plan to ‘‘ditch’’ Mar- weakness for the telling of stories, and he told shall from the ticket and had called on the presi- them in an inimitable way.’’ 18 dent to endorse Marshall for a second term, but Correspondent Louis Ludlow, who covered Wilson simply replied: ‘‘I have a very high re- Washington for various Indiana newspapers, gard for Vice-President Marshall and I wish you rated Marshall highly for his irrepressible wit. would tell him so.’’ When the senator pressed Marshall’s funny remarks ‘‘at the expense of the harder, asking if he could say that President Wil- Senate’s dignity’’ had at first shocked the older son was for Marshall’s renomination, Wilson and more staid senators, ‘‘but out in the cloak- ‘‘gurgled out’’ a positive response. Nevertheless, room they would laugh over his sayings until Secretary of War Newton Baker had the strong their sides ached.’’ Marshall described the Senate impression that the president would have pre- as ‘‘the Cave of Winds’’ and used humor to belit- ferred him for a running mate. Meanwhile, Mar- tle ‘‘the idols of clay’’ that populated it.19 Presi- shall had increased his income by giving numer- dent Wilson apparently enjoyed hearing Mar- ous after-dinner talks on the lecture circuit shall’s stories and often repeated them at cabinet whenever Congress was not in session and had meetings and dinner parties. But Wilson’s close made himself a nationally popular figure. With confidant, Colonel Edward House, believed that a difficult reelection campaign ahead, the Demo- Marshall’s wit diminished his standing as a seri- crats hesitated to drop the well-liked (if not nec- ous statesman and made him appear just a jester. essarily well-respected) vice president from the ‘‘An unfriendly fairy godmother presented him ticket. In November, Wilson and Marshall won with a keen sense of humor,’’ House commented. a narrow victory over the Republican ticket of 20 ‘‘Nothing is more fatal in politics.’’ Charles Evans Hughes and Charles Fairbanks Ironically, Vice President Marshall did not de- (also from Indiana—which went Republican in serve authorship of his most famous quip about the election). Marshall became the first vice ‘‘a good five-cent cigar.’’ Although there are president since John C. Calhoun, almost a cen- many versions of this story, the most often re- tury earlier, to be reelected to a second term.22 peated alleges that Kansas Senator Joseph Bristow had been making a long-winded speech A Stressful Second Term with the repeated refrain ‘‘What this country Marshall’s second term proved difficult and needs—’’ causing the vice president to lean over stressful. In April 1917, the United States entered and whisper to one of the Senate clerks: ‘‘Bristow the First World War, joining the allied forces hasn’t hit it yet. What this country needs is a against Germany. Marshall spent much of the good five-cent cigar.’’ Newspapers repeated the war speaking at rallies to sell Liberty bonds. Vic- quote and cigar makers gratefully showered the tory on the battlefield then thrust the United vice president with their products. Immortalized States into the negotiations to end the war and in every dictionary of quotations, the ‘‘five-cent determine the future of Europe and the world. cigar’’ quote remains just about the only thing On December 4, 1918, President Wilson sailed for [ 341 ] THOMAS R. MARSHALL

France to negotiate the peace treaty. Except for He asked me if I could give him the real facts, the few days between and March 5, which I was unable to do. . . . The Vice President 1919, Wilson remained out of the country until expressed the view that he ought immediately to July, after the Treaty of Versailles had been be informed; that it would be a tragedy for him signed. During Wilson’s unprecedented long ab- to assume the duties of President, at best; and that it would be equally a tragedy for the people; sences from the United States, he designated that he knew many men who knew more about Vice President Marshall to preside over cabinet the affairs of the government than he did; and meetings in his place. The request startled Mar- that it would be especially trying for him if he shall, but he complied gamely. On December 10, had to assume the duty without warning.25 1918, he presided over the cabinet for the first Tumulty eventually sent word to Marshall time, and Navy Secretary re- through a friendly intermediary, Baltimore Sun corded in his diary that Marshall ‘‘was bright & correspondent J. Fred Essary, that the president’s full of jest.’’ However, a photograph taken of him condition was so grave that he might die at any presiding showed a man trying to look resolute time. A stunned Marshall sat absolutely speech- but appearing decidedly uncomfortable. As less. ‘‘It was the first great shock of my life,’’ he Louis Ludlow noted: ‘‘This was the first instance later told Essary. Still, he could not bring himself in history when a President showed an inclina- to act, or to do anything that might seem ambi- tion to make a real use of his spare tire.’’ 23 tious or disloyal to his president. It was Secretary Marshall presided only briefly over the cabi- of State rather than Vice Presi- net, withdrawing after a few sessions on the dent Marshall who determined to call cabinet grounds that the vice president could not main- meetings in the president’s absence. Without the tain a confidential relationship with both the ex- participation of either the president or vice presi- ecutive and legislative branches. Still, he had es- dent, the cabinet met regularly between October tablished the precedent of presiding over the 1919 and February 1920, presided over by Sec- cabinet during the president’s absence, making retary of State Lansing, or in his absence, Sec- it particularly difficult to understand why he retary of the Treasury . When Wil- failed to carry out that same duty in October son recovered sufficiently, he fired Lansing for 1919, after Wilson suffered a paralytic stroke. Ini- attempting to ‘‘oust’’ him from office by calling tially, Wilson’s wife Edith, his personal physi- these meetings. Wilson, who was never himself cian Admiral Cary Grayson, and his secretary Joe after his stroke, argued that these meetings held Tumulty, kept the vice president, the cabinet, no purpose since no cabinet decisions could be and the nation in the dark over the severity of made without the president. Yet Wilson himself Wilson’s illness. Noting with understatement had sanctioned the cabinet meetings over which that the eighteen months of Wilson’s illness were Marshall had presided a year earlier. If nothing ‘‘not pleasant’’ for him, Marshall recalled that the else, for the cabinet to hold regular meetings at standing joke of the country was that ‘‘the only least assured the American public that their gov- business of the vice-president is to ring the White ernment continued to function.26 House bell every morning and ask what is the The Constitution declares that the vice presi- state of health of the president.’’ In fact, Marshall dent could assume the duties of president in case was admittedly afraid to ask about Wilson’s of the president’s ‘‘Inability to discharge the health, for fear that people would accuse him of Powers and Duties of the said Office,’’ but until 24 ‘‘longing for his place.’’ the Twenty-fifth Amendment was adopted in Secretary of Agriculture David Houston met 1967, the Constitution said absolutely nothing Marshall while lunching at the Shoreham Hotel, about how he should do it.27 Marshall was clear- and recorded in his memoirs: ly in a difficult situation. As editor Henry L. The Vice President was evidently much dis- Stoddard observed, ‘‘Wilson’s resentment of turbed and expressed regret that he was being Lansing’s activities is proof that Vice President kept in the dark about the President’s condition. Marshall would have had to lay siege to the [ 342 ] THOMAS R. MARSHALL

White House, had he assumed the Presi- should he assert his claim to the presidency, dency.’’ 28 The eminent historian of American di- Thomas R. Marshall never sought to fill Wood- plomacy Thomas A. Bailey noted that President row Wilson’s place. His years in Washington had Wilson ‘‘clung to his office, without the power convinced him that he desired the good will of to lead actively and sure-footedly, but with others rather than the ‘‘pomp or power’’ of the unimpaired power to obstruct.’’ In his classic presidency. Rather than act as president, or even study of Wilson’s handling of the Treaty of Ver- preside over cabinet meetings, Marshall con- sailles, Bailey speculated that if Wilson had died tented himself with replacing Wilson as ‘‘official rather than been incapacitated by his stroke, the host’’ for the many visiting European royalty results would have been far more positive, and and other dignitaries who came to Washington that Wilson’s historical reputation would have to offer thanks for American assistance during eclipsed even Abraham Lincoln as a martyr. Had the First World War.31 By shrinking from a dis- Wilson died, the Senate might well have been tasteful duty, Marshall gave himself peace of shamed into action on the . mind but deprived the nation of whatever lead- ‘‘Much of the partisanship would have faded, be- ership he might have offered in trying times. cause Wilson as a third-term threat would be Marshall himself told the story of riding on a gone, and Vice President Marshall, a small-bored train behind a man and a woman who were dis- Hoosier, was not to be feared,’’ wrote Bailey: cussing the news that President Wilson had re- Marshall of course would have been President moved Secretary of State Lansing for holding for seventeen months. Having presided over the cabinet meetings. ‘‘Why what else could Mr. Senate for more than six years, and knowing the Lansing have done?’’ the woman asked. ‘‘Here temper of that body, he probably would have rec- the President was sick. A lot of big questions had ognized the need for compromise, and probably to be talked over and there was the Vice Presi- would have worked for some reconciliation of the Democratic and Republicans points of view. dent, who doesn’t amount to anything. The only In these circumstances it seems altogether rea- thing Mr. Lansing could do, I tell you, was to sonable to suppose that the Senate would have call these Cabinet meetings, and I think he did approved the treaty with a few relatively minor the right thing.’’ Said Marshall, ‘‘There you have reservations.29 it in a nutshell. The woman was right. I don’t 32 Indeed, Marshall presided over the Senate dur- amount to anything.’’ ing the ‘‘long and weary months’’ of debate on Although Thomas Marshall publicly hinted the Treaty of Versailles. Although he stood loy- that he would accept the Democratic nomination ally with the president, he believed that some for president in 1920, few delegates outside of In- compromise would be necessary and tried un- diana cast any votes for him. Instead, Democrats successfully to make the White House under- nominated James M. Cox and Franklin D. Roo- stand. ‘‘I have sometimes thought that great men sevelt, who lost overwhelmingly to the Repub- are the bane of civilization,’’ Marshall later wrote lican ticket of Warren G. Harding and Calvin in his memoirs, in a passage about the clash be- Coolidge. Marshall left office as vice president in tween Woodrow Wilson and Senator Henry March 1921 and returned to Indiana. He died Cabot Lodge: ‘‘[T]hey are the real cause of all the while visiting Washington on , 1925, at age bitterness and contention which amounts to any- seventy-one. In 1922 President Harding had ap- thing in the world. Pride of opinion and author- pointed him to serve on the Federal Coal Com- ship, and jealousy of the opinion and authorship mission to settle labor troubles in the coal mines, of others wreck many a fair hope.’’ 30 but otherwise Marshall insisted he had retired. Despite assurances from members of both par- ‘‘I don’t want to work,’’ he said. ‘‘[But] I ties in Congress that they would support him wouldn’t mind being Vice President again.’’ 33

[ 343 ] NOTES 1 ‘‘Vice President Marshall Has Fallen Into a Big Job With 16 Marshall, p. 233; Woodrow Wilson, Congressional Gov- Little Work, Many Peculiar Customs and Much Social ernment: A Study in American Politics (Baltimore, 1981; re- Strain,’’ Washington Evening Star, March 2, 1913, part 4, p. print of 1885 edition), p. 162. 6. 17 Brown, pp. 157–59, 171; Daniels, pp. 552–53; Thomas, 2 Thomas R. Marshall, Recollections of Thomas R. Marshall, pp. 142–44; Marshall, p. 241. Vice-President and Hoosier Philosopher: A Hoosier Salad (Indi- 18 Marshall, pp. 292–93. anapolis, 1925), pp. 16–18. 19 Louis Ludlow, From Cornfield to Press Gallery; Adven- 3 Ray Stannard Baker, Woodrow Wilson, Life and Letters tures and Reminiscences of a Veteran Washington Correspondent (Garden City, N.Y., 1931), 4:104–9; and Daniel C. Roper, (Washington, DC, 1924), pp. 311–15. Fifty Years of Public Life (Durham, NC, 1941); John E. Brown, 20 Thomas, p. 153. ‘‘Woodrow Wilson’s Vice President: Thomas R. Marshall 21 Ludlow, pp. 313–14; Brown, pp. 188–93. and the Wilson Administration, 1913–1921’’ (Ph.D. disserta- 22 George F. Sparks, A Many-Colored Toga: The Diary of tion, Ball State University, 1970), p. 216. Henry Fountain Ashurst (Tucson, AZ, 1962), pp. 42–43; 4 Charles M. Thomas, Thomas Riley Marshall, Hoosier Thomas, pp. 234–36. Statesman (Oxford, OH, 1939), p. 129. 23 E. David Cronon, ed., The Cabinet Diaries of Josephus 5 William Allen White, The Autobiography of William Allen Daniels, 1913–1921 (Lincoln, NE, 1963), p. 354; Ludlow, p. White (New York, 1946), pp. 615–16. 301. 6 Thomas, pp. 27–28; Marshall, p. 96. 24 Daniels, p. 558; Marshall, p. 368. 7 Thomas, p. 35. 25 David F. Houston, Eight Years With Wilson’s Cabinet, 8 Ibid., pp. 40–55. 1913 to 1920 (Garden City, NY, 1926), pp. 36–38. 9 Indianapolis News, March 6, 1929. 26 Thomas, p. 207; see also Herbert Hoover, The Ordeal of 10 Josephus Daniels, The Wilson Era: Years of Peace, 1910– Woodrow Wilson (Baltimore, 1992; reprint of 1958 edition), 1917 (Chapel Hill, NC, 1944), p. 550; Thomas, pp. 112–39; pp. 270–78; Robert H. Farrell, Ill-Advised: Presidential Health Brown, p. 146; Congressional Quarterly’s Guide to U.S. Elec- and Public Trust (Columbia, MO, 1992), p. 16. tions, 3d ed. (Washington, DC, 1994), p. 390. The 1912 elec- 27 See , One Heartbeat Away: Presidential Disabil- tion is also discussed in Chapter 25 of this volume, ‘‘Theo- ity and Succession (Indianapolis, 1968). dore Roosevelt,’’, p. 306, and Chapter 27, ‘‘James Schoolcraft 28 Henry L. Stoddard, As I Knew Them: Presidents and Poli- Sherman,’’ pp. 330–31. tics from Grant to Coolidge (New York, 1927), pp. 539–47. 11 Marshall, pp. 221–25, 229. 29 Thomas A. Bailey, Woodrow Wilson and the Great Betrayal 12 Ibid., p. 233; Brown, pp. 50–51. (New York, 1945), pp. 137–38. 13 Brown, pp. 250–51. 30 Marshall, pp. 363–64. 14 Marshall, p. 230; Thomas, p. 141; Washington Evening 31 Ibid., p. 368. Star, March 2, 1913, part 4, p. 6; March 4, 1913, p. 1; and 32 Brown, pp. 418–19. March 6, 1913, ‘‘Senate takes day off.’’ 33 Ludlow, p. 312. 15 Washington Evening Star, March 2, 1913, part 4, p. 6.

[ 344 ] Chapter 29 CALVIN COOLIDGE 1921–1923

[ 345 ] CALVIN COOLIDGE Chapter 29 CALVIN COOLIDGE

29th Vice President: 1921–1923

If the Vice-President is a man of discretion and character so that he can be relied upon to act as a subordinate in that position, he should be invited to sit with the Cabinet, although some of the Senators, wishing to be the only advisers of the President, do not look on that proposal with favor. —CALVIN COOLIDGE

Calvin Coolidge came to the vice-presidency when he was just twelve years old, and he was from the governorship of Massachusetts, but he raised by his father, Colonel John Coolidge, a tal- was at heart a Vermonter. Born in Vermont on ented jack-of-all-trades, who ran a general store the Fourth of July 1872, he died in Vermont sixty- and farmed, as well as serving as justice of the one years later, on January 5, 1933. During the peace and a member of the state legislature. For years between, he lived most of his adult life in all these accomplishments, Colonel Coolidge Massachusetts and worked out of the statehouse was not a man who could express his emotions in Boston but never identified with Back Bay so- openly, and one senses from reading Calvin Coo- ciety. ‘‘I come from Boston,’’ a lady once identi- lidge’s Autobiography that he spent much of his fied herself to him when he was president. ‘‘Yes, life trying to earn his father’s respect and ap- and you’ll never get over it,’’ Coolidge replied proval. As Coolidge later noted, ‘‘A lot of people dryly. One of Coolidge’s first biographers, in Plymouth can’t understand how I got to be Claude Fuess, identified him as the archetypical President, least of all my father!’’ 2 Yankee, ‘‘with his wiry, nervous body, his la- conic speech, his thrift, his industry, his conserv- A Shy Politician ative distrust of foreigners and innovations, and A painfully shy boy, Coolidge would go into his native dignity.’’ This dour, taciturn man a panic at the sound of a stranger’s voice in the served eight years as vice president and presi- house. Writing in a letter to a friend years later, dent during the ‘‘,’’ an era re- he recalled that when visitors would sit with his membered for its speakeasies, flappers, and any- parents in the kitchen, he found it difficult to go thing-goes attitudes. Calvin Coolidge, as journal- in and greet them. ‘‘I was almost ten before I re- ist William Allen White aptly recorded, was ‘‘A alized I couldn’t go on that way. And by fighting Puritan in Babylon.’’ 1 hard I used to manage to get through that door. I’m all right with old friends, but every time I Youth meet a stranger, I’ve got to get through the old Calvin Coolidge grew up in the bucolic setting kitchen door, back home, and it’s not easy.’’ 3 of rural Vermont in the late nineteenth century. Shortly after his mother died, Coolidge es- He was a slight, red-headed, blue-eyed boy caped from the drudgery of farm work to attend whose decided nasal twang was made worse by the Black River Academy in Ludlow, Vermont, numerous childhood allergies until it gave his his ‘‘first great adventure,’’ which he described voice a quacking sound. His invalid mother died as ‘‘a complete break with the past.’’ His parents [ 347 ] CALVIN COOLIDGE and a grandmother had attended the school on your own committee work than to be bother- briefly, but Coolidge embraced schoolwork more ing with any bills of your own. . . . See that the thoroughly, going on to Amherst as the first bills you recommend from your committee are so member of his family to attend college. He did worded that they will do just what they intend well enough to be chosen one of the three com- and not a great deal more that is undesirable. Most bills can’t stand that kind of test.7 mencement speakers at his graduation, assigned to deliver the ‘‘grove oration,’’ which was to de- A Return to Conservatism scribe the class members in a witty and humor- Coolidge began his ascendancy in statewide ous manner. Coolidge later related that he politics at a time when the Massachusetts Repub- learned from the experience ‘‘that making fun of lican party was still divided between conserv- people in a public way was not a good method atives and progressives. In 1912, Theodore Roo- to secure friends, or likely to lead to much sevelt had walked out of the Republican party advancement.’’ 4 and campaigned for president on the ticket of the After college he read law with the firm of Progressive (‘‘Bull Moose’’) party. In that elec- Hammond and Field in Northampton, Massa- tion, the Republican nominee, William Howard chusetts, before joining the bar in 1897. Politi- Taft, had come in a distant third behind the more cally a conservative Republican, Coolidge had progressive candidacies of Roosevelt and Wood- marched in a torchlight parade for Benjamin row Wilson. Coolidge was far from comfortable Harrison’s unsuccessful reelection campaign in with the reform politicians and muckraking 1892 and wrote letters to the local papers in sup- magazines of the era. ‘‘It appeared to me in Janu- port of William McKinley’s election in 1896. In ary, 1914, that a spirit of prevailed December 1898 he won his first election to the which unless checked was likely to prove very Northampton city council, an unsalaried job that destructive,’’ he later wrote. ‘‘It consisted of the he saw primarily as a means of making useful claim in general that in some way the govern- contacts for his law practice. He was then elected ment was to be blamed because everybody was city solicitor, a post that paid six hundred dollars not prosperous.’’ He believed that progressive annually, which he believed would make him a reforms and ‘‘unsound legislative proposals’’ better lawyer. Next came election to the Massa- would destroy business and that the country chusetts house of representatives, and appoint- needed ‘‘a restoration of confidence in our insti- ment to its judiciary committee, which he again tutions and in each other, on which economic considered more in terms of promoting himself progress might rest.’’ Fittingly, Coolidge’s first as a lawyer than as a politician. He ran for mayor address as president of the state senate appealed of Northampton, ‘‘thinking the honor would be ‘‘to the conservative spirit of the people.’’ 8 one that would please my father, advance me in Coolidge correctly anticipated the shift in pub- my profession, and enable me to be of some pub- lic opinion. Even before the First World War, a lic service.’’ As a local office, it would not ‘‘inter- conservative reaction to the progressive era was fere seriously with my work.’’ 5 apparent as voters grew tired of political cru- Coolidge always insisted that he never sades. In 1914, an economic recession that was planned his political career. He meant only ‘‘to especially severe on the East Coast also hurt pro- 6 be ready to take advantage of opportunities.’’ gressive candidates. Conservative challengers ar- In 1911 he ran for the state senate and soon be- gued that more laws and more regulations came its president, a role that took him from would only mean more taxes. In one sign of the local to statewide office. Coolidge summed up changing atmosphere, when the first direct elec- his philosophy as a legislator in a letter to his fa- tions for U.S. senators were held in 1914, pro- ther upon the elder Coolidge’s election to the gressive candidates went down to defeat. Con- Vermont Senate: servative Republicans swept the field in many It is much more important to kill bad bills than states, reducing the Democratic majorities in to pass good ones, and better to spend your time both the Senate and House. Most symbolically, [ 348 ] CALVIN COOLIDGE the staunchly conservative Senator His photograph appeared on the front pages of of Pennsylvania beat one of the nation’s most newspapers nationwide, and thousands of tele- prominent progressives, Gifford Pinchot. ‘‘The grams and letters poured in to congratulate him. most curious part,’’ Pinchot confessed, ‘‘is that There was talk of running Calvin Coolidge for no one seemed to know in advance that we were president in 1920.11 to be beaten and certainly no one thought the de- The Coolidge Phenomenon feat would be so complete.’’ 9 Calvin Coolidge’s fortunes rose as those of the New York Times correspondent Charles Willis progressives fell. In 1915 he was elected lieuten- Thompson was among the many journalists curi- ant governor, and on January 1, 1919, he was in- ous about this new phenomenon. Thompson augurated as governor of Massachusetts. Before noted that Coolidge began making political that year was out, unexpected events had made speeches outside of Massachusetts but not in him one of the most famous and admired men such likely places as Chicago and New York. In- in the country. ‘‘No doubt it was the police strike stead, Coolidge went to Oregon and to the Rocky of Boston that brought me into national promi- , and his speeches were always nence. That furnished the occasion and I took ad- on nonpolitical themes. ‘‘Each one of these non- vantage of the opportunity,’’ Coolidge wrote political speeches had in it that quality of arrest; with characteristic understatement in his there was something in it, unpretentious as it Autobiography.10 was as a whole, that made you stop and think,’’ Boston’s police force was badly underpaid and Thompson observed. ‘‘There was nothing spec- overworked. As a legislator, Coolidge had tacular about him yet, or ever.’’ The 1920 Repub- achieved a reasonably favorable record toward lican convention opened in Chicago with many labor, and as governor he tried unsuccessfully to candidates and no clear frontrunner. The real persuade the legislature to improve the police- story was not in the primaries or in the main con- men’s lot. The police then organized the Boston vention hall, but in the back rooms, which be- Social Club and sought to affiliate with the came immortalized as the ‘‘smoke-filled room’’ American of Labor, but Boston Police where decisions were made by a coterie of Re- Commissioner Edwin Curtis had no intention of publican senators. When the convention became dealing with a police union, and he suspended deadlocked between General Leonard Wood and the police union organizers from the force. Illinois Governor Frank Lowden, the senators Angry police voted to go out on strike, throwing met privately to pick a candidate and prevent a the city into a panic. There was an increase in rift in the party. They were determined to name looting and robberies, and volunteers turned out someone who would reduce the powers of the to police the streets. Governor Coolidge ignored presidency, which they believed had expanded all appeals to intervene, and his inactivity un- disproportionately during the administrations of doubtedly allowed the situation to worsen. Fi- Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson. To nally, after much confusion and delay, Coolidge this end, they chose one of their most pliable col- sided with the hard-line Police Commissioner leagues, Ohio Senator Warren G. Harding, as the Curtis, who had announced that the striking po- Republican presidential nominee.12 lice would not be reinstated. More than for his Harding had been far from a leading contender actions, ‘‘Silent Cal’’ became famous for his among the delegates, who nominated him with- words. In a telegram to AFL President Samuel out much enthusiasm. Seeking to balance the Gompers, who had sought his support for the conservative Harding, and hoping to make it an police, Coolidge asserted, ‘‘There is no right to all-senatorial ticket, the senators first offered the strike against the public safety by anybody, any- vice-presidential nomination to California Sen- where, any time.’’ At a time when the nation was ator Hiram Johnson, who turned it down. They rocked by a series of often violent postwar labor next went to progressive Senator Irvine Lenroot disputes, many citizens welcomed this message. of Wisconsin. When Illinois Senator Medill Coolidge became the ‘‘law and order’’ governor. McCormick stepped to the podium to nominate [ 349 ] CALVIN COOLIDGE

Lenroot, a delegate from Portland, Oregon, An Impassive Senate President former Judge Wallace McCamant, called out ‘‘More hotel life, I suppose,’’ loudly, ‘‘Coolidge! Coolidge!’’ Other delegates commented on their move to Washington, D.C. took up the cry. When Senator McCormick fin- The U.S. vice president still had no official place ished his address, McCamant leaped on a chair of residence, and Coolidge was not prepared to among the Oregon delegation and nominated spend his $12,000 a year salary on purchasing a Governor Calvin Coolidge of Massachusetts for house commensurate with his position. ‘‘There vice president. Showing enthusiasm for the first is no dignity quite so impressive, and no inde- time, the delegates demonstrated spontaneously pendence quite so important, as living within in Coolidge’s behalf. Lenroot would be ‘‘just one your means,’’ he observed. The Coolidges too many Senators on the presidential ticket,’’ a moved into the suite of rooms at the Willard reporter observed. Delegates for other can- Hotel being vacated by Vice President and Mrs. didates who felt they had been denied their Thomas R. Marshall, for which they paid eight choice for the top spot were determined to have dollars a day. As vice president, he occupied an a voice in the second place. They voted 674 for office in the Capitol and another in the Senate Coolidge to 146 for Lenroot.13 office building. His staff consisted of a secretary, Coolidge himself was back in Boston, in the a clerk, an assistant clerk, and a chauffeur. He hotel where he lived as governor, nursing his inherited Vice President Marshall’s Cadillac.16 disappointment that all of his quiet campaigning ‘‘Presiding over the Senate was fascinating to had seemingly made no impact on the presi- me,’’ Coolidge later wrote. Although the Senate’s dential race. That evening as he and Mrs. Coo- methods at first seemed peculiar, he soon be- lidge were preparing to go down to dinner, he came familiar with them and suggested that they received news about McCamant’s surprising were ‘‘the best method of conducting its busi- speech and the demonstration that followed. The ness. It may seem that debate is endless, but phone rang again, and Coolidge turned to his there is scarcely a time when it is not informing, wife to utter a single word: ‘‘Nominated.’’ and, after all, the power to compel due consider- ‘‘You aren’t going to take it are you?’’ asked ation is the distinguishing mark of a deliberative Mrs. Coolidge. body.’’ However, as Coolidge tried to master the ‘‘Well—I suppose I’ll have to.’’ said Coo- Senate rules, he soon discovered that there was lidge.14 but one fixed rule: ‘‘that the Senate would do It had been perhaps the most unusual and anything it wanted to do whenever it wanted to independent vice-presidential nomination in do it. When I had learned that, I did not waste American political history. Where parties nor- much time on the other rules, because they so 17 mally balance, both Harding and Coolidge were seldom applied.’’ unabashed conservatives and comprised the Vice President Coolidge presided in a remark- most conservative ticket since the party had gone ably impassive manner. Once James A. Reed, a down to disastrous defeat in 1912. But in 1920 Missouri Democrat, and Porter J. McCumber, a that proved to be exactly what the nation want- North Dakota Republican, engaged in a shouting ed, and in November the Harding-Coolidge tick- match on the Senate floor. Other senators and the et overwhelmed the Democratic ticket of James galleries joined in the uproar, while Coolidge simply watched the commotion. When the par- M. Cox and Franklin D. Roosevelt. At his inau- liamentarian begged him to use his gavel to re- guration as vice president, Calvin Coolidge took store order, the vice president replied, ‘‘Yes I satisfaction that ‘‘the same thing for which I had shall if they get excited.’’ 18 worked in Massachusetts had been accom- plished in the nation. The radicalism which had Doomed to be an Outsider tinged our whole political and economic life Coolidge’s most controversial moment as vice from soon after 1900 to the World War period president came in July 1921. Midwestern pro- was passed.’’ 15 gressive Republicans were seeking federal relief [ 350 ] CALVIN COOLIDGE for farmers, whose sales and purchasing power sions,’’ he noted. On an average they ate out had collapsed after the war. Senator George Nor- three times a week during the congressional sea- ris of Nebraska introduced a bill that would son. At first the Coolidges enjoyed these social make it easier to market American farm products dinners, since as the ranking guests they were overseas. The Harding administration countered able to arrive last and leave first. He considered with a bill sponsored by Minnesota Senator it an opportunity to become acquainted with offi- Frank Kellogg to make domestic marketing of cial Washington. But Washington proved a cruel farm goods easier. Norris had asked Coolidge, atmosphere for Coolidge. Stories as presiding officer, to recognize Senator Joseph spread through the city that the new vice presi- E. Ransdell, a Louisiana Democrat, first. Coo- dent was either very dumb or very shy. Coo- lidge had agreed, but then he left the chair and lidge’s table manners were peculiar to say the asked Charles Curtis of Kansas, a tough-minded least. He sat quietly, nibbling nuts and crackers partisan senator, to preside in his place. When and saying next to nothing to those around him. Ransdell stood and sought recognition, Curtis ig- Soon it became a Washington parlor game to nored him and instead called upon Kellogg, who tease the vice president into talking. One famous in fact was still in his seat and had not even risen story had a Washington socialite telling him that to seek recognition. After the ensuing hubbub, she had bet her friends she could get him to say as Kellogg claimed the floor, Coolidge reentered three words. ‘‘You lose,’’ Coolidge replied. the chamber and once again presided. Progres- ‘‘They provoked him to Yankee aphorisms and sive Republicans and Democrats long remem- he knew what they were up to,’’ wrote William bered this maneuver and never fully trusted Allen White. ‘‘So he clowned a little for his own Coolidge again. His biographer, Donald McCoy, delight, played the dumb man, impersonated the concluded, ‘‘The episode may have doomed yokel and probably despised his tormenters in Coolidge to be an outsider for the rest of his time his heart.’’ New Hampshire Senator George as Vice President and even have contributed to Moses told of a stag party where Coolidge was his troubles with Congress while he was Presi- dent. He was now distrusted by the progressives a guest, when several senators spiked the and perhaps even disliked by the regulars for punch—this during Prohibition—to loosen up violating one of the unwritten rules of the Sen- the vice president, but the more Coolidge drank, ate.’’ He had gone back on his word.19 the quieter he became. The longer he stayed in Coolidge lacked either the jovial good humor Washington, the more suspicious he grew of ev- of his predecessor Thomas Marshall or the type eryone he met. When an old friend warned that of personality that would attract senators to him. this was an unhealthy state of mind, Coolidge re- In the Senate restaurant, Coolidge ate alone, in plied: ‘‘I do not think you have any comprehen- a corner, facing the wall. ‘‘Is that how you treat sion of what people do to me. Even small things your presiding officer?’’ someone asked Senator bother me.’’ Later, when he was president, Coo- Edwin Ladd of North Dakota. ‘‘Nobody has any- lidge declined an invitation to a fashionable thing to do with him,’’ said the Senator. ‘‘After Washington home. ‘‘When I lived at the Willard this, of course, he’s through.’’ Coolidge cast no and was vice president they didn’t know I was tie-breaking votes and spoke only as required— in town,’’ Coolidge exploded. ‘‘Now that I am and as briefly as possible. Biographer Donald President they want to drag me up to their house McCoy noted that, while Coolidge had been a for one of their suppers and show me off to a success as presiding officer in Massachusetts, in lot of people, and I’m not going. . . . I’m not the U.S. Senate he was ‘‘almost a nonentity.’’ 20 going, and I’m not going to let that wife of mine Largely overlooked in the Senate, Coolidge go.’’ 21 won more notice for all of the ‘‘dining out’’ that Coolidge was blessed with a wife, Grace Good- he and his wife did. ‘‘As the President is not hue Coolidge, whose warmth and charm more available for social dinners of course the next of- than made up for his aloofness and eccentricities. ficer in rank is much sought after for such occa- However, Coolidge tightly restricted her activi- [ 351 ] CALVIN COOLIDGE ties, forbidding her to drive, ride horseback, or almost nothing himself. In his Autobiography, fly, from wearing slacks, bobbing her hair, or ex- Coolidge wrote, ‘‘If the Vice-President is a man pressing her opinion on any political issue. In the of discretion and character so that he can be re- age of the liberated woman of the 1920s, he want- lied upon to act as a subordinate in that position, ed Grace to be the model of old-fashioned wom- he should be invited to sit with the Cabinet, al- anhood. As if this were not enough, he also made though some of the Senators, wishing to be the her the target for his pent-up anger and unhappi- only advisers of the President, do not look on ness. Always a quiet man in public, Coolidge that proposal with favor.’’ Coolidge believed would explode in private by throwing temper that, although the vice president could probably tantrums. Historian Donald McCoy has noted offer little insight about the Senate, and virtually that ‘‘the reserved and unathletic New nothing about the House, a vice president need- Englander could not release his frustrations in a ed to be fully informed of what was going on healthy way. Whatever release he got came in the in case he should become president. ‘‘My experi- form of tantrums, the brunt of which his wife ence in the Cabinet,’’ he concluded, ‘‘was of su- bore. Anything that was unexpected could lead preme value to me when I became President.’’ him to prolonged moods of sulking and even to By contrast, Coolidge’s own vice president, fits of yelling.’’ Most likely, Coolidge’s private Charles Dawes, disagreed and let it be known outbursts resulted from his disappointment in publicly that he did not consider it wise for vice the vice-presidency, which left him in the shad- presidents to be invited to cabinet meetings be- 22 ows, powerless. cause of the between the Sitting with the Cabinet branches.25 A major exception to Coolidge’s isolation dur- The Harding administration meanwhile had ing this period was President Harding’s invita- become mired in scandal. The Senate had tion to him to sit with the cabinet. This was prob- launched an investigation of improper leasing of ably a response to the unhappy situation in the naval oil reserves at Teapot Dome in Wyoming. last years of the Wilson administration, when There were also indications of scandals brewing Vice President Marshall had declined to preside in the Veterans Administration and the Depart- over the cabinet during the president’s illness, ment of Justice. Whether Harding would be re- and Secretary of State Robert Lansing had been elected, whether he would keep Coolidge on the fired by Wilson for holding cabinet meetings ticket, and whether the ticket could be reelected without his authorization. Harding had made in the face of these scandals were all unanswer- the offer first to Irvine Lenroot, when he was able questions in the summer of 1923, when a considered for the vice-presidency, and then to dispirited Harding traveled to Alaska and the Coolidge.23 When they met after the convention, Pacific Coast. Vice President Coolidge was on va- Harding told the press: cation at his father’s home in Plymouth, Ver- I think the vice president should be more than mont, when on the night of August 2, 1923, he a mere substitute in waiting. In reestablishing co- was awakened by his father calling his name. ‘‘I ordination between the Executive Office and the noticed that his voice trembled. As the only times Senate, the vice president can and ought to play I had ever observed that before were when death a big part, and I have been telling Governor Coo- had visited our family, I knew that something of lidge how much I wish him to be not only a par- the gravest nature had occurred,’’ Coolidge re- ticipant in the campaign, but how much I wish corded. Colonel John Coolidge informed his son him to be a helpful part of a Republican adminis- that a telegram had arrived announcing that 24 tration. President Harding had died in San Francisco. As Coolidge joined the cabinet meetings, becom- Calvin Coolidge noted, his father ‘‘was the first ing the first vice president to do so on a regular to address me as President of the United States. basis. He sat at the farthest end of the table from It was the culmination of the lifelong desire of Harding, listening to what was said and saying a father for the success of his son.’’ Coolidge [ 352 ] CALVIN COOLIDGE quickly dressed, and in a downstairs parlor, lit Teapot Dome scandal but not a trace stuck to by a flickering kerosene lantern, his father as a him.28 notary public administered to him the oath of of- The press, which had belittled Coolidge during fice as president. Arizona Senator Henry Foun- his vice-presidency, now helped build up his tain Ashurst, a Democrat, observed that ‘‘the public image. Coolidge said very little, but news- simplicity of this episode fired the public imagi- paper reporters must have news. ‘‘So we grasped nation.’’ Harding’s death and ‘‘the sportsman- at little incidents to build up human interest sto- ship of the American people,’’ Ashurst believed, ries,’’ explained correspondent Thomas L. built public support for Coolidge’s presidency Stokes. At first the press pictured Coolidge as a and revived Republican spirits.26 ‘‘strong, silent man,’’ so much so that the Balti- more Sun’s veteran Washington correspondent A Surprisingly Popular President Frank R. Kent accused his press corps colleagues After his unsatisfying years as vice president, of inflating Coolidge to make him look good. Coolidge became a surprisingly popular presi- Kent compared Coolidge’s ‘‘weak and watery ut- dent, easily winning reelection in 1924. Cor- terances’’ at his press conferences with the ‘‘forceful and vigorous’’ dispatches that report- respondent Charles Willis Thompson, a keen ob- ers produced. He charged reporters with turning server of presidents during the first decades of a passive, indecisive chief executive into ‘‘a red- this century, believed that the nation found psy- blooded, resolute, two-fisted, fighting executive, chological relief in Coolidge after the high-mind- thoroughly aroused and determined.’’ This ed oratory of Wilson and the bombast of Har- mythical presidential image served reporters’ in- ding. Recognizing that he did not have the voice terests by appealing to the illusions of their read- of an orator, Coolidge ‘‘never wasted time trying ers and their editors. But as time passed and it to acquire it.’’ His message was straightforward, became clear that Coolidge was neither strong with ‘‘no purple . . . no argument, no stock offi- nor silent, newspapers shifted their emphasis to cial phrases. He told Congress what he thought his dry wit and created a national character: would be for the good of the country and told ‘‘Cal.’’ ‘‘Everyone spoke of him fondly as ’Cal.’ it as briefly as he could.’’ Thompson concluded He was one of us,’’ observed correspondent that Coolidge was as good as elected the day he Stokes. ‘‘He was the ordinary man incarnate.’’ sent his first message to Congress in 1923. ‘‘Con- Another veteran correspondent, Delbert Clark, gress, with its historic political wisdom, banged speculated that the press enjoyed writing, and him around the Capitol walls by the hair of his even manufacturing, homey little stories about head,’’ but the people loved him, and decided to Coolidge because ‘‘the mounting evidence he 27 ‘‘Keep Cool With Coolidge.’’ gave of being a very small, very solemn man in Coolidge had the advantage of being every- a very big job, intrigued them by reason of the thing that Harding was not—which provided contradictions involved.’’ 29 him some comfortable distance as the news of The presidency was far more gratifying for the Harding administration’s scandals broke. Coolidge than the vice-presidential years had Harding was tall and handsome. Coolidge was been. He claimed to maintain as much simplicity smaller, five feet nine inches tall, and weighed in life as possible, clearly disliking most formal perhaps a hundred and fifty pounds. Harding ceremonies. Yet he also enjoyed the pomp and had a famous smile. Coolidge’s skin was smooth, circumstance of office, and he could not hide the one biographer noted, ‘‘because of lack of exer- pleasure on his face when the band played ‘‘Hail cise in either frowning or smiling.’’ Harding was to the Chief.’’ But the presidency was not always gregarious. Coolidge was aloof. Harding toler- a happy time for Calvin Coolidge. In July 1924, ated his friends, even the most corrupt of them. he was devastated by the death of his son, Cal- Coolidge preached thrift and honesty. During vin, Jr. In playing lawn tennis on the White the 1924 campaign, the Democratic and Progres- House South Grounds, the boy had raised a blis- sive candidates tried to tar Coolidge with the ter on his toe which resulted in blood poisoning. [ 353 ] CALVIN COOLIDGE

‘‘In his suffering he was asking me to make him worth of stocks sold during the 1920s had been well. I could not,’’ Coolidge remarked. ‘‘When ‘‘undesirable or worthless.’’ His secretary of he went the power and the glory of the Presi- commerce, Herbert Hoover, repeatedly urged dency went with him.’’ 30 Coolidge to increase federal controls on private Coolidge was never an innovative or active banking and stock trading practices. (Coolidge president. He was largely uninterested in foreign could barely hide his distaste for his active, ener- policy. Embracing a laissez-faire philosophy op- getic commerce secretary, whom he mocked as posed to government intervention, he had no ‘‘The Wonder Boy.’’) But the government contin- bold domestic programs but carried on the poli- ued its ‘‘hands-off policies’’ under Coolidge’s cies begun under Harding. As he had through- dictum that ‘‘the business of America is busi- out his political life, he felt more comfortable ness.’’ Coolidge left the presidency in March of blocking legislation that he opposed than he did 1929. By November the stock market had in proposing new measures. Thus, he vetoed crashed, taking the Coolidge prosperity with it. such legislation as the soldiers’ bonus, the By the time he died in January 1933, the nation McNary-Haugen farm bills, and Senator Norris’ was paralyzed in the worst depression of its his- efforts to develop water power in the Tennessee tory. Although his successor Herbert Hoover River Valley. He believed in reducing govern- bore the weight of blame for that depression, his- ment regulation, cutting taxes, and allowing torians have found Calvin Coolidge culpable of business to operate with as little restraint as pos- contributory neglect.31 sible. His presidency coincided with a period of Calvin Coolidge never made any pretensions tremendous economic prosperity, for which he to greatness. ‘‘It is a great advantage to a Presi- reaped full credit. The stock market soared, al- dent and a major source of safety to the country, though an investigation by the Senate Banking for him to know that he is not a great man,’’ he and Currency Committee a few years later con- recorded in his Autobiography. That seems the cluded that fully half of the fifty billion dollars most fitting epitaph for the man.32

[ 354 ] NOTES 1 Claude M. Fuess, Calvin Coolidge: The Man from Vermont ply startled. The older employees about the White House (Boston, 1940), p. 5; William Allen White, A Puritan in Bab- who had known [Theodore] Roosevelt used to think he ylon: The Story of Calvin Coolidge (New York, 1938). raved at times, but in his worst temper he was calm com- 2 Calvin Coolidge, The Autobiography of Calvin Coolidge pared with Coolidge.’’ Relating the tempers of various other (New York, 1929), pp. 99, 174; White, p. vii. presidents, Hoover concluded, ‘‘It remained for Coolidge, 3 Donald R. McCoy, Calvin Coolidge, The Quiet President the one who from his reputation would be least suspected, (Lawrence, KS, 1988), p. 8. to startle the household with sparks from his anger. Many 4 Coolidge, p. 71. times, too, the cause was of but trifling importance. He 5 Ibid., pp. 83–99. would just work himself up to a real explosion.’’ Irwin 6 Ibid., p. 99. Hood (Ike) Hoover, Forty-Two Years in the White House (Bos- 7 Fuess, pp. 107–8. ton, 1934), p. 233. 8 Coolidge, p. 107. 23 Margulies, p. 25. See Chapter 28 of this volume, 9 Gifford Pinchot to Lady Jonstone, November 9, 1914, ‘‘Thomas R. Marshall,’’ p. 342. Gifford Pinchot Papers, Library of Congress. 24 McCoy, p. 123. 10 Coolidge, p. 141. 25 Coolidge, pp. 163–64; George H. Haynes, The Senate of 11 McCoy, pp. 83–94. the United States: Its History and Practice (Boston, 1938), 1:225, 12 Charles Willis Thompson, Some Presidents I Have Known 228–29. and Two Near Presidents (Indianapolis, 1929), pp. 327–29, 361; 26 Coolidge, pp. 174–75; George F. Sparks, ed., A Many- Coolidge, p. 148; Andrew Sinclair, The Available Man: The Colored Toga: The Diary of Henry Fountain Ashurst (Tucson, Life Behind the Masks of Warren Gamaliel Harding (New York, AZ, 1962), pp. 211, 223. 1965), pp. 142–49. 27 Thompson, pp. 354–55. 13 Thompson, pp. 362–64; Fuess, pp. 234–67; Herbert F. 28 McCoy, p. xv; John D. Hicks, The Republican Ascendancy, Margulies, ‘‘Irvine L. Lenroot and the Republican Vice-Pres- 1921–1933 (New York, 1960), p. 81. idential Nomination of 1920,’’ Wisconsin Magazine of History 29 Thomas L. Stokes, Chip Off My Shoulder (Princeton, NJ, 61 (Autumn 1977): 21–31. 1940), pp. 135–41; Donald A. Ritchie, Press Gallery: Congress 14 White, p. 214. and the Washington Correspondents (Cambridge,, MA, 1991), 15 Coolidge, p. 158. p. 210; Delbert Clark, Washington Dateline (New York, 1941), 16 Fuess, p. 287; McCoy, p. 134. pp. 62–66. 17 Coolidge, pp. 161–62. 30 White, p. 413; Coolidge, p. 190. 18 Irving G. Williams, The Rise of the Vice Presidency (Wash- 31 Stokes, p. 138; Donald A. Ritchie, ‘‘The Pecora Wall ington, 1956), p. 124. Street Expose,’’ in Congress Investigates: A Documented His- 19 McCoy, p. 136. tory, 1792–1974, ed. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., and Roger 20 Ibid., pp. 134–35, 145. Bruns, (New York, 1975), pp. 2555–56; David Burner, Her- 21 Ibid., p. 162; Coolidge, pp. 160, 173; White, p. 222; bert Hoover: A Public Life (New York, 1979), pp. 244–45; Wil- Fuess, p. 303. liam E. Leuchtenburg, The Perils of Prosperity, 1914–32 (Chi- 22 McCoy, p. 145; Ike Hoover cago, 1958), p. 246. later wrote: ‘‘Those who saw Coolidge in a rage were sim- 32 Coolidge, p. 173.

[ 355 ]

Chapter 30 CHARLES G. DAWES 1925–1929

[ 357 ] CHARLES G. DAWES Chapter 30 CHARLES G. DAWES

30th Vice President: 1925–1929

I should hate to think that the Senate was as tired of me at the beginning of my service as I am of the Senate at the end. —CHARLES G. DAWES

It is ironic that ‘‘Silent Cal’’ Coolidge should fairs, in which Coolidge showed little interest. As have a vice president as garrulous as Charles an activist in domestic policy, Dawes convinced Gates Dawes. A man of action as well as of blunt the Senate to pass the McNary-Haugen farm re- words, ‘‘Hell’n Maria’’ Dawes (the favorite ex- lief bill; Coolidge vetoed the bill. Dawes was a pression by which he was known) was in so problem solver, Coolidge a problem avoider. The many ways the opposite of President Coolidge 1920s might have been a very different decade that the two men were never able to establish a if the Republican ticket in 1924 had been Dawes- working relationship. The president probably Coolidge rather than Coolidge-Dawes. never forgave his vice president for stealing at- tention from him at their inaugural ceremonies, Banking, Business and Politics nor did he ever forget that Dawes was respon- Born in Marietta, Ohio, on August 27, 1865, sible for one of his most embarrassing defeats in Charles Dawes was the great-great grandson of the Senate. As a result, although Dawes was one William Dawes, who had ridden with Paul Re- of the most notable and able men to occupy the vere to warn the colonists that the Redcoats were vice-presidency, his tenure was not a satisfying coming. Dawes’ father, , was a Civil or productive one, nor did it stand as a model War veteran and lumber merchant who served for others to follow. as a Republican for one term in the U.S. House Charles Dawes was not Calvin Coolidge’s of Representatives. Young Charlie, who even as choice for a running mate. It would have taken a boy had a reputation for ‘‘flying off the handle’’ a far more self-confident president to want a vice when something angered him, attended the president with a longer and more distinguished Marietta Academy in Ohio and graduated from career than his own. Dawes had been a promi- Marietta College in 1884. Two years later he re- nent official in the McKinley administration ceived his law degree from the Cincinnati Law when Coolidge was still a city council member School. While in law school he worked during in Northampton, Massachusetts. Dawes became the summers as a civil engineer for the Marietta, a highly decorated military officer during the Columbus & Northern Ohio Railway Company.1 First World War, was the president of a pres- In 1887, former Ohio Governor Rufus Walton tigious financial institution, was the first director hired Dawes to go to Lincoln, Nebraska, and of the Bureau of the Budget, and devised the look after his real estate holdings. Dawes was ad- ‘‘Dawes Plan’’ to salvage Europe’s postwar econ- mitted to the bar in Nebraska and opened the omy, for which he received the Nobel Peace law office of Dawes, Coffroth & Cunningham. Prize. Dawes had a keen concern for foreign af- He established a reputation for handling railroad [ 359 ] CHARLES G. DAWES rate cases under the Interstate Commerce Act of Bryan won the Democratic nomination. While 1887 and as a ‘‘people’s advocate against the rail- Dawes disagreed profoundly with the logic of road lobby.’’ The same year that Dawes opened free silver, he listened to Bryan’s ‘‘Cross of Gold’’ his law office, William Jennings Bryan started his speech with a feeling of great pride ‘‘for the bril- law practice in the same building in Lincoln. liant young man whose life for so many years Dawes, who was then twenty-two, and Bryan, lay parallel to mine, and with whom the future who was twenty-seven, attended Sunday serv- years may yet bring me into conflict as in the ices and Wednesday night meetings at the past.’’ 3 same Presbyterian church and even lived two houses apart on the same street. As a con- Comptroller of the Currency sequence, the two men, from different parties Mark Hanna put Dawes in charge of the Chi- and with very different views on the issues, had cago headquarters, which largely ran the McKin- many opportunities to meet and debate politics. ley campaign. Dawes also served on the Repub- (In 1924, Dawes would run for vice president lican National Executive Committee as against Bryan’s brother Charles, the Democratic McKinley’s ‘‘special representative.’’ McKinley’s vice-presidential candidate.) Dawes became di- victory led to Dawes’ appointment as comptrol- rector of the American Exchange National Bank, ler of the currency, a post in which he sought to a small bank in Lincoln, which he and other di- reform banking practices that had led to the de- rectors fought hard to save during the panic of pression of the 1890s. McKinley treated Dawes 1893. As a bank director, he strongly disagreed ‘‘as a father would a son.’’ Dawes frequently had with Bryan’s advocacy of free silver to stimulate lunch at the White House with McKinley and his inflation and help the indebted farmers. Dawes invalid wife Ida and returned for an evening of became so engrossed in the currency issue that cards or of playing the piano for the McKinleys’ he published his first book, The Banking System entertainment. (A self-taught pianist, Dawes of the United States and Its Relation to the Money later wrote a popular piano piece, ‘‘Melody in A and Business of the Country, in 1894.2 Major,’’ and when lyrics were added in 1951 it ‘‘I struck Lincoln right at the top of a boom,’’ became the well-known song ‘‘It’s All in the Dawes noted, ‘‘then it started sliding.’’ The panic Name of the Game.’’) More than a companion to of 1893 had undermined his business and bank- the president, Dawes was a trusted adviser. In ing career in Lincoln, sending him in search of 1900 when Mark Hanna tried to block the vice- new business ventures elsewhere. Attracted by presidential nomination of New York Governor the utilities industry, he bought control of the La Theodore Roosevelt, it was Dawes who inter- Crosse, Wisconsin, Gas Light & Coke Company, vened with McKinley on Roosevelt’s behalf.4 and became president of the People’s Gas Light In June 1901, Dawes decided to resign as & Coke Company of Chicago. In January 1895, comptroller of the currency to return to Illinois he moved his family to Chicago to make that city and run for the Senate. He was assured of the center of his business interests. But within McKinley’s endorsement, but his resignation did two weeks he met the Cleveland industrialist not take place until October, a month after Marcus A. Hanna, who was promoting the presi- McKinley’s assassination. Dawes’ political ambi- dential aspirations of Ohio Governor William tions were thwarted by new President Theodore McKinley. Writing in his diary that ‘‘McKinley Roosevelt, who endorsed another candidate, and seems to be the coming man,’’ Dawes was bitten by the ‘‘blond boss’’ of the Illinois Republican by the political bug. He managed McKinley’s party, William Lorimer. Running for vice presi- preconvention campaign in Illinois, winning that dent in 1924 and reflecting on his only other run state’s delegates away from the erstwhile ‘‘favor- for elected office in 1901, Dawes remarked: ‘‘I ite son’’ candidate, Senator Shelby M. Cullom. don’t know anything about politics. I thought I Not only did McKinley win the Republican nom- knew something about politics once. I was taken ination, but Dawes’ old friend William Jennings up on the top of a twenty story building and [ 360 ] CHARLES G. DAWES showed the promised land—and then I was Dawes rose to the rank of brigadier general. kicked off.’’ 5 When the Allied command was unified, General A day after losing the Senate nomination, the Dawes became the U.S. member of the Military thirty-six-year-old Dawes began to organize the Board of Allied Supply. While representing the Central Trust Company of Illinois. He became its in conferences with other Al- president and devoted his attentions to banking lied armies and governments, Dawes particu- and to family life until the First World War. larly admired men of action rather than those Dawes had married Caro Blymyer in 1889. They who simply talked. ‘‘Action, then, is every- had two children and later adopted two more. thing—words nothing except as they lead imme- In the late summer of 1912, Dawes suffered the diately to it,’’ he commented, adding, ‘‘I came greatest tragedy of his life when his only son out of the war a postgraduate in emergency con- drowned at Lake , Wisconsin, while on ferences.’’ 8 After the Armistice in 1918, he re- a brief vacation before returning to Princeton mained in Europe to oversee the disposition of University. Deeply saddened, Dawes and his surplus military property. In 1919 he resigned wife withdrew from most social life and turned his commission and returned to the United to philanthropy. In memory of their son, they States. His wartime experiences in negotiating founded the Rufus Fearing Dawes Hotel for Des- and coordinating efforts with his Allied counter- titute Men in Chicago and Boston, and later es- parts left him an internationalist in outlook, ad- tablished the Mary Dawes Hotel for Women in vocating ratification of the Treaty of Versailles honor of Dawes’ mother.6 and United States membership in the League of Nations. After the war, everyone called him Supplying the War in Europe ‘‘General Dawes,’’ despite his protests to the When the United States entered the First contrary.9 World War in 1917, Dawes received a telegram In 1920 Dawes supported his good friend, Illi- from Herbert Hoover, who had organized Amer- nois Governor Frank Lowden, for the Republican ican relief efforts in Europe and was now serving presidential nomination, but that prize went to as Food Administrator. Searching for talented Ohio’s Warren G. Harding. In February 1921, administrators, Hoover wanted Dawes to take however, an event occurred that brought Dawes charge of grain prices. But instead of a desk job to the attention not only of president-elect Har- in Washington, Dawes longed to be in uniform. ding but of the entire nation. A House of Rep- Hoover considered that a mistake. ‘‘I can find a resentatives committee to investigate war ex- hundred men who will make better lieutenant penditures called Dawes to testify. Repub- colonels of engineers, and I want you right here,’’ licans—who held the majority—were clearly he argued. ‘‘No, Mr. Hoover, I don’t want to con- eager to uncover any information about ‘‘ex- sider it,’’ Dawes replied. A few days later, Dawes travagant purchases’’ in the AEF that might tar- at age fifty-two received his commission as a nish the outgoing administration of Woodrow major in the 17th Railway Engineers, bound for Wilson. Journalist Bascom Timmons recorded France, and, just as Hoover predicted, he was that Dawes, a busy man, had resented being soon a lieutenant colonel.7 called by the committee. On the morning that he The American Expeditionary Force (AEF) was was due to testify, he walked around the Capitol commanded by General John J. Pershing, who waiting for the committee to assemble, getting had known Dawes since the 1890s when Per- angrier all the time. It took only a spark to set shing was a military instructor at the University him off. In the course of the interrogation, Rep- of Nebraska in Lincoln. In August 1917, Pershing resentative Oscar Bland, an Indiana Republican, summoned Dawes to Paris and made him chief pressed Dawes on how much the American army of supply procurement for the American forces had paid for French horses.10 in Europe, assigning him to head the board that ‘‘Hell’n Maria!’’ Dawes exclaimed, jumping up collected supplies and to coordinate purchases to from his seat and striding to the mahogany table hold down inflation and duplication of orders. where the committee sat. ‘‘I will tell you this, that [ 361 ] CHARLES G. DAWES we would have paid horse prices for sheep, if The Nobel Peace Prize they could have hauled artillery!’’ Peppering his After spending a year setting up the first fed- remarks with profanity, Dawes lectured the com- eral budget under the new act, Dawes returned mittee on the urgency of getting supplies to sol- to Illinois, concerned about graft and political diers who were being shot at. He recounted how corruption, especially in Chicago. He organized he had cut through the red tape and ‘‘had to con- ‘‘The Minute Men of the Constitution,’’ to watch nive with the smuggling of horses over there,’’ elections and prevent vote fraud. The group op- but he got the horses to drag the cannon to the posed the political activities of the , front. Turning the fire on ‘‘pinhead’’ politicians, and it also assailed what it considered to be un- Dawes roared: ‘‘Your committee can not put a fair labor union practices. Dawes insisted that his fly speck on the American Army. . . . I am against group was not anti-union, but that it opposed the that peanut politics. This was not a Republican closed union shop. At one point the ‘‘Minute war, nor was it a Democratic war. It was an Men’’ had a membership of 25,000, but after his American war.’’ 11 election as vice president the group disbanded. In 1923, the economy of Germany had deterio- Afterwards, Dawes explained that he had rated drastically. Since Germany was unable to ‘‘suddenly decided that so far as I could bring repay its war debts, France sent troops to occupy it about either the Committee or I would go out the industrial Ruhr valley. President Harding ap- of business.’’ His ‘‘Hell ’n Maria’’ testimony took pointed Dawes to head a commission to study up seven hours for three sessions of the commit- and solve the German financial problem. The tee, with the official stenographers complaining ‘‘Dawes Plan’’ offered ways to stabilize the Ger- that he often spoke too rapidly. Dawes’ defense man currency, balance its budget, and reorganize of the AEF won great praise from both parties. its Reichbank, but the plan postponed action on The newspapers, and especially the editorial car- the most difficult issue of delaying and reducing toonists, loved Dawes’ indignant outburst and the German war reparations. Nevertheless, the quaint expletive. His published testimony, even ‘‘Dawes Plan’’ was recognized as a significant with the expletives deleted, became a Govern- enough contribution to world peace to win ment Printing Office best seller. The incident Dawes the 1925 Nobel Peace Prize, which he made him a national figure, and in July 1921, shared with his British counterpart, Sir Austen when Congress created the Bureau of the Budg- Chamberlain. Dawes donated his share of the et, Harding appointed Dawes as its first director. prize money to the School of Adding to his colorful personality, Dawes at this International Relations at Johns Hopkins time adopted his trademark pipe. For years he University. had smoked as many as twenty cigars a day, but The Second Choice for the Second Spot during the war a British officer had given him At the Republican convention in 1924, Calvin a pipe. Soon after his appointment to the Bureau Coolidge was nominated without significant op- of the Budget, a newspaper photograph showed position, but the front-running candidate for vice him smoking his pipe on the Treasury Depart- president, Governor Lowden, had let it be ment steps. A Chicago pipe manufacturer sent known that he did not want the second spot on him a new, strangely shaped pipe with most of the ticket. Nor did the popular Idaho Senator its bowl below rather than above the stem. William E. Borah want to be the number two Dawes tried it, liked it, and ordered a gross man. A story at the time recorded that President more. From then on, he was rarely seen without Coolidge had offered Borah a place on the ticket. this distinctive pipe, which together with his ‘‘For which position?’’ Borah had supposedly re- wing-tip collars and hair parted down the mid- plied. On the second ballot, the delegates nomi- dle, reinforced his individualistic, iconoclastic, nated Lowden, but he declined to run, as threat- and idiosyncratic public image.12 ened. Republican National Chairman William

[ 362 ] CHARLES G. DAWES

Butler promoted Commerce Secretary Herbert excesses of war.’’ 16 But tranquility was not Hoover, but Hoover remained too unpopular Charles Dawes’ style. with the farm states for his price fixing as food commissioner during the war, and the delegates An Assault on the Rules of the Senate on the third ballot chose Charles G. Dawes for At his swearing-in in the Senate chamber in vice president. President Coolidge, who had al- March 1925, Dawes was called upon to deliver ready sent a congratulatory note to Frank a brief inaugural address, a tradition that dated Lowden, accepted Dawes as someone who back to John Adams in 1789. What the audience would add strength to the campaign and who he heard, however, was far from traditional. As the expected would remain personally loyal to Senate’s new presiding officer, Dawes addressed him.13 himself to ‘‘methods of effective procedure,’’ When the unexpected news came over the rather than any particular policies or programs. radio, Dawes was back at his birthplace of Mari- He then launched into an attack on the Senate etta, Ohio, delivering the commencement ad- rules, ‘‘which, in their present form, place power dress to his alma mater. ‘‘There is one recollec- in the hands of individuals to an extent, at times, tion I shall always ,’’ he later wrote. ‘‘It subversive of the fundamental principles of free is of the gathering of thousands of the people of representative government.’’ The rules of the the town, the next day, to hear me speak briefly Senate, he declared, ran contrary to the prin- from the front porch of the old family home; and ciples of constitutional government, and under the church bells of the town were rung in honor these rules ‘‘the rights of the Nation and of the of the occasion. Some people may claim that the American people have been overlooked.’’ 17 vice-presidency does not amount to much, but Dawes focused his attack on filibusters, which just then it seemed to me the greatest office in at that time were being carried out most fre- the world.’’ 14 quently by the small band of progressive Repub- During the campaign, Coolidge maintained his licans, such as Robert La Follette, Sr., and George stance of speaking infrequently and keeping his Norris, who held the balance of power in the remarks as bland and inoffensive as possible. He Senate. Dawes declared that Rule 22, which re- left it to Dawes to attack the Democratic can- quired a two-thirds majority of those present and didate, John W. Davis, and the Progressive can- voting to shut off debate, ‘‘at times enables Sen- didate, Wisconsin Senator Robert M. La Follette. ators to consume in oratory those last precious Dawes entertained his audiences with the type minutes of a session needed for momentous deci- of ‘‘Hell’n Maria’’ speeches they expected, shak- sions,’’ thus placing great power in the hands of ing his fist and denouncing La Follette—whose a minority of senators. ‘‘Who would dare oppose platform among other things advocated allowing changes in the rules necessary to insure that the Congress to overturn Supreme Court decisions— business of the United States should always be as a demagogue and dangerous radical ‘‘ani- conducted in the interests of the Nation and mated by the vicious purpose of undermining never be in danger of encountering a situation the constitutional foundation of the Republic.’’ where one man or a minority of men might de- Dawes went so far as to suggest that La Follette mand unreasonable concessions under threat of was a Bolshevik, although La Follette had pub- blocking the business of the Government?’’ he licly rejected Communist support and had been asked. Unless the rules were reformed, they attacked by them.15 would ‘‘lessen the effectiveness, prestige, and Coolidge and Dawes were overwhelmingly dignity of the United States Senate.’’ He insisted elected in 1924, winning more votes than the that ‘‘reform in the present rules of the Senate Democratic and Progressive candidates com- is demanded not only by American public opin- bined. ‘‘When Coolidge was elected President ion, but I venture to say in the individual con- the world desired tranquility,’’ Dawes noted in of a majority of the Members of the Sen- his journal, ‘‘—a reaction of its peoples from the ate itself.’’ He concluded by appealing to sen- [ 363 ] CHARLES G. DAWES ators’ consciences and patriotism in correcting meetings on a regular basis, but Dawes did not these defects in their rules.18 believe that Harding’s action should necessarily Since Dawes had not given advance copies of set a precedent for future presidents. He took the the speech to the press or anyone else, no one initiative by declining even before Coolidge had had anticipated his diatribe. In the audience, offered him an invitation. ‘‘This was done to re- President Calvin Coolidge attempted indiffer- lieve him—if he shared my views—of any em- ence, but could not hide his discomfort. Dawes barrassment, if he desired to carry them out,’’ had managed to upstage the president’s own in- Dawes later explained, ‘‘notwithstanding the fact augural address, which was to follow at cere- that he had accepted Harding’s invitation.’’ monies outside on the Capitol’s east front. As the Dawes dismissed suggestions by the ‘‘busy- senators proceeded to the inaugural platform, bodies and mischievemakers’’ in Washington, they talked of nothing else but their anger over who imagined ‘‘unpleasant relations between Dawes’ effrontery, making Coolidge’s address Coolidge and myself.’’ What Coolidge thought anticlimactic. After the ceremony, Dawes is less certain. In his Autobiography, Coolidge compounded the ill will when he joined the counted his experiences in the cabinet as being president to ride back to the White House, in- ‘‘of supreme value’’ to him when he became stead of returning to the chamber to adjourn the president and suggested that the vice president Senate. In the Senate chamber, there was consid- should be invited to sit with the cabinet, if he was erable confusion. Senator James A. Reed of Mis- ‘‘a man of discretion and character so that he can souri noted that the Senate did not adjourn, nor be relied upon to act as a subordinate in that po- 19 did it recess. ‘‘It simply broke up.’’ sition.’’ The implication was that Dawes did not Most senators were less than receptive to fit that description. In addition, Coolidge never Dawes’ advice. ‘‘Dawes showed as little knowl- mentioned Dawes by name in his memoirs.21 edge of the Senate’s rules as he did good taste,’’ Coolidge also felt irritated over an incident snapped Democratic minority leader Joseph T. that occurred on March 10, only days after Robinson. ‘‘It was exactly what should not have Dawes started presiding over the Senate. Up for been said,’’ added Robinson’s colleague from Ar- debate was the president’s nomination of kansas, Thaddeus Caraway. ‘‘I regret that such Charles Warren to be attorney general. In the occasion was perverted into a farce,’’ complained wake of Teapot Dome and other business-related Senator Claude Swanson of Virginia. ‘‘I have an scandals, Democrats and Progressive Repub- opinion of the spectacle but do not care to ex- licans objected to the nomination because of press it,’’ was George Norris’ response, and Re- Warren’s close association with the ‘‘Sugar publican majority leader Charles Curtis declined Trust.’’ At midday, six speakers were scheduled to make any public comment on the vice presi- to address Warren’s nomination. Desiring to re- dent’s remarks. But while the senators dis- turn to his room at the Willard Hotel for a nap, approved, columnist Mark Sullivan observed Dawes consulted the majority and minority lead- that the public was delighted. Sullivan described ers, who assured him that no vote would be Dawes as a hero who had finally made a dent taken that afternoon. After Dawes left the Senate, ‘‘in that fine old encrusted Senatorial tradition, however, all but one of the scheduled speakers buttressed by antique rules and practices, and decided against making formal remarks, and a solemnly defended by conservative and radical vote was taken. When it became apparent that Senators alike.’’ 20 the vote would be tied, Republican leaders hast- An Irritated President ily called Dawes at the Willard. The roused vice After upstaging the president on inaugural president jumped in a taxi and sped toward the day, Dawes compounded his error by writing to Capitol. But enough time intervened to persuade inform Coolidge that he did not think the vice the only Democratic senator who had voted for president should attend cabinet meetings. Presi- Warren to switch his vote against him. By the dent Harding had invited Coolidge to cabinet time Dawes arrived there was no longer a tie to [ 364 ] CHARLES G. DAWES break, and the nomination had failed by a single ters flourished during the short sessions of Con- vote—the first such rejection in nearly sixty gress, held between December and March fol- years. President Coolidge angrily held Dawes re- lowing each congressional election, and that sponsible for his most embarrassing legislative these protracted debates tied up critical appro- defeat, and the rest of Washington could not re- priations bills until the majority would agree to sist teasing the vice president over the incident. fund some individual senator’s pet project. He The Gridiron Club presented him with a four- frequently cited a filibuster by Senator Benjamin foot high alarm clock. And Senator Norris read Tillman that brought a $600,000 appropriation to a parody of ‘‘Sheridan’s Ride’’ on the Senate South Carolina. Dawes praised the work of Sen- floor: ators Francis Warren, chairman of the Appro- Hurrah, Hurrah for Dawes! priations Committee, and , chairman Hurrah! hurrah for this high-minded man! of Finance. ‘‘It is they and their like who perform And when his statue is placed on high, most of the difficult, disagreeable and necessary Under the dome of the Capitol sky, The great senatorial temple of fame— work, speaking only when they have something There with the glorious General’s name to say and accomplish.’’ By contrast to such Be it said, in letters both bold and bright, ‘‘constructive’’ senators, he had no use for legis- ‘‘Oh, Hell an’ Maria, he has lost us the lative showmen, radicals, and filibusterers.24 fight.’’ 22 Dawes’ campaign stimulated a national debate on the Senate rules. A significant rebuttal to his Stimulating a National Debate assertions came from the political scientist Lind- Dawes bore the criticism surprisingly well. He say Rogers, who argued that filibusters served was never a man to shy away from controversy, a useful purpose. Too much legislation was ham- and he enjoyed being at the center of attention. mered out in committees that met in secret, He also enjoyed occupying the Vice President’s where powerful corporate interests held sway, Room behind the Senate chamber, which he and where progressive reformers had little influ- found impressive, with its tall mahogany cabi- ence. Rogers pointed out that ‘‘the powers of net, Dolly Madison mirror, Rembrandt Peale delay given individual Senators force into pend- portrait of Washington, and chandelier that once ing bills some amendments that the Senate lead- hung in the White House. When the Senate was ers would not accept were they free to act as they not in session, large delegations of visitors would desired.’’ He also pointed out that despite the fil- tour the corridor outside his office, and since the ibuster, the Senate got a ‘‘creditable amount of door was generally kept open for better ventila- business’’ done each session. Changing the rules tion they would always ‘‘stop and peek in.’’ The would be inadvisable, since it would silence the senators, too, would stop and talk with the vice minority and allow the majority to act president who took such an active interest in unimpeded.25 their rules and proceedings. But Dawes found it Although the Senate did not change its rules curious that conversation always seemed to get during his vice-presidency, Dawes noted with around to whether ‘‘this or that Senator will be satisfaction that it invoked cloture more fre- willing to concede the right-of-way to this or that quently than ever before. After 1917, when the piece of general legislation as a measure of sur- cloture rule was first adopted, the Senate had passing public importance.’’ He remained con- voted to cut off debate on the Versailles Treaty vinced that, by allowing unlimited debate, the in 1919 but failed to invoke cloture on tariff legis- Senate rules granted an intolerable power to the lation in 1921 and 1922. During the Sixty-ninth minority.23 Congress, which ran from 1925 to 1927, the Sen- Rather than cease his criticism, Dawes contin- ate cast seven votes on cloture, and three times ued to seek public forums to denounce the Sen- gained the two-thirds majority sufficient to cut ate filibuster. During the summer recess in 1925, off filbusters. Not until the Ninety-third Con- he toured the country addressing public meet- gress, from 1973 to 1975, after a rules change had ings on the subject. He pointed out that filibus- reduced the majority needed to vote cloture from [ 365 ] CHARLES G. DAWES two-thirds to three-fifths of the members, did the would soon become majority leader. In the Senate equal and surpass that number of success- course of a speech on equalization fees, Watson ful cloture votes. noted, ‘‘This explanation of the equalization fee Farm Relief and Banking Reform was prepared by the Vice President, who is a supporter of the McNary-Haugen bill.’’ Al- Dawes also personally intervened in other at- though Watson deleted this indiscretion from the tempts to cut off debate, and his efforts led to Congressional Record, alert reporters in the press the Senate’s passage of bills that extended the gallery had already publicized the statement. banks and would have provided Dawes’ interest in this legislation did not further farm relief. Agitation for farm relief became a endear him to President Coolidge, who twice ve- pressing issue during the 1920s, when American toed the McNary-Haugen bills that his vice presi- farmers were shut out of the general prosperity dent had helped the Senate pass. Coolidge com- of the era. After the First World War, farm prices plained that ‘‘the McNary-Haugen people have had fallen and never recovered. Members of their headquarters in [Dawes’] chambers.’’ 26 Congress from midwestern and plains states therefore formed the Farm Bloc, consisting of An Irksome Job for a Man of Action some twenty-five senators and one hundred rep- As a man of action, Charles Dawes found the resentatives. Holding the balance of power in job of presiding over Senate debates ‘‘at times Congress, they promoted legislation to solve the rather irksome.’’ He felt more comfortable in ex- problem of distributing surplus farm produce. ecutive and administrative positions with ‘‘spe- Each year between 1924 and 1928, Senator cific objectives and well-defined authority and Charles McNary of Oregon and Representative responsibilities.’’ He preferred clear statements Gilbert Haugen of Iowa, both Republicans, spon- of fact to speeches that appealed to prejudice or sored the McNary-Haugen bill to permit the fed- emotion. As presiding officer, he enjoyed making eral government to buy crop surpluses and sell decisions about rulings from the chair and took them abroad while at the same time maintaining some pride in the fact that the Senate had never a high tariff on the importation of farm goods. overturned one of his decisions, but he attributed The result would have raised prices in the United much of his success to the Senate’s young journal States. clerk, Charles Watkins. Watkins had studied the Robert M. La Follette, Jr., who had succeeded rules and compiled the Senate Precedents, making his late father in the Senate, led a filibuster himself ‘‘the actual parliamentarian’’ of the Sen- against the McFadden-Pepper bill to extend the ate. ‘‘Senate precedents are almost always con- charters of the Federal Reserve Banks. By hold- flicting, and when Charley Watkins gives me a ing up passage of the bank bill, La Follette choice of precedents to follow, I sometimes make sought to pressure the Senate to vote on the my own decision. But it is chiefly upon his ad- McNary-Haugen bill. The only way to break this vice that I act.’’ A decade later, Watkins became logjam, as far as Dawes could see, was to form the Senate’s first official parliamentarian, a post a coalition ‘‘between the conservatives favoring he held until his retirement in 1964.27 the bank bill and certain radicals favoring the Dawes similarly bristled over the social re- farm bill.’’ The vice president intervened, calling quirements of the vice-presidency, and as one representatives of both groups to a meeting in Washington hostess recorded, ‘‘his social tactics, his room. One of the participants, Pennsylvania no less than his insubordination to the Senate, Senator George Wharton Pepper, commented brought down blame upon him in Washington.’’ that ‘‘by sheer force of his personality, [Dawes] Although he frequently dined out and enter- forced an agreement that both measures should tained generously, it was always on his own be voted upon. This agreement was carried out. terms. He would arrive late, leave early, and Both bills passed.’’ Pepper gave Dawes the chief smoke his pipe at the dinner table. Caro Dawes credit for enacting these bills, as did Senator also disappointed Washington’s social set. Lack- James E. Watson, the Indiana Republican who ing the stamina that Mrs. Thomas Marshall and [ 366 ] CHARLES G. DAWES

Mrs. Calvin Coolidge had shown for attending Decalogue, or the Letter of a Self-made Has-Been a continuous procession of luncheons and recep- to His Successor’’ was read, listing several com- tions, Mrs. Dawes declined many invitations. She mandments drawn from ‘‘the depths of my never seemed to enjoy ‘‘presiding over the La- experience’’: dies of the Senate,’’ and looked visibly relieved Don’t steal the first page on Inauguration Day, when her guests departed. Yet even her critics and you may be invited to sit in the Cabinet. conceded that her ‘‘manner was sweet and Don’t be afraid to criticize the Senate. You gentle, her conversation cultured, and her dig- know how much it needs it. The public likes it nity unimpeachable,’’ providing a gentle coun- and the Senate thrives on it. . . . terpart to her ‘‘Hell ’n Maria’’ husband. The vice Don’t try to change the Senate Rules. president’s estrangement from the president fur- Don’t buck the President if you want to stay ther shaded his social standing. As one Senate more than four years. wife later confided, ‘‘I have always had a feeling Don’t do your sleeping in the day time.31 which many share, that a slightly different atti- Ironically, Dawes spent his last days in the tude on the part of the Coolidges might have Senate watching another filibuster, napping on done much to relieve the strain so far as the the couch in his office and responding when the Dawes were concerned.’’ 28 quorum bells rang. When the Senate dispatched In 1927, President Coolidge stunned the nation its sergeant at arms to ‘‘arrest’’ absent senators, with his announcement that he did not choose Dawes considered listening to the profanity of to run for reelection the following year. Al- the arrested senators as they were brought in though pundits debated whether Coolidge want- ‘‘one of the few pleasant incidents of such pro- ed to accept a draft, his announcement opened ceedings.’’ He noted with some dismay that the a spirited campaign for the Republican presi- galleries were filled to watch the filibuster and dential nomination. Although Dawes was fre- grumbled that ‘‘a travesty upon good govern- quently mentioned for the presidency, he an- ment in the Senate is regarded as an amusement nounced that he was not a candidate and instead rivaling a picture show.’’ In his farewell speech favored his longtime friend, Illinois Governor to the Senate on March 4, 1929, Dawes reiterated Frank Lowden. The nomination went instead to his objections to the Senate rules, saying, ‘‘I take Commerce Secretary Herbert Hoover, whose back nothing.’’ 32 supporters considered putting Dawes on their ticket as vice president. But President Coolidge Dawes had resigned as chairman of the board let it be known that he would consider Dawes’ of the Central Trust Company of Illinois when nomination as a personal affront. Instead, the he was elected vice president. After his term in went to Senate Majority Leader Charles Cur- Washington, he returned as honorary chairman, tis of Kansas. For the third straight time, the Re- when it merged to become the Central Republic publican ticket swept the national election.29 Bank & Trust Co. He became chairman of a fi- nancial commission to the , A Travesty Upon Good Government and chairman of a committee to finance the expo- As Dawes’ term of office approached its end, sition ‘‘A Century of Progress, Chicago, 1933.’’ a senator told him how much the members of the In April 1929, President Hoover appointed Senate thought of him, adding ‘‘but the Senate Dawes U.S. ambassador to Great Britain, a post got very tired of you at the beginning of your he held until 1932. He was scheduled to head the service.’’ Dawes replied, ‘‘I should hate to think American delegation to the World Disarmament that the Senate was as tired of me at the begin- Conference in Geneva, , when Presi- ning of my service as I am of the Senate at the dent Hoover persuaded him to take charge of the end.’’ 30 Reconstruction Finance Corporation, which Con- At about this time, Dawes attended the annual gress had just created to assist corporations and Gridiron Dinner. He and his successor, Charles banks in need of relief from the Great Depres- Curtis, were ordered to stand while the ‘‘Dawes sion. Dawes’ national standing rose so high that [ 367 ] CHARLES G. DAWES some Republicans talked of dumping Vice Presi- wrong.’’ Several days later Stokes heard rumors dent Curtis from the ticket in favor of Dawes as about the shaky banking situation in Chicago a ‘‘rip-snorting, hell-raising’’ candidate to boost and then about the RFC loan. Eventually the Hoover’s chances of reelection. Then in June Central Republic Bank was placed in receiver- 1932, Dawes abruptly resigned as chairman of ship and liquidated. Dawes reorganized it as the the RFC. His own financial base, the Central Re- City National Bank & Trust Company of Chicago public Bank of Chicago was near collapse and re- and paid back the RFC loans. He remained asso- quired a ninety million dollar loan from the RFC ciated with the bank until he died at the age of to keep it alive and to keep the entire Chicago eighty-five, on , 1951.34 banking structure from collapsing. Dawes had to Historians have concluded that if Dawes was 33 resign to avoid a conflict of interest. not really a leader, he acted like one. As vice Dawes, whose early career was shaken by the president, he would not accept direction from panic of 1893, was now confronted by an even the president, and whenever his views did coin- greater financial crisis, one that shook his natural cide with Coolidge’s his lobbying on behalf of self-confidence and ended whatever remaining political chances he might have had. Reporter administration measures was more likely to hurt Thomas L. Stokes met Dawes shortly after his rather than help. Dawes’ forthrightness and tact- resignation from the RFC and found him ‘‘a de- lessness incurred the anger of many senators. Al- jected, dispirited man.’’ Dawes was distributing though his ‘‘bull-like integrity’’ won Dawes rec- a typewritten statement to the press predicting ognition as an outstanding vice president, that business improvement. ‘‘That’s all he had to quality antagonized the Coolidge Administra- say,’’ wrote Stokes. ‘‘He was manifestly uneasy tion more than aiding it. As for Dawes, he be- and nervous, not the hail fellow, the ’Hell and lieved that the vice-presidency ‘‘is largely what Maria’ I had known about Washington for sev- the man in it makes it.’’ And for his part, he eral years. I wondered at the time what was made the most of it.35

[ 368 ] NOTES 1 Paul R. Leach, That Man Dawes (Chicago, 1930), p. 32. 15 Donald R. McCoy, Calvin Coolidge: The Quiet President 2 Ibid., pp. 40–48; Bascom N. Timmons, Portrait of an (Lawrence, KS, 1988), pp. 254–59; William Leuchtenburg, American: Charles G. Dawes (New York, 1953), p. 26; Charles The Perils of Prosperity, 1914–32 (Chicago, 1958), p. 134. G. Dawes, A Journal of the McKinley Years (Chicago, 1950), 16 Dawes, Notes as Vice President, p. 32. pp. vii-viii; Dawes was also the author of Essays and Speeches 17 McCoy, pp. 264–65; U.S., Congress, Senate, Congres- (1915), A Journal of the Great War (1921), The First Year of the sional Record, 69th Cong., special sess., p. 3. Budget of the United States (1923), Notes as Vice President 18 Ibid., pp. 3–4. (1935), How Long Prosperity? (1937), A Journal of Reparations 19 Ibid., p. 8; Fuess, p. 361. (1939), A Journal as Ambassador to Great Britain (1939), and 20 Leach, pp. 249–50; Mark Sullivan, Our Times: The United A Journal of the McKinley Years (1950). States, 1900–1925 (New York, 1935), 6:634–36. 3 Timmons, p. 18; Dawes, A Journal of the McKinley Years, 21 Dawes, Notes as Vice President, pp. 33–34; Calvin Coo- pp. 51, 89. lidge, The Autobiography of Calvin Coolidge (New York, 1929), 4 Charles G. Dawes, Notes as Vice President, 1928–1929 pp. 163–64. (Boston, 1935), p. 49; National Cyclopedia of American Biog- 22 Richard Lowitt, George W. Norris: The Persistence of a raphy (New York, 1958), p. 7; Dawes, A Journal of the McKin- Progressive, 1913–1933 (Urbana, IL, 1971), pp. 279–80. ley Years, pp. 232–33. 23 Dawes, Notes as Vice President, pp. 154, 169. 5 Leach, p. 102. 24 McCoy, pp. 268–69; Dawes, Notes as Vice President, pp. 6 Dawes, A Journal of the McKinley Years, pp. 443–49. 110, 288. 7 Leach, p. 149. 25 Lindsay Rogers, The American Senate (New York, 1926), 8 Dawes, Notes as Vice President, p. 10. pp. 188–90. 9 Leach, p. 167. 26 Dawes, Notes as a Vice President, pp. 62–70; McCoy, p. 10 Timmons, pp. 194–95. 323; Leach, p. 273; see also George Wharton Pepper, In The 11 The ‘‘Hell ’n Maria’’ reference does not appear in the Senate (Philadelphia, 1930). hearing transcripts. As the subcommittee chairman ex- 27 Dawes, Notes as Vice President, pp. 107, 179–80. plained: ‘‘Objection has been made by members of the com- 28 Frances Parkinson Keyes, Capital Kaleidoscope: The Story mittee to the fact that at the request of the witness, Mr. of a Washington Hostess (New York, 1937), pp. 140–43. Dawes, the many fluent expressions of profanity were omit- 29 ‘‘Heap Big Chief,’’ American Mercury 17 (August 1929): ted from the transcript.’’ U.S. Congress, House of Rep- 404. resentatives, Select Committee on Expenditures in the War 30 Dawes, Notes as Vice President, p. 255. Department, War Expenditures, 66th Cong., 2d sess (Wash- 31 Ibid., pp. 183–84. ington, 1921), pp. 4427, 4492, 4515; Timmons, pp. 195–98; 32 Ibid., pp. 299, 304, 316. Leach, pp. 175–78. 33 David Burner, Herbert Hoover, A Public Life (New York, 12 Dawes, Notes as Vice President, pp. 10–12; Leach, pp. 1979), p. 275. 186–88. 34 Thomas L. Stokes, Chip Off My Shoulder (Princeton, NJ, 13 Claude M. Fuess, Calvin Coolidge: The Man From Ver- 1940), pp. 329–30. mont (Boston, 1940), pp. 345–46. 35 McCoy, p. 247; Dawes, Notes as Vice President, p. 4. 14 Dawes, Notes as Vice President, p. 18.

[ 369 ]

Chapter 31 CHARLES CURTIS 1929–1933

[ 371 ] CHARLES CURTIS Chapter 31 CHARLES CURTIS

31st Vice President: 1929–1933

His politics were always purely personal. Issues never bothered him. —WILLIAM ALLEN WHITE

In the spring of 1932, George and Ira long and successful career in Congress, how did Gershwin’s Broadway musical, ‘‘Of Thee I Sing,’’ he become such a Throttlebottom as vice spoofed Washington politics, including a vice president? president named Alexander Throttlebottom, who could get inside the White House only on Formative Years on the Reservation public tours. The tour guide, who failed to recog- Although colorful in itself, Charles Curtis’ ac- nize Throttlebottom, at one point engaged him tual life story often became obscured by its politi- in a discussion of the vice-presidency: cal mythology.2 He began life in 1860 in North Guide: Well, how did he come to be Vice Presi- Topeka, Kansas, where he spent his earliest years dent? partly in the white and partly in the Native Throttlebottom: Well, they put a lot of names American community. The son of Orren Curtis, in a hat, and he lost. a white man, and Ellen Pappan, who was one- Guide: What does he do all the time? quarter Kaw Indian, Charles Curtis on his moth- Throttlebottom: Well, he sits in the park and er’s side was the great-great grandson of White feeds the peanuts to the pigeons and the squir- Plume, a Kansa-Kaw chief who had offered as- rels, and then he takes walks, and goes to the sistance to the Lewis and Clark expedition in movies. Last week, he tried to join the library, but 1804. ’s daughter married Louis 1 he needed two references, so he couldn’t get in. Gonville, a French-Canadian fur trader, and their Audiences laughed heartily at these lines, in daughter, Julie Gonville, married Louis Pappan. part because they could easily identify the hap- As a result of the Kansa-Kaw treaty of 1825, the less Throttlebottom with the incumbent vice tribe relinquished its claims to its traditional president, Charles Curtis. Curtis was never close lands in Missouri and Kansas. A two-million- to President Herbert Hoover and played no sig- acre reservation was established west of Topeka nificant role in his administration. Despite Cur- for full-blooded Indians, while a series of fee- tis’ many years of experience as a member of the simple land grants along the Kansas river were House and Senate and as Senate majority leader, set aside for ‘‘half-breeds’’—those who had inter- his counsel was rarely sought on legislative mat- married with whites. Curtis’ grandmother Julie ters. His chief notoriety as vice president came Gonville Pappan received ‘‘Half-Breed Reserva- as a result of a messy social squabble over proto- tion No. Four,’’ directly across the river from the col, which only made him appear ridiculous. Kansas capital, where she and her husband ran Many Republicans hoped to dump Curtis from a profitable ferry business. the ticket when Hoover ran for reelection. Given Reflecting his mother’s heritage, Charles Cur- Curtis’ Horatio Alger-style rise in life, and his tis spoke French and Kansa before he learned [ 373 ] CHARLES CURTIS

English. His mother died in 1863, about the time to ride until 1876. A fellow jockey described Cur- that his father left to fight in the Civil War. Soon tis as ‘‘rather short and wiry’’ and ‘‘just another thereafter, Orren Curtis remarried, divorced, re- brush boy jockey,’’ explaining that eastern riders married again, and was dishonorably discharged ‘‘called us brush boys because we rode in what from the Union army. At the end of the war, Cur- would be called the sticks.’’ As a winning jockey, tis was court martialled for having hanged three Curtis was known throughout Kansas as ‘‘The prisoners in his custody—or as the charges read Indian Boy.’’ His mounts made a lot of money for ‘‘executing the bushwakers.’’ Sentenced to a for the local gamblers and prostitutes who bet year’s hard labor at the Missouri State Peniten- on him, and he recalled that after one race a tiary, he was pardoned a month later and re- madam bought him ‘‘a new suit of clothes, boots, turned to Kansas. Given Orren’s unstable cir- hat and all,’’ and had a new jockey suit made cumstances and roving nature, young Charley for him; others bought him candy and presents. remained in the custody of his paternal grand- ‘‘I had never been so petted in my life and I liked parents. In 1865, his maternal grandparents, it,’’ Curtis reminisced.5 Louis and Julie Pappan Gonville, left North To- His family, however, had greater ambitions for peka to return to the Kaw reservation at Council the boy than horse racing. In 1871, grandfather Grove, concerned that otherwise they might be William Curtis brought suit on behalf of Charley excluded from future land settlements and com- and his sister Elizabeth to establish their claim, pensation. The next year, young Charley went to over that of their father, for title to their mother’s live with them on the reservation.3 share of the Half-Breed Lands in North Topeka. Since Charley could speak the Kaw language, When Curtis’ father lost this suit, he left Topeka he fit comfortably into the tribe. ‘‘I had my bows for good. Grandfather Curtis wanted Charley to and arrows,’’ he later recalled, ‘‘and joined the stop racing and go back to school, but after his other boys in shooting arrows at nickles, dimes, grandfather’s death in 1873, the boy set out to and quarters which visitors would place in split join his other grandparents Louis and Julie sticks.’’ In those still-frontier days, the Kaw res- Pappan, who were traveling with the Kaw Tribe ervation was frequently raided by nomadic from Kansas to the of Okla- Indians, and during one attack Char- homa. Still on the tribal roll, and ‘‘longing for the ley was sent on a mission to inform Topeka. ‘‘I old life,’’ he wanted to live on the reservation. volunteered to make the trip,’’ he later told audi- Grandmother Julie talked him out of it. She in- ences. ‘‘When we heard the were vited him to her wagon and asked why he want- coming, the horses and ponies were driven to ed to go to the Indian Territory. While she would pasture, some distance from my grandpa’s have liked nothing better than to have him live home, so there was no horse or pony to ride. I with her, she told him that on the reservation he therefore, started out on foot, traveling during would end up ‘‘like most of the men on it,’’ with- the night.’’ The next day, he arrived in Topeka, out an education or future prospects. If Charley some sixty miles away. Curtis’ ‘‘cross-country expected to make something of himself, he run’’ made him a celebrity in North Topeka, but should return to Topeka and attend school. ‘‘I the incident also convinced his paternal grand- took her splendid advice and the next morning parents, William and Permelia Curtis, that their as the wagons pulled out for the south, bound grandson should be raised in the more ‘‘civ- for Indian Territory, I mounted my pony and ilized’’ atmosphere of Topeka rather than return with my belongings in a flour sack, returned to 4 to the reservation. Topeka and school,’’ Curtis recounted. ‘‘No man Curtis had learned to ride Indian ponies bare- or boy ever received better advice, it was the back and won a reputation as a ‘‘good and fear- turning point in my life.’’ 6 less rider.’’ Back in North Topeka, his grand- father William Curtis had built a race track, and A Passion for Politics in 1869 Charles Curtis rode in his first race. He In Topeka, Curtis lived with grandmother soon became a full-fledged jockey and continued Permelia Hubbard Curtis, a decidedly strong- [ 374 ] CHARLES CURTIS minded woman. ‘‘She brooked no opposition,’’ Charles Curtis, and later provided this descrip- recalled Charley’s half-sister, Dolly. ‘‘I think she tion: regarded being both a Methodist and a Repub- He came down from Topeka to campaign the lican as essential for anyone who expected to go county, sent by the Republican state central com- to heaven.’’ When Charley was offered a contract mittee. His job was to fight the Farmers’ Alliance. to race at the Philadelphia Centennial in 1876, He had a rabble-rousing speech with a good deal Permelia Curtis put her foot down. Instead, he of Civil War in it, a lot of protective tariff, and retired as a jockey and went to high school. After a very carefully poised straddle on the currency graduating, he studied law, supporting himself question (which, I was satisfied then—and still by working as a custodian in a law firm and by think—that he knew little about, and cared noth- driving a hack. When he had no customers, he ing for). For his politics were always purely per- sonal. Issues never bothered him. He was a hand- would stop under street lamps to read his law some fellow, five feet ten, straight as his Kaw In- books. In 1881, at the age of twenty-one, Charles dian grandfather must have been, with an olive Curtis was admitted to the Kansas bar. Although skin that looked like old ivory, a silky, flowing, his life appeared to be a rags-to-riches story, Cur- handlebar mustache, dark shoe-button eyes, tis had in fact a considerable inheritance in land beady, and in those days always gay, a mop of in North Topeka. The young lawyer plunged crow’s wing hair, a gentle ingratiating voice, and into real estate, selling lots and building houses. what a smile! 9 He also opened his own firm and practiced For three days, White and Curtis toured the criminal law. In 1884, Charles Curtis married county together, with White making the intro- Anna Baird. They had three children and also ductions and Curtis making the speeches. Never took in his half-sister Dolly when her mother had White met anyone who could charm a hos- died.7 tile audience as effectively as did Curtis, whose As a young man, Curtis showed a passion for personality could overshadow whatever he was politics. In 1880, during James Garfield’s cam- speaking about. This trait helped Curtis defeat paign for president, Curtis donned an oilcloth the Populist and Democratic fusion candidate for cap and carried a torch in a Republican parade a seat in the House in 1892—the same election through Topeka. It was only a matter of time be- that saw Kansas vote for the Populist presi- fore the popular ‘‘Indian jockey’’ ran for office dential candidate and elect a Populist governor. himself. In 1884, after shaking every hand in the Curtis’ upset victory brought him to the atten- district, Curtis won election as Shawnee county tion of prominent easterners, such as House Re- attorney. Since both his father and grandfather publican leader Thomas B. Reed, who were de- Curtis had operated saloons in North Topeka, he lighted that someone who thought the way they was supported by the liquor interests, which had did on tariff, railroad, and currency issues could also retained his law firm. But once elected, Cur- win election in so Populist a state as Kansas. tis insisted on enforcing the state’s prohibition Reed took a particular liking to ‘‘the Indian,’’ as laws and closed down all of the saloons in the he called Curtis, and made him one of his county. He won attention not only as a ‘‘dry,’’ lieutenants.10 but as a law-and-order prosecutor.8 By a single vote in 1889, Curtis lost the nomi- ‘‘Our Charley’’ nation to fill a vacancy in the U.S. House of Rep- When Curtis first came to Washington, Demo- resentatives. It was a time of agrarian depression, crats firmly controlled the federal government. when voters in the West were turning away from Grover Cleveland had just been elected to his conservatives like Curtis in favor of the more second term as president, and in the House radical solutions put forward by the Farmers’ Al- Democrats held 218 seats, Republicans 124, and liance and its political offspring, the Populist the Populists 14. Then in 1893 a severe economic party. In 1891, William Allen White, editor of the depression dramatically reversed party fortunes. Emporia Gazette, first met the ‘‘young prince,’’ Campaigning against the Democrats as the party [ 375 ] CHARLES CURTIS of the ‘‘empty dinner pail,’’ Republicans won 254 from the railroads, Long being allied with the J. seats in the next Congress, leaving the Democrats P. Morgan interests and Curtis identified with with 93 and the Populists with 10. Tom Reed, the Jay Gould railroads. Editor William Allen who had resumed the speakership with the re- White grumbled that the money and influence in turn of a Republican majority, trusted Curtis’ po- the election came from the railroads and ‘‘the litical judgment. According to an often-repeated people had nothing to do with it.’’ 13 story, Curtis once entered Speaker Reed’s office When the Republicans deadlocked, Long and and found a group of Republicans discussing the Curtis reached an agreement that Long would restoration of the gold standard. ‘‘Indian, what gain the nomination in 1903 and would then sup- would you do about this?’’ Reed asked. Curtis port Curtis for the next Senate opening—which suggested taking the matter out of the hands of occurred sooner than anyone anticipated. In the standing committees that had been dealing 1904, Kansas Senator Joseph R. Burton was in- with it, since it was apparent they would never dicted by a federal grand jury in St. Louis, Mis- agree. Instead, he recommended appointing a souri, for representing clients for a fee before the special committee to write a new bill. Reed liked Post Office in violation of federal statutes. Al- the idea so much that he appointed Curtis as a though the U.S. Supreme Court overturned this member of the special committee that drafted the conviction on the grounds that Missouri lacked Gold Standard Act of 1900.11 jurisdiction, Burton was tried and convicted Curtis devoted most of his attention to his again in 1905. In May 1906, the Supreme Court service on the Committee on Indian Affairs, upheld Burton’s second conviction, and as the where he drafted the ‘‘Curtis Act’’ in 1898. Enti- Senate prepared to expel him, Burton resigned tled ‘‘An Act for the Protection of the People of on June 4, 1906. the Indian Territory and for Other Purposes,’’ the At that time, state legislatures still elected U.S. Curtis Act actually overturned many treaty senators, but since the was not rights by allocating federal lands, abolishing trib- in session, the governor appointed Alfred W. al courts, and giving the Interior Department Benson to fill the vacancy. When the legislature control over mineral leases on Indian lands. Hav- reconvened, Curtis and several other Repub- ing reinstated his name on the Kaw tribal rolls licans challenged Benson for the seat. Kansas in 1889, Curtis was able, through his position on progressives promoted the candidacy of Joseph the House Indian Affairs Committee, to calculate L. Bristow, arguing that he would more faith- the benefits he might receive from government fully support the reform legislation of President allotments to his tribe. In 1902, he drafted the Theodore Roosevelt. Curtis turned for help to Kaw Allotment Act under which he and his chil- Roosevelt’s chief conservative opponent, Rhode dren received fee simple title to Kaw land in Island Senator Nelson W. Aldrich. As chairman Oklahoma.12 of the Senate Finance Committee, Aldrich han- Congressman Curtis, hailed throughout Kan- dled all tariff legislation and was able to channel sas as ‘‘Our Charley,’’ assiduously built his polit- considerable amounts of money from business ical base in the state. William Allen White re- interests to pro-tariff politicians. Aldrich sup- called that Curtis carried with him little books plied Curtis with funds to purchase newspapers containing the names of all the Republicans in that would support his senatorial candidacy. each township and used to mumble these names William Allen White, who supported Bristow, ‘‘like a pious worshiper out of a prayer book’’ warned President Roosevelt that attorneys for to commit them to memory. When Curtis greeted every railroad in the state were for Curtis. ‘‘Two a voter, he could recall the man’s name and ask railroad attorneys when I asked them why they about his wife, children, and business. He left were for Curtis, frankly told me in confidence of voters convinced that they were intimates. In friendship that orders came from higher up to 1903, Curtis made a bid for a Senate seat, com- be for Curtis and they are obeying orders,’’ peting against fellow Republican Representative White wrote to the president. But Roosevelt Chester Long. Both men had strong support seemed less concerned, assuring White that ‘‘so [ 376 ] CHARLES CURTIS far my experience with Curtis has been rather majority in the Senate, Curtis’ role as whip ex- more pleasant than with the average of his panded, as he led much of the Republican oppo- colleagues.’’ 14 sition to the Wilson administration. ‘‘No one A High-Tariff Man ever accused him of being a Progressive,’’ wrote one Washington correspondent, ‘‘but the femi- The state legislature elected Charles Curtis nists nevertheless called him friend, and it is one senator on January 23, 1907, and he took his seat of the proudest of his claims that he led the floor a week later. Just as he had worked closely with fight for the Nineteenth Amendment,’’ granting Tom Reed in the House, Curtis became a chief women the right to vote.17 lieutenant for Senator Aldrich. Then in his last Senator Curtis went to the 1920 Republican years in the Senate, and having outlasted his convention in Chicago as head of the Kansas del- most powerful allies, Aldrich came to rely on a egation. When the convention reached a stale- group of younger, high-tariff colleagues, includ- mate between the presidential candidacies of ing Curtis, W. Murray Crane of Massachusetts, General Leonard Wood and Illinois Governor of Maine, and Reed Smoot of Utah. Frank Lowden, Curtis was one of the senators In 1909, Curtis played an influential role in the who gathered in the famous ‘‘smoke-filled passage of the Payne-Aldrich Tariff, which room’’ and anointed their colleague, Ohio Sen- raised rates so high that it helped split the Re- ator Warren G. Harding, as the party’s nominee. publican party into warring conservative and Curtis then returned to the Kansas delegation progressive factions. Two years later, that split and told them frankly, as William Allen White claimed Curtis as a victim, when he was defeated recalled, ‘‘that it had been decided (the phrase for renomination by a progressive Republican— was his) to give Harding a play.’’ The hot and 15 who in turn was defeated by a Democrat. tired delegates were glad to take orders and As a result of the ratification of the Seven- break the deadlock. Kansas switched from Wood teenth Amendment, the first direct popular elec- to Harding, whose bandwagon began its roll to- tions of senators were held in 1914. Progressives ward the White House.18 were confident that the people would support Harding’s election took Curtis into the inner their candidates, but with an economic recession circle of Washington power, where he remained at home and war in Europe, voters nationwide a poker-playing adviser to Harding throughout instead turned to conservative candidates. After that ill-fated presidency. In 1923, as Harding con- defeating the progressive incumbent Joseph sidered running for a second term, Curtis in- Bristow for the Republican Senate nomination, quired about his intentions of keeping Vice Presi- Charles Curtis went on to defeat both a Demo- dent Calvin Coolidge on the ticket, perhaps hop- cratic and a Progressive party opponent that ing for the job himself. ‘‘We are not worrying 16 November. about that little fellow in Massachusetts,’’ Har- Curtis returned to the Senate in 1915 as a sym- ding supposedly told him. ‘‘Charlie Dawes is the bol of the rewards of party regularity and the de- man!’’ Harding’s sudden death elevated Coo- feat of insurgency. Following the pattern set by lidge to the presidency, and the following year Senate Democrats, who had created the post of it was indeed Dawes, not Curtis, who won the party whip in the previous Congress, Senate Re- nomination for vice president.19 publicans appointed New York Senator James Wadsworth as both conference secretary and Senate Majority Leader whip. Then, within a week, the party decided to In 1923, Curtis became chairman of the Senate split these posts and elected Charles Curtis Re- Rules Committee, and two years later he suc- publican whip. He served under the party lead- ceeded Lodge as majority leader—becoming the ership of New Hampshire Senator Jacob first Republican to hold the official title of party Gallinger from 1915 to 1918 and of Massachu- floor leader. He did not occupy the front-row setts Senator Henry Cabot Lodge from 1918 to desk that was subsequently reserved for the par- 1924. In 1918, when Republicans won back the ty’s leaders but instead led from the back-row [ 377 ] CHARLES CURTIS seat on the center aisle. As floor leader, Curtis his belief in the issue, he felt it was his duty as limited his role to that of a legislative tactician leader to stand by the president. This was not an who tried to keep his party united. ‘‘You boys easy vote for Curtis, who at the time was an an- tell me what you want, and I’ll get it through,’’ nounced candidate to succeed Coolidge in that Curtis promised. He was said to know ‘‘every year’s presidential election, and who was count- senator’s feelings on any pending legislation so ing on strong support from the farm states. Sig- thoroughly that he can tell in advance how that nificantly, another senatorial candidate for the senator is going to vote.’’ Remarkably, Curtis presidency, Indiana’s ‘‘Sunny Jim’’ Watson (who maintained good relations with both the con- later followed Curtis as majority leader), voted servative and progressive wings of his party. The to override the veto.22 conservative Pennsylvania Senator George Wharton Pepper recorded that Curtis as majority Presidential Candidate leader ‘‘displayed a remarkable talent for accom- Curtis had harbored presidential ambitions for plishing good results for his party by what in some time. In 1924 he had been widely men- international parlance are termed ‘conversations’ tioned as a vice-presidential candidate, but his with the other side. He was unusually adept at wife, Anna, was seriously ill at the time. His sis- making deals.’’ The progressive Nebraska Sen- ter Dolly volunteered to stay with her, so that ator George Norris noted that, while he often dis- Curtis could attend the convention and improve agreed with Curtis on legislative matters, he his chances for the vice-presidential nomination. never knew Curtis to violate his word or fail to ‘‘Dolly,’’ he replied, ‘‘I would not leave Anna carry out an agreement. Idaho Senator William now to be President of the United States, and cer- Borah acclaimed Curtis ‘‘a great reconciler, a tainly not for the Vice Presidency.’’ (Anna Curtis walking political encyclopedia and one of the died on June 29, 1924.) In 1927 President Coo- best political poker players in America.’’ 20 lidge jolted the nation by announcing that he did Journalists described majority leader Curtis as one of the greatest ‘‘whisperers’’ in Congress. not choose to run in 1928. Potential candidates ‘‘Whenever he took his favorite pose, with a and the press speculated endlessly about what short fat arm coiled around another Senator’s Coolidge meant—whether he expected the con- shoulders, the Press Gallery got busy,’’ wrote vention to deadlock and then draft him or one reporter. ‘‘It was a sure sign that something whether he would not run under any cir- was doing. . . .‘Talk, talk, talk,’ he would com- cumstances. Curtis assumed that Coolidge was plain to the reporters about the endless Senate out of the race and felt assured that Coolidge fa- deliberations.’’ Curtis believed ‘‘that everything vored him for president. Even Commerce Sec- can be fixed by friendly and confidential getting retary Herbert Hoover privately conceded that together.’’ The press depicted Curtis as taciturn, Curtis ‘‘was a natural selection for Mr. Coo- 23 not given to long speeches, and unhappy with lidge’s type of mind.’’ the Senate’s penchant for filibustering (Curtis Hoover was the frontrunner, but the farm had supported creating a cloture rule as early as states had remained strongly opposed to him 1911). He had a ‘‘poker face’’ that masked his ever since his service as ‘‘Food Czar’’ during the feelings, which some attributed to his Indian First World War, as well as because he opposed ancestry.21 the McNary-Haugen bills. Curtis and Hoover As majority leader, Curtis loyally supported had never been close. Recalling that Hoover had the Coolidge administration, but as a farm-state campaigned for Democratic candidates in 1918, senator he strongly advocated the kind of federal Curtis had tried to prevent President Harding farm relief that the president opposed. He con- from appointing Hoover to the cabinet. Hoover sistently voted for the McNary-Haugen bills that saw Curtis as one of a half-dozen senators who Coolidge vetoed. In May 1928, however, he shift- were trying to stop his nomination by heaping ed his vote to sustain—by a one-vote margin— attacks on him. ‘‘Their favorite name for me was Coolidge’s veto. He explained that, regardless of ‘Sir Herbert,’ a reference to my periodic resi- [ 378 ] CHARLES CURTIS dence in England,’’ Hoover recalled with some thetically, Dawes noted that Curtis looked pretty indignation.24 worn out, his hand was in a sling because a car After announcing for president, Curtis made door had slammed on his fingers, and he had not no speeches and continued to devote his atten- much voice left. Later, however, listening to Cur- tion to his functions as Senate majority leader. tis speak on the radio, Dawes bristled when Cur- The New York Times called his campaign ‘‘quieter tis referred to the vice-presidency as amounting than gumshoes.’’ This was how Curtis wanted to nothing. Although he recognized that the re- it. Serving as his own campaign manager, he mark was intended to sound modest and was planned to work the back rooms as he always made in jest, Dawes recorded in his journal, ‘‘But had, hoping that if the convention frontrunners when I find him tired, with a husky voice and deadlocked, he would emerge as the com- bandaged arm, resting after a five thousand-mile promise candidate—in the way the delegates trip and preparing to start on ten thousand miles had turned to Warren Harding in 1920. About more, I am inclined to think that he places quite the only publicity his campaign received oc- a high value on the office.’’ 27 curred when a Senate page stamped the words The Hoover-Curtis ticket rode to victory that ‘‘Curtis for President’’ in the snow around the November over the Democratic ticket of Alfred Capitol. Not until Curtis reached the convention Smith and Joseph T. Robinson. Each of the vice- in Kansas City did he speak out against Hoover. presidential candidates served as his party’s He warned that the Republicans could not afford floor leader in the Senate, and, despite their polit- to nominate a candidate who would place the ical differences, the two were known as party ‘‘on the defensive from the day he is ‘‘chums.’’ Curtis was celebrated as a ‘‘stand pat- named.’’ Despite caravans of farmers who pro- ter,’’ the most regular of Republicans, and yet a tested against Hoover, the commerce secretary man who could always bargain with his party’s easily won the Republican nomination on the progressives and with senators from across the first ballot.25 center aisle. Newspapers claimed that Curtis Eating Bitter Words knew the Senate rules better than any other sen- To balance the ticket, Republicans sought a ator and declared him ‘‘the most competent man farm-state man for vice president and chose in Congress to look after the legislative program Charles Curtis of Kansas. Insisting that he had of the administration.’’ 28 never sought the vice-presidency, Curtis agreed This was not to be. Hoover and Curtis re- to run because of his loyalty to the party. Report- mained alienated after the strains of campaign- ers viewed the choice of Curtis as ‘‘the perfect ing against each other for the nomination. Since touch of irony’’ for the convention, given his ear- their ticket had been a marriage of convenience, lier opposition to Hoover. ‘‘I can see him yet as there was little love to lose over the next four he stood before the convention gulping at his years. Neither man mentioned the other in his pride under the klieg lights,’’ recalled reporter inaugural address, and except for formal occa- Thomas L. Stokes: sions they seem to have had as little to do with He had eaten his bitter words, but he was suffer- each other as possible. A politico not identified ing from indigestion, you could see. His bald with issues or ideas, Curtis could never measure head gleamed, as if still feverish under the indig- up to Hoover’s standards and never became an nity of second place on the ticket. His mustache inside player. Although Curtis attended some twitched in pain, as he tried to smile. It was only cabinet meetings, his advice was neither sought a contorted grin that creased his swarthy face. In nor followed. He spent his vice-presidency pre- the press section we nudged each other and siding over the Senate, and on a few occasions 26 chuckled cruelly. casting tie-breaking votes. Sixty-nine years old During the campaign, Curtis visited the in- when he took office, Curtis was no longer the cumbent vice president, Charles Dawes. Sympa- vigorous politician of his youth.29

[ 379 ] CHARLES CURTIS

A Subtle Transformation was much more receptive, and sent his sister Curtis enjoyed the status of the vice-presi- Dolly Curtis Gann out to inspect the property. dency and made much of his rise ‘‘from Kaw She pronounced the house ‘‘lovely’’ and appro- tepee to Capitol.’’ As the first American of Indian priate for its purposes, arguing that a vice presi- ancestry to reach high office, he decorated his of- dent ‘‘should not have the social duties now in- fice with Native American artifacts and posed for cumbent upon him unless he is to be in a position pictures wearing Indian headdresses. But the to fulfill them properly and comfortably.’’ But a press who covered him noted that Charles Curtis member of the Henderson family objected to the had changed in many ways, both subtle and con- elderly Mrs. Henderson’s penchant for giving spicuous. As a senator, he had always been a away her property, and the deal fell through. ‘‘placid, humble, unchanging, decent fellow,’’ Not for another half century would vice presi- but when he began to harbor presidential ambi- dents have an official residence.31 tions ‘‘his humility turned inside out.’’ Curtis grew pompous, demanding that past intimates A Tempest in a Teapot address him as the vice president of the United When the stock market crashed in 1929, the na- States and giving the impression that he felt that tion began to slip into the worst economic de- he, rather than Herbert Hoover, should be occu- pression in its history. At a moment when people pying the White House. Perhaps sensing that re- wanted positive action from their political lead- sentment, the Hoover White House never trusted ers, poor Curtis became embarrassingly em- Curtis as a legislative lieutenant. Reporters who broiled in a ‘‘tempest in a teapot.’’ His sister watched him believed that the frustrated Curtis, Dolly openly feuded with Alice Roosevelt Long- having been so busy and influential as majority worth, the daughter of Theodore Roosevelt and leader, ‘‘just had to have something to do’’ as wife of House Speaker Nicholas Longworth, vice president. He found his outlet as ‘‘a stern over their relative positions in protocol. ‘‘Prin- and unbending disciplinarian in the Senate and cess Alice’’ admitted making a ‘‘little mischief’’ a defiant defender of vice presidential rank and over the affair. After Curtis’ wife died, Dolly had precedent there and elsewhere, particularly at invited him to live at her Washington home and dinner tables.’’ Or, as one Washington hostess had acted as his official hostess. Dolly Gann as- noted archly, ‘‘Mr. Curtis openly exulted in the serted that as hostess for the vice president she ephemeral effulgence of the limelight which should be seated ahead of the congressional and shone upon him.’’ 30 diplomatic wives at Washington dinners. ‘‘At Curtis’ search for status revived the issue of an that there was a cackle of excited discussion official vice-presidential residence. The wealthy about the propriety of designating any one not widow of Missouri Senator John B. Henderson a wife to hold the rank of one,’’ observed Alice lived in a brownstone castle on 16th Street, on Longworth. Alice raised the issue with her hus- a hillside several blocks north of the White band Nick, who disapproved of Dolly Gann’s House. For years Mrs. Henderson had lobbied to pretensions and used the controversy as an ex- rechristen 16th Street as the Avenue of the Presi- cuse to avoid going to Prohibition-era ‘‘dry’’ din- dents and had persuaded many embassies to lo- ner parties that he hated to attend. All this cate along the street—by selling them inexpen- caused a ‘‘torrent of newspaper publicity,’’ pre- sive parcels of land. Mrs. Henderson became dominantly negative. William Allen White’s Em- convinced that the street would be the perfect lo- poria Gazette proclaimed: cation for a permanent vice-presidential dwell- If Washington does not do right by our Dolly, ing, suitable for entertaining, and she offered to there will be a terrible ruckus in Kansas. We will give the government a house overlooking Merid- be satisfied with nothing less than that she be ian Hill Park, whose land she had also contrib- borne into the dinner on the shoulders of Mrs. uted to the city. Earlier, Vice President Calvin Nick Longworth, seated in the center of the table Coolidge had declined a similar offer, but Curtis as an ornament with a candelabra in each hand [ 380 ] CHARLES CURTIS

and fed her soup with a long-handled spoon by understood, but his calling out the marines made the wife of the Secretary of State.32 him even more the subject of national jokes.34 Bad press dogged Curtis and he assumed the As the depression worsened and the presi- public image of a Throttlebottom, especially as dential election approached, many Republicans a result of his panicky response to the bonus talked of dumping Curtis from the ticket in favor marchers in 1932. World War I veterans had of a stronger candidate who might help Hoover’s marched on Washington to demand that Con- chance of reelection. Curtis himself recognized gress pass legislation enabling them to receive his vulnerability and talked of running for the early payment of their promised bonus for war- Senate seat from Kansas instead. But with his sis- time service. As a senator, Curtis had sponsored ter Dolly rallying support among the delegates, an earlier bonus bill and, although he himself Curtis was renominated on the Hoover ticket to had never served in the military, he frequently face Franklin D. Roosevelt and John Nance Gar- cited his father’s Civil War service in seeking vet- ner. In the depth of the depression, the Hoover- erans’ support for his campaigns. But when the Curtis campaign never stood a chance. Hecklers marchers camped around Washington and pa- challenged Curtis when he spoke. Why had he raded to the Capitol, Curtis urged President not fed the veterans in Washington? they yelled Hoover to call out the troops. The president, at one stop. ‘‘I’ve fed more than you have, you however, tried to keep calm and maintain the dirty cowards!’’ Curtis shouted back at the peace.33 crowd. ‘‘I’m not afraid of you!’’ The crowd The Depression Sinks the Ticket chanted ‘‘Hurrah for Roosevelt!’’ 35 In , some four hundred men marched A landslide defeat in November 1932 retired to the Capitol grounds. When the architect of the Charles Curtis from a political career that had Capitol had sprinklers turned on, the begun almost fifty years earlier when he ran for marchers gave up their idea of camping on the Shawnee County district attorney. Now, to the grounds and instead began a single-file march surprise of many Kansans, Curtis seemed to have around the Capitol Building. A nervous Vice ‘‘lost interest in Kansas.’’ Having spent so much President Curtis announced that ‘‘Neither Speak- of his life in the nation’s capital, he remained in er [John Nance] Garner nor I issued any permits Washington, where he practiced law and talked to parade inside Capitol Grounds, and for this politics. In 1935 he became chairman of the Re- reason I believe they should be kept off.’’ The publican senatorial campaign committee, hoping vice president had a ‘‘stormy session’’ with the the party could win back the Senate majority the District of Columbia’s police chief, Pelham next year, but he died in February 1936 at his sis- Glassford, who informed him that only the presi- ter Dolly’s home. A party regular—‘‘one-eighth dent could call out the army. Curtis then con- Kaw Indian and a one-hundred per cent Repub- tacted the U.S. Marines to have them stand ready lican’’ as he liked to tell audiences—he had been for an emergency. But the marines took the vice yoked to one of the most intellectual and least president too literally and sent two companies political of all American presidents, and the in- wearing trench helmets to the Capitol, riding on compatibility of the team made his vice-presi- the city trollies. Curtis claimed to have been mis- dency a dismal failure.36

[ 381 ] NOTES 1 Quoted in Chalmers Roberts, First Rough Draft: A Jour- 19 Curtis served as an honorary pallbearer at Harding’s nalist’s Journal of Our Times (New York, 1973), p. 268. funeral, and was later active in the effort to suppress news 2 For an especially egregious example, see Don C. Seitz, of Harding’s illegitimate child by Nan Britton. Francis Rus- From Kaw Teepee to Capitol: The Life Story of Charles Curtis, sell, The Shadow of Blooming Grove: Warren G. Harding in His Indian, Who Has Risen to High Estate (New York, 1928). Times (New York, 1968), pp. 571, 597, 626. 3 William E. Unrau, ‘‘The Mixed-Blood Connection: 20 Irving G. Williams, The Rise of the Vice Presidency (Wash- Charles Curtis and Kaw Detribalization,’’ in Kansas and the ington, D.C., 1956), p. 144; Seitz, pp. 172, 178; George Whar- West: Bicentennial Essays in Honor of Nyle H. Miller, ed. For- ton Pepper, In The Senate (Philadelphia, 1930), p. 35: New rest R. Blackburn, et al. (Topeka, KS, 1976), pp. 151–61; Wil- York Times, June 19, 1928; Washington Evening Star, Feb- liam E. Unrau, Mixed-Bloods and Tribal Dissolution: Charles ruary 8, 1936. Curtis and the Quest for Indian Identity (Lawrence, KS, 1989), 21 ‘‘Heap Big Chief,’’ p. 410; Seitz, pp. 172–73. pp. 9–10, 58, 64–65; Marvin Ewy, ‘‘Charles Curtis of Kansas: 22 New York Times, May 26, 1928. Vice President of the United States, 1929–1933,’’ Emporia 23 Gann, p. 74; Herbert Hoover, The Memoirs of Herbert State Research Studies 10 (December 1961): 6–9. Hoover: The Cabinet and the Presidency, 1920–1933 (New York, 4 Unrau, Mixed-Bloods and Tribal Dissolution, pp. 70–75. 1952), p. 194. 5 Ibid., pp. 61–62, 81–82; New York Times, June 17, 1928; 24 John D. Hicks, Republican Ascendancy, 1921–1933 (New Seitz, p. 128. York, 1960), p. 201; Sinclair, p. 184; Russell, p. 433; Hoover, 6 Unrau, Mixed Bloods and Tribal Dissolution, pp. 92–93; p. 192. Ewy, p. 11. 25 New York Times, February 3, April 26, June 11–15, 1928; 7 Dolly Gann, Dolly Gann’s Book (Garden City, NY, 1933), Ewy, pp. 38–39. pp. 1, 4–5; Unrau, Mixed Bloods and Tribal Dissolution, pp. 26 Thomas L. Stokes, Chip Off My Shoulder (Princeton, NJ, 97–98. 1940), pp. 230–31. 8 Unrau, Mixed Bloods and Tribal Dissolution, pp. 99–101; 27 Charles G. Dawes, Notes as Vice President, 1928–1929 Ewy, pp. 15–17. (Boston, 1935), p. 123. 9 William Allen White, The Autobiography of William Allen 28 New York Times, September 2, November 11, 1928. White (New York, 1946), p. 196. 29 Williams, p. 146; Ewy, p. 43. 10 Ibid., pp. 196–97. 30 ‘‘Heap Big Chief,’’ pp. 401–6, 411; Gene Smith, The Shat- 11 Seitz, pp. 161–62; Ewy, p. 23. tered Dream: Herbert Hoover and the . (New 12 Unrau, Mixed-Bloods and Tribal Dissolution, pp. 119–23; York, 1970), p. 185; Frances Parkinson Keyes, Capital Kaleido- Unrau, ‘‘The Mixed-Blood Connection,’’ p. 159. scope: The Story of a Washington Hostess (New York, 1937), 13 White, pp. 304, 352, 366. p. 245. 14 Horace Samuel Merrill and Marion Galbraith Merrill, 31 Gann, pp. 191–92. The Republican Command, 1897–1913 (Lexington, KY, 1971), 32 Alice Roosevelt Longworth, Crowded Hours (New York, pp. 26, 288. 1933) pp. 73, 330–33; David Burner, Herbert Hoover: A Public 15 Ibid., pp. 27, 295. Life (New York, 1979), p. 291. 16 Ewy, pp. 27–29. 33 Daniel J. Lisio, The President and Protest: Hoover, Conspir- 17 Ibid., pp. 30–31; ‘‘Heap Big Chief,’’ American Mercury acy, and The Bonus Riot (Columbia, MO, 1974), p. 218. 17 (August 1929): 401. 34 Fleta Campbell Springe, ‘‘Glassford and the Siege of 18 Andrew Sinclair, The Available Man: The Life Behind the Washington,’’ Harpers 165 (November 1932): 649–51; Smith, Masks of Warren Gamaliel Harding (New York, 1965), pp. 143– p. 149. 49; White, p. 546. 35 Williams, p. 147; Ewy, pp. 51–52; Lisio, p. 244. 36 Unrau, Mixed-Bloods and Tribal Dissolution, p. 112.

[ 382 ] Chapter 32 JOHN NANCE GARNER 1933–1941

[ 383 ] JOHN NANCE GARNER Chapter 32 JOHN NANCE GARNER

32nd Vice President: 1933–1941

My belief has always been in Executive leadership, not Executive rulership. —JOHN NANCE GARNER

‘‘There is hardly any limitation upon the ways someone else conceived an idea for legislation, in which the Vice President might be of service Garner was often called upon to serve as a par- to the President,’’ wrote Franklin Delano Roo- liamentary midwife. He would expertly guide sevelt in a 1920 issue of the Saturday Evening Post the plan through the House, from negotiations when he was the Democratic vice-presidential in smoky back rooms to a debate and vote on candidate. The vice president, Roosevelt sug- the floor. gested, should be entrusted with ‘‘carrying the On the surface, there appears to be little mys- large burden of interpreting administration poli- tery about John Nance Garner. Plainspoken and cies to Congress and to the public.’’ Like the vice refreshingly unpretentious, ‘‘Cactus Jack’’ from president in a modern corporation, he should be the tiny back-country town of Uvalde, Texas, a ‘‘super handy man,’’ handling various matters was by all accounts a man of common words, of detail and ‘‘leaving the president free to deal simple tastes, a frugal lifestyle, and an unswerv- mainly with matters of policy.’’ 1 ing pragmatism that prompted Roosevelt to dub Upon becoming president a dozen years later, him ‘‘Mr. .’’ Yet, for all his un- however, Roosevelt had adjusted his image of complicated personality, Garner remains an the vice-presidency to more closely match the enigmatic presence in history. For thirty-eight predispositions of the man that the Democratic years in Washington, from 1903 to 1941, Garner National Convention nominated to be his run- continued to be a secretive back-room operator. ning mate, John Nance Garner. As vice presi- Because nearly all of his most important political dent, Garner would indeed work extensively at activities took place out of the public eye and off ‘‘interpreting administration policies to Con- the record, his personal motivations or convic- gress,’’ as the White House’s chief liaison to Cap- tions remain unclear. It is particularly difficult to itol Hill, but he did little to communicate these gauge the degree to which, in his role as vice policies to the public because he refused to be president, Garner should be credited for the leg- a spokesman or campaigner. He did provide the islative successes of the first Roosevelt adminis- administration with expertise on ‘‘matters of de- tration or be blamed for the failures of the tail’’ but limited this advice mostly to the intrica- second.2 cies of maneuvering legislation through Congress. Youth Garner’s long career in the House of Rep- Garner was born on November 22, 1868, in Red resentatives had prepared him for the vice-presi- River County, Texas. Although political promot- dency. He had rarely originated innovative ideas ers later romanticized his modest upbringing in to answer the problems of the country, yet once a mud-chinked log cabin, his mother, Rebecca [ 385 ] JOHN N. GARNER

Walpole Garner, was the daughter of the town lied upon informal methods to strengthen the banker and a descendent of English aristocracy. party’s influence. He enjoyed a close rapport At age eighteen, young Garner set off to enroll with Republican Speaker Nicholas Longworth, at the , the state in which his debonair alter ego. Said Garner, ‘‘I was the both sides of his family had roots. Finding him- heathen and Nick was the aristocrat.’’ This con- self handicapped by an insufficient preparatory gressional odd couple cohosted a daily biparti- education and various respiratory problems, san gathering of lawmakers in a small room, however, the young man soon returned home deep in the bowels of the Capitol, which became and found work in a law office. By studying in known as the ‘‘Bureau of Education.’’ Like The his spare time, Garner gained entrance to the bar Boar’s Head Club, the site of Speaker Joe Can- in 1890. He then failed in his first bid for political non’s drinking and gambling congregations that office as a twenty-one-year-old candidate for city Garner had attended decades earlier, the bureau attorney. provided a place for politicians to relax and get to know one another over a cordial drink, ignor- A Back-Room Politician ing the Eighteenth Amendment’s ban on alco- Garner moved to Uvalde, Texas, for the health holic beverages. The bureau also served as an in- benefits of its dry climate. During his successful formal forum for constructive, off-the-record campaign for judge of Uvalde County, he met communications and negotiations between the Ettie Rheiner, who soon became his cherished two parties. In this setting, Longworth said that partner as both beloved wife and career-long Garner operated as ‘‘a one man cabal’’ 5 personal secretary.3 Garner served as county Garner presented only four major bills to Con- judge from 1893 to 1896, followed by a tenure gress under his own name in his entire three dec- in the Texas state legislature from 1898 to 1902. ades in the House, a fact a longtime House col- When Texas gained an additional congressional league, James F. Byrnes of South Carolina, attrib- seat after the 1900 census, Garner managed to se- uted to Garner’s collaborative parliamentary cure the chairmanship of a special redistricting style: ‘‘It was his policy, whenever he had an committee. He used this position to carve out an idea . . . to induce a prospective opponent or a advantageous congressional district, from which doubtful supporter to sponsor the legislation. he ran successfully in 1902 for the U.S. House of When he achieved that, he knew his purpose was Representatives. accomplished.’’ As a result, Byrnes noted, ‘‘The During his first several years in the House, Congressional Record will not show the remark- Garner was a silent backbencher who ingratiated able influence he exercised upon the members of himself with his colleagues by cultivating friend- the House and Senate during his long service.’’ ships and by his record of party loyalty. He was Garner himself later asserted that he had ‘‘no eventually rewarded with coveted committee more useful years than those in the ranks of or appointments, and by the 1920s his seniority had as the leader of the opposition to the majority.’’ 6 made him the ranking Democrat on the Ways Between the 1930 congressional elections and and Means Committee and chairman of the the opening of the Seventy-second Congress on Democrats’ Committee on Committees, which December 7, 1931, fourteen members-elect, in- chose that party’s members for all House com- cluding Longworth, died.7 After special elections mittees. His vociferous attacks on Treasury Sec- were held to replace the deceased, the Democrats retary ’s economic programs emerged with a 219 to 214 advantage, enabling earned him a national reputation as ‘‘a Jefferson/ Garner to become Speaker and the titular head Jackson Democrat—egalitarian, rural, states’ of his party as its highest national officeholder. rights oriented, and populist.’’ 4 Garner did not share the same close personal In 1929, Garner was elected the floor leader of friendship with the new Republican minority a House Democratic party whose morale and leader, New York’s Bertrand Small, that he had representation had suffered a crushing blow in enjoyed with Longworth. The two parties were the 1928 elections. As minority leader, Garner re- becoming increasingly polarized in their ap- [ 386 ] JOHN N. GARNER proaches to solving the crisis that gripped the na- to increased government spending. Hoover ve- tional economy. In addition, a decade in the mi- toed the bill, condemning it as ‘‘the most gigantic nority had permitted many House Democrats to pork barrel raid ever proposed to an American lapse into habits of frequent absenteeism and Congress!’’ Relations between the two men maverick voting patterns, which the party with never recovered.10 its slim majority could now ill afford. The Election of 1932 The new Speaker enforced party discipline with a severity that inspired to call A ‘‘Garner for President’’ movement emerged him, ‘‘a terrible, table-thumping Democrat.’’ in January 1932. Instigated by an editorial cam- Under the slogan ‘‘You’ve got to bloody your paign in the newspapers of William Randolph knuckles!’’ Garner regularly summoned House Hearst, it was independent of any initiative or Democrats to caucus or bureau meetings, where encouragement by Garner. Over such other pro- they wrangled out consensus policies to which spective nominees as Franklin Roosevelt, Al he would then ‘‘bind’’ all of their votes. ‘‘And Smith, and former Secretary of War Newton if they didn’t stay bound,’’ he recalled, ‘‘I’d put Baker, Hearst endorsed Garner as the candidate ’em down in my book and they’d never get he considered most likely to adhere to his own through paying for it.’’ Of his overriding concern agenda, which included instituting a national for party , Garner once declared, ‘‘I sales tax and keeping the United States out of the have always done what I thought was best for League of Nations.11 The Garner bandwagon in- my country, never varying unless I was advised cluded many conservative southern and western that two-thirds of the Democrats were for a bill politicians who felt ideologically and personally and then I voted for it.’’ 8 comfortable with Garner. A contemporary jour- In his response to the Great Depression, this nalist attributed the attraction of the Garner can- dedication to maintaining a governing consensus didacy to the desire of ‘‘the rank and file Demo- eventually outweighed Garner’s normally con- crats to get away from everything the East im- servative principles, and he grew increasingly plies and to find a good, safe politician with an supportive of federal intervention in economic innocuous record, what they want is a Demo- affairs. At first, the Speaker attempted to forge cratic Coolidge.’’ Others supported Garner only bipartisan cooperation in support of Herbert as a stalking-horse for another candidate or as Hoover’s economic programs, such as the Recon- one of a variety of candidates whose delegates struction Finance Corporation and the Glass- could collectively block Roosevelt.12 Steagall banking bills. This conciliatory approach Garner himself was less interested in becoming meant reversing his previous opposition to such president than in ensuring his tenure as Speaker measures as a manufacturers’ sales tax designed by nominating a candidate who could capture to increase government revenue in the face of the White House with long enough coattails to mounting deficits—favored by business groups solidify the party’s majority in Congress. Roo- for more than a decade—and establishment of a sevelt’s candidacy, he concluded, was the best moratorium on foreign debts in order to relieve bet to unite and strengthen the party enough to some of the financial burden on the nation’s Eu- achieve this goal. Garner therefore ignored the ropean trading partners.9 efforts of his promoters and refused to proclaim By 1932, however, the overwhelming consen- himself a candidate, although he never actually sus among congressional Democrats and the ordered them to desist. As a consequence, Gar- public against the sales tax and in favor of addi- ner found himself holding a tiger by the tail at tional relief measures convinced Garner to repu- the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, diate Hoover’s program. He proposed his own where he placed third on the first ballot behind federal relief spending bill through a massive Roosevelt and Smith. After three ballots, during public works program. This action was highly which Garner’s numbers increased marginally, uncharacteristic, given his reluctance to offer his Roosevelt’s strategists realized that without Gar- own proposals and his long record of opposition ner’s support they would never achieve the nec- [ 387 ] JOHN N. GARNER essary two-thirds vote that the party’s century- Inauguration Day in 1933 marked a ceremonial old rule mandated for nomination. They feared demonstration of mutual affection and gratitude they were about to lose the Mississippi delega- between the outgoing Speaker and his House tion, which operated under a rule that gave all colleagues as the procession of 400 House mem- twenty of its votes to the candidate favored by bers and another 150 members-elect escorted a simple majority of its members. To break the Garner through the Capitol to the Senate cham- impasse, Roosevelt campaign manager James ber, where he thanked them with an emotional Farley called Garner’s campaign manager, Rep- farewell speech in which he grieved, ‘‘my heart resentative Sam Rayburn, to a meeting in Mis- will always be in the House.’’ 15 sissippi Senator ’s hotel room. They First Term—Supporting the President’s Program agreed to ask Garner to transfer his delegates to In many respects, Garner’s new job was a step Roosevelt in return for the vice-presidential down. He called the vice-presidency ‘‘the spare nomination. Garner reluctantly agreed in order tire on the automobile of government,’’ ‘‘a no to avoid the type of deadlocked convention that man’s land somewhere between the legislative in 1924 had produced the unsatisfying com- and the executive branch,’’ and ‘‘not worth a promise candidacy of John W. Davis and his los- bucket of warm spit.’’ He bemoaned the fact that ing campaign. Garner consoled himself with the the vice president had ‘‘no arsenal from which thought that the apparently less demanding of- to draw power,’’ believing that only when men fice ‘‘might be a nice way for me to taper off my ‘‘have friendship for him and faith in and respect 13 career.’’ for his judgement can he be influential.’’ 16 Roosevelt wanted to use Garner’s homespun In the Senate, the new vice president renewed appeal in extensive campaigning as a sort of political alliances with over twenty of his former ‘‘Texas .’’ But Garner refused, believing colleagues who had moved there from the that such efforts would be irrelevant, since he re- House, including such influential Democratic garded elections as merely a referendum on the senators as Arkansas’ Joe Robinson, Mis- incumbent’s performance. He made only two sissippi’s Pat Harrison, Kentucky’s Alben Bar- speeches and was briefly employed as Roo- kley, Virginia’s Carter Glass, South Carolina’s sevelt’s peacemaking mediator to Smith before James Byrnes, Texas’ , and being dismissed to go home to Uvalde. There he Maryland’s . These men were was reelected to his House seat on the same day products of the Wilsonian progressive New Free- he was elected vice president of the United dom movement, but by the 1930s some of them States.14 had become the leaders of the party’s conserv- Between the November 1932 election and the ative wing of southern and western Democrats, inauguration, Roosevelt frequently who held the key committee chairmanships. Gar- phoned Garner in Uvalde to solicit his opinions ner’s vice-presidency enhanced the influence of about proposals for legislation and organizing these men because he often sympathized with the new government. Although Garner offered them in their efforts to limit the of the relatively few legislative proposals, he did advo- New Deal.17 cate government guarantees of banking deposits, Garner’s familiarity with the mechanics and an idea he promoted in Congress despite the ob- personalities of Congress initially proved invalu- jections of the president-elect. Eventually, the able to the new Roosevelt administration. Before groundswell of congressional support for the committing himself to the innovative experi- plan won Roosevelt over, and he endorsed the ments of his ‘‘Brains Trust,’’ Roosevelt asked for Vandenberg Amendment to the Glass-Steagall Garner’s realistic assessment of congressional re- Banking Act, creating the Federal Deposit Insur- action. After observing Garner in cabinet meet- ance Corporation. In this case, Garner appeared ings, Roosevelt’s Postmaster General James Far- to be ahead of the ‘‘New Deal’’ curve, belying ley came ‘‘to look upon him as one of the truly his later reputation as an inflexible . great public men of this generation’’ because of [ 388 ] JOHN N. GARNER

Garner’s mastery of ‘‘such intricate problems as as a spokesman for the administration because, government financing, taxation, tariffs, and reve- he told Roosevelt, ‘‘Any speech or statement I nue bills.’’ Once Roosevelt decided on a new pro- made would be searched to find a difference be- posal, Garner acted as his , per- tween you and me.’’ Instead, when the press sonally leading the White House troops as they begged him for comments, he declared, ‘‘I’m a stormed Capitol Hill.18 member of a firm—the junior member. Go to Most of Garner’s political generalship was of headquarters for the news.’’ Just as he had in the guerrilla variety. He continued to host regu- 1932, he begged out of campaigning publicly for lar Bureau of Education meetings in a room near his party in the national and statewide elections. the Senate floor. Darrell St. Claire, assistant sec- He also declined a radio station’s offer to give retary of the Senate, remembered that ‘‘the whis- weekly fifteen-minute addresses at $1,500 each, key vapor would come flowing into the chamber which he thought would be exploitative of his from the formal office, along with the laughter.’’ office.22 Garner would lure guests there from both the Garner further absolved himself of the tradi- legislative and the executive branches, ambush- tional vice-presidential obligations to represent ing them with bombardments of reason and liq- the administration at a variety of ceremonial and uor designed to ‘‘hypnotize, mesmerize and oth- gala affairs. He adamantly protected his privacy erwise to get our friends to approve matters in and his personal time with his wife, refusing a helpful way.’’ 19 even the accompaniment of the Secret Service. ‘‘I Garner did not always agree with Roosevelt’s don’t want those constables protecting me. There policies during the ‘‘First One Hundred Days’’ is not anybody crazy enough to shoot a Vice- of the new administration, but he encouraged President,’’ he declared.23 other reluctant lawmakers to follow him in sup- Thanks to the large Democratic majorities, porting the president because it was ‘‘good poli- Garner needed to cast a tie-breaking vote in the tics and good patriotism.’’ ‘‘Sometimes condi- Senate on only two minor matters, but he still tions in a country justify temporary violations of made his presence felt as presiding officer. One deep principles of government,’’ he reasoned to of the cagey veteran’s favorite parliamentary one congressman, ‘‘if ever there was such a time tricks was to ‘‘buggy-whip’’ bills through debate it is now.’’ To another Democrat who was skep- with an unexpected staccato call of ‘‘There- tical of Roosevelt, ‘‘It doesn’t matter what kind being-no-objections-the-bill-is-passed’’ and a of a fool you think he is; he’s your fool just as sudden rap of the gavel. He also descended fre- long as he’s President and the leader of your quently from the dais to lobby the senators in party.’’ In a letter responding to criticism of the attendance.24 administration from a Texas lumberman friend The cantankerous Garner had little patience named Kirby he admitted, ‘‘You with the flamboyant senator from Louisiana, can’t do everything you want to and I can’t do Huey Long. Long once asked Garner to require half of what I would like to do. You can’t control all of his colleagues to stay and listen to his fili- everybody you would like to and I am in a simi- buster on the National Recovery Act, to which lar fix.’’ 20 Garner retorted: ‘‘In the first place the Senator One historian of the vice-presidency rated Gar- from Louisiana should not ask that. In the second ner as ‘‘a combination presiding officer, Cabinet place, it would be cruel and unusual punish- officer, personal counselor, legislative tactician, ment.’’ Another time he remarked to humorist Cassandra and sounding board’’ for the adminis- Will Rogers before the convening of a session, tration and ‘‘undoubtedly one of the most pow- ‘‘Will, sometimes I think the hearing in my right erful of the twentieth century Vice-Presi- ear and the vision in my right eye isn’t as good dents.’’ 21 However, there were some tasks that as it used to be. Long sits on my right. . . . I may Garner stubbornly avoided, especially those that not be able to hear or see Huey this morning.’’ 25 would involve publicity, which he felt was inap- Long antagonized Garner on another occasion propriate for a vice president. He refused to act by drawling: ‘‘Mr. President, I rise to make a par- [ 389 ] JOHN N. GARNER liamentary inquiry. How should a Senator who The first issue over which the two men had a is half in favor of this bill and half against it cast truly acrimonious dispute was Roosevelt’s labor his vote?’’ Snapped an exasperated Garner: ‘‘Get agenda. Garner objected to such New Deal pro- a saw and saw yourself in two. That’s what you labor legislation as the Wagner-Connery Act of ought to do anyway!’’ 26 1935 and the Black-Connery bill of 1937. He Roosevelt’s first term was not without a few fiercely opposed organized labor’s 1936 sit-down points of contention between the president and strikes, considering them a violation of business his vice president, foreshadowing their later owners’ property rights. When the president problems. Garner had grave misgivings about proved reluctant to repudiate these tactics, Gar- the National Recovery Act, diplomatic recogni- ner secretly lobbied Congress in support of ef- tion of Russia, and the embargo clause in the forts by Texas Representative Martin Dies, Jr., Neutrality Act. Roosevelt was somewhat dissat- and South Carolina Senator James Byrnes to pass isfied with Garner’s choices when the Senate au- congressional resolutions condemning the thorized him to select one member to the London strikes. When Republican Senator Arthur Van- Economic Conference in 1933 and three to the denberg of Michigan gave a ringing speech on Nye munitions industry investigation commit- the floor of the Senate in support of Byrnes’ tee. The president also suspected that Garner had amendment, Garner jumped down from his pre- 28 botched his plan to slip the soldier’s bonus bill siding seat to offer his congratulations. of 1935 through Congress by leaking the strategy On February 5, 1937, Roosevelt called Garner to his congressional friends.27 and a handful of Democratic congressional lead- At the 1936 Democratic National Convention ers to a meeting at the White House, where he stunned them with an audacious plan to reorga- in Pittsburgh, the cumbersome 1832 rule requir- nize the Supreme Court. Up to six new justices ing that two-thirds of all delegates approve both would be chosen by the president in an attempt the presidential and vice-presidential nomina- to ensure many years of judicial approval for his tions was overturned in favor of a simple major- liberal legislative agenda. ity. The rules change enabled future Democratic Garner himself was not among those critics presidential nominees to choose their own run- who considered the proposal to be a threat to the ning mates, rather than accept the consensus of judiciary’s independence, believing that ‘‘no the convention. Initiated by Roosevelt, this re- President can control that court.’’ However, he form was passed largely in deference to his per- was deeply concerned about the threat to party sonal prestige. Yet Garner’s presence on the tick- unity posed by Roosevelt’s somewhat reckless et also must have made the delegates feel com- method of handling such a controversial pro- fortable in doing so. It is difficult to imagine the posal. Garner complained that the president sent same rule passing in 1940, when Roosevelt of- the plan to Congress, ‘‘without notice after say- fered as his running mate Henry Wallace, a less ing he had no legislative program other than out- popular man within the party, who would not lined . . . it was not in the nor likely have been approved under the former was it taken after consultation with Congres- rules. sional leaders who would have to put it through. Party policy is not made by one man without Second Term—An Obstacle to Roosevelt consultation with elected officials from another The second term of the Roosevelt-Garner ad- branch of government.’’ 29 ministration saw the breakdown of the working While never issuing a public statement against relationship between the president and vice the bill, Garner demonstrated his disapproval president. Garner objected to Roosevelt’s deter- with two symbolic . First, he held his mination to escalate the New Deal’s centralizing nose and gave an emphatic ‘‘thumbs-down’’ sign of the federal government, expanding govern- as the bill was introduced on the floor of the Sen- ment regulation and spending programs, and ate. Then, during the subsequent congressional ‘‘revolutionizing’’ the Democratic party. debate, Garner suddenly departed from the cap- [ 390 ] JOHN N. GARNER ital in June to return to Texas. It was the first time legislative program by giving out premature in- he had left Washington while Congress was in formation.’’ He complained privately that Roo- session. Roosevelt was furious. ‘‘Why in hell did sevelt wanted too much power. ‘‘He has changed Jack have to leave at this time for?’’ he fumed, in office. He does not delegate. His nature is [to] ‘‘This is a fine time to jump ship.’’ In response want to do everything himself.’’ 32 to widespread speculation in the press about a Purging the Party rift between the president and himself, Garner is- sued a public statement from Texas declaring By 1938, the president was sufficiently frus- that his departure was in no way meant as a pro- trated by the conservative Democrats in Con- test. ‘‘I asked the Boss,’’ he claimed, ‘‘and he told gress to attempt a ‘‘purge’’ of the party. He em- me it was all right for me to go .’’ Garner barked on a campaign through southern and eventually returned to Washington, but the western states to endorse liberal candidates in death of Senate Democratic Majority Leader Jo- primary challenges to such conservative incum- seph Robinson in July 1937 mortally wounded bents as Senators Millard Tydings of Maryland, Roosevelt’s court proposal. The faithful Robin- Walter George of Georgia, and Guy Gillette of son had tenaciously led the fight for the bill on Iowa. Garner argued to Roosevelt that his inter- the president’s behalf. After his passing, Roo- vention in local elections was an unfair invasion sevelt assigned that task to the unenthusiastic of a local politician’s ‘‘own constituency and his Garner. Meanwhile, Roosevelt’s intervention to own orbit’’ and could only provoke resentment help loyal New Dealer Alben Barkley succeed from voters who would regard it as ‘‘Presidential Robinson as majority leader provoked resent- arrogance.’’ He warned Roosevelt, ‘‘You can’t ment from many senators, as well as the vice defeat the Southern Democrats and if you defeat president. When the Judiciary Committee re- the Democrats in the North you will get Repub- duced Roosevelt’s Court packing plan to the licans instead.’’ 33 point where it became unrecognizable, Roosevelt This prediction proved true, as the November was convinced that Garner had collaborated elections resulted in the Republicans gaining with the opposition. For his part, Garner blamed eighty-one House and eight Senate seats. Al- Roosevelt for antagonizing the Senate by inter- though only one of Roosevelt’s fering in its internal affairs. Neither man com- targets (Representative John J. O’Connor of New pletely trusted the other again. 30 York City) lost, several of Garner’s close friends Roosevelt and Garner had fundamentally dif- in the Senate, including Connecticut’s Augustine ferent styles and philosophies of governing. Gar- Lonergan, New Hampshire’s Fred Brown, and ner was a strict traditionalist in his attitudes to- Wisconsin’s Francis Duffey, were among the ward party affairs and a strict and unbending Democratic casualties in the general elections. constructionist in his literal interpretations of the Roosevelt then further insulted conservatives by constitutional doctrine of separation of powers. appointing to key administrative posts several He was a staunch defender of the sovereignty of New Dealers who had been defeated in the elec- the legislature from undue interference by the tions. Garner lamented to Postmaster General executive. Citing the low-key approach of Calvin that Roosevelt had ‘‘stirred up a Coolidge as a model, he once stated ‘‘My belief hornet’s nest’’ by entering into the primary has always been in Executive leadership, not Ex- fights. ‘‘There are now twenty men—Demo- ecutive rulership.’’ 31 crats—in the Senate who will vote against any- Roosevelt, in contrast, used the powers of the thing he wants.’’ 34 In 1939, Congress denied vir- presidency to set the agenda of his party and the tually everything Roosevelt requested, including tone of the legislative debate. Under Roosevelt, an undistributed profits tax, government reorga- the White House increasingly issued preemptive nization, increased funding for the Works public announcements to marshal public support Progress Administration, and revision of the to gain political leverage. Garner objected to neutrality laws. Convinced that the crisis of the Roosevelt that this threatened to ‘‘jeopardize the depression was essentially over and that contin- [ 391 ] JOHN N. GARNER ued relief programs threatened to create a com- didate with a chance of attracting enough sup- placently dependent lower class, Garner consid- port to convince the president to retire. ered it time to roll back some of the regulatory During the last two years of Roosevelt’s second legislation and ‘‘pump-priming’’ expenditures term, Garner was the consistent frontrunner that had been passed for emergency relief during among the possible successors to Roosevelt in the first term.35 public opinion polls. Although the public rarely Privately, Garner confided his suspicions of got to observe Jack Garner’s actions directly, several ardent New Dealers in the Roosevelt what they did know about him—or at least what ‘‘Brains Trust.’’ ‘‘I am not worried about the they thought they knew—captured their imagi- Boss. It’s the people around him. I have no con- nation. His wheeler-dealer image, self-made fidence in them.’’ Another time Garner claimed, wealth, and free-market convictions made him a ‘‘I have more honest affection for him [Roo- symbol of the emerging business age. At the sevelt] in my little finger that they have in their same time, as a rugged, individualistic frontiers- whole bodies.’’ This hostility was mutual. The man, he was a nostalgic throwback to a vanish- New Dealers were contemptuous of Garner’s ing age, a reassuringly simple figure in an in- conservatism and his occasionally coarse behav- creasingly complex world. It was obvious to all ior and disdained his somewhat shady style of that ‘‘Cactus Jack’’ had earned his nickname be- old-fashioned, back-room horse trading. Identi- cause he was a hardy survivor with a tough hide, fying Garner as a convenient scapegoat for Roo- stumpy stature, prickly disposition, and deep sevelt’s frustrations in guiding his agenda Texas roots. through Congress, liberals within the adminis- Conservative congressmen praised Garner to tration launched assaults to discredit his char- their favorite reporters. The press, in turn, was acter. Harold Ickes, writing in a June 1939 issue usually eager to carry ‘‘good copy’’ about the of Look magazine, accused Garner of ‘‘a traitor- legendary cowboy vice president who rode herd ous knifing in the back of the commander in on Washington and plotted in the cloakrooms. chief.’’ 36 Complained one contemporary critic, ‘‘the news- The coming 1940 presidential election sparked paper men have never lost an opportunity to the final break. Garner claimed that at the inau- apotheosize his mediocrity.’’ Despite this build- guration ceremony in 1937 he and the president up, Roosevelt correctly doubted that Garner pos- had taken a mutual pledge to retire at the end sessed enough ambition or standing to mount a of that term. As tumultuous events unfolded serious challenge in 1940. Yet Garner believed abroad, however, it became increasingly appar- Roosevelt resented the press attention that was ent that Roosevelt intended to run for an unprec- often lavished on his vice president. Postmaster edented third term, arguing that the volatility of General James Farley noted that Roosevelt some- the international situation made his presence times seemed quick to blame Garner for the ad- indispensable.37 ministration’s legislative failures and that the In December of 1939, Garner announced that, president ‘‘did not like to see the trees grow too while he would not actively campaign, he would tall around him.’’ 38 not reject the presidential nomination if he were Hitler’s offensive across Western Europe in offered it at the 1940 convention, regardless of 1940 and the patriotic rallying around the presi- whether Roosevelt chose to retire or run again. dent that the crisis inspired effectively precluded He thus became the first vice president of the any challenge to Roosevelt’s nomination. He was modern era to challenge his own chief executive renominated on the first ballot at the Democratic for the office. Garner admitted that his passive National Convention in Chicago with the votes candidacy was hopeless if Roosevelt really want- of 946 delegates. Farley and Garner were far be- ed to be reelected and that he would be happy hind with 72 and 61 votes, respectively. Not only to retire to Uvalde. But his opposition to a third did Garner not campaign for Roosevelt, he could term motivated him to join the ‘‘Stop Roosevelt’’ not even bring himself to vote in the 1940 elec- movement. He considered himself the only can- tion. He went home to Uvalde, where he lived [ 392 ] JOHN N. GARNER in retirement until his death at the age of ninety- problems. An administrator rather than a politi- eight twenty-seven years later. cian like Garner, Wallace lacked legislative expe- Conclusion rience and extensive party ties. To some degree, Wallace resembled the corporate vice president Years after his retirement from politics, Garner that Roosevelt had advocated in 1920, who could mused that the country might have benefited 41 more had he retained the speakership and used handle ‘‘matters of detail.’’ it to check the growth of Franklin Roosevelt’s The vice-presidency of John Nance Garner ambitions and powers in much the way Speaker stands as a watershed in the evolution of the of- Cannon had restrained Theodore Roosevelt. ‘‘I fice. His first term marked the apex of the par- think I could have talked him out of a lot of liamentarian as vice president; his second term things. That could have been my contribution. I represented its nadir. Perhaps no other vice would have had no desire to dictate his deci- president had as much impact, both positive and sions,’’ Garner told Bascom Timmons, his news- negative, on the legislative efforts of his adminis- paper correspondent biographer, ‘‘but there tration. Garner was a specialist in an office that would have been times when I would have told would soon require generalists. He was the last him what he could not do.’’ 39 In a 1957 inter- vice president whose duties were primarily leg- view, Garner lamented, ‘‘If I hadn’t been nomi- islative. Garner was also the last of the largely nated for Vice President, I might still be speaker silent, Washington-based vice presidents before today.’’ This claim does not seem farfetched, the coming age of modern telecommunications given Garner’s relish for the position, his robust and travel enabled future vice presidents to as- health, and the preservation of a Democratic ma- sume higher profiles as representatives of their jority in the House for all but two congresses administrations, as wide-ranging campaigners, during the rest of his long life.40 public spokesmen, and foreign emissaries.42 The memory of his sour second term with Gar- During his first term, Garner may have made ner encouraged Roosevelt to redefine drastically a more valuable and positive contribution to his what he was looking for in a vice president in administration than any of his predecessors, but 1940. Henry Agard Wallace was in many ways his actions in the second term did more to under- the antithesis of Garner. As vice president, Wal- mine the administration than those of any vice lace was without either the inclination or access president since John C. Calhoun. Chosen to bal- to make his own clandestine alliances and deals ance the ticket in 1932, Garner felt obligated to that might undermine the president’s authority. use all of the formal and informal powers of his While Garner was a parochial thinker with isola- office to protect the interests of the party’s con- tionist convictions, Wallace was fascinated with servative wing that had, against his better foreign affairs and peoples and entertained ideas judgment, moved him from Speaker to vice about how Americans could help solve their president.

[ 393 ] NOTES 1 Franklin D. Roosevelt, ‘‘Can the Vice President Be Use- of 1932,’’ Journal of Southern History 30 (May 1964): 162–80; ful?’’ Saturday Evening Post 193 (October 16, 1920): 8. Roo- and Jordan A. Schwarz, The Interregnum of Despair: Hoover, sevelt also wrote that the very ambiguity of the office placed Congress and the Depression (Urbana, IL, 1970), chapter 5. its occupant in a unique position to serve as an ‘‘additional 10 Milburn, p. 679. set of eyes and ears’’ and as ‘‘a kind of roving commission’’ 11 Roosevelt waited until February 2, 1932, to announce to study the fundamental structural problems in govern- his own repudiation of the League of Nations, after Hearst ment, ‘‘especially where the jurisdiction or control does not had endorsed Garner. Irving G. Williams, The Rise of the Vice rest in one department but partly in one and partly in oth- Presidency (Washington, DC, 1956), p. 150. ers.’’ By the time Roosevelt finally attempted to realize his 12 Schwarz, ‘‘John Nance Garner and the Sales Tax Rebel- longtime ambition to radically reorganize the federal gov- lion of 1932,’’ p. 165; Douglas Craig, After Wilson: The Strug- ernment in 1937, however, he chose a commission of acad- gle for the Democratic Party, 1920–1934 (Chapel Hill, NC, emicians rather than his vice president to study the matter 1992), p. 244. and make recommendations. See Richard Polenberg, Reor- 13 Hardeman and Bacon, pp. 137–38; David Robertson, Sly ganizing Roosevelt’s Government, 1936–1939 (Cambridge, and Able: A Political Biography of James F. Byrnes (New York, MA, 1966). 1994), pp. 138–40. 2 Attempts to solve the mysteries of Garner’s career are 14 Williams, p. 152. not helped by the fact that he burned all of his personal 15 Timmons, p. 174. papers soon after retiring from Washington. ‘‘I didn’t want 16 Jules Witcover, Crapshoot: Rolling the Dice on the Vice to go through the files myself,’’ he explained. ‘‘I needed all Presidency (New York, 1992), p. 400; Timmons, pp. 176, 178. my own energies for present activities.’’ Bascom N. 17 See James Patterson, Congressional Conservatism and the Timmons, Garner of Texas: A Personal History (New York, New Deal (Lexington, KY, 1967). 1948), p. 286. An excellent bibliography of sources on Gar- 18 James A. Farley, Jim Farley’s Story: The Roosevelt Years ner can be found in Donald R. Kennon, The Speakers of the (New York, 1948) pp. 91, 163; James A. Farley, Behind the U.S. House of Representatives: A Bibliography, 1789–1984 (Bal- Ballots: The Personal History of a Politician (New York, 1973). timore, 1986), pp. 226–36. 19 Darrell St. Claire, Assistant Secretary of the Senate, Oral 3 See Mrs. John N. [Marietta] Garner, ‘‘30 Years of Dicta- History Interviews, December 1976-April 1978 (U.S. Senate tion,’’ Good Housekeeping 94 (May 1932): 28. Historical Office, Washington, DC); John Michael Romano, 4 For an account of Garner’s maneuvers for position and ‘‘The Emergence of John Nance Garner as a Figure in Amer- influence within his party, see Alex Arnett, ‘‘Garner versus ican National Politics, 1924–1941,’’ (Ph.D. dissertation, St. Kitchin: A Study of Craft and Statecraft’’ in Vera Largent, John’s University, 1974), p. 231. ed., The Walter Clinton Jackson Essays in the Social Sciences 20 Timmons, pp. 182, 183; Patterson, p. 40; Michie, p. 39. (Chapel Hill, NC, 1942), pp. 133–45; Ronald M. Peters, Jr., 21 Williams, pp. 159, 175. The American Speakership: The Office in Historical Perspective 22 Timmons, pp. 140, 202; U.S. News and World Report, No- (Baltimore, 1990), p. 111. vember 21, 1958, p. 107. 5 D. B. Hardeman and Donald C. Bacon, Rayburn: A Biog- 23 Timmons, p. 208. raphy (Austin, TX, 1987), pp. 114, 303; Timmons, p. 122. 24 Besides presiding regularly over the Senate, he also fre- 6 Timmons, pp. 110, 293. quented the Senate Democrats’ party conferences. See Ro- 7 The 14 House members who died between the Novem- , pp. 185, 212. ber 4, 1930, elections and the December 7, 1931, convening 25 Timmons, p. 186. In fact, Garner admitted in an inter- of the 72nd Congress were Ernest Ackerman (R-NJ), James view in U.S. News and World Report, November 21, 1958, pp. Aswell (D-LA), Henry Cooper (R-WI), Charles Edwards (D- 101–2, that he had been diagnosed as permanently hard of GA), Fletcher Hale (R-NH), (R-PA), Nich- hearing in his left ear sometime during the Taft administra- olas Longworth (R-OH), Samuel Major (D-MO), Charles tion but had managed to keep the fact a secret throughout Mooney (D-OH), David O’Connell (D-NY), Matthew his career. O’Malley (D-NY), John Quayle (D-NY), Bird Vincent (R- 26 Paul Boller, Congressional Anecdotes (New York, 1991), MI), and Harry Wurzbach (R-TX). p. 255. 8 Hardeman and Bacon, pp. 116, 346; Allan Andrew 27 Romano, pp. 219, 268; Farley, Jim Farley’s Story, p. 54. Michie, Dixie Demagogues (New York, 1939), p. 25. 28 Patterson, p. 137. 9 For highly critical views of Garner’s speakership see 29 Timmons, pp. 219, 225. George Milburn, ‘‘The Statesmanship of Mr. Garner,’’ Harp- 30 Farley, Jim Farley’s Story, p. 84; Henry M. Hyde, ‘‘White er’s Magazine (November 1932), pp. 669–82; Jordan A. House No-Man,’’ Saturday Evening Post 25 (June 25, 1938): Schwarz, ‘‘John Nance Garner and the Sales Tax Rebellion 23.

[ 394 ] JOHN N. GARNER

31 Timmons, pp. 291–92. during his vice-presidency, when in 1936 he endorsed his 32 Ibid., pp. 228, 255. longtime apprentice Sam Rayburn for House majority lead- 33 Ibid., pp. 234–35. er, the stepping stone to his speakership. 34 Farley, p. 137. 41 Garner had a low opinion of his successor, whom he 35 Romano, p. 291; Timmons, pp. 291–92. considered ‘‘a dangerous character . . . not because he’s bad 36 Farley, Jim Farley’s Story, p. 206; Ickes quoted in Ro- at heart, but because he doesn’t know where he’s going.’’ mano, p. 99. Farley, Jim Farley’s Story, p. 205. 37 See Bernard Donahoe, Private Plans and Public Dangers 42 Ironically, the parochial Garner became the first vice (South Bend, IN, 1965). president to be sent abroad. In 1935, he led a delegation to 38 Milburn, p. 669; Farley, Jim Farley’s Story, pp. 230, 168, the Far East, although he merely silently attended cere- 172, 70. monies as an official representative while Secretary of War 39 Timmons, p. 279. George H. Dern spoke for the president. Later that year, 40 U.S. News and World Report, March 8, 1957, p. 68. See Garner went to Mexico as part of the ‘‘Good Neighbor’’ pol- also U.S. News and World Report, November, 21, 1958, pp. icy and gave a speech on the Laredo Bridge. Williams, p. 98–105, and January 16, 1967, pp. 44–45. Garner’s greatest 162. contribution to the office of the Speaker may have occurred

[ 395 ]

Chapter 33 HENRY AGARD WALLACE 1941–1945

[ 397 ] HENRY A. WALLACE Chapter 33 HENRY AGARD WALLACE

33d Vice President: 1941–1945

No matter what he does, it is always going to seem faintly ridiculous, and no matter how he acts, it is always going to seem faintly pathetic—at least to the cold-eyed judgments of the Hill. —ALLEN DRURY

Prefaced by the stormy Democratic nominat- ity, all prevented him from gathering the support ing convention of 1940, the vice-presidency of from congressional leaders that would have en- Henry A. Wallace concluded with the equally abled him to sustain a successful political career tempestuous 1944 convention. In 1940, when in Washington. Because few senators came to Vice President John Nance Garner broke with know Wallace personally, they often judged his President Franklin D. Roosevelt and withdrew to character on the basis of his poorly delivered Texas, Roosevelt designated Wallace as his run- speeches and unusual appearance. Journalist ning mate over the considerable objection of Allen Drury, who observed the vice president many convention delegates. Four years later, in often from the Senate press gallery, described 1944, Roosevelt jettisoned Wallace in favor of Wallace as follows: ‘‘A shock of silver-graying Harry S. Truman, who then succeeded to the hair sweeps over to the right of his head in a presidency following Roosevelt’s death. During great shaggy arc. He looks like a hayseed, talks his single term, Henry Wallace became more in- like a prophet, and acts like an embarassed volved in administrative and foreign policy mat- schoolboy.’’ Drury recorded sympathetically in ters than any of his predecessors. Although his diary that he found it difficult to ‘‘put into widely judged a failure as vice president, Wal- exact words the combination of feelings he lace was in many ways a forerunner of the mod- arouses. The man’s integrity and his idealism ern vice presidents, who often serve as executive and his sainted other-worldliness are never in assistant and international emissary for the question; it’s just the problem of translating them president. into everyday language and making them jibe As Roosevelt planned to run for a third term with his shy, embarrassed, uncomfortable good- in 1940, he wanted to revolutionize the role of fellowship that is so difficult.’’ Drury considered the vice president and make the office into an Henry Wallace doomed by fate. ‘‘No matter ‘‘additional set of eyes and ears.’’ He sought what he does, it is always going to seem faintly someone who could handle administrative ques- ridiculous, and no matter how he acts, it is al- tions and large national policies without being ways going to seem faintly pathetic—at least to a member of the cabinet. As an active secretary the cold-eyed judgments of the Hill.’’ 1 of agriculture and a committed New Dealer, Henry Wallace seemed the ideal person for the Youth job. But Wallace’s visionary , his Henry A. Wallace was born on October 7, 1888, mysticism, his curiously shy and introspective near the town of Orient, Iowa, an oddly appro- personal demeanor, and his political insensitiv- priate location for someone who would become [ 399 ] HENRY A. WALLACE so fascinated with oriental philosophy. Wallace published a book about the economic turbulence was also deeply influenced by Iowa’s rural cul- of the depression and its repercussions on farm- ture. The agrarian lifestyle and communal soci- ers, which he titled New Frontiers. In it Wallace ety of turn-of-the-century Iowa formed his val- outlined the visionary politics that he employed ues, especially the idealism for which he is re- in his subsequent writings and speeches. Later membered. As a student at Iowa State College observers would compare both the title and the he studied plant genetics and crossbreeding. He themes of this book with the ideas espoused by discovered and patented a successful strain of John F. Kennedy.3 corn that produced a greater yield while resisting Drastic times called for drastic measures. A disease better than normal corn. This triumph al- firm supporter of government economic inter- lowed the young Wallace to found his own busi- vention, Wallace vigorously implemented the ness to manufacture and distribute the plants, a controversial measures of the Agricultural Ad- venture that gave him valuable experience for justment Act of 1933. Never before in peacetime, his later career in public service. had the federal government sought to regulate The future vice president was actually the production in American farming, with govern- third Henry Wallace. The first, his grandfather, ment planning designed to battle overproduc- had been a Presbyterian preacher turned farmer, tion and low prices. Additionally, Wallace of- who became editor of the Iowa Homestead and fered hog and cotton farmers a single oppor- publisher of Wallace’s Farmer. These heavily read tunity to improve their stagnating markets by agricultural journals spread the Wallace name ploughing under ten million acres of cotton and over the Iowa countryside and throughout the slaughtering six million pigs. For these losses, rural Midwest. The vice president’s father, the government would issue relief checks total- Henry Cantwell Wallace, served as secretary of ling millions of dollars. Although it earned him agriculture in the administrations of presidents the nickname ‘‘The Greatest Butcher in Christen- Warren G. Harding and Calvin Coolidge from dom,’’ the program essentially worked, and the 1921 until his death in 1924. Henry Agard Wal- market experienced a 50-percent rise in prices. lace took over as publisher of the family journal Wallace scorned those who ridiculed his plans when his father went to Washington, continuing without considering the logic behind them, ob- in that role until he himself moved to Washing- serving, ‘‘Perhaps they think that farmers should ton as secretary of agriculture in 1933.2 run a sort of old-folks home for hogs.’’ 4 The Wallaces had traditionally been a Repub- Having proved himself an effective, energetic lican family, but the shock of the Great Depres- cabinet member, Wallace remained in office sion and its impact on rural America forced through Roosevelt’s first two terms. By 1940, Henry A. Wallace to reevaluate his political af- with Europe plunged into war, there was talk of filiations. Disgruntled by the Coolidge and Hoo- an unprecedented third term, and Wallace was ver agricultural policies, Wallace threw his sup- among those who endorsed the president’s re- port to the Democrats. In 1932, Wallace sup- election. Because Vice President John Nance Gar- ported Franklin Roosevelt, who in turn selected ner, who aspired to the presidency himself, Wallace as his secretary of agriculture. strongly opposed a third term, Roosevelt sought a new running mate for the 1940 election once Secretary of Agriculture he made the decision to run. FDR’s choice of An active secretary of agriculture, Wallace Wallace marked a turning point in the history of took to heart the needs and fears of his agricul- the vice-presidency. Never before had the presi- tural constituents. In addition to helping Amer- dent so openly made the selection. In the past, ican farmers sustain themselves during the eco- the main function of a vice president was usually nomic downturn, his Department of Agriculture to balance the ticket, to unite the party, and to oversaw the creation and development of the pull in voters not normally drawn by the presi- food stamp and school lunch programs that dential candidate himself, with comparatively greatly aided urban America. In 1934, Wallace little attention paid to the compatibility of the [ 400 ] HENRY A. WALLACE two men. Presidential candidates generally ac- tered with evidence that presidential candidate ceded to the wishes of their party conventions Willkie had carried on an extramarital affair. Al- in completing the ticket. though the two parties eventually agreed to a The 1940 Election quid pro quo that suppressed both the ‘‘guru let- ters’’ and the Willkie affair, the news shook some The Republicans in 1940 had chosen a dynamic of Roosevelt’s confidence in his running mate. darkhorse candidate for president, Wendell Will- Nonetheless, the Democratic team swept the kie, and to balance the ticket the convention had election.6 selected the Republican Senate minority leader, Charles McNary of Oregon. During the 1920s, Wartime Vice President McNary had chaired the Senate Agriculture When he first took office, Wallace found the Committee and had won national attention, par- job of vice president untaxing. During the early ticularly in agricultural areas, for his sponsorship months of his tenure, he had more time for tennis of the McNary-Haugen bills. Vetoed by presi- than ever before, but as the United States moved dents Coolidge and Hoover, these bills were closer to war the vice president began to assume forerunners of the New Deal’s agricultural pro- unprecedented duties, being assigned executive gram. Seeking to neutralize McNary’s popularity tasks to allow Roosevelt more freedom to deal in the farm belt, FDR decided to make his sec- with international affairs. One of Wallace’s biog- retary of agriculture his vice president. Roosevelt raphers, Richard Walton, has asserted that also felt confident that, if anything happened to ‘‘never before, nor since, has a Vice President him, Wallace would vigorously pursue the lib- had so much direct executive authority.’’ Others eral objectives of the New Deal. Democratic con- referred to him as the first ‘‘working’’ vice presi- vention delegates were furious, however, since dent. Named a member of FDR’s secret ‘‘war they considered the former Republican Wallace cabinet,’’ Wallace chaired the Economic Defense as an outsider, lacking any of the qualities of a Board, the Supply Priorities and Allocations typical politician. When warned that the dele- Board, and the Board of Economic Warfare. Jour- gates might revolt, Roosevelt made it clear that nalists began to refer to him as ‘‘Mr. Assistant ‘‘they will go for Wallace or I won’t run, and you President.’’ 7 can jolly well tell them so.’’ Party leaders reluc- Divided into an Office of Imports, Office of Ex- tantly capitulated to the president’s demand and ports, and Office of War Analysis, the Board of nominated Wallace, but the convention’s mood Economic Warfare (BEW) supported the Allied was so sour that Wallace decided not to make war effort through procurement of strategic re- an acceptance speech.5 sources. As chairman, Wallace freed himself to Shortly after Wallace became the vice-presi- deal with long-term policy matters by delegating dential candidate, stories circulated about his re- the day-to-day management of the BEW to Milo ligious beliefs. Having abandoned the Calvinism Perkins, an associate from the Agriculture De- of his youth, he had studied Catholicism, Juda- partment. Like many special boards created by ism, , , Zoroastrianism, and President Roosevelt, the BEW came in for its Christian Science, finally settling into the Epis- share of interdepartmental bickering, rivalries, copal Church in Washington. But Wallace had and conflicts of authority. Although Roosevelt also fallen under the influence of a Russian-born expressly forbade federal government agencies ‘‘guru’’ named Nicholas Roerich. During the to publicly criticize each other during the war, 1930s, Wallace had written a series of letters to Wallace, after eight years of fighting within the one of Roerich’s associates, detailing his spiritual cabinet, failed to recognize that the president beliefs and his candid observations about con- was serious about this order.8 Wallace’s diary temporary political leaders. These so-called traces his fight to gain greater autonomy for the ‘‘guru letters’’ fell into the hands of Republicans, BEW and his many clashes with cabinet officers who considered releasing them to embarrass like Secretary of State and Secretary Wallace during the campaign. Democrats coun- of Commerce Jesse Jones. These established bu- [ 401 ] HENRY A. WALLACE reaucrats did not relish the thought of an activist BEW. Roosevelt responded on July 15, 1943, by vice president assuming responsibilities that dissolving the BEW and reconstituting its func- their departments normally held. Wallace be- tion under a new Foreign Economic Administra- lieved that the wartime emergency required tion, headed by Leo Crowley, a known supporter drastic action to deal with problems like rubber of Jones. By revealing the strained relations be- shortages, while Jones and Hull believed that ex- tween the president and vice president, the order isting mechanisms could solve even wartime de- substantially weakened Wallace’s position in mands. Wallace’s assertion of his authority to Washington politics. Until then, Wallace had purchase materiel vital to the war effort spawned been ‘‘the ideal and inspiration of every little conspicuous political battles.9 world-planner in Washington,’’ wrote the com- When Roosevelt signed an in mentator Raymond Moley. ‘‘After Roosevelt April 1942 allowing the BEW to negotiate con- abolished the BEW . . . it was clear to them that tracts with foreign governments, Secretary Hull they must forsake their high priest and follow saw it as an attempt to create a second Depart- the president.’’ 11 ment of State. Wallace’s goals for social justice As Senate President ran against the grain of Hull’s State Department policies. For instance, Wallace was firmly con- In spite of his earlier success as agriculture sec- vinced that the Latin American rubber supply retary, Wallace demonstrated acute political in- could be increased dramatically if the living sensitivity in his failure at BEW. ‘‘I did not look standards of that region’s rubber workers were on myself as very much of a politician,’’ he said, raised to reduce the incidence of chronic mal- revealingly. Wallace disliked the formalities and nutrition and malaria. He attempted to force ne- superficialities of the political world, particularly gotiated contracts to provide for socially bene- as practiced on Capitol Hill, and he lacked the ficial improvements to the Latin American infra- small-talk abilities critical in a system so depend- structure, with the United States funding half the ent on unofficial meetings and social politics. cost of these programs. Wallace’s acquisition of Senate staff member Richard Riedel judged Wal- executive authority had been unpopular with the lace ‘‘the least congressional of all the Vice Presi- rank and file in Congress, and most members dents’’ and recorded that he possessed ‘‘none of supported Hull, a former senator, in his attacks the political talents that enable public figures to on the BEW and its chairman. A growing consen- mingle with and influence each other.’’ 12 sus that Wallace had pushed a too active pro- Wallace never fit into the Senate’s club-like at- gram in Latin America caused Roosevelt to issue mosphere, in part because he refused to join the another executive order, which preserved the club. One of his first acts as president of the Sen- State Department’s monopoly on negotiations ate was to close down the private bar that ‘‘Cac- with foreign governments, a blow aimed directly tus Jack’’ Garner had maintained to entertain at Wallace’s authority.10 senators in his office—Wallace himself neither The BEW controversy climaxed in February drank nor smoked. Later, when Wallace hit a 1943, when Wallace tried to place the purchasing home run during a congressional baseball game, authority of the Reconstruction Finance Corpora- a senator observed that it clearly ‘‘furnished tion (RFC) under the BEW’s jurisdiction. An in- more pleasure [for him] than any political con- furiated Commerce Secretary Jesse Jones roundly test.’’ The Spartan, health-conscious Wallace denounced what he considered Wallace’s arro- chose to demonstrate his physical prowess over gant action. When Wallace retaliated by accusing the men who held him at a political arm’s length. Jones of delaying shipments of quinine to ma- During a friendly boxing match, he knocked out rines dying of malaria, the imbroglio became too Louisiana Senator Allen Ellender, who had been hot for Roosevelt to ignore. The embattled vice less than supportive of Wallace’s vice- president wrote to the president, asking for ei- presidency.13 ther complete vindication for his actions in the As the Senate’s presiding officer, Wallace matter or relief of his duties as chairman of the found his duties monotonous and boring. He [ 402 ] HENRY A. WALLACE disdained the senators’ right of unlimited debate simply wanted the vice president out of the and slumped down ‘‘unceremoniously’’ in the country while preparing to dump him from the presiding officer’s chair during the proceedings. Democratic ticket. Whatever was at stake, Wal- When he tried to intervene in debate, the sen- lace felt exuberant and optimistic about the pos- ators slapped him down. Wallace once suffered sibilities of his venture. FDR asked him to foster an embarrassing browbeating from Tennessee’s greater cooperation between Chiang Kai-shek crusty Kenneth McKellar, who had been arguing and the Communist forces in China and to prod over the rules of the Senate for several hours. the Nationalists into stepping up their campaign When Wallace, from the chair, declared this ti- against the Japanese.16 rade a ‘‘parliamentary trick,’’ McKellar launched Arriving in Siberia, Wallace tried again to meet into an attack on the presiding officer and ulti- the indigenous population as he had in Latin mately forced Wallace to apologize for his im- America. Even though he spoke little Russian petuous insult. Left only with his constitutional and had to use an interpreter, he insisted on de- role of breaking tie votes, Wallace was able to livering an address in Russian at Irkutsk. He vis- cast only four votes—the most satisfying being ited the collective farms in several Siberian vil- to prevent the Senate from terminating the Civil- lages and seemed most impressed with their pro- ian Conservation Corps.14 ductivity. These observations planted the seeds of Wallace’s respectful impression of the Soviet A Roving Vice President Union. Later analysis revealed that his visit had It soon became clear that Wallace’s aspirations been considerably more orchestrated by the So- lay beyond the Senate chamber. More interested viets than Wallace or the rest of his party had in the issues of the world, he became the first vice realized. Wallace saw the famous Soviet Acad- president to take an active role in foreign policy, emy of Science but not the advanced atomic ex- serving as the president’s personal ambassador. periments being conducted there. Similarly, he Wallace made his first trip in late 1940, when was never taken to visit the nearby forced-labor Roosevelt sent him to the inauguration of Mexi- camps and consequently gained a distorted view can President Camacho, whose disputed election of Soviet life.17 threatened Mexican political stability and U.S. After touring Russia, Wallace’s modest entou- access to Mexican trade. Having studied the lan- rage of diplomats arrived in Chungking to begin guage, Wallace eagerly delivered a speech in their most difficult and least successful task— Spanish to the crowd gathered at the Mexican trying to solve China’s major wartime problems. capital—an effort that won him thunderous ap- Unprepared for the sad state of Chiang Kai- plause. In 1943 Wallace made an official tour of shek’s regime, Wallace concluded that coopera- Costa Rica, Panama, Chile, Bolivia, , Ecua- tion between the Nationalists and Communists dor, and Colombia. At every stop he took pains would be nearly impossible. Nevertheless, he to meet the common people and converse with managed to negotiate an agreement by which them in their native tongue. He traveled without U.S. forces were to enter northern China to set a large entourage and refused to accept costly up weather stations to aid in bombing raids ceremonial gifts. The images of bitter suffering against the Japanese. Although the publicity and poverty that he encountered in these under- from Wallace’s first two goodwill tours had been developed countries convinced Wallace of the highly positive and had helped him to redefine need for U.S. humanitarian aid and strengthened the vice president’s role in foreign relations, his his resolve to struggle for a lasting postwar final journey gravely damaged his political ca- peace.15 reer.18 In 1944 the president asked Wallace to make Wallace’s favorable view of the an even more ambitious and dangerous trip to became increasingly pronounced and more China and the Soviet Union. Historians continue widely discussed. Shortly before his marathon to speculate on whether Roosevelt expected Wal- tour of Russia and China, Wallace wrote an arti- lace to accomplish anything diplomatically or cle for the New York Times, called ‘‘The Dangers [ 403 ] HENRY A. WALLACE of American ,’’ in which he condemned ure on Capitol Hill in the final year of his tenure. the rising tide of anti-Soviet propaganda. Seek- Growing hostility between the executive branch ing to break down the wall of ignorance between and the conservatively oriented Congress finally the Russian and American cultures, he antici- convinced FDR that Wallace had become an ex- pated that the two peoples would eventually pensive political liability. find they shared the same hopes and fears and The 1944 Election could live together in friendship. His visit to Rus- sia, and the warm welcome he received there, As the 1944 elections approached, four influen- further softened his views. Wallace compared tial Democrats decided to ensure that Wallace the Soviet citizens he visited in Siberia with the was not nominated in the next Democratic con- farm families of the Midwest whom he had vention. Terming themselves the ‘‘Conspiracy of known as a boy. His warm regard for the Soviet the Pure in Heart,’’ the four consisted of Demo- Union earned him a liberal identity during the cratic party chairman Robert Hannegan, Post- war and a heretical image during the cold war master General Frank Walker, New York Demo- that followed.19 cratic party chief Ed Flynn, and Democratic party treasurer Edwin Pauley. The Democratic leader- Wallace’s Idealism ship had unsuccessfully opposed Wallace in the Wallace envisioned a postwar era governed by 1940 nomination convention, but this time they an international peacekeeping force and an inter- had the advantage of Roosevelt’s declining national court, rather than through balance-of- health and his increasing preoccupation with power politics. His plan also called for an end wartime diplomacy.21 to European imperialism in and Africa. In Roosevelt himself appears to have grown dis- an address to the Free World Association on May satisfied with the vice president’s record. Wal- 8, 1942, Wallace outlined his ‘‘Century of the lace had not proved himself to be the political Common Man,’’ in which he endorsed federal partner Roosevelt had hoped he would become. support for education and collective health care The president’s motivation in sending Wallace for workers. These proposals would have re- overseas at a critical political time at home may quired continuing the initiatives of the New Deal therefore have been devious. The Asian journey era that Wallace so admired, but the administra- allowed Wallace no time to campaign and made tion lacked sufficient political capital to promote him vulnerable to political attack. When Wallace an expanded program of domestic social welfare, returned to Washington’s National Airport, he because of the enhanced executive war powers faced reporters who asked if he planned to with- adopted by the president. More than the New draw from the race. The vice president replied, Deal inspired Henry Wallace. Christian morality ‘‘I am seeing the president at 4:30. I have a report and the social gospel formed the fundamental in- to make on a mission to China. I do not want spiration behind his speeches. As a product of to talk politics.’’ Protestant liberalism, he adhered to the prin- But Wallace did try to make a compelling case ciples of the Sermon on the Mount and saw him- that he should continue as FDR’s running mate, self as bound to accomplish the work of the indicating that he had the support of labor lead- Lord.20 ers and rank and file Democrats.22 In that con- President Roosevelt admired and sought to versation on July 11, Roosevelt appeared sympa- harness his vice president’s idealistic liberalism, thetic to keeping Wallace on the team. Wallace while at the same time trying to teach him how asked the president to communicate his support the political machinery of Washington really op- in writing to the Democratic leadership, assum- erated. Roosevelt thought that Wallace was a few ing that the endorsement of the terribly popular years ahead of his time and expected that his chief executive would resolve the matter as it ideas would eventually be realized. Yet Wal- had four years earlier. Roosevelt’s letter, how- lace’s inability to grasp Washington politics led ever, emphasized that he had no desire to dictate to a marked decline in the vice president’s stat- to the convention. This approach left the door [ 404 ] HENRY A. WALLACE open to the ‘‘Conspiracy of the Pure in Heart’’ turbed at the prospect that he would take charge to find a replacement for Wallace. These party of the billions of dollars of loans made by the Re- leaders first considered the director of the Office construction Finance Corporation (RFC). As a of War Mobilization, James F. Byrnes of South compromise, senators who wished to let the Carolina, a former senator and Supreme Court president have his appointment yet shuddered justice, before finally settling on Senator Harry at giving their former presiding officer power, Truman of Missouri. In effect, FDR had astutely voted to transfer the money-lending responsibil- removed his hand from the process, knowing full ities of the RFC out of the Commerce Depart- well what would happen to Wallace without his ment’s jurisdiction. Stripped of his economic in- active support.23 fluence, Wallace was confirmed.25 Nonetheless, at the 1944 Democratic conven- Wallace’s short career directing the Commerce tion in Chicago, Wallace showed surprising pop- Department was racked with controversy. ularity among the delegates, threatening to ruin Eighty-two days after Wallace left office as vice the Democratic leadership’s carefully orches- president, Franklin Roosevelt died, making trated plan to dump him. After his rousing Harry Truman president. Truman’s administra- speech, cheering delegates began to shout for tion took a decidedly hard-line turn against the ‘‘Wallace in ’44.’’ The convention chairman, Indi- Soviet Union, a policy that, coupled with the in- ana Senator Samuel D. Jackson, noted the creasing influence of conservatives in Truman’s crowd’s enthusiasm and feared that Wallace cabinet, confounded and alienated Wallace. Ex- might win on the first ballot. He therefore called pressing his disapproval of Truman’s foreign for an adjournment until the next day, blaming policy, Wallace wrote a twelve-page letter urging fire code infractions due to the more than capac- the United States to exercise caution in abandon- ity crowd at the convention center. Although the ing its powerful wartime ally. Wallace firmly be- nays drowned out the ayes on the motion, the lieved that the only way to end the spread of chairman declared the session adjourned. Dur- was to raise the world’s standards ing the night, Roosevelt’s ambiguous letter of of living. In a speech at support circulated among the delegates and un- in September 1946, Wallace warned that Amer- dermined Wallace’s position. The next day, the ican foreign policy towards Russia could lead to delegates selected Senator Truman for vice presi- a third world war. Although Wallace had pre- dent. Jubilant Democratic leaders later boasted of viously cleared his remarks with Truman, his their role in the affair. Party chairman Hannegan speech occurred at the very time Secretary of told friends that his epitaph should read, ‘‘Here State James Byrnes was negotiating with Soviet lies the man who kept Henry Wallace from being authorities in Paris. Byrnes charged that Wal- President of the United States.’’ 24 lace’s speech had undermined U.S. policy and Commerce Secretary suggested damaging disunity within the admin- istration. Shortly thereafter, Truman fired Wal- Although defeated for renomination, Wallace lace as secretary of commerce.26 did not retire from politics. His active campaign- ing for FDR’s fourth term led the president to re- Later Years ward his loyalty with appointment as secretary Wallace’s final public action was a failed bid of commerce. Some have suggested that Roo- for the presidency in 1948. Still commanding a sevelt believed the Senate would never confirm modest following from left-wing groups, he ran Wallace. In his letter firing Jesse Jones as com- on the Progressive ticket, campaigning against merce secretary, FDR admitted that Wallace’s Truman, the Republican candidate Thomas E. appointment was a repayment for his ‘‘utmost Dewey, and the candidate Strom Thur- devotion to our cause.’’ This letter caused a mond. Support from the Communist party dam- storm of debate in Congress and the press. Mem- aged Wallace’s campaign by alienating many lib- bers of Congress expressed serious doubt about erals and other voters. The aggressive actions of Wallace’s abilities and were particularly dis- the Soviets in and Czechoslovakia also [ 405 ] HENRY A. WALLACE turned voters against Wallace. The former vice flect on international issues and worried about president had little impact on the election, except the United States’ deepening involvement in by capturing enough votes in New York to throw . He traced the origins of that war back that state to Dewey. Rather than present himself to the beginning of the cold war, ‘‘when I was as the liberal, internationalist alternative to the getting the hell kicked out of me for suggesting cold warriors, Wallace had bolted to a third that we were taking on more than we could party. This action, combined with the walkout of chew.’’ Wallace died on November 18, 1965, in conservative southern Democrats over the issue Danbury, Connecticut.27 of civil rights, made Truman appear to be the Henry Wallace will be remembered as an un- centrist candidate carrying on the traditions of usual vice president because of the cir- Roosevelt and the New Deal, thus enabling him cumstances of his rise and fall from power and to win the upset victory of the century. because of his unprecedented executive respon- Following his defeat in 1948, Henry Wallace sibilities. His foreign travels also forged new po- retired from official political life. He still believed litical paths that later vice presidents would fol- in his concept of world peace and worked for so- low. Clearly Wallace’s personal eccentricities cial justice in Latin America, travelling there on numerous occasions and persuading founda- contributed to his political failure in Washington tions to support the region’s developing nations. politics. Yet, viewed in retrospect from after the In retirement, Wallace continued his genetic ex- end of the cold war, his visionary social liberal- perimentation on various strains of corn and ism—so radically different from the politics of other crops, a scientific inquiry that provided Harry Truman—raises the question of how him with the satisfaction his political career had world events might have been different had the lacked. At the end of his life, as he suffered from vote for vice president at the 1944 Democratic Lou Gehrig’s Disease, Wallace continued to re- convention not been delayed overnight.

[ 406 ] NOTES 1 Jules Witcover, Crapshoot: Rolling the Dice on the Vice 12 Blum, p. 22; Schapsmeier and Schapsmeier, p. 7; Rich- Presidency (New York, 1992), pp. 405–6; Allen Drury, A Sen- ard Langham Riedel, Halls of the Mighty: My 47 Years at the ate Journal, 1943–1945 (New York, 1963), pp. 137–38. Senate (Washington, 1969), p. 193. 2 J. Samuel Walker, Henry A. Wallace and American Foreign 13 Blum, pp. 22–23; Riedel, p. 193. Policy (Westport, CT, 1976.), pp. 3–8. 14 Drury, p. 121. 3 Witcover, pp. 77–78. 15 Schapsmeier and Schapsmeier, pp. 38–49; Drury, pp. 4 Norman D. Markowitz, The Rise and Fall of the People’s 137–38. Century: Henry A. Wallace and American Liberalism, 1941–1948 16 Walton, pp. 15–16; Schapsmeier and Schapsmeier, p. 91. (New York, 1973), pp. 15–27; Witcover, p. 77. 17 Blum, pp. 335–48; Schapsmeier and Schapsmeier, pp. 5 Markowitz, pp. 28–31; Doris Kearns Goodwin, No Ordi- 85–91. nary Time: Eleanor and Franklin Roosevelt: The Home Front in 18 Blum, pp. 349–60; Schapsmeier and Schapsmeier, pp. World War II (New York, 1994), pp. 128–33. 91–98. 6 Walker, pp. 50–60; Charles J. Errico and J. Samuel Walk- 19 Witcover, p. 82. er, ‘‘The New Deal and the Guru,’’ American Heritage (March 20 Walker, pp. 83–97; Schapsmeier and Schapsmeier, pp. 1989), pp. 92–99. 30–37; Blum, pp. 13–15. 7 John Morton Blum, ed., The Price of Vision: The Diary of 21 Walton, pp. 22–23; Witcover, pp. 84–87. Henry A. Wallace, 1942–1946 (Boston, 1973), pp. 23–24; Rich- 22 Blum, pp. 361–62. ard J. Walton, Henry Wallace, Harry Truman, and the Cold War 23 Witcover, pp. 84–87; Schapsmeier and Schapsmeier, pp. (New York, 1976), p. 8; Edward L. and Frederick H. 102–3. Schapsmeier, Prophet in Politics: Henry A. Wallace and the War 24 Schapsmeier and Schapsmeier, pp. 104–9; Markowitz, Years, 1940–1965 (Ames, IA, 1970), p. 22. p. 91; David McCullough, Truman (New York, 1992), pp. 8 Walton, pp. 8–10; Schapsmeier and Schapsmeier, pp. 50– 292–323. 71. 25 Schapsmeier and Schapsmeier, pp. 114–19; Drury, pp. 9 Blum, pp. 53–229. 345–55; U.S., Congress, Senate, Congressional Record, 79th 10 Schapsmeier and Schapsmeier, p. 20; Markowitz, pp. Cong., 1st sess., pp. 694–95, 1163–67. 65–70. 26 Walker, pp. 133–63; McCullough, pp. 513–18. 11 Markowitz, pp. 70–73; Moley quoted in Donald Young, 27 Schapsmeier and Schapsmeier, pp. 224–39; Walker, p. American Roulette: The History and Dilemma of the Vice Presi- 212. dency (New York, 1972), p. 194.

[ 407 ]

Chapter 34 HARRY S. TRUMAN 1945

[ 409 ] HARRY S. TRUMAN Chapter 34 HARRY S. TRUMAN

34th Vice President: 1945

I enjoyed my new position as Vice-President, but it took me a while to get used to the fact that I no longer had the voting privileges I had enjoyed for ten years as a senator. —HARRY S. TRUMAN

When Democratic party leaders determined to sports but failed to hamper his love of books. dump Vice President Henry Wallace from the When the children were old enough for school- ticket in 1944, they looked for a suitable replace- ing, the Truman family moved to Independence. ment. They considered Wallace too unpredict- Then, in 1903, after John Truman went bankrupt able to serve another term under Roosevelt, speculating in grain futures, the family moved whose health had visibly declined during the to Kansas City, where John Truman took a job Second World War. There was no shortage of as night watchman at a grain elevator. Harry ap- candidates: Majority Leader Alben Barkley, pres- plied to West Point but was rejected because of idential assistant James F. Byrnes, Supreme his poor eyesight. Instead of attending college, Court Justice William O. Douglas, and others ad- he worked as a timekeeper on a railroad con- vertised their availability. But the nomination struction crew, a newspaper wrapper, and a went to someone who did not want it. Missouri bank teller. In 1905 the parents returned to the Senator Harry S. Truman had committed himself Grandview farm, and Harry and his brother fol- to nominating Byrnes. When a reporter asked lowed the next year. After John Truman died in why he did not become a candidate himself, con- 1914, Harry Truman assumed the supervision of sidering that the next vice president might likely the farm, plowing, sowing, harvesting, and re- ‘‘succeed to the throne,’’ Truman shook his head pairing equipment himself. For the rest of his life, and replied, ‘‘Hell, I don’t want to be President.’’ Truman always enjoyed returning to the family’s Harry Truman felt content to stay in the Senate, farm (now subdivided into suburban housing, where he had spent ten happy years.1 although the farmhouse stands as part of the Harry S. Truman National Historical Site). As A Farm Boy at Heart president, he later asserted: ‘‘I always give my Despite a long record of public service, the al- occupation as farmer. I spent the best years of ways underestimated Truman made an unlikely my life trying to run a 600-acre farm successfully, candidate for national office. He was at heart a and I know what the problems are.’’ 2 farm boy, born in the rural village of Lamar, Mis- Farming meant hard work and isolation. Nor souri, on May 8, 1884. His father, John Truman, did it produce sufficient income for Harry to was a farmer and dealer. For much of marry his childhood sweetheart Elizabeth (Bess) their childhood, Harry and his brother and sister Wallace. Truman proposed in 1911, but Bess lived on their grandmother’s six hundred-acre turned him down. Undaunted, he pursued the farm near Grandview, Missouri. Poor eyesight courtship for another eight years. After long corrected by thick glasses kept him from playing days on the farm, Harry devoted his evenings to [ 411 ] HARRY S. TRUMAN practicing the piano and reading history. He had ture elections, Truman could count on the loyal other dreams as well: as a boy, he and his father support of the veterans of the 129th, most of had attended the Democratic National Conven- whom lived in the Kansas City vicinity. In 1924, tion in Kansas City in 1900 and watched William the year his only daughter, Margaret, was born, Jennings Bryan be nominated a second time for Truman lost his bid for reelection when the anti- president. The ‘‘Great Commoner’’ always re- Pendergast faction of the Democratic party split mained one of his heroes. Truman’s father loved away and swung its support to the Republicans. politics. ‘‘Politics is all he ever advises me to ne- He then sold memberships in the Kansas City glect the farm for,’’ Harry wrote to Bess.3 Automobile Club until he won reelection in 1926. The United States entered the First World War During the next twenty-six years of uninter- in 1917. At thirty-three, Truman was two years rupted public service, he never lost another elec- over the age limit for the draft and would also tion—to the surprise of everyone except Harry have been exempted as a farmer. But he turned Truman.5 the farm over to his mother and sister and en- Like most political machines, the Pendergast listed, overcoming his poor eyesight by memo- organization depended upon patronage and rizing the eye chart. Having served in the Na- government contracts. Pendergast owned the tional Guard, Truman helped organize a regi- Ready-Mix Concrete Company and held inter- ment from a National Guard company in Kansas ests in a variety of construction, paving, pipe, City and was elected . When the and oil companies that built roads, courthouses, 129th Field Artillery went overseas, he was pro- and other public works in and around Kansas moted to captain and placed in command of Bat- City. As an activist administrator, Truman tery D. The ‘‘Dizzy D’’ had a wild and unruly sought to build roads and public buildings, but reputation, but Captain Harry whipped them he held out against funneling county projects to into line. They encountered heavy fighting in the corrupt contractors. Pendergast’s interests got Meuse-Argonne offensive, from which Truman county contracts only when they were the lowest emerged with the undying respect of his troops bidders. ‘‘Three things ruin a man,’’ Truman and increased confidence in his own abilities. His later said. ‘‘Power, money, and women. I never exploits also lifted him in the eyes of Bess Wal- wanted power. I never had any money, and the lace, who at last married him after the war, in only woman in my life is up at the house right 4 June 1919. now.’’ Once, when Truman discovered that an Machine Politics associate had taken money to cut a deal with a Truman temporarily moved into his in-laws’ road builder, he kept silent to ensure that the house in Independence, Missouri, an arrange- construction went forward. In frustration, Tru- ment that lasted for the rest of his life. Instead man poured out his feelings privately on paper: of returning to the farm, he started a haber- I had to compromise in order to get the voted dasher’s shop in Kansas City with his Battery D road system carried out . . . I had to let a former sergeant, Eddie Jacobson. When Truman & saloonkeeper and murderer, a friend of the Jacobson failed during the recession of 1922, Boss’s, steal about $10,000 from the general reve- bankruptcy turned Harry Truman from business nues of the county to satisfy my ideal associate to politics. Another army buddy, Jimmy and keep the crooks from getting a million or Pendergast, introduced Truman to his uncle more out of the bond issue. Was I right or did I compound a felony? I don’t know.6 Thomas Pendergast, the Democratic political boss of Kansas City. In 1922 the Pendergast ma- Despite his machine connections, Truman de- chine endorsed Truman for county judge in Jack- veloped a progressive reputation as county son County, which was an administrative rather judge. In 1934 he wanted to run for the U.S. than a judicial function. After narrowly winning House of Representatives, but Pendergast had al- the primary, he sailed easily to election as the ready picked another candidate. Instead, to Tru- Democratic candidate that fall. In this and all fu- man’s astonishment, the boss wanted him to run [ 412 ] HARRY S. TRUMAN for the Senate. In fact, Pendergast’s first four my life.’’ The only painful memories were of the choices had turned him down. Few gave Truman scorn that some journalists continued to heap on much of a chance. Missouri’s anti-Pendergast him as Pendergast’s errand boy.8 Senator Bennett Champ Clark mocked Truman’s As a new senator, Truman relied on the vet- assertion that if elected he would not attempt to eran Democratic secretary, Leslie Biffle, to coun- boss or dictate to anyone. ‘‘Why, bless Harry’s sel him on how to act, when to speak, what com- good kind heart—no one has ever accused him mittees to request, and other practical advice. of being a boss or wanting to be a boss and no- Truman’s down-home, poker-playing style soon body will ever suspect him of trying to dictate won him friendships with many senators as well to anybody in his own right as long as a certain as with Vice President John Nance Garner—who eminent citizen of Jackson County remains invited Truman to join those who met at the alive.’’ But, in the Democratic primary, Truman ‘‘doghouse,’’ his hideaway office, to ‘‘strike a waged a vigorous campaign over the entire state blow for liberty’’ with shots of bourbon. Accept- and won the three-way race by a wide margin. ed as an insider, Truman had nothing but con- Since Missouri was a Democratic state, he tempt for the Senate’s most famous outsider, coasted to victory in November. As Truman left Huey Long. The Louisiana senator’s flamboyant for Washington, Tom Pendergast gave him some style and long-winded filibusters represented the parting advice: ‘‘Work hard, keep your mouth entirely opposite route from the one Truman 7 shut, and answer your mail.’’ took in the Senate.9 A Workhorse in the Senate Appointed to the Interstate Commerce Com- Reversing historical trends, the Democrats mittee, Truman and its chairman, Sen- gained ten Senate seats during the congressional ator Burton K. Wheeler, began a long, detailed midterm elections of 1934. The new class of investigation of the nation’s transportation sys- Democrats included James Murray of Montana, tem. Their efforts resulted in the Wheeler-Tru- Joseph Guffey of Pennsylvania, Francis Maloney man Transportation Act of 1940, which estab- of Connecticut, of Indiana, and lished new standards of federal regulation for Lewis Schwellenbach of Washington. In contrast the nation’s railroad, trucking and shipping in- to these liberal Democrats, Harry Truman was dustries. It was the signal accomplishment of his more conservative and less known. ‘‘I was as first term. Most Washington observers doubted timid as a country boy arriving on the campus that Truman would have a second term. The U.S. of a great university for his first year,’’ he later district attorney in Kansas City, Maurice Milli- admitted. Following Pendergast’s advice, he gan, was prosecuting Tom Pendergast for vote kept his mouth shut and his eye on his new col- fraud and income tax evasion. Loyally standing leagues. Before long he had separated out the by the boss, Truman delivered a blistering attack ‘‘workhorses’’ from the ‘‘showhorses’’ and con- in the Senate chamber accusing the president, cluded that the real business of the Senate was Milligan, and the federal courts of playing poli- conducted by conscientious senators who usu- tics with Pendergast. But Pendergast was con- ally attracted the least publicity. Having also dis- victed and sent to the federal penitentiary in covered that ‘‘the real work’’ of the Senate took 1939. Seeing Truman as just an extension of the place in committee rooms rather than on the machine, Milligan then ran for the Democratic floor, he devoted himself to committee work, nomination for the Senate in 1940, as did Mis- through research, correspondence, and hearings. souri Governor Lloyd Stark, who previously had He made it his business ‘‘to master all of the de- sought Pendergast’s endorsement but now pre- tails’’ of the legislation that came before his com- sented himself as a reformer. President Roosevelt mittees. ‘‘My ten years in the Senate had now leaned toward Stark, and Truman seemed begun,’’ he wrote two decades later, ‘‘—years doomed to defeat, but Milligan and Stark split which were to be filled with hard work but the anti-Pendergast vote, enabling Truman to which were also to be the happiest ten years of squeak through to a victory in the Democratic [ 413 ] HARRY S. TRUMAN primary, which ‘‘virtually guaranteed’’ his re- ‘‘and I have never yet found a contractor who, election in November.10 if not watched, would not leave the Government The Truman Committee holding the bag.’’ The public agreed. As Harper’s Magazine concluded in June 1945, before the war Returning to Washington his own man, Tru- Truman had been ‘‘just another obscure junior man moved for the creation of a special commit- Senator,’’ but three years later ‘‘he had made tee to investigate the national defense prepara- himself known, and respected, as the chairman tions on the eve of World War II. He had heard of a special committee investigating war produc- of waste and extravagance and contractors over- tion and, in consequence, the almost inevitable charging the government at Missouri military choice of his party as a compromise candidate bases, and he believed that a watchdog commit- for the Vice Presidency.’’ 12 tee would be essential as the government pumped massive amounts of money into its de- Choosing Truman for Vice President fense industries. With the help of party secretary While it later seemed inevitable, there was Les Biffle, Truman was appointed chair of the nothing predictable about Truman’s selection for Special Committee to Investigate the National vice president in 1944. Vice President Henry Defense Program, which became nationally Wallace’s unpopularity among party leaders had known as the Truman Committee. As an avid set off a monumental contest for the second spot student of history, Truman knew what havoc the at the Chicago convention. Senator Alben Bar- Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War had kley wanted the job, but his hot-tempered res- created for President Abraham Lincoln, and he ignation and swift reelection as majority leader was determined to assist rather than to combat in protest over President Roosevelt’s veto of a President Roosevelt. The Truman Committee in- revenue bill in February 1944 eliminated him as vestigated business, labor, and government an acceptable choice to the president. Barkley agencies, seeking ways to make all three cooper- and ‘‘Assistant President’’ James Byrnes—a ate. Whenever the Truman Committee con- former senator and former Supreme Court Jus- cluded that reforms were needed in war agen- tice—each asked Truman to nominate him at the cies, Truman took care to inform the president convention. Byrnes asked first, and Truman first, before he talked to the press, giving Roo- readily agreed. Senator Truman consistently told sevelt the chance to institute the necessary everyone—even his daughter Margaret—that he changes before being pressured by negative was not a candidate himself. The only race in his publicity.11 mind was for his reelection to the Senate in Harry Truman was fifty-seven when he as- 1946.13 sumed the chairmanship of the special commit- The pivotal person at the convention was Bob tee and rose to national prominence. Of average Hannegan, a St. Louis political leader serving as height and appearance, speaking with a mid- commissioner of internal revenue and tapped as western twang, and earthy in his expressions, he the next Democratic National Committee chair- was known in Washington as diligent and man. During the heated Senate campaign of unprepossessing. Over time, his voting record 1940, Hannegan had switched his support from had increasingly conformed to Roosevelt admin- Governor Stark to Truman as the better man, and istration policies, and he remained a loyal Demo- he delivered enough St. Louis votes to help Tru- crat, more likely to complain in private than in man win. Hannegan, Bronx boss Ed Flynn, Chi- public about any differences with the New Deal. cago mayor Ed Kelly, key labor leaders, and The Truman Committee won its chairman favor- other party movers and viewed Wallace able press notices for saving the taxpayers mil- as a liability for his leftist leanings. Byrnes was lions of dollars and the Roosevelt administration equally vulnerable for his segregationist record much potential embarrassment. ‘‘I have had con- and his conversion from Catholicism. When siderable experience in letting public contracts,’’ these party leaders expressed their opposition to Truman said, recalling his Jackson County days, Wallace and Byrnes, Roosevelt suggested Su- [ 414 ] HARRY S. TRUMAN preme Court Justice William O. Douglas. The was to occupy the front row seat of the majority group then countered with Harry Truman, leader.16 whom Roosevelt agreed had been loyal and In an overheated hotel room, the politicians ‘‘wise to the ways of politics.’’ After much dis- leaned heavily on Truman to run. They placed cussion, Roosevelt turned to Hannegan and con- a call to Roosevelt, and as Truman sat nearby, ceded, ‘‘Bob, I think you and everyone else here Hannegan held the phone so that he could hear. want Truman.’’ 14 ‘‘Bob, have you got that fellow lined up yet?’’ Hating to disappoint and alienate any of the Roosevelt asked. ‘‘No. He is the contrariest Mis- potential candidates, Roosevelt kept them all souri mule I’ve ever dealt with,’’ Hannegan re- guessing. At lunch with Vice President Wallace, plied. ‘‘Well, you tell him that if he wants to Roosevelt informed him that the professional break up the Democratic party in the middle of politicians preferred Truman as ‘‘the only one the war, that’s his responsibility,’’ Roosevelt de- who had no enemies and might add a little inde- clared and hung up the phone. Stunned, Truman pendent strength to the ticket.’’ Roosevelt prom- agreed to run, but added: ‘‘why the hell didn’t ised Wallace that he would not endorse another he tell me in the first place?’’ 17 candidate, but would notify the convention that Henry Wallace appeared personally at the con- if he were a delegate he would vote for Wallace. vention to seek renomination, stimulating an en- At the same time, the president held out hope thusiastic reception from the galleries. On the to Byrnes that he was ‘‘the best qualified man in first ballot, Wallace led Truman 429 to 319. But the whole outfit,’’ and urged him to stay in the the party’s leaders swung their delegations and race. ‘‘After all, Jimmy,’’ you’re close to me per- put Truman over the top on the second ballot. sonally,‘‘ Roosevelt said. ’’I hardly know Tru- In a speech that lasted less than a minute, Tru- man.’’ (Roosevelt, whose own health was grow- man accepted the nomination. Democratic lib- ing precarious, did not even know Truman’s erals bemoaned the choice, while Republicans age—which was sixty.) Despite encouraging mocked the ‘‘little man from Missouri.’’ News- Wallace and Byrnes, the president had written a papers charged him with being a member of the letter for Hannegan to carry to the convention: Ku Klux Klan, when in fact he had vigorously fought the Klan in Jackson County. Critics also Dear Bob: You have written me about Harry Tru- noted that Truman had placed his wife on his man and Bill Douglas. I should, of course, be very glad to run with either of them and believe that Senate payroll, but Truman rejoined that hiring either one of them would bring real strength to her had been legal and that she had earned every the ticket.15 penny. (Truman’s sister Mary Jane had also been on his Senate payroll since 1943.) None of these Meanwhile, Senator Truman continued to controversies mattered much. On election day, a deny any interest in the vice-presidency. In an majority of voters did not want to change leaders off-the-record interview, he explained to a re- in wartime and cast their ballots for Roosevelt porter that if he ran for vice president the Repub- regardless of who ran with him. Eleanor Roo- licans would raise charges of bossism against sevelt, who had preferred Wallace and dis- him. He did not want to subject his family to the trusted Byrnes, reflected the prevailing senti- attacks and negative publicity of a national cam- ment that the vice-presidential candidate had paign. was against it, and so was been a safe choice. She wrote that while she did Truman’s ninety-one-year-old mother, who told not know Truman, ‘‘from all I hear, he is a good him to stay in the Senate. ‘‘The Vice President man.’’ 18 simply presides over the Senate and sits around hoping for a funeral,’’ Truman protested. ‘‘It is Roosevelt and Truman a very high office which consists entirely of After his nomination, Truman had gone to the honor and I don’t have any ambition to hold an White House for lunch with Roosevelt and had office like that.’’ His secret ambition, admitted on been shocked at the president’s gaunt appear- a visit to the Senate chamber twenty years later, ance and trembling hands. Only to his most inti- [ 415 ] HARRY S. TRUMAN mate friends did Truman confide his fears that Truman’s major assignment was to help his Roosevelt would never survive his fourth term. predecessor, Henry Wallace, win confirmation as On a cold , 1945, Truman stood with secretary of commerce. Roosevelt had appointed Roosevelt on the South Portico of the White Wallace as a gesture of consolation to his former House to take the oath as vice president. The vice president, and enlisted Truman to win sup- ceremonies had been moved from their tradi- port from recalcitrant senators. To pacify Wal- tional location at the Capitol as a concession to lace’s critics, the Democratic leadership cut a the war and Roosevelt’s health. After the post- deal to remove the Federal Loan Agency from inaugural luncheon, the new vice president the Commerce Department. The House passed slipped away and telephoned his mother who the measure first, and when it reached the Sen- had heard the inauguration over the radio at ate, Majority Leader Barkley planned to call it up Grandview. ‘‘Now you behave yourself,’’ she for immediate consideration, to clear the way for instructed.19 Wallace’s confirmation. Barkley, however, was Truman’s vice-presidency was practically a not paying attention when Ohio Republican Sen- continuation of his years in the Senate. The Tru- ator Robert Taft sought recognition to move Wal- mans kept their same apartment at 4701 Con- lace’s confirmation vote first. Truman looked to necticut Avenue, and he retained the same office the majority leader. ‘‘Finally, Barkley woke up in Room 240 of the Senate office building. He and I recognized him,’’ Truman commented, be- spent most of his time presiding over the Senate, lieving that his action saved Wallace from defeat. whose rules and procedures he had already mas- Ironically, as president, Truman would fire tered, and whose members he already knew. ‘‘I Henry Wallace from his own cabinet a year enjoyed my new position as Vice-President,’’ he later.22 late wrote, ‘‘but it took me a while to get used As vice president, Truman aspired to mend to the fact that I no longer had the voting privi- fences between Congress and the Roosevelt ad- leges I had enjoyed for ten years as a senator.’’ ministration. During the depression, Roosevelt During his eighty-two days as vice president, had ridden Congress like a rodeo cowboy, but Truman had only one opportunity to vote, on an he had been badly bucked during the ‘‘Court amendment to limit the extension of Lend-Lease. packing’’ fight in 1937. Despite large Democratic The vice president voted against the amendment. majorities, Congress not only rejected Roo- As the United Press reporter Allen Drury ob- sevelt’s efforts to add several new liberal justices served: ‘‘Harry Truman, with all the brisk eager- to the Supreme Court, but also turned down his ness of someone who is bored to death, seized requests to reorganize the executive branch and his first chance to vote in the Senate today and to expand New Deal economic programs. The made the most of it. The vote wasn’t necessary, legislative and executive branches finally rec- for under the rules a tie kills a proposal, but he onciled on the eve of the Second World War, cast it anyway, with obvious satisfaction.’’ 20 when the president and Congress joined together During Truman’s vice-presidency, critical deci- to suspend American neutrality and aid the Al- sions were being made regarding ending the war lies. The war relegated Congress to a back seat and planning for the future peace, but the presi- behind the president as commander in chief, dent neither advised nor consulted him. Roo- causing resentment, suspicion, and hostility to- sevelt left Washington for his long journey to ward the administration to simmer on Capitol Yalta two days after the inauguration and did Hill. During the war, a coalition of Republicans not return for almost a month. Even then, he saw and conservative southern Democrats pruned the vice president only twice more, on March 8 many New Deal programs. Truman thought that and March 19, before he left for a rest at the ‘‘Lit- he could help reestablish some common ground. tle White House’’ in Warm Springs, Georgia. Although recognizing that a vice president could Roosevelt assumed there would be time to edu- never exert open influence in the Senate, Truman cate his vice president later.21 believed that ‘‘if he is respected personally and [ 416 ] HARRY S. TRUMAN if he maintains good relations with the members noon, Roosevelt collapsed and died of a cerebral of the Senate, he can have considerable power hemorrhage in Warm Springs.25 behind the scenes.’’ 23 Unaware of his impending fate, Truman re- A week after the January 1945 inauguration, cessed the Senate at five that afternoon and Truman’s political mentor, Tom Pendergast, strolled through the Capitol, without his Secret died in Kansas City. Released from prison, Service agent. He was the first vice president to Pendergast had spent his last years estranged be assigned a regular Secret Service agent, after from his family and old friends. Truman had not his military aide, Harry Vaughn, pointed out to seen the boss in years, but he determined to go Treasury Secretary Henry Morgenthau how odd to Pendergast’s funeral. He owed his rise in poli- it was to have scores of agents guarding the tics to Pendergast, who, he insisted, ‘‘never president and no one protecting the vice presi- asked me to do a dishonest deed. He knew I dent. But the protection was somewhat erratic, wouldn’t do it if he asked me. He was always enabling Truman to saunter unaccompanied honest with me, and when he made a promise through the Capitol to House Speaker Sam he kept it.’’ Although Truman meant this as an Rayburn’s hideaway office, the ‘‘Board of Edu- act of friendship and loyalty, many considered cation.’’ There he planned to mix a drink and it disgraceful for a vice president to pay homage spend some time talking politics with the Speak- to a convicted criminal and interpreted the inci- er and a handful of congressional cronies. When dent as evidence that Truman remained a paro- Truman arrived, Rayburn relayed a message that chial machine politician. The vice president the president’s press secretary wanted him to call earned more bad publicity a few weeks later right away. Truman called and was told to come when he played the piano at the Washington to the White House as ‘‘quickly and quietly’’ as Press Club’s canteen for servicemen. As Truman possible. ‘‘Holy General Jackson!’’ he exclaimed, played, the movie actress Lauren Bacall posed the color drained from his face. Still not knowing seductively atop the piano, allowing photog- exactly what had happened, Truman hurried raphers to snap some decidedly undignified back the length of the Capitol, still alone. At his pictures.24 office he grabbed his hat and his driver. They The vice president spent most of his time headed straight to the North Portico of the White around the Senate chamber, talking with sen- House, where Truman was ushered up to the ators and listening to tedious speeches as he pre- family quarters. There Eleanor Roosevelt told sided. Watching him from the press gallery on him that the president was dead.26 April 12, 1945, Associated Press reporter Tony President Truman Vaccaro commented, ‘‘You know, Roosevelt has That evening, Harry Truman took the oath as an awfully good man in that Truman when it president in a somber ceremony in the Cabinet comes to dealing with the Senate if he’ll only Room. He placed his first call from the Oval Of- make use of him.’’ Then he added, ‘‘He doesn’t fice to Secretary of the Senate Leslie Biffle, asking make use of him though. Truman doesn’t know him to arrange for the congressional leadership what’s going on. Roosevelt won’t tell him any- to attend the ceremony and to set up a luncheon thing.’’ That day, Truman used his time while at the Senate the next day. As Republican Senator presiding to keep in contact with his mother and sister in Missouri. ‘‘I am trying to write you a noted in his diary: letter today from the desk of the President of the Truman came back to the Senate this noon for Senate,’’ he wrote, ‘‘while a windy Senator from lunch with a few of us. It shattered all tradition. Wisconsin [] is making a speech But it was both wise and smart. It means that the on a subject with which he is in no way familiar.’’ days of executive contempt for Congress are He reminded them to turn on their radios the ended; that we are returning to a government in next evening to hear him make a Jefferson Day which Congress will take its rightful place. speech to the nation and to introduce the presi- After Roosevelt’s funeral, Truman returned to dent. While Truman was presiding that after- address a joint session of Congress. ‘‘Now [ 417 ] HARRY S. TRUMAN

Harry—Mr. President—we are going to stand by character, and his ability to speak plain truths. you,’’ Speaker Rayburn assured him. ‘‘I think Regardless of his lack of preparation, these quali- you will,’’ Truman replied. Majority Leader ties enabled him to face the challenges of the cold Alben Barkley further urged Truman to have war, make portentous decisions, and retain the confidence in himself. ‘‘If you do not, the people respect of the electorate, who accepted him as will lose confidence in you.’’ 27 one of them. He could be magnanimous, as in Three months in the vice-presidency had given his gesture of consulting with former President Truman no preparation for the nation’s highest Herbert Hoover, long barred from the Roosevelt post. He was thrust into the role of commander White House. He could be intrepid, as in his de- in chief while war was still underway in Europe termination to remove General Douglas Mac- and the Pacific. He knew little about the develop- Arthur from command in , in order to pre- ment of the atomic bomb, yet within months he serve the superiority of the civilian government would be called upon to decide whether to use over the military. In 1948 Truman won the most this weapon against . Nor did he know unexpected election upset of the century. Al- much about the agreements Roosevelt had though he left the presidency in 1953 at a low reached with the Russians and British at Yalta. ebb in his popularity, his standing rose again Truman talked with everyone who had accom- over the years. After his death on December 26, panied Roosevelt to learn as much as possible 1972, he achieved the status of folk hero. Songs about what Roosevelt had agreed to and what proclaimed: ‘‘America Needs You Harry Tru- he intended to do in foreign policy. Truman’s in- man.’’ A Broadway play, ‘‘Give ’Em Hell, experience in international matters contrasted Harry,’’ was based on his life story, and biog- sharply with his abundant knowledge of domes- raphies of him became best sellers. Presidential tic affairs, gained from ten years in local govern- candidates from both parties claimed Truman ment and another ten in the Senate.28 rather than Roosevelt as their model. In retro- Truman’s assets were his firm personal prin- spect, his selection for vice president had been ciples, his honesty, humility, and homespun a wise move by the party leaders.29

[ 418 ] NOTES 1 Edward A. Harris, ‘‘Harry S. Truman: ‘I Don’t Want to 1994), pp. 8–9; Robert H. Ferrell, Ill-Advised: Presidential be President,’’’ in J.T. Salter, ed., Public Men: In and Out of Health and Public Trust (Columbia, MO, 1992), p. 44. Office (Chapel Hill, NC, 1946), pp. 4–5; Robert H. Ferrell, 16 McCullough, pp. 298–99, 317–318; Harris, pp. 4–5; Re- Choosing Truman: The Democratic Convention of 1944 (Colum- marks by Former President Harry S. Truman and Responses by bia, MO, 1994), pp. 1–34. Members of the Senate Thereto in the United States Senate on 2 Robert H. Ferrell, ed., The Autobiography of Harry S. Tru- May 8, 1964 (Washington, 1964), p. 3. man (Boulder, CO, 1980), pp. 17–20; Margaret Truman, 17 Truman, Memoirs, 1:192–93; Hamby, pp. 274–84. Harry S. Truman (New York, 1973), p. 47; U.S., Congress, 18 Miller, pp. 381–87; McCullough, pp. 324–33; Ferrell, House, Congressional Record, 103d Cong., 1st sess., pp. Choosing Truman, pp. 57–61; Harris, pp. 5–6; Doris Kearns H10918–20. Goodwin, No Ordinary Time: Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt: 3 David McCullough, Truman (New York, 1992), pp. 63, The Home Front in World War II (New York, 1994), p. 530. 88–90. 19 Jonathan Daniels, The Man of Independence (Port Wash- 4 Ibid., pp. 102–44; Richard Lawrence Miller, Truman: The ington, NY, 1971; reprint of 1950 edition), p. 255; Truman, Rise to Power (New York, 1986), pp. 103–48; Jhan Robbins, Memoirs, 1:1–4, 194–95. Bess & Harry: An American Love Story (New York, 1980), pp. 20 Truman, Memoirs, 1:195–96; Allen Drury, A Senate Jour- 23–37. nal, 1943–1945 (New York, 1963), p. 409. 5 Margaret Truman, pp. 59–82; Ferrell, ed., The Autobiog- 21 Margaret Truman, pp. 203–5. raphy of Harry S. Truman, pp. 81–84. 22 Truman, Memoirs, 1:195; Daniels, p. 257. 6 Robert H. Ferrell, Harry S. Truman: A Life (Columbia, 23 Truman, Memoirs, 1:196–97; McCullough, pp. 335–36; MO, 1994), pp. 91–116; McCullough, pp. 181–86. see also James T. Patterson, Congressional Conservatism and 7 Margaret Truman, pp. 83–89; Ferrell, Truman: A Life, pp. the New Deal: The Growth of the in Con- 124–32; McCullough, pp. 202–13. gress, 1933–1939 (Lexington, KY, 1967). 8 Harry S. Truman, Memoirs by Harry S. Truman, vol. 1, 24 Harris, p. 18; McCullough, pp. 336–37. Year of Decisions (Garden City, NY, 1955), pp. 142–43, 149; 25 Drury, p. 410; McCullough, p. 340. Alonzo L. Hamby, Man of the People: A Life of Harry S. Tru- 26 Margaret Truman, pp. 201–3; McCullough, pp. 335–42; man (New York, 1995) pp. 200–212; Harris, p. 9; Margaret Ferrell, Truman: A Life, pp. 174–76. Others have reported Truman, p. 91. Truman’s April 12, 1945, exclamation as ‘‘ Christ and 9 Ernest Barcella, ‘‘They Call Him Mr. Baffle,’’ Colliers General Jackson!’’ (McCullough, p. 341; Robert J. Donovan, (January 29, 1949), pp. 27, 61–62; Margaret Truman, pp. 100– Conflict and Crisis: The Presidency of Harry S. Truman, 1945– 102. 1948 (New York, 1977), p. 4. 10 Truman, Memoirs, 1:159–63; McCullough, pp. 234–52; 27 Arthur H. Vandenberg, Jr., ed., The Private Papers of Hamby, pp. 213–47. Senate Vandenberg (Boston, 1952), p. 167; H.G. Dulaney, Ed- 11 Ferrell, Truman: A Life, pp. 153–61. ward Hake Phillips, and MacPhelan Reese, eds., Speak Mr. 12 Theodore Wilson, ‘‘The Truman Committee, 1941,’’ in Speaker (Bonham, TX, 1978), p. 120; McCullough, p. 356. Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., and Roger Bruns, eds., Congress 28 Marie D. Natoli, ‘‘Harry S. Truman and the Contem- Investigates: A Documented History, 1792–1974 (New York, porary Vice Presidency,’’ Presidential Studies Quarterly 14 1975), 4:3115–3262; Hamby, pp. 248–60. (Winter 1988): 81–84. 13 Margaret Truman, p. 167; Miller, pp. 381–85. 29 Ferrell, Choosing Truman, pp. 89–95. On Truman’s presi- 14 McCullough, pp. 292–301; Ferrell, Choosing Truman, pp. dency see Robert J. Donovan, Conflict and Crisis: The Presi- 35–50. dency of Harry S. Truman, 1945–1948 (New York, 1977), and 15 McCullough, pp. 299–306; David Robertson, Sly and Tumultuous Years: The Presidency of Harry S. Truman, 1949– Able: A Political Biography of James F. Byrnes (New York, 1953 (New York, 1977).

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Chapter 35 ALBEN W. BARKLEY 1949–1953

[ 421 ] ALBEN W. BARKLEY Chapter 35 ALBEN W. BARKLEY

35th Vice President: 1949–1953

Barkley, as Vice President, was in a class by himself. He had the complete confidence of both the President and the Senate. —HARRY S. TRUMAN

Alben W. Barkley, who served as vice presi- last to preside regularly over the Senate, the last dent of the United States from 1949 to 1953, was not to have an office in or near the White House, popularly known as the ‘‘Veep.’’ His young the last to identify more with the legislative than grandson had suggested this abbreviated alter- the executive branch. He was an old warhorse, native to the cumbersome ‘‘Mr. Vice President.’’ the veteran of many political battles, the perpet- When Barkley told the story at a press con- ual keynote speaker of his party who could rouse ference, the newspapers printed it, and the title delegates from their lethargy to shout and cheer stuck. Barkley’s successor as vice president, for the party’s leaders and platform. His stump- Richard Nixon, declined to continue the nick- speaker’s lungs enabled him to bellow out a name, saying that it had been bestowed on Bar- speech without need for a microphone. He was kley affectionately and belonged to him. While partisan to the marrow, but with a sense of commentators may occasionally use ‘‘veep’’ as a humor and a gift of storytelling that defused par- generic term for vice presidents, historically the tisan and personal animosities.2 term is Barkley’s alone.1 A storyteller of great repute, Alben Barkley fre- Campaigning on Horseback quently poked fun at himself and his office. He Ever the politician, Alben Barkley loved to was especially fond of telling about the mother point out that he had been born in a log house, who had two sons. One went to sea; the other in Graves County, Kentucky, on November 24, became vice president; and neither was heard 1877. The baby was named Willie Alben, a name from again. In Barkley’s case, the story was not that always embarrassed him, and as soon as he at all true. He made sure that the public heard was old enough to have a say about it, he re- from him, and about him, as often as possible. versed the order and formalized the name to And what the public heard, they liked, for Alben Alben William. ‘‘Just imagine the tribulations I Barkley performed admirably as vice president would have had,’’ he later commented, ‘‘a ro- of the United States. bust, active boy, going through a Kentucky Seventy years old when he was sworn in as childhood with the name of ’Willie,’ and later vice president, Alben Barkley was a genial trying to get into politics!’’ 3 grandfatherly figure—but with enough life left Barkley worked his way through Marvin Col- in him to court and marry a widow half his age lege, a Methodist institution in Clinton, Ken- and to captivate national attention with their tucky. He also briefly attended Emory College May-December romance. In many ways, Barkley and the University of Virginia law school. As did was the last of the old-time vice presidents, the most lawyers in those days, he learned his trade [ 423 ] ALBEN W. BARKLEY mainly by ‘‘reading’’ law, in a Paducah law of- inson. Rarely were two leaders so starkly dif- fice, before hanging out his own shingle. In 1903 ferent in nature, which perhaps explains the ef- he married and began to raise a family. Two fectiveness of their combined efforts. Joe Robin- years later, Alben Barkley ran for prosecuting at- son of Arkansas, who had led the Democratic mi- torney of McCracken County. Later he would nority in the 1920s and became majority leader deny the stories that he campaigned on a mule. in 1933, gave the impression ‘‘of brute, animal ‘‘This story is a base canard, and, here and now, strength, and a willingness to use it.’’ He ran the I wish to spike it for all time,’’ he wrote in his Senate by a mix of threats, favors, and par- memoirs, That Reminds Me. ‘‘It was not a mule— liamentary skill. Robinson had no patience to ca- 4 it was a horse.’’ jole, and left such tasks to trusted aides like Bar- From prosecuting attorney, Barkley ran for kley, South Carolina’s James F. Byrnes, and Mis- county judge, and in 1912, at the age of thirty- sissippi’s Pat Harrison. ‘‘Scrappy Joe’’ could an- five, he won a seat in the U.S. House of Rep- nihilate an opponent in debate, but for the most resentatives. His victory began a forty-two-year part he preferred to leave the oratory to Barkley, career in national politics that would take him who could talk on any subject for any amount from the House to the Senate to the vice-presi- of time. Unlike Robinson, Barkley had no ability dency. Barkley entered politics as a Democrat in when it came to threatening and domineering. the mold of Jefferson, Jackson, and William Jen- He succeeded through the art of compromise, nings Bryan, but in Congress he came under the and through his convivial personality and gift of powerful influence of President Woodrow Wil- 7 son. As a Wilsonian, Barkley came to define flexi- storytelling. bility of government and a willingness to experi- When Robinson died during the fierce legisla- ment with social and economic programs as the tive battle to enact President Roosevelt’s ‘‘Court policies of ‘‘a true Liberal.’’ Although he was packing’’ plan in 1937, a contest developed be- later closely identified with the New Deal, Bar- tween Senators Barkley and Harrison to become kley asserted: ‘‘I was a liberal and a progressive majority leader. Pat Harrison was chairman of long before I ever heard of Franklin D. the influential Finance Committee, and a beloved Roosevelt.’’ 5 figure in the Senate who held the loyalty of many In 1923, Representative Barkley made an un- members. It appeared that Harrison would win successful run for the Democratic nomination as the race—much to President Roosevelt’s dismay. . That sole electoral defeat Although Harrison had worked for enactment of actually helped propel him into the Senate, be- much New Deal legislation, he was too conserv- cause the race gave him name recognition ative and too independent for Roosevelt’s taste. throughout Kentucky and won him the title Moreover, most of the opponents of Roosevelt’s ‘‘iron man,’’ for his ability to give as many as six- Court plan stood with Harrison, who had re- teen speeches a day on the campaign trail. In frained from speaking out on that controversial 1926 Barkley won the nomination for the United issue. Although professing neutrality, Roosevelt States Senate and defeated an incumbent Repub- privately threw his support behind Barkley, lican to win the seat. By the 1930s he had moved pressing state Democratic leaders to lobby their into the Senate Democratic leadership as an as- senators in Barkley’s behalf. Roosevelt also ad- sistant to Majority Leader Joseph T. Robinson. dressed a public letter to ‘‘My dear Alben,’’ im- He also received national attention as the key- plying his endorsement of the Kentucky senator. note speaker at the 1932 Democratic convention When Barkley won the majority leadership by a that first nominated Franklin D. Roosevelt for single vote, many senators—including his own 6 president. supporters—interpreted his election as a victory The Struggle for the Majority Leadership for the president rather than for Barkley. For During the early New Deal, Barkley served many years thereafter his colleagues assumed shoulder to shoulder with Majority Leader Rob- that he spoke primarily for the White House to [ 424 ] ALBEN W. BARKLEY the Senate, rather than for the Senate to the spect and standing as a leader but also damp- White House.8 ened his relations with President Roosevelt. That After the forceful leadership of Joe Robinson, summer, when the Democratic convention met any successor would suffer by comparison, and and it became clear that the unpopular Henry the press soon began to taunt ‘‘bumbling Bar- Wallace would need to be replaced as vice presi- kley.’’ On paper he led an enormous majority of dent, the mood of the convention favored Bar- 76 Democrats against 16 Republicans and a kley for the job, but Roosevelt would not tolerate handful of independents. But in fact the Demo- one who had so recently rebelled against him. In- cratic party was seriously divided between its stead he chose the less-known Missouri Senator liberal and conservative wings, and Barkley Harry Truman. The Roosevelt-Truman ticket could not guarantee a majority behind any of the won election in the fall, and in April 1945 it was administration’s domestic programs. Not until Vice President Truman, not Alben Barkley, who World War II forged a new cohesiveness in the inherited the presidency upon Roosevelt’s Senate did Barkley truly have a majority behind death.10 him. Without question, he grew in office, gaining Whatever bitterness Barkley might have felt he respect from both senators and journalists for his put aside, transferring his loyalty completely to dogged hard work and persistent good nature. Truman. During Truman’s short vice-presi- The Majority Leader Resigns dency, they enjoyed what Barkley called a ‘‘catcher-pitcher’’ relationship, with the majority Senator Barkley was part of the ‘‘Big Four’’ leader calling the signals. They continued to that included Vice President Henry Wallace, work together closely after Truman moved to the House Speaker Sam Rayburn, and House Major- White House. These were rough years for the ity Leader John McCormack. The Big Four met Democrats. In the 1946 elections voters sent Re- regularly with President Roosevelt to map the publican majorities to the Senate and House for administration’s legislative strategy. Barkley saw the first time since the Great Depression. Barkley himself as the leader of the president’s forces, out became minority leader during the Eightieth to enact the president’s program. But in 1944 Congress in 1947 and 1948. It was a foregone even Barkley’s loyalty was stretched to the conclusion that the Republicans would also win breaking point. Relations between the adminis- the presidency in 1948, and the smart money was tration and Congress had grown strained during on New York Governor Thomas E. Dewey to be- the war, as the chief executive was preoccupied come the next president. by military and diplomatic affairs. In February 1944, Roosevelt became the first president to veto A Remarkable Upset a revenue bill, rejecting a two-billion-dollar tax A dispirited Democratic convention met in increase as insufficient and declaring it a relief Philadelphia in 1948. Yet, once again, Alben Bar- measure ‘‘not for the needy but for the greedy.’’ kley was able to lift his party’s spirits and get Senator Barkley, who had worked out the com- the delegates cheering with an old-fashioned, promises within the Senate Finance Committee, rip-roaring, Republican-bashing keynote ad- of which he was a member, and who believed dress. The demonstration that followed his it was the best bill he could get passed, felt in- speech was so long and so enthusiastic that Bar- censed over the president’s accusations. He rose kley became the obvious choice for vice presi- in the Senate to urge his colleagues to override dent. President Truman, suspicious that Barkley, the president’s veto. Then he resigned as major- who had mentioned him only once in the hour- ity leader.9 long speech, was trying to replace him at the top The next day, the Senate Democrats unani- of the ticket, was not eager to have the senator mously reelected Barkley as their leader, and as his running mate. ‘‘Old man Barkley,’’ as Tru- from then on it was clear that Barkley spoke for man called him, was seventy years old, and their the Senate to the White House. The dramatic res- neighboring states were too similar to balance ignation and reelection elevated Barkley’s re- the ticket regionally. But since others—like Su- [ 425 ] ALBEN W. BARKLEY preme Court Justice William O. Douglas—had of the President, while the senators, for their turned him down, Truman agreed to accept Bar- part, look on him as a presiding officer only, who kley for his running mate if the delegates wanted is outside the pale as far as the senatorial club him. ‘‘It will have to come quick,’’ Barkley said is concerned.’’ Despite being presiding officer, of his selection. ‘‘I don’t want it passed along so the vice president was ‘‘hardly ever’’ consulted long it is like a cold biscuit.’’ When offered the about legislative matters. Although he could second place on the ticket, Barkley, so often the lobby for the president’s legislation, he had noth- bridesmaid in the past, accepted with pleasure ing to trade for votes. Truman noted that the sta- and set out on a grueling speaking tour that tus of John Nance Garner had rested more on his showed he was still an ‘‘iron man’’ at age position within the Democratic party than on the seventy.11 vice-presidency, while Henry Wallace was a While the president whistle-stopped by train, party outsider who had little influence within the Barkley made the first ‘‘prop stop’’ campaign by Senate. Alben Barkley, by contrast, ‘‘was in a air. He had come a long way since the days when class by himself,’’ declared Truman. ‘‘He had the he first campaigned for office on horseback. In complete confidence of both the President and six weeks he toured thirty-six states and gave the Senate.’’ 13 more than 250 speeches. He spoke to so many Although new in the job, Barkley had long ex- small audiences that the press dubbed him ‘‘the perience in dealing with vice presidents. He re- poor man’s candidate.’’ But his strength and called how as a freshman senator in 1927 he had stamina refuted the charges that he had been too gone to the rostrum in the Senate chamber to old to run.12 chat with Vice President Charles Dawes, who The election of 1948 proved to be the most dra- said, ‘‘Barkley, this is a helluva job I have as Vice- matic upset of all time. It is doubtful whether President.’’ ‘‘What is the matter with it?’’ Barkley there is a single American history textbook in the asked, to which Dawes replied: ‘‘I can do only schools today that fails to include the famous two things here. One of them is to sit up here picture of a smiling Harry Truman holding up on this rostrum and listen to you birds talk with- the ’s erroneous headline: out the ability to reply. The other is to look at ‘‘Dewey Defeats Truman.’’ So in January 1949 the newspapers every morning to see how the Alben Barkley stepped down again as Senate President’s health is.’’ 14 Democratic leader, this time to become president As party leader in the Senate, Alben Barkley of the Senate. As vice president, Barkley buried had assessed the influence of several vice presi- whatever differences he had with Truman and dents over legislation and decided that the de- the two men got along well, although some mu- gree of influence depended on the person who tual suspicions lingered on. For years in the Sen- held the office. Vice presidents with experience ate it had been Truman who called Barkley in the House or Senate could occasionally exer- ‘‘boss.’’ And Barkley must surely have thought cise some leverage on legislation. As an example, of President Truman: ‘‘There but for the spite of Barkley cited former House Speaker John Nance Franklin Roosevelt, go I.’’ Yet in every respect, Garner as the vice president who ‘‘exercised larg- politically, ideologically, and socially, the two er influence in the passage of legislation than any men were remarkably alike and worked together other occupant of the Office.’’ Garner assisted the harmoniously. passage of early New Deal legislation ‘‘in an in- formal and entirely proper way,’’ helping to The Delicate Nature of the Vice-Presidency speed emergency bills through the Senate. Bar- Having served in the job, even if briefly, Harry kley therefore declared that ‘‘a Vice-President Truman understood the delicate nature of the who is well liked by members of the Senate and vice-presidency, which he noted fell between the by the corresponding members of the House in legislative and executive branches without being charge of legislation can exercise considerable responsible to either. ‘‘The Vice-President cannot power in the shaping of the program of legisla- become completely acquainted with the policies tion which every administration seeks to enact.’’ [ 426 ] ALBEN W. BARKLEY

Unlike some of his predecessors, Barkley was In the Eighty-first Congress, which began in determined not to enter into a ‘‘four-year period January 1949, the Democrats enjoyed a 54-to-42 of silence.’’ He accepted hundreds of invitations majority in the Senate. By the Eighty-second to speak at meetings, conventions, banquets, and Congress, their margin had shrunk to 49 to 47. other partisan and nonpartisan programs. ‘‘I like But in both of those congresses the real majority to do it,’’ he explained. ‘‘I like people and I enjoy belonged to a coalition of conservative Demo- the thrill of crowds. I have always believed it to crats and Republicans. This conservative coali- be the duty of those who are elected to high of- tion had emerged out of the opposition to FDR’s fice by the people to take government to them Court packing plan in 1937 and predominated in whenever and by whatever legitimate means the Senate at least until the liberal Democratic possible.’’ Traveling almost exclusively by air, sweep of Senate elections in 1958. During the Barkley claimed to have spent more time in the Second World War and throughout the Truman air than all his predecessors combined. Having administration, this conservative coalition fre- served twenty-two years as a member of the quently frustrated administration efforts to enact 17 House and Senate, and the past twelve as Demo- domestic reform legislation. cratic leader, he missed taking an active part in President Truman had proposed an ambitious the debates and piloting legislation through to program to deal with national health passage. He found that the office did not insurance, farm supports, labor-management re- consume all his energies. Barkley constantly lations, and civil rights, but the conservative coa- sought other activities to occupy his time, attend- lition repeatedly derailed his legislative initia- ing meetings of the Senate Democratic Policy tives, often through the use of filibusters. In the field of civil rights, for instance, the president de- Committee, legislative conferences with the segregated the armed forces through executive president, and cabinet meetings. He was the first order but had no luck in winning congressional vice president to become a member of the Na- approval of bills to outlaw the poll tax, make tional Security Council, as provided by the Na- a federal crime, or prohibit segregation tional Security Act of 1947. ‘‘All these con- and discrimination in interstate commerce. More ferences I attend regularly,’’ he said in 1952, not- typical of congressional attitudes at the time was ing that he enjoyed them and engaged freely in the passage of a bill to authorize segregated the discussions.15 schools on federal property—a bill which Presi- dent Truman vetoed. ‘‘Step by step we are dis- Proud to be the Presiding Officer carding old discriminations;’’ he declared, ‘‘we Nevertheless, Alben Barkley was also the last must not adopt new ones.’’ 18 vice president to preside regularly over the Sen- The Senate overturned some of Vice President ate. Senate Parliamentarian Floyd Riddick esti- Barkley’s rulings. Charles Watkins, who served mated that Barkley presided between 50 and 75 as parliamentarian during Barkley’s vice-presi- percent of the time, a figure that seems incredibly dency, observed that, while Barkley was well ac- high today, but which reflected the traditional quainted with the Senate’s rules, he would some- concept of the vice president’s constitutional re- times get them mixed up or become obstinate sponsibility. As one who presided routinely, Bar- about how a rule should be applied. On a few kley also used the Vice President’s Room, out- occasions, Barkley persisted in his own interpre- side the chamber, as his working office. He was tations of the rules in spite of Watkins’ advice, proud to occupy that historic room, and liked to only to have the Senate reverse his rulings— keep a wood fire burning in its fireplace, the which dealt with efforts to enact civil rights legis- smell of wood smoke reminding him of the open lation. Early in 1949, Barkley’s successor as ma- hearth in his childhood home. He also took jority leader, Senator Scott Lucas of Illinois, at- pleasure in the furnishings and art works of the tempted to amend the rules to make cloture easi- room that were associated with famous names er to obtain as a way of ending a filibuster. Geor- from the past.16 gia Senator Richard Russell led the opposition to [ 427 ] ALBEN W. BARKLEY any rules changes that might favor civil rights thirty-eighth anniversary of service in the legisla- legislation. In a procedural move—and against tive branch, President Truman paid a surprise the parliamentarian’s advice—Barkley ruled visit to the Senate chamber to present to the vice against Russell’s point of order, but the Senate, president a gavel made from timber taken from by a vote of 41 yeas to 46 nays, failed to sustain the White House during its reconstruction. Bar- the chair’s ruling. Barkley was apparently will- kley was deeply touched by the gesture. In ac- ing to take the risk of defeat both because of his cepting the gift, Barkley noted that President support for the administration’s civil rights pro- Truman frequently said that no president and gram and because of his own frustration at the vice president got along together as well as they Senate’s inability to invoke cloture and end de- did. ‘‘The reason for this,’’ Barkley told the Sen- bate during his years as majority leader.19 ate, ‘‘is that I have let him have his way about As vice president, Barkley did what he could everything.’’ 22 to help his successors as majority leader, Scott During the 1950 congressional campaign, Lucas (who served from 1949 to 1951) and Ernest which occurred after the United States had en- McFarland (who held the leadership from 1951 tered the Korean War, President Truman left the to 1953). Barkley continued to interpret the rela- job of campaigning for Democratic candidates to tionship between the vice president and the floor Vice President Barkley, who barnstormed the na- leader as that of catcher and pitcher. With the di- tion. Although Barkley’s party suffered losses, visions inside the ranks of the Democratic party, the Democrats retained their majorities in both however, as well as the rapidly diminishing pop- houses of Congress.23 Yet, despite his vigorous ularity of the Truman administration, Barkley campaigning, it became evident that age was be- often watched his successors’ pitches go wild. ginning to catch up with Alben Barkley. In 1950, Lucas and McFarland were more legislative me- the columnist Drew Pearson attended a dinner chanics than floor leaders, and neither achieved for the vice president, at which the president, Barkley’s status or prestige in the post. As one chief justice, and Speaker of the House were journalist observed, they made the job of major- present. Barkley gave a brief speech and ity leader ‘‘misery without splendor.’’ Despite ‘‘seemed a little old and tired,’’ Pearson recorded their leadership roles, Lucas and McFarland in his private diary. ‘‘It was about the first time were each in turn defeated when they ran for re- that his speech wasn’t all it usually is.’’ 24 election. Perhaps the sight of their increasing dis- Even though he was exempted from the Twen- comfort and distress may have added to ty-second Amendment to the Constitution, rati- Barkley’s own comfort and pleasure in his posi- fied in 1951, that limited future presidents to two tion as presiding officer rather than floor terms, Truman announced his decision not to leader.20 seek a third term. Vice President Barkley then sought the Democratic nomination for president, An Activist Vice President but his age and failing eyesight defeated his can- As vice president, Alben Barkley tried to be as didacy. Organized labor, which exerted great in- much of an activist as his office would allow. He fluence within the Democratic party organiza- was assisted by a sympathetic president, who tion, openly opposed his nomination because he not only had held the job, but was a student of was too old. Although deeply hurt, Barkley ac- American government and history and thought cepted the decision and withdrew from the race. seriously about how to enhance the vice-presi- He was invited to deliver a farewell address to dency. By executive order, President Truman the convention and did so with characteristic proclaimed a new coat of arms, seal, and flag for grace and style, celebrating the Democratic ‘‘cru- the vice president. ‘‘You can make ’em step aside sade’’ that he had helped to lead to ensure a now,’’ Truman assured Barkley when the new ‘‘happier and fuller life to all mankind in the symbols of office were unveiled. Truman also years that lie before us.’’ When he bid the con- supported a raise in the vice president’s salary vention good-by, the delegates awarded him a and expenses.21 When Barkley celebrated his forty-five-minute ovation, demonstrating the [ 428 ] ALBEN W. BARKLEY enormous affection that the party felt for him, Clearly, Alben Barkley enjoyed being vice even as they denied him his heart’s desire.25 president of the United States. Although he Return from Retirement missed the opportunity to speak out, maneuver, Alben Barkley retired to Kentucky but could and vote on bills as he had as senator and not stay retired for long. In 1954 he ran once majority leader, he enjoyed promoting the presi- again for a seat in the Senate against the incum- dent’s legislative program. He also savored the bent Republican Senator . thrill of the crowds that a vice president can at- Campaigning always seemed to invigorate him, tract, relished performing the ceremonial duties, and he swept back into office by a comfortable and delighted in the prestige of national office. margin. His victory helped return the Senate ‘‘I hope the Vice-Presidency continues to hold Democrats to a one-vote majority and made Lyn- the respect of the American people,’’ he said. don Johnson majority leader. Two years later, in ‘‘The qualifications for it are the same as for the 1956, students at Washington and Lee University Presidency itself. They have to be; for he may be- invited Senator Alben Barkley to deliver the key- come the President in case of a death or disabil- note address at their mock convention. He ac- ity.’’ The best way for vice presidents to retain cepted and gave one of his classic rip-snorting, respect, he concluded, was to deserve it. ‘‘I have Republican-bashing, Democratic-praising ora- always felt that public officers should lean back- tions. At its conclusion he reminded his audience wards in the performance of their official duties that after all of his years in national politics he because, to a larger extent than many people re- had become a freshman once again, but that he alize, they are looked upon as examples of pro- had declined an offer of a front row seat with bity and propriety in dealing with public mat- other senior senators. ‘‘I’m glad to sit on the back ters. It will be a sad day for this country and row,’’ he declared, ‘‘for I would rather be a serv- its institutions if and when the people lose ant in the House of the Lord than to sit in the confidence in their public servants.’’ For his seats of the mighty.’’ Then, with the applause of part, Alben Barkley retained public con- the crowd in his ears, Alben Barkley collapsed fidence—even public affection—throughout his and died from a massive heart attack. For an old- long career in the legislative branch and for fashioned orator, there could have been no more four years cast the vice presidency in a highly appropriate final exit from the stage.26 positive light.

[ 429 ] NOTES 1 Alben W. Barkley, That Reminds Me (Garden City, NY, 13 Harry S. Truman, Memoirs by Harry S. Truman, vol. 1, 1954), pp. 21–22. Year of Decisions (Garden City, NY, 1955), p. 57. 2 For Barkley’s life and career, see James K. Libbey, Dear 14 Alben W. Barkley, ‘‘The Vice-Presidency,’’ May 1952, Alben: Mr. Barkley of Kentucky (Lexington, KY, 1976), and pp. 7–8, Alben W. Barkley Papers, University of Kentucky. Polly Ann Davis, Alben Barkley: Senate Majority Leader and 15 Ibid., pp. 12–14. Vice President (New York, 1979). 16 Floyd M. Riddick: Senate Parliamentarian, Oral History 3 Barkley, That Reminds Me, p. 27. Interviews, June 26, 1978 to February 15, 1979 (U.S. Senate 4 Ibid., p. 77. Historical Office, Washington, DC), p. 66; Barkley, That Re- 5 Donald A. Ritchie, ‘‘Alben W. Barkley: The President’s minds Me, p. 210. Man,’’ in Richard A. Baker and Roger H. Davidson, eds., 17 See James T. Patterson, Congressional Conservatism and First Among Equals: Outstanding Senate Leaders of the Twenti- the New Deal: The Growth of the Conservative Coalition in Con- eth Century (Washington, 1991), pp. 130, 146. gress, 1933–1939 (Lexington, KY, 1967). 6 Ibid., pp. 129–31. 18 Harold F. Gosnell, Truman’s Crises: A Political Biography 7 Donald C. Bacon, ‘‘: The Good of Harry S. Truman (Westport, CT, 1980), pp. 439–49, 481– Soldier,’’ in Baker and Davidson, eds., First Among Equals, 90. pp. 63–66. 19 Floyd M. Riddick, pp. 67, 126–28, 144–46; U.S., Congress, 8 Ritchie, pp. 127–29. Senate, Congressional Record, 81st Cong, 1st sess., p. 2274; 9 The events surrounding Barkley’s resignation are dra- Gilbert C. Fite, Richard B. Russell, Jr.: Senator From Georgia matically recounted in Allen Drury’s A Senate Journal, 1943– (Chapel Hill, NC, 1991), pp. 245–46. 1945 (New York, 1963), pp. 85–97. 20 Ritchie, pp. 156–57. 10 Barkley, That Reminds Me, pp. 169–94. 21 Davis, pp. 280–81. 11 Alonzo L. Hamby, Man of the People: A Life of Harry S. 22 Congressional Record, 82d Cong., 1st sess, p. 1710. Truman (New York, 1995), pp. 448–51; Robert J. Donovan, 23 Gosnell, pp. 453–54. Conflict and Crisis: The Presidency of Harry S Truman, 1945– 24 Tyler Abell, ed., Drew Pearson, Diaries, 1949–1959 (New 1948 (New York, 1977), pp. 405–6; Margaret Truman, Harry York, 1974), pp. 128–29. S. Truman (New York, 1973), pp. 9–11; David McCullough, 25 Barkley, That Reminds Me, pp. 231–51. Truman (New York, 1992), pp. 637–38. 26 Ibid., pp. 312–14. 12 Barkley, That Reminds Me, pp. 195–204.

[ 430 ] Chapter 36 RICHARD MILHOUS NIXON 1953–1961

[ 431 ] RICHARD M. NIXON Chapter 36 RICHARD MILHOUS NIXON

36th Vice President: 1953–1961

[I]t just is not possible in politics for a Vice President to ‘‘chart out his own course’’. —RICHARD M. NIXON 1

On the morning of April 16, 1956, Vice Presi- office in 1952 and was not about to let anyone dent Richard Nixon served notice that the vice- but Eisenhower take it from him. presidency had finally become an office to be sought after by ambitious politicians rather than From Whittier to Congress a position in which to gain four years of rest. Richard Nixon’s career seems best described as After weeks of speculation that Nixon would be a series of fierce political battles. Every campaign dropped from the Republican ticket in the com- was bruising, and he never occupied a ‘‘safe’’ ing presidential race, fueled by President Dwight seat, perhaps only fitting for a man who had Eisenhower’s comment that the vice president come so far, so fast. Born on January 9, 1913, to had to ‘‘chart his own course,’’ Nixon decided a Quaker family in Yorba Linda, California, Rich- to force Ike’s hand. The young politician walked ard Milhous Nixon spent his childhood reading into the and said, ‘‘Mr. President, I and working in the various family enterprises. would be honored to continue as Vice President As a teenager in Whittier, California, he split his under you.’’ 2 Eisenhower now had to either ac- time between the family grocery store and the cept his running mate or reject him openly. Not high school debating team, where he received willing to risk a party squabble during what numerous awards. He went on to Whittier Col- promised to be a successful reelection bid, Eisen- lege, a small Quaker school not far from home, hower told the press he was ‘‘delighted by the and then received a scholarship to attend law news.’’ Richard Nixon had defied pressure to school at Duke University. Nixon’s academic leave office voluntarily that came from within performance was characterized by perseverance the White House, the press, and some segments and a determination to work harder than any of of the party. In the process, he had been offered his classmates. That determination pushed him a major cabinet position and had been urged to to finish third in his class at Duke in 1937 but run for a seat in the Senate. Instead, this ambi- did not result in any job offers from well-known tious young politician fought to remain in what firms in New York City, as Nixon had hoped. had once been considered a meaningless office. Disappointed, he returned to Whittier, joined a Over the previous four years, Nixon had not small firm, and began dabbling in local politics. only worked hard to promote the policies of the In 1940 he married Thelma ‘‘Pat’’ Ryan, after Eisenhower administration but had used the wooing her persistently for more than two years. vice-presidency to build a foundation of support As was the case for so many men of his genera- among the regulars of the Republican party that tion, World War II interrupted Richard Nixon’s made him the early favorite for the presidential plans. His Quaker background made Nixon re- nomination in 1960. He had fought hard for the luctant to volunteer for duty in the armed serv- [ 433 ] RICHARD M. NIXON ices, but in 1942, he obtained a job with the Office anticommunism that won him a seat in Congress of Price Administration in Washington that al- became his trademark issue on Capitol Hill when lowed him to contribute to the war effort and he gained appointment to the House Committee gain valuable government experience. Soon, on Un-American Activities (HUAC).4 however, the call to arms became too great to re- Formed in the 1930s to investigate the activities sist, and in August of 1942 he joined the navy. of Nazi and Communist organizations in the He served in the South Pacific Air Transport United States, HUAC had also served as a forum Command, operating airfields during General for attacks on , civil libertarians, and labor Douglas MacArthur’s island-hopping campaign. union activists. By the late 1940s, the committee While the war unexpectedly altered Nixon’s ca- had a tarnished reputation as an ineffective and reer path, his service record made him an even irresponsible group that was more dedicated to more attractive political candidate than he had attracting publicity than to preserving American been previously. Even before his discharge was security. But, with public anxiety on the rise, official, the Committee of 100, a group of south- HUAC members had the opportunity to lead the ern California business and professional leaders fight against domestic communism. Nixon took looking for a promising Republican candidate to little part in the committee’s investigations of sponsor against incumbent Democratic Rep- Hollywood during 1947, but he became the lead- resentative Jerry Voorhis, asked if Nixon was ing figure in its highly publicized investigation available as a congressional candidate. After of Alger Hiss. In 1948, , an editor for brief interviews to determine that this returning Time and a former Communist, testified that young veteran held acceptably Republican Hiss, a former State Department official and ad- views, the group helped launch a career that was viser to President Roosevelt at Yalta, had been more promising than they could have foreseen. a Communist agent. Hiss denied the charge, but Despite this impressive backing, however, the over the next year and a half, the attempt to un- campaign against Voorhis was a hard-nosed af- cover the real story thrust Richard Nixon into the fair that gained Nixon both ardent admirers and spotlight. Nixon led the investigation that even- fierce enemies. Nothing ever came easily for Dick tually sent Hiss to prison for perjury. The case 3 Nixon. gave Nixon a national reputation as a diligent That first campaign in 1946 gave Richard hunter of Communists and established him as a Nixon the issue that would catapult him to rising, if controversial, young star in the GOP.5 prominence. He vigorously attacked Representa- Nixon was not content to remain in the House tive Voorhis for being dominated by Com- of Representatives. After only four years in the munist-controlled labor unions. Like many Re- House, he set his sights on the Senate seat held publican candidates across the country, Nixon by Democrat . Facing a pri- accused the Democrats of allowing Communists mary challenge from Representative Helen to enter important positions in the federal gov- Gahagan Douglas, an aggressive opponent, ernment, thus undermining American security Downey decided to retire and to endorse another and threatening to ‘‘socialize’’ the United States. Democrat, Chester Boddy. While Douglas and As the cold war began to heat up in Europe and Boddy engaged in a vicious primary battle, Asia, the American public reacted positively to Nixon watched and waited. When Douglas, a Republican appeals to throw the Communists former actress, narrowly won the nomination, out of government, as well as to calls for cutting one of the nastier senatorial campaigns in U.S. back on the New and Fair Deals. Republicans history began. Nixon attacked Douglas for hav- swept to victory in congressional elections across ing voted against appropriations for HUAC and the country, winning majorities in the House and insinuated that she was a Communist sym- Senate for the first time since 1928. Nixon rode pathizer, charges that Boddy had used during this wave of protest, receiving a whopping 57 the primaries. The Nixon campaign distributed percent of the vote in his district. The pink leaflets comparing Douglas’ House voting [ 434 ] RICHARD M. NIXON record with that of Labor party member Vito East and the Midwest. Richard Nixon’s consen- Marcantonio of New York, while the candidate sus approach to Republican politics positioned and others referred to her as ‘‘the Pink Lady.’’ him to fill that role. Douglas fought just as hard, implying that Nixon Campaigning for the Vice-Presidency had fascist tendencies and was controlled by oil In 1952 the campaign for the Republican presi- interests. She even pinned on him the label that dential nomination centered around Taft and would haunt him for years, ‘‘Tricky Dick.’’ When General Dwight D. Eisenhower. Senator Taft had the smoke cleared, Nixon emerged with an over- been an influential force in the party for more whelming victory, garnering 59 percent of the than a decade, leading the opposition to Presi- vote. Nixon ran well throughout the state, exhib- dent Harry Truman’s ‘‘Fair Deal.’’ Eisenhower, iting an ability to win votes in traditional Demo- the commander of Allied forces in Europe during cratic areas and gaining continued attention World War II, had been sought by both parties from Republican leaders nationwide. The cam- as a nominee ever since the end of the war. In paign also brought harsh criticism. For years 1952, he announced that he was a Republican afterward, his opponents would point to the 1950 and that he was willing to run. Widely, though race as an example of the mean streak they con- not always accurately, considered more liberal sidered so much a part of Richard Nixon’s char- than Taft, Eisenhower was primarily concerned acter. The victory brought him increased prestige that the Republicans were in danger of rejecting within the Republican party and among conserv- internationalism. After failing to convince Taft to atives generally, but it also formed the founda- support an internationalist program, Ike threw tion for his reputation as an unscrupulous his hat in the ring. 6 campaigner. The contest threatened to polarize the party, Even a seat in the United States Senate, how- and a number of darkhorse candidates entered ever, could not entirely satisfy the restless Cali- the Republican national convention hoping for a fornian. In 1951, he embarked on a national deadlock. The most prominent of these hopefuls speaking tour, delivering forty-nine speeches in was Governor of California. As a twenty-two states. His travels boosted his al- member of the California delegation, Senator ready rising popularity with Republicans, and he Nixon was obligated to support Warren’s can- was soon regarded as the party’s most popular didacy until the governor gave up the race. speaker.7 During these speeches, Nixon also Nixon, however, used the train ride to the con- showed his dexterity at reaching out to the dif- vention in Chicago to lobby his fellow delegates ferent factions within the party. In the early on behalf of Eisenhower. He argued that, when 1950s, Republicans were deeply divided between (rather than if) Warren released his delegates, the regulars, usually known they should throw their support to Eisenhower, as the Old Guard and personified by Ohio Sen- because Taft could not win the general election. ator Robert Taft, and the more liberal eastern Many Taft supporters later referred to Nixon’s wing of the party, led by Thomas Dewey of New efforts as ‘‘the Great ,’’ claiming he York. Nixon’s anticommunism appealed to con- sold out both Taft and Warren in exchange for servatives, but his firm internationalism and the vice-presidential nomination. Nixon’s sup- moderate views on domestic policy also made port for Eisenhower was sincere, but both Thom- him popular with more liberal audiences. This as Dewey and Ike’s campaign manager, Henry ability to appeal to the party as a whole would Cabot Lodge, Jr., had told Nixon weeks earlier serve him well in the future. By 1952, people that he was the probable choice if Eisenhower were already thinking of him as a national can- should win. These promises, coupled with Taft’s didate. Any Republican presidential nominee preference for Nixon’s California colleague Sen- would be under tremendous pressure to ‘‘bal- ator , undoubtedly spurred ance’’ the ticket by finding a vice-presidential his efforts. After Eisenhower won the nomina- candidate who would be acceptable in both the tion, he put together a list of potential running [ 435 ] RICHARD M. NIXON mates with Senator Nixon’s name at the top. nominee was taking money from business inter- Party leaders had already decided that Nixon ests. Democratic leaders called on Nixon to re- was their man.8 sign, and public pressure began to build for the Richard Nixon was, in many ways, the ideal Republicans to come clean about the ‘‘secret running mate for Dwight Eisenhower. The gen- fund.’’ The Washington Post and New York Herald eral indicated that he wanted someone ‘‘who Tribune joined the call for Nixon’s resignation. was young, vigorous, ready to learn, and of good His candidacy was in jeopardy before it could reputation.’’ 9 Only on the last of these criteria even get started.11 was Nixon suspect, and the most outspoken crit- Eisenhower, meanwhile, remained cautious. ics of Nixon’s tactics were liberal Democrats who He asserted his belief that his running mate was probably would not have voted for the Repub- an honest man and that the facts would vindicate lican ticket in any event. Aside from providing him. But Ike did not dismiss the possibility of a youthful counter to the sixty-two-year-old Ei- Nixon’s resignation, saying only that he would senhower, Nixon balanced the ticket geographi- talk with Nixon about the situation as soon as cally, since Eisenhower’s campaign relied heav- possible. When Eisenhower later told the press ily on New Yorkers. His nomination also indi- that the Republican campaign must be ‘‘clean as cated that California was becoming increasingly a hound’s tooth,’’ Nixon advisers took it as a sign vital in presidential politics. Perhaps most im- that their man was in trouble with the boss. Rela- portant, Nixon was one of only a very few Re- tions between the two camps had been strained publicans of national stature acceptable to both from the beginning. Some of Eisenhower’s advis- the Eisenhower camp and the Old Guard.10 His ers were uncomfortable with Nixon on the ticket, selection was intended to foster unity within the because they mistakenly viewed him as a tool of party and to calm the strife that could lead to an- the Old Guard, and they would have been more other electoral disaster like that of 1948. Calm, than happy to see him go. For their part, Nixon’s however, was seldom to be associated with Rich- supporters resented the disdain they felt coming ard Nixon. from Eisenhower’s people and were angry that On September 18, 1952, barely two months Ike was leaving Nixon to fend for himself.12 Fi- after the Republican convention and just as the nally, Nixon decided to force a decision by ap- campaign was beginning to heat up, the front pearing on national television to explain his ac- page of the ran the headline, ‘‘Se- tions. On September 23, just hours before he cret Nixon Fund!’’ The story reported that Nixon went on the air, he received a call from Tom had established a ‘‘millionaire’s club’’ to help Dewey, who explained that Eisenhower’s ‘‘top pay his political expenses. About seventy Cali- advisers’’ had decided that it would be best if fornia businessmen contributed $100 to $500 Nixon ended his speech by offering his resigna- each to pay the senator’s travel and postage bills tion. Nixon was momentarily stunned, but when and prepare for future campaigns. Unconcerned Dewey asked what he was going to do, he re- by the article at first, Nixon argued that the fund plied, ‘‘Just tell them I haven’t the slightest idea was hardly secret and was intended as a means as to what I am going to do and if they want of saving public funds that would otherwise to find out they’d better listen to the broadcast. have been applied to his Senate expense account. And tell them I know something about politics He apparently forgot that such uses of his ac- too!’’ 13 count would have been illegal. The Truman ad- What Nixon did that night saved his can- ministration had been rocked by a series of scan- didacy. From a studio in , Nixon dals over the previous two years, and one of the gave the nation a detailed report of his financial keys to the Republican campaign was Eisen- history, everything from the mortgage on his hower’s pledge to clean the ‘‘crooks and cronies’’ house to the one political gift he said he intended out of Washington. The Democrats charged the to keep, a little dog his daughters named Republicans with hypocritically attacking the ad- ‘‘Checkers.’’ While this reference to his dog pro- ministration when the GOP’s vice-presidential vided the popular name for one of the twentieth [ 436 ] RICHARD M. NIXON century’s most significant political speeches, president was ever as active within the adminis- Nixon did much more than create a colorful tration or enjoyed as much responsibility, partly image. He effectively refuted the ridiculous because of Nixon’s own energetic habits. He was charge that he used the fund to live a life of lux- always looking for something to do and took a ury, while deflecting the more fundamental keen interest in almost every aspect of govern- questions involving the influence gained by its ment. Circumstances also played a part because contributors—questions that the Democrats of Eisenhower’s occasional health problems. Be- seemed to lose sight of in their haste to sensa- lieving that Franklin Roosevelt’s failure to keep tionalize the story. Nixon also challenged the Vice President Harry S. Truman informed of other candidates to make a full disclosure of their government initiatives like the Manhattan assets, knowing that Democratic presidential Project had been dangerous, Eisenhower was de- nominee Adlai Stevenson had problems with a termined that his own vice president would be fund of his own. Finally, he urged viewers to as well informed as anyone in the administra- write to the Republican National Committee to tion.15 But the primary reason for Nixon’s activ- state whether Nixon should leave or remain on ist status was that Eisenhower provided him the ticket. He presented himself as a common with unique opportunities. Apart from the vice American, struggling to pay the bills, doing his president’s constitutional role as presiding offi- part to clean up ‘‘the mess in Washington,’’ and cer of the Senate, the occupant of that office can suffering the attacks of vicious foes. only safely take up the activities that the presi- Many observers found Nixon’s ‘‘Checkers’’ dent indicates are appropriate. Most presidents speech repulsive. Journalist Walter Lippmann made little use of their vice presidents. Eisen- called it ‘‘the most demeaning experience my hower, however, with his military experience country has ever had to bear,’’ and Eisenhower’s confirming the value of a well-trained subordi- close friend, General Lucius Clay, thought it was nate officer, found that Nixon could be an impor- ‘‘corny.’’ But the speech seemed to touch a chord tant part of his ‘‘team’’ concept of presidential in what is often called ‘‘Middle America’’ that administration, especially since Nixon possessed elite observers failed to understand. Historian many of the political skills that were lacking in Herbert Parmet has argued that the appeal was some of Eisenhower’s other key advisers. Also, like that of a Frank Capra movie, with Nixon unlike some other vice presidents, Nixon did not playing the role of ‘‘Mr. Smith.’’ Nearly sixty mil- represent a former or potential challenger to Ei- lion people watched the telecast (a record audi- senhower. Ike was, therefore, willing to use his ence that would not be broken until Nixon de- youthful vice president for important tasks, and bated John F. Kennedy in the 1960 presidential Nixon was willing to be so used. When they dif- race), and the response was overwhelming. Over fered on questions of policy, there was never any 160,000 telegrams poured into Republican na- question that Nixon would follow the president’s tional headquarters, and switchboards around lead. Because Nixon could perform smoothly in the country were jammed with calls to local and the several roles that Eisenhower needed filled, state party officials urging Nixon to stay on the he was able to cultivate the image of an active ticket. There was little Eisenhower could do but and important vice president. consent. In a bold stroke, Nixon had effectively Party Liaison taken the decision away from Eisenhower by ap- pealing to the party faithful. Nixon remained on Nixon’s most important function in the admin- the ticket, and ‘‘Ike and Dick’’ cruised to a com- istration was to link Eisenhower with the party fortable victory in November.14 leadership, especially in Congress. Nixon and Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., were the only former The Eisenhower Team congressmen in the Eisenhower cabinet, and no Over the next eight years, Richard Nixon ele- one else had Nixon’s connections with the Sen- vated the office of vice president to a position of ate. Although the Republicans held a slim major- importance never before seen. No previous vice ity in Congress, it was not certain that the Old [ 437 ] RICHARD M. NIXON

Guard, many of whom were influential commit- chip away at its support. He sent Nixon and oth- tee chairmen, would rally to Eisenhower’s legis- ers to work with Bricker on compromises and lative agenda. If the president was going to push suggested a ‘‘study committee,’’ with Bricker as through his program of ‘‘modern Republican- its chair, to come up with an agreeable alter- ism’’ and stave off unwanted legislation, he native.17 Bricker, however, would not yield on needed a former member who could ‘‘work the the substance of his amendment. Finally, in 1954, Hill’’ on his behalf. Nixon advised Eisenhower after much wrangling, the administration con- to go to Congress ‘‘only in dramatic cir- vinced Democrat Walter George of Georgia to cumstances,’’ because ‘‘Truman came so often offer a much less stringent substitute. On the cru- there were occasions when he didn’t have a full cial roll call, the substitute received a vote of 60 House,’’ but he need not have worried. Eisen- to 31, falling one short of the two-thirds majority hower had no intention of trying to dominate necessary for passage of a constitutional amend- Congress the way his predecessors had. Eisen- ment. Bricker tried to revive his amendment, but 18 hower and Nixon held regular meetings with the too many Republicans had changed sides. Vice Republican congressional leadership, but the President Nixon had been one of the administra- president had little contact with other GOP tion’s most active lobbyists in defeating the members of Congress, and he seldom tried to amendment without splitting the party. His harness public pressure against Congress to sup- other primary assignment as party intermediary port his legislation. This approach suited Eisen- proved more demanding. Senator Joseph R. McCarthy (R-WI) shot to hower’s ‘‘hidden hand’’ style of leadership, but fame in 1950 by brazenly claiming that the State to be effective, someone had to serve as the ad- Department was full of ‘‘known Communists.’’ ministration’s political broker with the rest of the Over the next two years, he waged a running Republicans. Nixon was the obvious candidate.16 battle with the Truman administration over its One of the more immediate tasks for the new conduct of foreign policy and the loyalty of its vice president was to help the administration de- appointees. Many Republicans and some con- feat the Bricker amendment. In 1951, Republican servative Democrats joined in this Senator John W. Bricker of Ohio had introduced anticommunist ‘‘crusade.’’ They averred that the a constitutional amendment that would have nation had been betrayed at Yalta and that Tru- drastically curtailed the ability of the president man had ‘‘lost China.’’ McCarthy promised to to obtain treaties and executive agreements with clean the Communists out of government and to other nations. Bricker’s immediate purpose was end ‘‘twenty years of treason.’’ to prohibit President Truman from entering into When Dwight Eisenhower entered the White agreements such as the United Nations Conven- House, he and his advisers hoped that Vice tion on the Prevention and Punishment of Geno- President Nixon could keep McCarthy in line if cide, for fear that it would compromise the sov- the senator continued his attacks. The results of ereignty of the United States. More generally, the this strategy were mixed. Nixon was certainly Bricker amendment aimed to increase the influ- the right man for the job. As historian David ence of Congress in making foreign policy. Even Oshinsky writes, ‘‘Only Taft and Nixon seemed with a Republican in the White House, Bricker able to reach him [McCarthy], and Taft was now refused to back away from his amendment, offer- too sick to try.’’ 19 Nixon was also one of the few ing it as the first order of business in the new people in the nation who could safely deal with Congress, with the support of almost every Re- the ‘‘McCarthy problem,’’ because, as Eisen- publican senator. Eisenhower, however, believed hower put it, ‘‘Anybody who takes it on runs the the amendment would severely restrict the nec- risk of being called a pink. Dick has had experi- essary powers of the president and make the na- ence in the communist field, and therefore he tion ‘‘helpless in world affairs.’’ Rather than would not be subject to criticism.’’ 20 Nixon suc- confront his own party leadership, he hoped to ceeded in convincing McCarthy not to pursue an delay action on the measure in order to gradually investigation of the CIA, but the senator was [ 438 ] RICHARD M. NIXON soon talking about ‘‘twenty-one years of trea- Republicanism’’ to the public. Cabinet members, son,’’ implying that Eisenhower had not he said, should not be afraid to make partisan stemmed the tide. Neither Nixon nor anyone else speeches and should concentrate them in com- could convince McCarthy not to investigate the petitive congressional districts. He even sug- U.S. Army. As chairman of the Committee on gested that they should welcome the chance to Government Operations’ Permanent Investiga- appear on such television interview shows as tions Subcommittee, McCarthy had wide discre- Meet the Press.23 Meanwhile, both Eisenhower tion to conduct investigations, but Eisenhower and Secretary of State used publicly claimed that he would not allow mem- Nixon to publicly explore policy options and bers of the executive branch to testify about pri- propose ideas that they were wary of advocating vate conversations. He also supported army offi- themselves. As Ike put it, ‘‘He [Nixon] can some- cers who refused to appear before the sub- times take positions which are more political committee. As the president did what he could than it would be expected that I take.’’ 24 to divert the hearings, he had Nixon make a na- Nowhere was this approach more in evidence tional speech emphasizing the need to be ‘‘fair’’ than on the campaign trail. The Republican strat- in the pursuit of Communists. In the end, McCar- egy in 1952 had been simple. While Eisenhower thy went too far. The televised Army-McCarthy ran a positive campaign that emphasized his ap- hearings revealed to the public a bellicose sen- peal to citizens of all parties, Nixon’s job was to ator viciously attacking the army and the admin- ‘‘hammer away at our opponents.’’ He quickly istration. As the president refused to give execu- gained a reputation as the Republican ‘‘hatchet tive information to the committee, and as man,’’ an image that would be captured by McCarthy’s public support waned, his Senate Washington Post cartoonist ‘‘Herblock’s’’ por- colleagues finally decided they had seen enough. trayal of him as a mud-slinging sewer dweller, On December 2, 1954, with Vice President Nixon an image that Nixon deeply resented. Nixon’s presiding, the Senate voted 67 to 22 to condemn campaign was a hard-hitting anticommunist as- McCarthy’s behavior. Republicans split 22 to 22 sault, charging that Truman’s secretary of state, on the vote, with Democrats unanimously in , ‘‘had lost China, much of Eastern favor. Thus, after Eisenhower’s attempt to use Europe, and had invited the Communists to Nixon to contain McCarthy failed, the adminis- begin the Korean War,’’ and calling Democratic tration had resorted instead to quiet resistance, presidential candidate Adlai Stevenson a grad- allowing McCarthy himself to bring about his uate of Acheson’s ‘‘Cowardly College of Com- 25 own downfall.21 munist Containment.’’ But Nixon’s campaign- ing was hardly over after 1952. In fact, it seemed Adviser and Campaigner as though he were campaigning throughout his Apart from his specific assignments, Nixon vice-presidency. In 1954 he hit the campaign trail also served as the administration’s general politi- once more on behalf of congressional cal expert. No one in the administration had a Republicans. more thorough knowledge of the way Congress In many ways, Nixon emerged as the party’s worked and how to get legislation passed. He al- spokesman during these years because Eisen- ways attended cabinet meetings and contributed hower was unwilling to take on that role. Eisen- his insight by pointing out the political implica- hower was determined to be president of ‘‘all the tions of any decision. He urged cabinet members people,’’ and did not ‘‘intend to make of the to get to know the chairmen of the committees presidency an agency to use in partisan elec- that had jurisdiction over their departments. Ei- tions.’’ 26 Apparently, he had no such qualms senhower’s speech writer, Emmett Hughes, de- about the vice-presidency, and who better to scribed Nixon as ‘‘crisp and practical and logical: rally the party faithful than Nixon, the man a never proposing major objectives, but quick and contemporary observer called the ‘‘scientific shrewd in suggesting or refining methods.’’ 22 pitchman of politics.’’ 27 While Eisenhower Nixon also emphasized the need to sell ‘‘modern would not go after the Democrats, he was quite [ 439 ] RICHARD M. NIXON willing to let Nixon do so. According to White hower’s staff privately worried about Nixon House Chief of Staff Sherman Adams, ‘‘[Ike] told ‘‘running loose through the country,’’ the ‘‘old Nixon and others, including myself, that he was Nixon’’ reemerged with Eisenhower’s blessing well aware that somebody had to do the hard- and once more provided Democrats with their hitting infighting, and he had no objection to it favorite target. as long as no one expected him to do it.’’ 28 Nixon Two years later, many of Nixon’s friends ad- therefore conducted another aggressive cam- vised him to stay away from the 1958 congres- paign for the midterm election, covering nearly sional elections. Despite Eisenhower’s continued 26,000 miles to ninety-five cities in thirty states popularity and his comfortable victory in 1956, on behalf of Republican candidates. The outcome Republicans had lost ground in Congress in 1954 was not favorable for the GOP, which lost two and again in 1956. Most observers predicted fur- Senate seats and sixteen House seats, and Nixon ther losses in 1958. Many of Nixon’s friends in received little public credit for his efforts.29 the party, anticipating that he would run for Eisenhower’s ambivalence about Nixon’s at- president in 1960, thought that being associated tacking campaign style emerged forcefully two with the certain disaster of 1958 would only get years later in their 1956 reelection campaign. Ei- in the way. As Tom Dewey told him, ‘‘I know senhower told Nixon that he should try to ele- that all those party wheelhorses will tell you sto- vate the level of his speeches and that he should ries that will pluck your heartstrings, but you’re avoid ‘‘the exaggerations of partisan political toying with your chance to be President. Don’t talk.’’ Unlike Harry Truman’s ‘‘give ’em hell’’ do it, Dick. You’ve already done enough, and campaign of 1948, Ike wanted Nixon to ‘‘give 1960 is what counts now.’’ 32 ’em heaven.’’ This more dignified campaign If Nixon did not carry the banner for the party, style led to discussions of a ‘‘new Nixon.’’ He who would? Eisenhower was not willing to do talked about ‘‘Republican prosperity’’ and Eisen- so, and no one else could. In the end, Nixon hower’s positive accomplishments as president. could not resist, and he took to the campaign It seemed that Nixon had finally decided to put trail once more. He was more disenchanted with away his rhetorical boxing gloves. But it was a the party’s organization than ever, and the re- false impression. Nixon was uncomfortable with sults of the elections confirmed his pessimism. this approach. Republican crowds did not react (He reported to the cabinet, ‘‘There were just too with the same vigor as when he ripped into the many turkeys running on the Republican tick- Democrats, and he found it hard to suppress his et.’’) 33 The GOP lost 13 seats in the Senate and ‘‘normal partisan instincts,’’ and to ‘‘campaign 47 in the House while losing 13 of 21 guber- with one arm tied behind [his] back.’’ 30 Yet this natorial races. The only really impressive vic- was not entirely his campaign, and he had to tories for the Republicans were for governors abide by Eisenhower’s wishes. Ike, however, soon remembered why he had chosen Nixon in Nelson Rockefeller in New York and Mark Hat- the first place. As the campaign intensified and field in Oregon, and Senator in Stevenson (running once more) and the Demo- Arizona. The press proclaimed that the big win- crats stepped up their attacks on the administra- ner was Rockefeller, while the big was tion, Eisenhower decided to give his aggressive Nixon. Years later, Nixon would lament, ‘‘Per- vice president a bit more rope. He told him, haps Dewey had been right: I should have sat 34 ‘‘Look, Dick, we’ve agreed that your speeches it out.’’ Despite the immediate disaster, Eisen- generally in this campaign ought to be on a high- hower was not the only beneficiary of Nixon’s er level than in the past. Still I think it’s perfectly campaigning. Rank-and-file Republicans did not all right for you to pick up on some of these wild forget that Nixon had tried to help, and party charges and throw them back at the other fel- leaders throughout the nation owed the vice low.’’ 31 Eisenhower, of course, did not intend to president a significant political debt. He would follow this course himself. So, while Eisen- collect in 1960.

[ 440 ] RICHARD M. NIXON

Goodwill Ambassador to turn it over and chanting ‘‘Death to Nixon.’’ While Nixon’s roles as political adviser and Protected by only twelve Secret Service agents, campaigner were the most important ones in de- the procession was forced to wait for the Ven- fining his place in the administration, it was his ezuelan military to clear a path of escape. But by role as international goodwill ambassador that that time, the car had been nearly demolished brought him the most praise. Henry Wallace had and the vice president had seen his fill of South been the first vice president to travel abroad, but America. President Eisenhower sent a naval no one either before or since did so with greater squadron to the Venezuelan coast in case they fanfare than Nixon. On most occasions his visits needed to rescue the vice president, but Nixon were intended only as gestures of American quietly left the country the next day. He returned friendship. Nixon’s 1958 trip to Argentina for the to Washington to a hero’s welcome. Over 15,000 inauguration of that nation’s first democratically people met him at the airport, including Presi- elected leader was one such visit. Sometimes, dent Eisenhower and the entire cabinet. Over the however, the vice president’s travels had a more next few days, politicians of both parties substantive purpose. On his first trip abroad, to throughout the nation praised Nixon’s courage, Asia in 1953, Nixon took with him a note from and congratulations poured in by the thousands. Eisenhower to South Korean leader Syngman It was Nixon’s shining moment, but the respect Rhee. The letter made it clear that the United was more the result of Americans rallying be- States would not support a South Korean inva- hind their vice president than any change in Nix- sion of the North, and Nixon was sent to obtain on’s standing.36 a promise from Rhee that such an action would Nixon’s final trip abroad brought him more fa- not take place.35 Nixon visited a number of coun- vorable reviews. In 1959, he travelled to the So- tries in Asia from Japan to Pakistan, travelling viet Union to open the United States Exhibition 38,000 miles. He established a practice of meeting in Sokolniki Park in Moscow, part of a new cul- with students, workers, and opposition leaders tural exchange program. As he and Soviet Pre- as well as with government officials. His open- mier toured the exhibit, they ness seemed popular in most of these nations, engaged in a lengthy and sometimes heated de- and he developed an abiding interest in the con- bate on the merits of versus com- tinent and its politics. His travels gave him a rep- munism. Much of this debate was captured by utation at home as an expert on Asian affairs that American television, which transmitted an would remain with him throughout his life. He image of the nation’s vice president standing in also travelled to Austria in 1956 to meet with a model American kitchen defending American Hungarian refugees and to Africa a year later. progress against a belligerent Khrushchev. The But Nixon’s most famous trips were still to encounter became known as ‘‘The Kitchen De- come. When he set off for South America in 1958, bate,’’ and the nation once more took pride in he anticipated an uneventful tour that would its feisty vice president. Nixon concluded his trip merely distract him from his attempts to talk the with a thirty-minute speech on Soviet television, administration into cutting taxes at home. He becoming the first American official to address was unprepared for the vehemence of the anti- the Soviet Union in a live broadcast. He stressed American demonstrations he would encounter ‘‘peaceful competition’’ between the East and from those opposing U.S. policy toward Latin West and expressed hope that the ‘‘Spirit of Ge- America. In Peru, Nixon was blocked from visit- neva’’ would include a freer exchange of infor- ing San Marcos University by a crowd of dem- mation. On his return, Nixon stopped in War- onstrators chanting ‘‘Go Home Nixon!’’ He was saw, Poland, and was given a remarkable and met in Venezuela by hostile crowds that spat at touching reception by the people of that city, him as he left his plane. In the capital, Caracas, who crowded the streets, throwing roses and the scene turned violent. A mob surrounded his shouting ‘‘Long Live Nixon.’’ While the trip con- car and began rocking it back and forth, trying tained little of real substance, it showed Ameri- [ 441 ] RICHARD M. NIXON cans an energetic young leader acting on the (OR) had just left the Republican world stage, an impressive image and one that party and intended to vote as an Independent. Nixon would try to cultivate for the future. In But when Senate Republican Leader Robert Taft all, Nixon visited fifty-four countries and met died in July 1953, Ohio’s governor replaced him forty-five heads of state during his eight years with a Democrat, Thomas A. Burke, shifting the as vice president, setting a standard difficult for one-vote majority to the Democrats. Wayne his successors to match and his opponents to Morse made it clear, however, that he would discount.37 vote with his former Republican colleagues on The vice president, of course, did not travel organizational matters, giving the Republicans alone. always accompanied her hus- exactly half the votes of the ninety-six-member band overseas and established her own role in Senate, with Vice President Nixon available to spreading American ‘‘goodwill.’’ She had vigor- break a tied vote in the Republicans’ favor. The ously campaigned with him for Congress in 1946 Democrats therefore realized it would be futile and 1950, but by 1952 she had grown weary of to offer the resolutions necessary to give them politics. Still, when her husband received the control of the Senate’s committee chairmanships vice-presidential nomination, she took up cam- and majority floor leadership offices. For the re- paigning with him once again. She seemed re- mainder of that Congress, Nixon occasionally signed to being married to a politician and con- appeared if he thought it would be necessary to centrated on raising their two daughters, Tricia break a tie, but otherwise he customarily left and Julie, with minimal privacy at their home on after the opening prayer and majority leader’s Tilden Street in Washington’s Spring Valley sec- announcements, turning over the chair to a jun- tion. However, as Nixon biographer Jonathan ior member.39 Aitken puts it, ‘‘Pat longed for that peace which As the Democratic majority grew during the the world of politics cannot give.’’ She did, how- 1950s, Nixon spent even less time in the Senate. ever, enjoy travelling and developed a reputa- Because Nixon had never been known as a legis- tion as an ambassador in her own right. While lative tactician or parliamentarian, and his one the vice president met with political leaders, Mrs. constitutionally mandated job did not provide Nixon visited hospitals and schools, mixing with any real opportunities to use his political skills, people wherever she went. She gave the first he avoided his duties in the Senate whenever press conference exclusively for women report- possible. ers in Japan and dined in a previously all-male The vice president did try to take a more active club in Kuala Lumpur. Everywhere she went, role in the Senate’s deliberations on one occasion, she was extremely popular and only added to but his effort failed. In 1957, the Eisenhower ad- the positive image of her husband. If anyone de- ministration decided to push for a civil rights bill served the title ‘‘goodwill ambassador,’’ it was and anticipated that opponents of the bill would Pat Nixon.38 use a filibuster to kill it if necessary. Senate Rule XXII provided that cloture could not be invoked Constitutional Roles on a rules change, making it impossible to stop Apart from the jobs Eisenhower gave him, such a filibuster. At the opening of the first ses- Nixon was also the presiding officer of the Sen- sion of the Eighty-fifth Congress in 1957, Senator ate, as provided in the Constitution. Like many Clinton Anderson (D-NM), in a strategy in- of his predecessors, Nixon did not find this task tended to make cloture easier to obtain, moved to be particularly interesting. He was too ener- that the Senate consider new rules. Nixon—over getic and ambitious to sit and listen to Senate the objections of the Republican leadership, speeches without being able either to vote or to which supported the existing cloture provi- intervene and was therefore seldom present in sions—stated that ‘‘in the opinion of the Chair,’’ the Senate chamber. After the 1952 elections, Re- the membership after each election composed a publicans held a one-vote majority in the Senate, new Senate rather than a continuing body. As a with 48 members; the Democrats had 47; and result, he ruled, the Senate could change the [ 442 ] RICHARD M. NIXON rules at the beginning of each Congress by vote leading Emmett Hughes, a frequent critic, to call of a simple majority. The Senate, however, tabled it his ‘‘finest official hour.’’ 44 Anderson’s motion the next day by a vote of 55 But while the vice president’s actions, and in- to 38. Later that year, after repeated attempts to actions, brought widespread praise, they also change the cloture rule in order to pass the Civil raised fears that the Eisenhower administration Rights Act of 1957, Senate Majority Leader Lyn- could suddenly become the Nixon administra- don Johnson engineered a compromise that ap- tion, especially when the president underwent plied cloture to debate on motions for changes an operation for ileitis in June of 1956. Eisen- in rules, but declared that ‘‘the rules of the Senate hower’s health would become a primary issue in shall continue from one Congress to the next the 1956 election, as Democrats reminded voters Congress unless they be changed as provided in that a vote for Eisenhower was also a vote for these rules.’’ 40 Nixon. Ike’s health would continue to be a sub- The other task that is inherent in the vice presi- ject of concern during his second term, and after dent’s job is, as Charles Dawes put it, ‘‘to check Eisenhower suffered a stroke in 1957 he decided the morning’s newspaper as to the President’s that it was time to set out procedures for how health.’’ 41 For Richard Nixon, that was not just Nixon should proceed if the president were to an idle activity. On September 24, 1955, Nixon become incapacitated. He drafted a letter stating received a call informing him that the president that, if he were unable to perform his duties, had suffered a coronary attack. Nixon was Nixon would serve as ‘‘acting president’’ until placed in a very delicate situation. While the he recovered. Eisenhower would determine president was ill, Nixon needed to show that the when he was sufficiently able to take control nation’s business was being handled effectively once more. The agreement was strictly between Eisenhower and Nixon and therefore amounted so as not to seem weak, but if he attempted to only to a shaky precedent (although Kennedy take too much control it would arouse fears of and Johnson copied it later).45 Not until passage a power grab by an overly ambitious under- of the Twenty-fifth Amendment in 1967 was the study. He recognized that ‘‘even the slightest issue of presidential incapacity officially dealt misstep could be interpreted as an attempt to as- with. sume power.’’ 42 Nixon and other members of the cabinet decided to emphasize that Eisen- Nixon and Eisenhower hower’s team concept would ensure the govern- In the end, Richard Nixon filled with consider- ment could operate without difficulty until the able skill the roles that President Eisenhower president recovered. The vice president would gave him. So why did Eisenhower come close to preside at cabinet and National Security Council dropping him from the ticket in 1956? Eisen- meetings, just as he had done numerous times hower’s opinion of his vice president was most when the president had been away. White House ambiguous. The president appreciated Nixon’s Chief of Staff Sherman Adams flew to , efforts in carrying out his assigned tasks. He told where Eisenhower was hospitalized, to assist the associates, ‘‘it would be difficult to find a better president, and when Ike was feeling better Nixon Vice President’’ and publicly repeated such was one of the first to visit him. Still, Nixon was praises on a regular basis. He also ‘‘believed careful to observe proper protocol. He presided Nixon to be the best prepared man in govern- over cabinet meetings from the vice president’s ment to take over [his] duties in any emer- chair and conducted business from his office in gency.’’ 46 This was more than just public flattery the Capitol. He even made sure to visit cabinet for a subordinate. Because of his wide-ranging members rather than having them come to see interests and Eisenhower’s willingness, Nixon him. As he put it, he had ‘‘to provide leadership was perhaps the most informed member of the without appearing to lead.’’ 43 Nixon handled administration. Secretary of State John Foster this ambiguous situation with considerable skill, Dulles kept him briefed on State Department af- [ 443 ] RICHARD M. NIXON fairs, and even the CIA was willing to provide offered to appoint Nixon secretary of defense in outlines of its current activities.47 a new administration. He argued that Nixon’s For Eisenhower, this faith in Nixon as vice low poll numbers might be a drag on the ticket president did not translate into confidence about and that Nixon needed to gain executive experi- Nixon’s potential for the presidency. He saw ence in order to improve his future prospects. Nixon as a dedicated junior officer who per- Nixon replied that he would do whatever Eisen- formed his duties with skill but had not devel- hower decided was best for the campaign, but oped into a true leader. He worried constantly that was exactly the decision the president was that his young vice president had not ‘‘ma- trying to avoid. He told the press that Nixon tured.’’ Eisenhower saw the presidency as the of- would have ‘‘to chart out his own course.’’ Eisen- fice of a statesman rather than a partisan politi- hower’s evasions infuriated Nixon, and after cian. The 1960s image of Eisenhower as being days of dangling on Ike’s hook, he decided to naive or nonpolitical is inaccurate, but he did be- force the issue by telling the president that he lieve that presidential politics was different from wanted to run again. Eisenhower, finally forced congressional or statewide politics. The office re- to choose, relented.51 quired a person who could rise above unseemly There was one more ‘‘dump Nixon’’ attempt partisan bickering (at least in public) to represent in 1956, led by , Eisenhower’s , and he did not believe that ‘‘secretary of peace’’ and foreign policy adviser, Richard Nixon had shown that kind of potential. after Eisenhower’s ileitis operation, but, by that This was partially an unfair assessment, since time, Nixon already had the support of the party Nixon’s public image as a fierce partisan was leadership and the convention delegates. Since magnified by Eisenhower’s insistence on using Nixon had used the vice-presidency to build a him to conduct the president’s public political strong base of support within the party and to battles. Still, Nixon’s ‘‘natural partisan instincts,’’ gain tremendous press coverage, the argument as Nixon called them, were never far from the that he would be better off in the cabinet was surface, and they made Eisenhower uncomfort- simply not credible. He realized that the rest of able. In the end, Eisenhower decided that Nixon the nation would see it as a replay of the 1944 just had not ‘‘grown,’’ and that he was not ‘‘pres- ‘‘demotion’’ of Henry Wallace rather than as a idential timber.’’ 48 move into a more responsible position.52 While When Eisenhower decided to run for reelec- it was not wise to say so, he also realized that tion in 1956, he also began to feel uneasy about he was only one uncertain heartbeat away from not having established a ‘‘logical successor.’’ 49 the presidency, and that was a chance worth He would have liked to run with Robert Ander- taking. son, his treasury secretary, but Anderson, a Nixon, however, would have to deal with Ei- Democrat, knew the GOP would never accept senhower’s ambivalence again in 1960. Nixon him. The president hoped to find a way to get was clearly the favorite for the Republican presi- Nixon off the ticket without seeming to ‘‘dump’’ dential nomination that year, but he faced a sig- him. As a result, when he announced his own nificant challenge from New York Governor Nel- candidacy and the press asked him about Nixon, son Rockefeller. Eisenhower did not openly en- he dodged by claiming it was ‘‘traditional . . . dorse Nixon even though he certainly preferred to wait and see who the Republican Convention Nixon and was furious with Rockefeller for at- nominates.’’ 50 Since this was a ‘‘tradition’’ that tacks he had made on the administration. While had been broken by Franklin Roosevelt and had Nixon managed to hold off Rockefeller, the gov- not been observed by Eisenhower himself in ernor’s criticisms pointed out what would be- 1952, it was obvious that Eisenhower was being come an essential problem for Nixon during the disingenuous. No one saw this more clearly than general election: while Eisenhower personally Richard Nixon. maintained immense popularity, his administra- Eisenhower hoped to avoid a decision by con- tion did not. Nixon’s campaign stressed his expe- vincing Nixon to leave the ticket voluntarily. He rience. In contrast to his Democratic opponent, [ 444 ] RICHARD M. NIXON

Massachusetts Senator John F. Kennedy, Nixon Eisenhower mostly stayed out of the campaign had met with world leaders, led sessions of the until the last weeks, when he made several cabinet, and had better presidential ‘‘creden- speeches on Nixon’s behalf. His reluctance was tials’’ than any man in America. But this ap- due as much to Nixon’s determination to run his proach put Nixon in the difficult position of de- own campaign as to Ike’s ill health or indiffer- fending an administration for which he was not ence. The race itself was one of the closest in responsible. For two years he had privately American history. It featured two bright young urged a tax cut to stimulate the economy, but Ike candidates who evinced an unbounded opti- would not unbalance the budget. Nixon had also mism about the nation’s future squaring off in urged increases in defense expenditures and an the historic television debates that captured the invasion of Cuba, but the president said they attention of the nation. In the end, Kennedy won were unnecessary. These criticisms would be by the narrowest of margins, but Nixon had run taken up by the Democrats in 1960, and Nixon a highly competent campaign in spite of the had to defend the administration, even while pri- handicaps of representing a minority party, vately agreeing with the critics. He refused cam- being tied to an unpopular administration, and paign help from the White House staff but could facing a charismatic opponent. He also was at- not assemble a full staff to generate innovative tempting to become the first sitting vice presi- policy ideas for fear of offending Ike.53 It seemed dent to be elected president since Martin Van he was boxed in. Buren. In light of these obstacles, it is amazing that he came as close as he did to winning, but Eisenhower himself exacerbated the problem. he had been campaigning almost continuously While Nixon campaigned as an experienced since 1946, developing an ability to discern vot- leader, the press asked Eisenhower what policy ers’ concerns. He also devised innovative cam- suggestions Nixon had made that had been im- paign techniques, using television and advertis- plemented. Eisenhower replied, ‘‘If you give me 54 ing, that allowed him to address those concerns. a week, I might think of one.’’ This was hardly Only the magical charm of Jack Kennedy could the sort of endorsement Nixon needed—and it finally defeat him.56 was not entirely fair. , who Most of Nixon’s opponents hoped that his ca- served during Eisenhower’s second term as an reer was over, but more perceptive observers assistant secretary of the Department of Health, knew better. As Republican Congressional Cam- Education, and Welfare, tells the story of a 1959 paign Committee Chairman William Miller said, cabinet meeting at which Nixon stood against a ‘‘Any man who, at 47, comes within 300,000 [sic] majority opposed to a higher education subsidy votes of winning the presidency—for a party that proposal. This followed a typical pattern of cabi- is greatly outnumbered—has to be reckoned net disinterest in the electoral value of its deci- with. It’s far too early to bury Dick Nixon.’’ 57 sions. Richardson reported, ‘‘Time and again I Nixon, however, soon walked into another dis- would see Nixon get up from the table after Cab- aster. He returned to California and challenged inet meetings so tense that beads of sweat were Democratic Governor Edmund G. (Pat) Brown in standing out on his brow.’’ At the 1959 meeting, the 1962 gubernatorial race. Amid speculation Nixon realized that a record of support for this that he only wanted the office as a step toward legislation would be highly desirable in his 1960 another presidential race, Nixon was defeated presidential campaign. Consequently, he struc- soundly and responded with a vitriolic ‘‘last’’ tured that day’s discussion so that the opponents press conference in which he blamed the media had to acknowledge that the bill would have lit- for his defeat and declared, ‘‘You won’t have tle immediate budgetary impact, that it estab- Nixon to kick around anymore.’’ But his retire- lished no new precedent for federal support of ment proved temporary, as he staged a remark- education, and that it indeed met an important able comeback to gain the GOP nomination in national priority. Eisenhower reluctantly added 1968 and to win the presidency amid the national his support.55 turmoil over the . Nixon’s presi- [ 445 ] RICHARD M. NIXON dency would be marked by a new spirit of de- try,’’ Nixon praised Woodrow Wilson but settled tente with the Soviet Union and by the establish- on Theodore Roosevelt. Significantly, he did not ment of diplomatic relations with the People’s mention Dwight D. Eisenhower.65 Republic of China, but all would be over- Franklin Roosevelt had briefly envisaged ex- shadowed by the tragedy of Watergate. panding the vice-presidency by making it a kind President Nixon was accused of using his of- of ‘‘assistant presidency,’’ with greater executive fice to cover up crimes in his reelection cam- responsibilities. This is not the role that Eisen- paign, including a break-in at Democratic na- hower intended for Nixon. In fact, in 1959 Eisen- tional headquarters in the Watergate office build- hower proposed to his cabinet that he rec- ing, and misusing federal funds to influence gov- ommend legislation to create an office of assist- ernment witnesses. Under threat of impeach- ant president. He envisioned perhaps two assist- ment, Richard Nixon, in 1974, became the only ants, one dealing with foreign policy, the other president in American history to resign from of- with domestic matters. Nixon was horrified, ar- fice. This time, his retirement was permanent, guing that the change would make the vice-pres- but he remained in the public eye as a prolific idency even more superfluous than it already author and one of the nation’s most cogent com- was. More important, Secretary of State Dulles mentators on international politics. He even was equally mortified, and the plan was quickly served as an informal adviser to many of his suc- dropped. Eisenhower’s suggestion revealed that cessors. Richard Nixon died on April 22, 1994, he never really considered Nixon a potential ex- at the age of 81.58 ecutive assistant.66 Nixon’s opinion of the vice-presidency Nixon did expand the visibility and duties of changed with his situation. Early on, he declared, the vice-presidency as none of his predecessors ‘‘I like it much better than service in the House had, but those new duties were of a personal na- or Senate. In the vice-presidency you have an op- ture rather than an inherent part of the office, be- portunity to see the whole operation of the gov- cause they resulted more from the particular ernment and participate in its decisions.’’ 59 But needs of President Eisenhower than from a re- at other times he was frustrated about being Ei- constructed vision of the vice-presidency. As a senhower’s ‘‘hatchet man.’’ 60 Appropriately, his result, the changes in the office were limited and opinion of his chief also fluctuated. Nixon ad- unique to the situation. Nixon’s new jobs were mired Eisenhower’s political savvy, calling him overwhelmingly political, as party liaison, cam- a ‘‘far more complex and devious man than most paigner, and goodwill ambassador, although he people realize, and in the best sense of those did have a few executive functions. He estab- words.’’ 61 But, Nixon was also deeply hurt by lished an important precedent by presiding over Eisenhower’s unwillingness to come to his sup- nineteen cabinet meetings and twenty-six meet- port in the 1952 fund crisis, the ‘‘dump Nixon’’ ings of the National Security Council.67 He also movement of 1956, or his own election bid in chaired the President’s Committee on Govern- 1960.62 As a Nixon aide put it, the vice presi- ment Contracts and the Cabinet Committee on dent’s opinion of Eisenhower went from ‘‘hero Price Stability, but these jobs were minor, be- worship, to resentment, to hero worship, to cause it was Nixon’s political role that mattered disenchantment.’’ 63 to the president. Not many presidents would Yet Nixon’s fortunes were intimately tied to Ei- need this kind of political troubleshooter, be- senhower’s coattails. Years later, in 1968, Nixon cause Eisenhower was unusual in his lack of con- would remind crowds that he ‘‘had a good teach- nections with his own party. Only the role of er,’’ and could still exhort crowds, ‘‘Let’s win this goodwill ambassador was really the kind of task one for Ike!’’ One of his first acts as president- future vice presidents could be expected to fill elect would be a public visit to the dying gen- with regularity. The vice-presidency had become eral.64 But it was never a comfortable situation. more visible, but whether it would continue to When reporters in 1960 asked Nixon what presi- be more important would depend on the needs dent best fit his idea of being ‘‘good for the coun- of future presidents. [ 446 ] RICHARD M. NIXON

When Eisenhower hoped Nixon would take a also campaigning for Richard Nixon. He had dis- cabinet spot, he had worried that ‘‘Nixon can’t covered how to turn the vice-presidency into a always be the understudy to the star.’’ 68 But platform for greater ambitions, but he was al- Nixon was not even really the understudy. He ways dependent on Eisenhower’s needs. Nixon was one part of Eisenhower’s ‘‘team.’’ His posi- was right that he could not truly chart his tion on that team was one to which he was well own course. Luckily for him, the course laid suited, thus his determination to stay. He was out by Eisenhower was one Nixon wanted to constantly campaigning for Eisenhower and for follow, because it pointed toward the White other Republicans, but he realized that he was House.

[ 447 ] NOTES 1 Richard M. Nixon, RN: The Memoirs of Richard Nixon 17 Reichard, The Reaffirmation of Republicanism, p. 62. (New York, 1978), p. 170. 18 Duane Tananbaum, The Bricker Amendment Controversy: 2 Ibid., p. 172. A Test of Eisenhower’s Political Leadership (Ithaca, NY, 1988), 3 The two most comprehensive works on Nixon’s early pp. 72, 157–215. life and career are Roger Morris, Richard Milhous Nixon: The 19 David M. Oshinsky, A Conspiracy So Immense: The World Rise of an American Politician (New York, 1990) and Jonathan of Joe McCarthy (New York, 1983), p. 317. Aitken, Nixon: A Life (Washington, DC, 1993). 20 Nixon, RN, p. 144. 4 Morris, pp. 257–337. 21 Oshinsky, pp. 416–95; Gary W. Reichard, Politics as 5 For the history of HUAC, see Walter Goodman, The Usual: The Age of Truman and Eisenhower (Arlington Heights, Committee: The Extraordinary Career of the House Committee IL, 1988), pp. 98–109. For McCarthy and the Senate, see also on Un-American Activities (New York, 1968). The most thor- Robert Griffith, The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and ough work on the Hiss case is Allen Weinstein, Perjury: The the Senate (Lexington, KY, 1970). Hiss-Chambers Case (New York, 1978). 22 Emmet John Hughes, The Ordeal of Power: A Political 6 Morris, pp. 515–624. Memoir of the Eisenhower Years (New York, 1962, 1963), p. 7 Ibid., pp. 628–29; Stephen E. Ambrose, Nixon: The Edu- 117. cation of a Politician, 1913–1962 (New York, 1987), p. 225; 23 Ibid., p. 103; Ambrose, Nixon, p. 309; Irving G. Wil- Aitken, pp. 193–94. liams, The Rise of the Vice Presidency (Washington, 1956), p. 8 For the details on the 1952 race, see George H. Mayer, 247. The Republican Party, 1854–1962 (New York, 1964), pp. 482– 24 Nixon, RN, p. 144. See also, Parmet, pp. 333–36. 95; James T. Patterson, Mr. Republican: A Biography of Robert 25 Nixon, Six Crises, p. 77; Nixon, RN, p. 110. A. Taft (Boston, 1972), pp. 499–568; Stephen E. Ambrose, Ei- 26 Quoted in Jules Witcover, Crapshoot: Rolling the Dice on senhower: Soldier, General of the Army, President-Elect, 1890– the Vice Presidency (New York, 1992), p. 125. 1952 (New York, 1983), pp. 529–72. For Nixon’s selection, 27 Philip Potter, ‘‘Political Pitchman—Richard M. Nixon,’’ see Dwight D. Eisenhower, Mandate For Change, 1953–1956 in Eric Sevareid, ed., Candidates 1960: Behind the Headlines (New York, 1963), p. 46; Morris, pp. 625–736; and Aitken,pp. in the Presidential Race (New York, 1959), p. 69. 201–6. 28 Sherman Adams, Firsthand Report: The Story of the Eisen- 9 Eisenhower, p. 46. hower Administration (New York, 1961), p. 167. 10 Ambrose, Nixon, p. 262. On Nixon’s relationship with 29 Nixon, RN, pp. 161–62. the Old Guard, see David W. Reinhard, The Republican Right 30 Ibid., pp. 177–78. For the ‘‘new Nixon,’’ see Witcover, Since 1945 (Lexington, KY, 1983), pp. 131–32. p. 133. 11 Richard Nixon, Six Crises (New York, 1962), pp. 78–88; 31 Hughes, p. 161. Ambrose, Nixon, pp. 256–58; Morris, pp. 757–850. 32 Nixon, RN, p. 199. 12 Ambrose, Nixon, pp. 281–83. For his part, Eisenhower 33 Ibid., p. 163. said privately that if he was still in the army and Nixon 34 Ibid., p. 200; Nixon, Six Crises, pp. 233–34. was a junior officer, Nixon would have been dismissed im- 35 Ambrose, Nixon, pp. 322–23. mediately, but politics was run by different norms. See 36 See Ambrose, Nixon, pp. 462–82; Nixon, RN, pp. 185– Elmo Richardson, The Presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower 93; and Aitken, pp. 250–54. (Lawrence, KS, 1979), p. 20; Aitken, pp. 208–13. 37 Ambrose, Nixon, pp. 509–34, 569; Aitken, pp. 258–65. 13 Nixon, Six Crises, p. 110. 38 Ambrose, Nixon, pp. 326, 621; Aitken, p. 235. 14 Herbert S. Parmet, Richard Nixon and His America (Bos- 39 Ambrose, Nixon, p. 308. ton, 1990), pp. 238, 248–49; Nixon, Six Crises, pp. 117–19. 40 Jacob K. Javits with Rafael Steinberg, Javits: The Auto- Nixon’s appeal to ‘‘Middle America’’ would continue to as- biography of a Public Man (Boston, 1981), pp. 256–59; U.S., tound his critics in the future, see Nicol C. Rae, The Decline Congress, Senate, The Senate, 1789–1989: Addresses on the and Fall of the Liberal Republicans: From 1952 to the Present History of the United States Senate, by Robert C. Byrd, S. Doc. (New York, 1989), p. 41; Aitken, pp. 213–20. 100–20, 100th Cong., 1st sess., vol. 2, 1991, p. 129; Ambrose, 15 Ambrose, Nixon, p. 309; Parmet, p. 316. Nixon, p. 609. 16 Ambrose, Nixon, pp. 304–6, 309; Gary W. Reichard, The 41 Quoted in Nixon, Six Crises, p. 131. Reaffirmation of Republicanism: Eisenhower and the Eighty- 42 Ibid., p. 134. Third Congress (Knoxville, TN, 1975), p. 219. The seminal 43 Ibid., pp. 144, 148. work on Eisenhower’s leadership style is Fred I. Greenstein, 44 Hughes, p. 275. The Hidden-Hand Presidency: Eisenhower as Leader (New York, 45 Nixon, Six Crises, pp. 177–79. For a provocative discus- 1982). sion of Eisenhower’s health and of presidential health gen-

[ 448 ] RICHARD M. NIXON erally, see Robert H. Ferrell, Ill-Advised: Presidential Health 58 For Nixon’s later life and career, see Stephen E. Am- and Public Trust (Columbia, MO, 1992). brose, Nixon: The Triumph of a Politician, 1962–1972 (New 46 Dwight D. Eisenhower, Waging Peace, 1956–1961 (New York, 1989) and Ambrose, Nixon: Ruin and Recovery, 1973– York, 1965), p. 8; Ambrose, Nixon, p. 387. 1990 (New York, 1991). For his presidency, see Joan Hoff, 47 Parmet, pp. 316–25. Nixon Reconsidered (New York, 1994) and Theodore H. 48 Richardson, p. 35; Stephen E. Ambrose, Eisenhower: The White, Breach of Faith: The Fall of Richard Nixon (New York, President (New York, 1984), pp. 319–20; Hughes, p. 152. 1975). 49 Reichard, Politics as Usual, p. 120. 59 Quoted in Donald Young, American Roulette: The History 50 Quoted in Ambrose, Eisenhower: The President, p. 296. and Dilemma of the Vice Presidency (New York, 1965, 1972), 51 Nixon, RN, pp. 166–73. p. 260. 52 Ambrose, Nixon, p. 381. 60 Ambrose, Nixon, p. 360. 53 Hughes, p. 277; Theodore H. White, The Making of the 61 Nixon, Six Crises, p. 161. President, 1960 (New York, 1961), p. 201. It is possible that 62 See Ambrose, Nixon, pp. 618–20. Nixon would not have assembled such a group anyway. 63 Potter, p. 88. Even in Congress, Nixon did not have any legislative assist- 64 Wills, pp. 116, 138. ants, relying only on secretaries to deal with constituent 65 Potter, pp. 77–78. services and dealing with all policy matters himself. Len 66 See Ambrose, Nixon, pp. 511–13. Hall, his campaign manager in 1960, complained that Nixon 67 Interestingly, one of the most fervent advocates of Nix- insisted on running even the most minute details of the on’s responsibility to preside in the president’s absence was campaign himself. (See , Nixon Agonistes: The John Foster Dulles. As the nephew of Robert Lansing, Dul- Crisis of the Self-Made Man (Boston, 1970), p. 16.) This pattern les vividly remembered Wilson’s rage when Secretary of of personal control would persist even in his presidency. State Lansing presided over the cabinet while the president 54 Quoted in Aitken, p. 284. was disabled. Dulles wanted no confusion about where re- 55 Aitken, pp. 265–66. sponsibility resided. See Chapter 28 of this volume, ‘‘Thom- 56 For the election of 1960, see White, The Making of the as R. Marshall,’’ p. 342. President, 1960. 68 Quoted in Ambrose, Nixon, p. 392. 57 Quoted in Reichard, Politics as Usual, p. 166.

[ 449 ]

Chapter 37 LYNDON BAINES JOHNSON 1961–1963

[ 451 ] LYNDON B. JOHNSON Chapter 37 LYNDON BAINES JOHNSON

37th Vice President: 1961–1963

I think a fair assessment would be that there was a big sigh of relief when Johnson departed the Senate. Not that they didn’t like Johnson . . . but he was so strong, and so difficult, and so tough, that it was a relief to get him over to the vice president’s office. —GEORGE A. SMATHERS

The only thing that astonished politicians and resentatives, faithfully supporting the interests the press more than John F. Kennedy’s offer of of his constituents, until his various real estate, the vice-presidential nomination to Lyndon B. insurance brokering, and ranching ventures Johnson was Johnson’s acceptance. Neither man began to drag him into debt. Throughout his life, particularly liked the other, and their styles con- Lyndon Johnson never forgot the impact his fa- trasted starkly. Kennedy cultivated a smooth, so- ther’s economic disgrace had on his family.1 phisticated and self-deprecating image, while Graduating from high school in 1924, Johnson Johnson often appeared boorish, bullying and escaped both his family and the rugged Texas boastful. In the U.S. Senate, Johnson, as majority Hill Country by heading toward California in leader, for years had stood second only to the search of work. When nothing but hard labor president of the United States in power and in- turned up, Johnson returned home a year later fluence, whereas Kennedy was an unimpressive and attended Southwest Texas State Teacher’s back bencher. Although Kennedy’s choice for the College in San Marcos. Depleted funds forced second spot on the ticket dismayed his liberal him to leave college and spend a year as prin- supporters, the candidate recognized that John- cipal and teacher at a Mexican-American school son could help him carry Texas and the South in Cotulla, Texas, near the Mexican border. Years and that he would undoubtedly be easier to deal later he asserted, ‘‘You never forget what pov- with as vice president than as majority leader. erty and hatred can do when you see its scars Johnson’s reasons for accepting were more enig- in the face of a young child.’’ 2 matic, for he was trading a powerful job for a When a candidate for governor failed to ap- powerless one. pear at a rally in 1930, Johnson delivered an im- promptu campaign speech for him. This speech From Farm to Congress so impressed a candidate for the state senate, Johnson reached the dubious pinnacle of the Welly Hopkins, that he recruited Johnson to vice-presidency after a remarkable climb to manage his own successful campaign. Later, power in Washington. It started on a farm near while Johnson was teaching high school in Hous- Stonewall, Texas, where he was born on August ton, Hopkins recommended him to the newly 27, 1908, the son of the Texas politico, Sam Ealy elected Representative Richard Kleberg. Hired as Johnson, and his refined and demanding wife, Kleberg’s secretary, Johnson arrived in Washing- Rebecca Baines Johnson. Sam Ealy Johnson ton with a congressman more interested in golf served six terms in the Texas House of Rep- than in legislating, a situation that gave the [ 453 ] LYNDON B. JOHNSON young aide the opportunity to take charge and and with the help of some friendly political ma- make himself known. Directing Kleberg’s staff, chines eked out an 87-vote victory for which he Johnson learned how Washington worked and was dubbed ‘‘Landslide Lyndon.’’ 4 also got himself elected Speaker of the Little Con- A Southern Moderate gress, an association of House staff members. In 1934, after he courted and married Claudia Alta Johnson rode into the Senate in 1949 on the po- ‘‘Lady Bird’’ Taylor, Johnson sought wider ca- litical wave that returned Harry Truman to the reer horizons and was soon appointed Texas White House and Democratic majorities to both state director of the National Youth Administra- houses of Congress. His class of freshmen sen- tion, a New Deal agency designed to help stu- ators included Democrats Hubert Humphrey of dents afford to stay in school. Success in that job Minnesota, Robert Kerr of Oklahoma, Clinton propelled him into a special election for Con- Anderson of New Mexico, of gress in 1937, campaigning under banners that Tennessee, and of Illinois. Seeking proclaimed ‘‘Franklin D. and Lyndon B.’’ 3 to establish himself quickly against this formida- ble competition, Senator-elect Johnson called in A New Deal Congressman the Senate’s twenty-year-old chief telephone Johnson’s victory began a thirty-two-year po- page, Bobby Baker, who had already gained a litical career that would end in the White House. reputation as a head counter. ‘‘Mr. Baker, I un- After the election, President Franklin D. Roo- derstand you know where the bodies are buried sevelt visited Galveston, Texas, and warmly in the Senate,’’ he began their critical relationship greeted the new congressman. FDR admired by remarking. ‘‘I gotta tell you, Mr. Baker, that Johnson’s vitality and predicted that someday he my state is much more conservative than the na- would become the ‘‘first Southern President’’ tional Democratic party. I got elected by just since the Civil War. Johnson had also become a eighty-seven votes and I ran against a cave- prote´ge´ of his fellow Texan, Sam Rayburn, the man.’’ 5 future House Speaker, who guided much of his Johnson sought to move to a middle ground career. An active congressman, Johnson used his that would enable him to rise in the national New Deal connections to bring rural electrifica- ranks of his party without losing his base in tion and other federal projects into his district, Texas. Just as Sam Rayburn had promoted John- then, ambitious and in a hurry, he ran in a special son’s career in the House, Georgia Senator Rich- election for the U.S. Senate in 1941. On election ard Russell became the Senate mentor for the night, Johnson held a lead but announced his young Texan. Russell, a powerful, highly re- vote tallies too soon, allowing the opponent to spected ‘‘senator’s senator,’’ might have served ‘‘find’’ enough votes to defeat him. When Amer- as Democratic floor leader in the Senate, except ica entered the Second World War, Johnson that he could not follow the Truman administra- briefly served in uniform as a navy lieutenant tion’s lead on civil rights. He therefore preferred commander. He received a silver star from Gen- to exercise his influence as chairman of the eral Douglas MacArthur for having flown as a Armed Services Committee and of the Southern passenger in a bomber that was attacked by Japa- Caucus. Johnson won the affection of the bach- nese planes (none of the others on board received elor senator by adopting Russell as part of his a medal). When President Roosevelt called on family, inviting the Georgian to his Washington members of Congress to choose between military home on lonely Sundays and to Texas for and legislative service, Johnson returned to the Thanksgiving. Russell not only placed Johnson House for the duration of the war. In 1948 he on the Armed Services Committee but made him again ran for the Senate and fought a celebrated chairman of its Preparedness Subcommittee. In campaign for the Democratic nomination against 1952 Russell formally entered the race for the the popular Governor Coke Stevenson. Having Democratic nomination for president, in part to learned his lesson from the previous Senate race, prevent another ‘‘Dixiecrat’’ boycott of the party Johnson held back on announcing his vote tallies like the one that had occurred in 1948. Russell’s [ 454 ] LYNDON B. JOHNSON defense of , however, doomed His close aide described Johnson his nomination—and served as a vivid example as alternately to Johnson of the need to rise above the image cruel and kind, generous and greedy, sensitive of a southern senator if he wished to realize his and insensitive, crafty and naive, ruthless and 6 national ambitions. thoughtful, simple in many ways yet extremely Turmoil in the Democratic ranks elevated complex, caring and totally not caring; he could Johnson swiftly in the Senate. In 1950 the Demo- overwhelm people with kindness and turn cratic majority leader and whip were both de- around and be cruel and petty towards those feated for reelection. Democrats then chose Ari- same people; he knew how to use people in poli- zona Senator Ernest McFarland for leader and tics in the way nobody else could that I know of. the freshman Johnson as their new whip. Two Above all, Johnson was a compromiser, a years later, MacFarland was himself defeated. At broker, and a master of the art of the deal. His first Johnson urged Russell to take the leader- hands-on method of persuading other senators, ship, already knowing that the Georgia senator with its sweet talk, threats, and exaggerated fa- did not want the job. When Russell declined, cial expressions and body language, became Johnson asked his support for his own bid, argu- widely known as ‘‘the treatment.’’ 9 ing that the prestige of the office would help his Other politicians, regardless of party, admired reelection in Texas. Although a handful of liberal Johnson as a virtuoso at their craft. Republican Democrats backed Montana Senator James Mur- Representative Gerald Ford met Johnson in 1957 ray for the post, Johnson with Russell’s backing when they served on a bipartisan House-Senate was overwhelmingly elected Democratic floor committee to draft new legislation on space pol- leader. He was still serving in his first senatorial icy. ‘‘Johnson elected himself chairman,’’ Ford 7 term. recalled, ‘‘and boy, did he operate.’’ The Senate leader did not twist arms, but ‘‘the pressure of Democratic Leader his presence and the strength of his voice and Johnson led Senate Democrats during the en- the movement of his body made it hard to say tire eight years of the Republican Eisenhower ad- no.’’ A keen judge of people, Johnson knew how ministration, as minority leader for the first two far to push and when to coax. ‘‘Any compromise years and as majority leader for the last six. The that Lyndon made,’’ Ford concluded, ‘‘he got two parties were so evenly balanced that during better than fifty percent.’’ Johnson insisted that Johnson’s minority leadership the death and re- his only power as majority leader was the power placement of senators occasionally gave the to persuade. But his friend , Democrats a majority of the senators. After the senator from Florida, noted that ‘‘persuasion’’ 1954 election, the switch of Oregon Senator often meant doing favors: putting senators on Wayne Morse from independent status helped desired committees, sending them on trips, ar- give the Democrats a slim majority, but the party ranging for campaign contributions, and even faced a deep internal division between southern getting them honorary college degrees. ‘‘He was conservatives, who opposed civil rights legisla- a consummate artist,’’ said Smathers. ‘‘How he tion, and northern liberals, who advocated racial did it, a color here, a little red here, a little purple integration. As Johnson moved to the center of there, beautiful.’’ 10 his party, he worked to prevent an open split, Senator Smathers was with Johnson on the commenting that his major concern was to keep weekend in 1955 when the majority leader suf- Senator Russell and other southern conservatives fered his first heart attack. When doctors advised ‘‘from walking across the aisle and embracing Johnson that it would take weeks of recuperation [Republican leader] .’’ 8 before he could return to the Senate, Johnson del- As majority leader, Lyndon Johnson dem- egated Smathers to stand in for him as floor lead- onstrated unrelenting energy, ambition, atten- er. ‘‘We never saw Johnson again for some forty tion to detail, and an overwhelming personality. days, although he began to call us on the tele- [ 455 ] LYNDON B. JOHNSON phone in about a week,’’ Smathers recalled. ‘‘Just William Knowland, it was Lyndon Johnson who ran us crazy talking to him on the phone, getting fashioned the compromises that led to its pas- things done. He was the most hard-driving guy sage. In return for significant modifications in I ever saw in my life.’’ The heart attack made the bill, he persuaded southern conservatives not Johnson pace himself differently than before. Pe- to filibuster, and he advised northern liberals to riodically, he would leave Washington to spend accept his deal as the best they could get. The time on his ranch in the Texas Hill Country. fact that Congress passed any civil rights bill Typically, however, Johnson could not relin- held symbolic significance, but angry liberals felt quish control and made the Senate adjust to his that the watered-down bill simply elevated schedule. Whenever Johnson was absent, little ‘‘symbol over substance.’’ Liberals pointed out could take place. Although the Democratic whip, that the bill provided southern blacks with little Montana Senator , tried to move protection for either civil or voting rights. Criti- legislation along, Democratic Secretary Bobby cism came from the right as well. One columnist Baker would circulate through the chamber ad- in Dallas wrote that ‘‘Johnson did his party a vising senators to stall because ‘‘Johnson wants great favor by his engineering of the Civil Rights this kept on the burner for a while.’’ When John- Bill of 1957, but he did himself no good at all son returned he would insist on passing things in Texas.’’ 13 in a rush: ‘‘We’ve got to get this damn thing done During those congresses when the Senate was tonight!’’ By letting measures pile up, sufficient almost evenly divided, Johnson perfected his pressure would have built up to pass everything role as cautious broker. Then a severe economic in short order. ‘‘Who can remember,’’ asked one recession triggered a Democratic landslide in the journalist, ‘‘when one legislator so dominated congressional elections of 1958. The Senate Congress?’’ 11 Democratic majority of 49 to 47 in the Eighty- fifth Congress swelled to 65 to 35 in the Eighty- Civil Rights sixth Congress, with the added margin of four The majority leader’s signal achievement was Democratic seats from the newly admitted states the passage in 1957 of the first civil rights bill of Alaska and . Liberals who entered in since Reconstruction. It served as a large step in the new class quickly became impatient with his transformation from southerner to national Johnson’s moderate approach. While the major- figure. His patron, Richard Russell, had given ity leader sought to appease the newcomers with Johnson ‘‘elbowroom’’ to move toward the cen- appointments to major committees, he found ter, protecting him from attack on the right and himself attacked as a dictator by mavericks like exempting him from signing ‘‘The Southern Pennsylvania’s Joseph Clark and Wisconsin’s Manifesto’’ against the Supreme Court’s ruling William Proxmire. They demanded more meet- in Brown v. Board of Education. Although John- ings of the Democratic Conference so that other son’s move may have had an element of cynical senators could have a say in setting the party’s maneuvering, those closest to him believed that agenda. Johnson held his own, telling Proxmire he also felt genuine compassion for African that ‘‘it does not take much courage, I may say, Americans, for the poor, and for the disadvan- to make the leadership a punching bag.’’ But he taged. He spoke often of the hardships of his faced a quandary, as his aide Harry McPherson own childhood, and those memories seemed to noted, since ‘‘he had enough Democrats behind inspire him to achieve something significant him to create major expectations, but not enough with his life. ‘‘Nobody needed to talk to him to override the President’s vetoes.’’ 14 about why it’s important to get ahead,’’ George Johnson found it harder to control the larger Smathers commented. ‘‘He was preaching that majority but still retained his firm hand on the all the time to everybody.’’ 12 leadership and enjoyed the ‘‘perks’’ of office. Although the civil rights bill had been pro- When the New Senate Office Building (later posed by the Eisenhower administration and named the Dirksen Building) opened in 1958, it was ostensibly managed by Republican leader allowed many committees to move out of the [ 456 ] LYNDON B. JOHNSON

Capitol. Johnson took over the District of Colum- delegations, Johnson portrayed himself as the bia Committee’s two-room suite just outside the diligent legislator who had fought the good Senate chamber, turning it into his leadership of- fight, dutifully answering every quorum call on fice. The larger of the two rooms—dubbed the the recent civil rights bill, in contrast to Kennedy, ‘‘Taj Mahal’’ by reporters—with its elegant who had missed all of the quorum calls while frescoed ceilings, crystal chandelier, and marble out campaigning. Kennedy refused to be baited. fireplace, symbolized the preeminence of the ma- He wittily commended Johnson’s perfect record jority leader. ‘‘Behind his desk in his imperial on quorum calls and strongly endorsed him—for suite,’’ wrote one journalist, ‘‘Johnson is the majority leader.17 nerve center of the whole legislative process.’’ 15 The 1960 Election (Later, during Johnson’s vice-presidency, the Senate named the room in his honor.) The next day, Kennedy won the Democratic As the election of 1960 approached, several nomination on the first ballot and then had twen- senators jumped into the presidential race, but ty-four hours to select a vice president. He had Lyndon Johnson held back. Some joked that, as given no indication of having made up his mind Democratic leader under Eisenhower, Johnson in advance. The party’s pragmatists urged Ken- had already served eight years as president and nedy to choose Johnson in order to carry Texas was constitutionally ineligible to run. Despite the and the South, but conservatives like Richard power and prestige of his office, however, its du- Russell urged Johnson to stay off the liberal-lean- ties kept him from stumping the country as did ing ticket. Still recalling the bitter experience of Massachusetts Senator John F. Kennedy. Rather ‘‘Cactus Jack’’ Garner, who traded the House than enter the primaries and challenge Kennedy speakership for the vice-presidency with Frank- (whom he privately derided as ‘‘Sonny Boy’’), lin D. Roosevelt, Rayburn and the Texas delega- Johnson chose to wage his presidential campaign tion adamantly opposed the notion that Johnson through House Speaker Rayburn and other pow- should give up the majority leadership for the erful congressional leaders, confident that they hollow status of being vice president. Liberal could corral their state delegations at the Demo- Democrats reacted negatively to Johnson as a cratic National Convention in support of his can- wheeler-dealer, and Robert Kennedy, as the cam- didacy. ‘‘He thought that national politics were paign manager, had given his word to labor the same as Senate politics,’’ said Howard leaders and civil rights groups that Johnson Shuman, a Senate staff member who observed would never be the vice-presidential candidate. Johnson at the time. ‘‘He tried to get the nomina- When John Kennedy reported that he would tion by calling himself a Westerner and combin- offer the second spot to Johnson, his brother in- ing the southern and mountain states to give him terpreted the move as only a token gesture of the nomination. That is the way he dominated party solidarity, since Johnson had told people the Senate.’’ But Johnson was caught off-guard he would never accept the second spot. Then by Kennedy’s savvy and sophisticated cam- Johnson astonished both brothers by accepting. paign, with advanced polling techniques identi- Considering the choice a terrible mistake, Robert fying those issues that would strengthen or Kennedy was delegated to talk the Texan out of weaken the candidate in every state. As Johnson running. Going to Johnson’s suite, he proposed later told Bobby Baker, if he learned anything that the Texas become instead the Democratic from the campaign it was ‘‘that Jack Kennedy’s party’s national chairman. But a tearful Johnson a lot tougher, and maybe a lot smarter, than I declared, ‘‘I want to be Vice President, and, if the thought he was.’’ 16 President will have me, I’ll join him in making Johnson waited until July 5, 1960, to announce a fight for it.’’ John Kennedy chose to retain him his formal candidacy and then fought a bitter on the ticket, but the animosity between Johnson fight against the front-running Kennedy. When and Robert Kennedy never diminished.18 the two met at the convention on July 12 to ad- Pondering why Johnson had accepted, some of dress a joint session of the Texas and Minnesota his aides thought that he saw no future in being [ 457 ] LYNDON B. JOHNSON

Kennedy’s majority leader. If he succeeded in en- their planes in order to drown out the speakers. acting the party platform, the credit would have At the close of the ruined appearance, a photog- gone to the president. If he failed, the blame rapher snapped a concerned Kennedy placing would have been his. Since the Texas state legis- his hand on Johnson’s shoulder, trying to calm lature had passed a law permitting Johnson to his angry, gesticulating running mate. Then, just run for reelection to the Senate at the same time before the election, Lyndon and Lady Bird John- that he sought national office, Johnson may also son were jeered and jostled by a hostile crowd have been gambling that Kennedy would lose to of right-wingers in Dallas, Texas. Dismayed over Richard Nixon, leaving Johnson as majority lead- this event, Senator Richard Russell cut short a er with a Republican in the White House. An- tour of Europe and flew to Texas to campaign other factor, mentioned by Johnson’s friends, for Johnson. News of Russell’s endorsement was was that had influenced his carried in newspapers throughout Dixie, helping decision by reasoning that, after his heart attack, to solidify the Democratic ticket’s hold on the in- the vice-presidency would be less strenuous than creasingly unsolid South.21 the majority leadership. Johnson offered his own Vice President Johnson reason when he called Richard Russell and ex- plained that, if he had declined the vice-presi- Those who spent election night with Johnson dency, he would have been ‘‘left out’’ of party later observed that he showed no signs of jubila- affairs in the future.19 tion at the narrow victory over Richard Nixon Before the campaign could begin, the Ken- and gave every impression of not wanting to be- nedy-Johnson ticket had to return to Washington come vice president. After the election, he used for a post-convention session of the Senate. On his influence to recommend candidates for cabi- the assumption that he would be the party’s net appointment—especially Arkansas Senator J. standard bearer, Johnson had devised this ses- William Fulbright to be secretary of state, but sion to demonstrate his legislative prowess and Fulbright withdrew his name from consider- launch his fall campaign. Instead, he found him- ation. The chief of staff of the Senate Foreign Re- self playing second fiddle. Republican senators lations Committee, Carl Marcy, recalled an en- mocked the majority leader, asking if he had counter in the Democratic cloakroom where cleared moves in advance with ‘‘your leader.’’ Johnson grabbed him by the lapels, breathed in When the Democratic Policy Committee met for his face and said: ‘‘What’s wrong with Bill Ful- its regular luncheon, everyone waited to see bright? I had it set for him to be Secretary of State whether Kennedy would bounce Johnson from and he turned it down.’’ Johnson helped to as- his usual place at the head of the table. Kennedy sure Senate approval of Robert Kennedy’s nomi- dodged the issue by not showing up. With the nation for attorney general by persuading con- Republican presidential candidate, Richard servative opponents to drop their request for a Nixon, presiding over the Senate as vice presi- recorded vote, but when Johnson promoted his dent, Senate Republicans were not likely to hand supporter Sarah T. Hughes for federal judge, Kennedy any victories. The session failed Robert Kennedy rejected the sixty-four-year old dismally.20 Dallas lawyer as too old. Later, when Johnson In the fall, Johnson campaigned intensely, con- was out of the country, House Speaker Sam Ray- ducting a memorable train ride through the burn traded passage of an administration bill in South. He also pressed for a joint appearance of return for Hughes’ appointment. It was an object the Democratic candidates somewhere in Texas. lesson in the power of the Speakership versus the They arranged the meeting at the airport in Ama- powerlessness of the vice-presidency.22 rillo, where campaign advance men stopped all Not intending to become an inactive vice presi- air traffic during the brief ceremonies so that the dent, Johnson retained the ‘‘Taj Mahal’’ as his of- candidates could address the crowd. But they fice and anticipated keeping the rest of his au- had not counted on the Republican-leaning air- thority as majority leader. He proposed that, as line pilots, who deliberately ran the engines of vice president, he continue to chair the meetings [ 458 ] LYNDON B. JOHNSON of the Democratic Conference. Although the new President Kennedy always treated his vice presi- majority leader, Montana Senator Mike Mans- dent cordially, but the president’s young aides, field, did not object, other senators warned him mostly ivy leaguers, snickered about ‘‘Uncle that the scheme would never work. As Hubert Cornpone.’’ Acutely aware of their contempt, Humphrey observed, Johnson ‘‘was not an easy Johnson attended National Security Council and man to tell that you can’t do something.’’ When other policy-making sessions but said nothing the Democratic Conference met on January 3, unless questioned directly. He felt insecure and 1961, senator after senator stood to denounce the ignored and wore his feelings openly. ‘‘I cannot proposal, including some whom Johnson had stand Johnson’s damn long face,’’ John Kennedy considered his supporters. Although the con- once complained to George Smathers. ‘‘He ference voted 46 to 17 to permit the vice presi- comes in, sits at the cabinet meetings, with his dent to preside, it was clear that he could not face all screwed up, never says anything. He play the role of ‘‘super majority leader.’’ After- looks so sad.’’ 25 wards, Johnson pulled back and seemed reluc- Seeking to boost the vice president’s spirits by tant to approach senators and lobby for their giving him some public exposure, Kennedy sent votes. ‘‘I think a fair assessment would be that Johnson on a string of foreign missions and there was a big sigh of relief when Johnson de- goodwill tours. The elixir worked. Johnson at- parted the Senate,’’ his friend George Smathers tracted enthusiastic crowds and reveled in the concluded. ‘‘Not that they didn’t like Johnson press attention. Traveling in Pakistan in 1961, . . . but he was so strong, and so difficult, and Johnson repeated a line that he often used while so tough, that it was a relief to get him over to campaigning: ‘‘You-all come to Washington and the vice president’s office.’’ The Senate now see us sometime.’’ To his surprise, an impover- shifted from ‘‘the benevolent dictatorship’’ of ished camel driver, Bashir Ahmed, took the invi- Lyndon Johnson to the more democratic leader- tation literally and set out for America. When the ship of Mike Mansfield. On the occasions when press mocked the story, Johnson arranged for the Johnson presided over the Senate, he habitually People-to-People program to pay the camel driv- appeared bored.23 er’s costs, personally met him at the airport in Facing constraints in his legislative role, John- New York and flew him to his Texas ranch, turn- son sought to expand his activities within the ex- ing a potential joke into a public relations coup. ecutive branch. In addition to the Taj Mahal at On the negative side, Johnson’s taste for hyper- the Capitol, he occupied a large suite in the Exec- bole led him to proclaim ’s ill- utive Office Building next to the White House. fated President Ngo Dinh Diem to be the ‘‘Win- Johnson’s staff prepared a draft of an executive ston Churchill of Asia.’’ These persistent jour- order making the vice president in effect a dep- neys prompted The Reporter magazine to define uty president, giving him ‘‘general supervision’’ the vice president as someone ‘‘who chases over most space and defense programs. The pro- around continents in search of the duties of his posal went to President Kennedy and never re- office.’’ 26 turned, although the president did appoint John- The press attention garnered on foreign visits son to chair the Space Council and the White tended to evaporate as soon as Johnson returned House Committee on Equal Employment. These to the Capitol. One reporter who had covered his posts were not sufficient to halt the vice presi- years as majority leader spent an hour in the vice dent’s shrinking status. When Johnson entered president’s office and noticed a striking dif- the Democratic cloakroom, senators treated him ference: not one other visitor appeared and the courteously, but since he was no longer in a posi- phone rang only once. Late in the afternoons, tion to court their votes or distribute coveted Johnson’s aides would invite reporters from the committee assignments, he was no longer the Senate press gallery down for a drink with the center of their attention.24 vice president. ‘‘When a vice president calls he Johnson grumbled in private but kept his si- might have something to say,’’ United Press re- lence in public and at White House meetings. porter Roy McGhee reasoned. ‘‘Generally, he [ 459 ] LYNDON B. JOHNSON didn’t, except blowing his own horn.’’ Little sub- voted as much time to his own finances as he stantive news ever came out of the meetings, and did to Senate business.28 sometimes the press would leave with nothing Dabbling in everything from vending ma- to write about at all. The press considered John- chines to motels and real estate ventures, Bobby son no longer a significant player in Washington Baker was sued by one of his partners in August events. The television program ‘‘Candid Cam- 1963. This event triggered press inquiries into era’’ exploited his growing obscurity by asking: Baker’s financial dealings and reports of his in- who is Lyndon Johnson? People guessed a base- fluence peddling. As the story unfolded, John- ball player, an astronaut, anything but vice presi- son’s name surfaced in connection with an insur- dent of the United States.27 ance agent close to Baker who charged that he Where Johnson most logically might have had given the vice president kickbacks in the played a constructive role in helping pass the form of gifts and advertising on the Johnson fam- president’s legislative agenda, he seemed to ab- ily television and radio stations as conditions for dicate responsibility. John F. Kennedy had prom- selling him an expensive life insurance policy. ised a vigorous administration, but his proposals Republican senators demanded a full-fledged in- on issues from to civil rights had vestigation, and on October 7, Baker resigned his stalled in Congress. The power of conservative Senate position. ‘‘I knew Johnson was petrified southern Democratic committee chairmen, the that he’d be dragged down,’’ Baker later wrote; death in November 1961 of Speaker Sam Ray- ‘‘he would show this by attempting to make light burn, and the passive leadership style of Senator of our former relationship and saying that I had Mansfield combined to deadlock the legislative been more the Senate’s employee than his own.’’ process. As part of the Kennedy administration, One day, when Senator Russell rose to pay trib- Johnson was moving leftward away from his ute to Harry McPherson, who was leaving to former power base of southern conservatives, take a post at the Pentagon, Johnson as presiding and this further reduced his effectiveness in officer called over one of the Democratic cloak- planning legislative strategy. Harry McPherson room staff and muttered: noted that by mid-1963 the vice president Now here’s a boy—Harry McPherson—from seemed to share in the ‘‘general malaise’’ of the Tyler, Texas. I brought him up here. I put him time, and that he ‘‘had grown heavy and looked on the policy committee. . . . Now here is Senator miserable.’’ Rumors persisted that he would be Russell down there on the floor saying what a dropped from the Democratic ticket in 1964. great man he is. . . . On the other hand, when I came here Bobby Baker was working here. A Scandal . . . Then he gets in trouble. Everybody says he’s Johnson saw Attorney General Robert Ken- my boy. But they don’t say anything about Harry 29 nedy as his chief adversary, but rather than McPherson being my boy. Bobby Kennedy, it was Democratic Majority Sec- Despite the negative publicity, John Kennedy retary Bobby Baker who most threatened his po- gave every indication of keeping Lyndon John- litical survival. For years, Bobby Baker had been son as vice president during his second term. Johnson’s alter ego, known as ‘‘Little Lyndon.’’ Late in 1963, reporter Charles Bartlett privately Baker combined unlimited energy and ambition asked why he did not get another vice president. with poor judgment. While Johnson served as Kennedy replied that dumping Johnson would majority leader he dominated Baker’s activities, only hurt the Democratic ticket’s chances in telling him exactly what he wanted done. ‘‘Get Texas. It was to mend political fences between so and so on the telephone,’’ Johnson would Democratic factions in Texas that Kennedy trav- snap his fingers, sending Baker off to relay the eled to Dallas in . Johnson met leader’s wishes. Senator Mansfield retained the official party and planned to entertain them Baker as the Democratic secretary, but left him at his ranch. The vice president was riding in a to his own devices. During the 1960s, Baker de- car behind Kennedy’s limousine when shots [ 460 ] LYNDON B. JOHNSON were fired. When the motorcade rushed to the ator Paul Douglas, ‘‘Had I been told in 1956 that hospital, Johnson learned that Kennedy was ten years later I would be one of Lyndon John- dead. Taking the oath of office from Judge Sarah son’s strongest supporters, I would have thought T. Hughes—herself a symbol of his limited influ- the seer was out of his mind.’’ 31 ence as vice president—Johnson returned to As president, Johnson played the ultimate ma- Washington as president of the United States. jority leader, although as the chief executive he Half of Kennedy’s cabinet had been flying to a found there were some areas where he could not meeting in Tokyo when they received the news. cut a deal. His civil rights triumphs could not As the plane changed course for home, someone stop racial turmoil and riots in American cities. spoke what they were all thinking: ‘‘I wonder Nor could his ability to ram the Gulf of Tonkin what kind of a president Johnson will make?’’ 30 Resolution through Congress ensure a military victory in . There his efforts to for- Suddenly President tify the shaky government of South Vietnam led Lyndon Johnson underwent a remarkable to America’s longest and most unpopular war transformation. The disaffected vice president and ultimately to his withdrawal as a candidate grew into a remarkably active and determined for reelection in 1968. Returning to his Texas president. He set out to heal a shocked nation, ranch a rejected and deeply wounded man, Lyn- to enact Kennedy’s legislative program, and to don Johnson died on January 23, 1973, just as the leave his own mark on the presidency. Freed peace accords in Vietnam were being finalized. from his obligations to the southern conserv- Recalling his old friend’s career, George atives in the Senate, Johnson won passage of the Smathers asserted that of all the people with most significant civil rights and voting rights leg- whom he served Johnson ‘‘was far and away the islation of the century. Following his landslide man who accomplished the most, by far. He de- reelection in 1964, Johnson enacted the most serves to be remembered for the good things that sweeping domestic reforms since the New Deal. he did, and not just to be remembered as sort Few areas of American social and economic life of a lumbering, overbearing, sometimes crude were left untouched by his ‘‘’’ pro- individual who tried to dominate everybody he grams. Commented the liberal Democratic Sen- was with.’’ 32

[ 461 ] NOTES 1 Robert A. Caro, The Years of Lyndon Johnson: The Path to las and William Proxmire, 1955–1982, Oral History Inter- Power (New York, 1982), pp. 79–137. views, 1987 (U.S. Senate Historical Office, Washington, DC), 2 Bruce J. Schulman, Lyndon B. Johnson and American Lib- pp. 116–17; Bobby Baker, p. 138. eralism: A Brief Biography with Documents (Boston, 1995), p. 17 Evans and Novak, p. 273. 9. 18 Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., Robert Kennedy and His Times 3 Ibid., p. 18; Caro, The Path to Power, pp. 217–40, 261–68. (Boston, 1978), 1: 209–21; Dallek, pp. 574–81. 4 Schulman, p. 19; Robert A. Caro, The Years of Lyndon 19 McPherson, pp. 178–79; Smathers oral history, p. 88; Johnson: Means of Ascent (New York, 1990). Goldsmith, p. 77. 5 Bobby Baker, Wheeling and Dealing: Confessions of a Cap- 20 McPherson, p. 179; Dorothye G. Scott, Administrative As- itol Hill Operator (New York, 1978), pp. 34, 40. sistant to the Senate Democratic Secretary and the Secretary of 6 John A. Goldsmith, Colleagues: Richard B. Russell and His the Senate, 1945–1977, Oral History Interviews, 1992 (U.S. Apprentice, Lyndon B. Johnson (Washington, 1993), pp. 9–30; Senate Historical Office, Washington, DC), pp. 140–41. , Lone Star Rising: Lyndon Johnson and His 21 Goldsmith, p. 81; Rein J. Vander Zee, Assistant to the Sen- Times, 1908–1960 (New York, 1991), pp. 378–80. ate Democratic Whip and Assistant Secretary of the Majority, 7 Dallek, pp. 421–23; Bobby Baker, pp. 59–63. 1961–1964, Oral History Interviews, 1992 (U.S. Senate His- 8 Goldsmith, p. 73. torical Office, Washington, DC,) p. 65. The photograph is 9 Merle Miller, Lyndon: An Oral Biography (New York, included in Susan Kismaric, American Politicians: Photo- 1980), p. xvi; Harry McPherson, A Political Education (Bos- graphs from 1843 to 1993 (New York, 1994), p. 166. ton, 1972), p. 159; Robert L. Riggs, ‘‘The South Could Rise 22 Miller, pp. 272–73; Carl Marcy, Chief of Staff, Foreign Re- Again: Lyndon Johnson and Others,’’ in Eric Sevareid, ed., lations Committee, 1953–1973, Oral History Interviews, 1983 Candidates 1960; Behind the Headlines in the Presidential Race (U.S. Senate Historical Office, Washington, DC), p. 128; (New York, 1959), pp. 299–300; Rowland Evans and Robert Goldsmith, p. 86; Evans and Novak, pp. 314–15. Novak, Lyndon B. Johnson: The Exercise of Power (New York, 23 Goldsmith, pp. 83–84; Leonard Baker, The Johnson 1966), p. 104. Eclipse: A President’s Vice Presidency (New York, 1966), pp. 10 James Cannon, Time and Chance: Gerald Ford’s Appoint- 22–28, 32; Smathers oral history, pp. 89, 121; Shuman oral ment with History (New York, 1994), p. 67; George A. history, p. 239. Smathers, United States Senator from Florida, Oral History 24 Goldsmith, p. 86; McPherson, pp. 184–85. Interviews, 1989, (U.S. Senate Historical Office, Washing- 25 William S. White, The Professional: Lyndon B. Johnson ton, DC), pp. 45, 74–75. (Boston, 1964), pp. 227–46; Goldsmith, p. 87; Leonard Baker, 11 Smathers oral history, p. 22; Darrell St. Claire: Assistant pp. 42–48; Smathers oral history, pp. 86, 89. Secretary of the Senate, Oral History Interviews, 1976–1978 26 Leonard Baker, pp. 62–67, 167; Paul Conkin, Big Daddy (U.S. Senate Historical Office, Washington, DC), pp. 134, from the Pedernales: Lyndon Baines Johnson (Boston, 1986), pp. 214–15; Riggs, p. 295. 167–69. 12 George Reedy, The U.S. Senate: Paralysis or a Search for 27 Booth Mooney, LBJ: An Irreverent Chronicle (New York, Consensus? (New York, 1986), p. 107; Smathers oral history, 1976), p. 141; Roy L. McGhee, Superintendent of the Senate Peri- pp. 57, 70. odical Press Gallery, 1973–1991, Oral History Interviews, 1992 13 Howard E. Shuman, ‘‘Lyndon B. Johnson: The Senate’s (U.S. Senate Historical Office, Washington, DC), pp. 22–23. Powerful Persuader,’’ Richard A. Baker and Roger H. Da- 28 Evans and Novak, pp. 311–13; Goldsmith, p. 91; vidson, eds., First Among Equals: Outstanding Senate Leaders McPherson, p. 200; Smathers oral history, pp. 61–62. of the Twentieth Century (Washington, 1991), pp. 222–29; 29 Bobby Baker, pp. 172–91; Vander Zee oral history, pp. Dallek, pp. 517–27. 87–88. 14 McPherson, pp. 159, 168; Jay G. Sykes, Proxmire (Wash- 30 Miller, pp. 308, 316. ington, 1972), pp. 109–20. 31 Paul H. Douglas, In the Fullness of Time: The Memoirs 15 Riggs, p. 301. of Paul H. Douglas. New York, 1972), p. 233. 16 McPherson, p. 171; Dallek, p. 569; Howard E. Shuman,, 32 Smathers oral history, pp. 165–66. Legislative and Administrative Assistant to Senators Paul Doug-

[ 462 ] Chapter 38 HUBERT H. HUMPHREY 1965–1969

[ 463 ] HUBERT H. HUMPHREY Chapter 38 HUBERT H. HUMPHREY

38th Vice President: 1965–1969

I did not become vice president with Lyndon Johnson to cause him trouble. —HUBERT H. HUMPHREY, 1965

As vice president during 1968—arguably the nized that this ‘‘Rembrandt with words’’ fre- United States’ most politically turbulent post- quently talked too much.6 Dubbed ‘‘Minnesota World War II year—Hubert Humphrey faced an Chats,’’ 7 by , Humphrey often left excruciating test of statesmanship. During a time himself open to the charge that he was ‘‘a gabby of war in Southeast Asia when the stakes for this extremist of the Left,’’ a label that stuck with him nation were great, Humphrey confronted an ago- despite his moves towards moderation.8 Any nizing choice: whether to remain loyal to his lapses of caution may have been the result of president or to the dictates of his conscience. His Humphrey the orator being an ‘‘incandescent failure to reconcile these powerful claims cost improviser,’’ 9 with overstatement being the him the presidency. Yet few men, placed in his price he paid for his dazzling eloquence. position, could have walked so agonizing a tight- Humphrey drew his oratorical power from his rope over so polarized a nation. emotional temperament, which sometimes left Near the end of his long career, an Associated him in tears on the stump, undoubtedly moving Press poll of one thousand congressional admin- many in his audience. He would say that he had istrative assistants cited Hubert Humphrey as a ‘‘zealous righteousness burning within him,’’ the most effective senator of the preceding fifty yet his ultimate legislative accomplishments years.1 A biographer pronounced him ‘‘the pre- were achieved when he moderated the firebrand mier lawmaker of his generation.’’ 2 Widely rec- and willingly compromised with his oppo- ognized during his career as the leading progres- nents.10 In fact, Humphrey learned to combine sive in American public life, the Minnesota sen- his rhetorical talents effectively with his sub- ator was often ahead of public opinion—which stantive goals by developing into a persuader eventually caught up with him. When it did, he and for the most part foregoing intimidation, un- was able to become one of Congress’ most con- like his colleague and mentor Lyndon Johnson. structive legislators and a ‘‘trail blazer for civil It is not surprising that, while Johnson hated the rights and social justice.’’ 3 His story is one of rich powerlessness of the vice-presidency, Hum- accomplishment and shattering frustration. phrey relished the national podium it offered. Hubert Humphrey’s oratorical talents, fore- most among his abundant personal and political A Prairie Progressive qualities, powered his rapid ascent to national The origins of the Minnesotan’s ‘‘zealous right- prominence.4 Lyndon Johnson remarked that eousness’’ can be found in his home state’s tradi- ‘‘Hubert has the greatest coordination of mind tion of agrarian reformism that tenaciously pro- and tongue of anybody I know,’’ 5 although moted ‘‘the disinherited’’ underdogs at the ex- Harry Truman was one among many who recog- pense of ‘‘the interests.’’ 11 Humphrey personally [ 465 ] HUBERT H. HUMPHREY was a warm, sincere, even ‘‘corny’’ populist, an In the Senate old-time prairie progressive politically de- Humphrey’s headline-grabbing civil rights scended from the likes of William Jennings speech appealed to ’ liberal commu- Bryan, George Norris, and Robert La Follette, Sr. nity, and his stand in favor of the Born in in 1911, Humphrey and against the Taft-Hartley labor-management learned his ideology first hand in the persistent relations law attracted the support of farmers agricultural depression of the Midwest during and labor. As a result, Minnesota elected a Dem- the 1920s and 1930s. He and his family were vic- ocrat to the Senate for the first time since 1901. tims, like so many others, of the Dust Bowl and In his first feisty days in the Senate, Humphrey the Great Depression that had evicted them from immediately moved to the cutting edge of lib- their home and business. Humphrey’s poor, eralism by introducing dozens of bills in support rural upbringing stirred both him and his phar- of programs to increase aid to schools, expand macist father to become politically conscious, ar- the Labor Department, rescind corporate tax dent New Dealers. Thus Humphrey was ‘‘per- loopholes, and establish a health insurance pro- manently marked by the Depression,’’ which in gram that was eventually enacted a decade and turn stimulated him to study and teach college a half later as Medicare. In addition, Humphrey in the employ of the New Deal’s spoke as a freshman senator on hundreds of top- Works Progress Administration.12 After Hum- ics with the ardor of a moralizing reformer. Ac- phrey became an administrator in that agency, customed to discussing candidly and openly pol- the Minnesota Democratic party recognized his icy matters that disturbed him, the junior senator quickly ran afoul of the Senate’s conservative es- oratorical talents and, in their search for ‘‘new tablishment. He found that many senators blood,’’ tapped him as candidate for mayor of snubbed him for his support of the Democratic Minneapolis.13 Although he lost his first race in party’s 1948 civil rights plank and, as Senator 1943, he succeeded in 1945. This post would Robert C. Byrd has written, Humphrey ‘‘chose prove to be Humphrey’s sole executive experi- his first battles poorly, once rising to demand the ence until the time of his vice-presidency. He abolition of the Joint Committee on the Reduc- made the most of it, successfully impressing his tion of Nonessential Federal Expenditures as a reformist principles on organized crime by nonessential expenditure.’’ Committee chairman stretching his mayoral powers to their limit on Harry Byrd, Sr., happened to be away from the the strength of his personality and his ability to Senate floor at the time, but he and other power- control the city’s various factions. ful senior senators punished this breach of deco- Hubert Humphrey’s mayoral success and visi- rum by further isolating Humphrey.14 bility propelled him directly into the Senate for Yet Humphrey, under the guidance of Demo- a career that would encompass five terms. He cratic leader Lyndon Johnson, soon moderated was first elected in 1948 after gaining national at- his ways, if not his goals. As New York Times con- tention at the Democratic National Convention gressional correspondent William S. White ob- with his historic plea for civil rights legislation. served in his classic study of the early 1950s Sen- Although no strong constituency existed for this ate, Humphrey’s issue in Minnesota, the position was in line with slow ascent to grace was [due to] the clear, but Humphrey’s championing of others among his far from simple, fact that he had in him so many state’s underdogs, including farmers, labor, and latently Senatorial qualities. Not long had he been small business. In hammering his civil rights around before it became evident that, notwith- plank into the platform, Humphrey helped to standing his regrettable past, he had a tactile bring the breakaway progressive supporters of sense of the moods and the habits and the mind Henry Wallace back into the Democratic fold, of the place.15 while simultaneously prompting the By the mid-1950s, Humphrey had moved into to walk out of the convention hall and the party. the ranks of the Senate’s ‘‘Inner Club.’’ [ 466 ] HUBERT H. HUMPHREY

It is hardly surprising that a politician so filled matism, gained him appointment to the Appro- with energy and vision had presidential ambi- priations Committee and a solid record of legis- tions dating from the time of his mayoral elec- lative accomplishment.17 Humphrey went on to tion. Indeed, on six occasions during his career become a major congressional supporter of a Humphrey sought either the presidency or the number of programs, many of vice-presidency. His first foray into the vice- which had been originally outlined in his own presidential race was 1952, but it was the 1956 bills in the 1950s. Chief among these were the Job contest that revealed the essential Humphrey, as Corps, the , an extension of the Food he campaigned vigorously for that office after for Peace program, and ‘‘a score of progressive presidential nominee Adlai Stevenson threw measures’’ pertaining to health, education, and open the nomination. Undaunted by his failure welfare.18 in that contest, Humphrey continued his advo- Humphrey’s role in pressing for the landmark cacy role in the Senate. Then, in 1958, during a 1963 Limited Nuclear Test Ban Treaty with the visit to the Soviet Union as part of a fact-finding Soviet Union ranks as one of his greatest tri- trip to Europe, Humphrey engaged in a historic umphs. A supporter of disarmament since the eight-and-a-half-hour impromptu conversation 1950s, he helped persuade President Eisenhower on disarmament with Soviet Premier Nikita to follow the Soviets into a voluntary testing Khrushchev. This event thrust him into the inter- moratorium. Humphrey was a follower of national spotlight, and the publicity he gained George Kennan’s geo-strategic analysis, which made him an instant presidential candidate for counselled a moderate course designed selec- 1960. Yet Humphrey, a longtime proponent of tively and nonprovocatively to contain Soviet disarmament, then paradoxically exploited this probes into areas vital to the United States. This publicity to criticize President Dwight Eisen- middle way between provocation and disar- hower for allowing a ‘‘missile gap’’ to develop. mament also encouraged pragmatic negotia- In 1960 a defense issue of a more personal tions, and Humphrey continued to prod Presi- stripe helped to undermine Humphrey’s presi- dent John F. Kennedy into the more permanent dential bid. More than in any other of his many test ban treaty and the establishment of a U.S. election years, his World War II draft Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. At the deferment—first as a father and then for a medi- treaty-, President Kennedy rec- cal condition identified as a right scrotal her- ognized Humphrey’s years of often lonely ef- nia 16—was used against him in the primaries. forts, commenting, ‘‘Hubert, this is your treaty— Although Humphrey’s draft status seemed to in- and it had better work.’’ 19 vite exploitation by his political opponents, his The principal items on Humphrey’s longstand- chronic lack of campaign funds and organiza- ing domestic legislative agenda failed to advance tion, as well as his moderate liberal image, actu- significantly until the so-called ‘‘Great Society’’ ally lost him the nomination. period that followed Kennedy’s death. The first, Out of defeat, the irrepressible Minnesotan and perhaps biggest, breakthrough came with snatched senatorial victory by becoming the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, which he choice of departing Majority Leader and Vice managed in a Senate obstructed by southern fili- President-elect Lyndon Johnson for Senate ma- busterers. In working for that legislation, Hum- jority whip. Humphrey used his new post to be- phrey skilfully combined his talent as a soft-spo- come a driving force in the Senate. Johnson had ken, behind-the-scenes negotiator with a rhetori- promoted Humphrey for this leadership position cal hard sell focused on the media. Humphrey’s as a reward for his cooperation in the Senate and subsequent record of legislative achievement to solidify a relationship for the benefit of the was remarkable. With his support, federal aid to Kennedy administration. Newly elected Majority farmers and rural areas increased, as did the new Leader Mike Mansfield noted Humphrey’s ‘‘vi- food stamp program and foreign-aid food ex- brant personality and phenomenal energy.’’ ports that benefitted the farms. Congress author- These traits, coupled with a new-found prag- ized scholarships, scientific research grants, aid [ 467 ] HUBERT H. HUMPHREY to schools, rehabilitation of dropouts, and voca- dent, one of the closest political relationships in tional guidance. Legislation promoted public Congress eventually turned into one of the most power projects, mass transportation, public mutually frustrating presidential-vice-presi- housing, and greater unemployment benefits. dential relationships in history. This conflict oc- While the Minnesota senator could claim credit curred even though the new vice president for helping to create millions of jobs, he also sought to accommodate the chief executive by reaped the scorn of critics fearful of deficit adopting a more conservative stance on both do- spending. Humphrey replied that ‘‘a balanced mestic and foreign policy issues, with the result- budget is a futile dream,’’ which could not be at- ing erosion of his former liberal credentials. tained anyway until ‘‘the world is in balance.’’ Johnson succeeded in effectively manipulating Dismissing those ‘‘Scrooges’’ who harbored a Humphrey by running hot and cold, alternately ‘‘bookkeeper’s mentality,’’ Humphrey, a self- favoring and punishing him. Such behavior proclaimed ‘‘jolly Santa,’’ reiterated his priority, modification began early in the political season people’s ‘‘needs and desires.’’ 20 of 1964, when Johnson played Humphrey off Campaigning for Vice President against rivals for the vice-presidency, encourag- ing all the potential candidates to campaign pub- Hubert Humphrey was convinced he could licly for popular support. Humphrey’s political fulfill these ‘‘needs and desires’’ only by becom- adroitness in arranging a compromise solution ing president. He saw the vice-presidency as the for the racially divided Mississippi delegation at major stepping stone to this objective, reasoning the Democratic National Convention impressed that, as vice president, he would also have great- Johnson and finally clinched the nomination for er access to the president than he did as Senate the Minnesotan. Humphrey augmented his pop- whip. Humphrey believed he would need the ularity by delivering a speech at the convention national prominence of the vice-presidential of- with a famous refrain attacking right-wing oppo- fice to secure the presidency because he lacked sition to the Great Society programs that many the requisite financial base to run such a large Republicans had indeed voted for: ‘‘But not Sen- national campaign. Since 1945 the vice-presi- ator Goldwater.’’ 24 The charges by the Repub- dency had come to be viewed as a viable spring- lican vice-presidential candidate William Miller board to the presidency—a notion furthered by during the fall campaign that Humphrey was a the near success of Vice President Nixon in the ‘‘radical,’’ on the ‘‘left bank . . . of the Democratic 1960 presidential contest. Yet Humphrey recog- Party’’ 25 had little impact on the voters. Hum- nized that the vice-presidential office itself was phrey campaigned persuasively, dispelling his ‘‘awkward’’ and ‘‘unnatural’’ for an energetic past reputation as a ‘‘flaming radical’’ by ex- 21 politician. plaining that, although he retained his old goals, Humphrey realized that he would have to pay he was now willing to take an incremental ap- the price for his greater access to power by com- proach and ‘‘make what progress is available at promising some of his principles, because, above the moment.’’ 26 all, Johnson demanded loyalty from his vice president. But in 1964, the cost did not appear Lobbying for the Administration to be substantial, since Johnson needed Hum- After the landslide mandate of the 1964 elec- phrey and the entre´e he provided to the Demo- tion, Humphrey enthusiastically reverted to type cratic party’s liberal wing. There was, however, and became, according to biographer Albert never any question as to who was boss. Even Eisele, ‘‘the busiest vice president in history dur- when both men served together in the Senate, ing his first year in office.’’ 27 An active vice-pres- their relationship was ‘‘one of domination-subor- idential lobbyist, he sought to trade on his dination.’’ 22 Humphrey had been Johnson’s former status as ‘‘one of the most well-liked prote´ge´, his ‘‘faithful lieutenant’’ and go-be- members of the Senate.’’ 28 Concentrating on sell- tween with the liberals.23 It is ironic that when ing Congress and the nation on the domestic Humphrey actually became Johnson’s vice presi- measures to bring about the Great Society, Hum- [ 468 ] HUBERT H. HUMPHREY phrey maintained a degree of involvement that asked him to mediate between contentious fac- was unprecedented for a vice president. No pre- tions supporting the 1965 Voting Rights bill. The vious vice president had been so intimately asso- next year, the vice president dealt directly with ciated with crafting such a body of legislation. congressional leaders to push the administra- The ‘‘legislation long dear to his heart’’ included tion’s version of the Model Cities bill.31 Hum- the 1965 Voting Rights Act, Medicare, establish- phrey understood that he no longer had any leg- ment of the Department of Housing and Urban islative authority, but in his capacity as the presi- Development and the Office of Economic Oppor- dent’s ‘‘field marshal on Capitol Hill,’’ he tunity, and creation of the Head Start program.29 ‘‘collect[ed]’’ debts that were ‘‘due’’ him from his Humphrey’s vision for the Great Society in- past accumulation of goodwill. In 1965, Hum- cluded providing federal funds for the National phrey spent far more time in his chandeliered of- for the Arts, the Public Broadcasting fice a few steps from the Senate chamber than Service, and solar energy research. Instrumental he did across town in the Old Executive Office in passage of the Food Stamp Act of 1964, Hum- Building. On Capitol Hill he exercised his skills phrey was also the White House’s most vigorous as a ‘‘legislative troubleshooter’’ and salesman in persuading farmers to accept the ‘‘intermediary’’ between factions. ‘‘Time and Model Cities program, African-Americans to again,’’ the vice president ‘‘delivered votes from abide the draft, and conservatives to tolerate the lawmakers who seemed immune to blandish- expanded .30 ments from any other quarter.’’ According to The president assigned Humphrey his primary Newsweek’s Charles Roberts, Humphrey some- job inside the halls of Congress, where his times cautioned senators in the cloakroom that knowledge and contacts would be invaluable. he would be obligated to make unflattering After presiding in the Senate chamber, Hum- speeches about them in their districts if they did phrey took his campaign for the administration’s not vote his way.32 agenda into the adjacent cloakrooms—the most By 1966, however, Great Society programs effective legislative venue, as his long years of began to stall in Congress and racial tensions experience had taught him. Humphrey’s tenure mounted, prompting Humphrey to increase the as a member also made him acutely aware of the pressure for summer jobs for inner city youth. Senate’s unwritten codes of behavior. The vice In frustration, the vice president blurted out one president understood that as Senate president he day that, if he were a slum dweller, immersed must never forget the difference between its in rats and garbage, he himself might ‘‘revolt.’’ 33 chamber and its cloakrooms: now that he was no When riots broke out a week later, Humphrey, longer a regular member of the ‘‘club,’’ he must under fire from both critics and the White House, confine his political dealings to the cloakrooms, qualified his earlier statement by adding that while limiting his chamber activities to the strict- ‘‘we cannot condone violence.’’ 34 And when ly procedural. urban riots flared again in the summer of 1967, After Johnson announced in 1965 that his while the administration’s agenda remained in Great Society programs and the mission in Viet- limbo, Humphrey called for a ‘‘Marshall Plan’’ nam could be accomplished simultaneously, for the cities.35 Johnson, burdened by in- Humphrey worked the Senate on a daily basis, flation, interest rates, and government debt, im- encouraging the sale of some raw materials from mediately rebuked his vice president, who did the U.S. strategic stockpile to pay for the rapidly not mention his plan again. escalating costs of military involvement, since On the domestic front Humphrey was moti- the administration did not propose to increase vated by the disparity in standards of living he taxes. observed in the richest country on earth. He con- Humphrey’s lobbying activity on Capitol Hill stantly pressed for increases in Aid to Families reflected his style of perpetual exertion. Senate with Dependent Children, Social Security, and Majority Leader Mike Mansfield utilized the vice welfare benefits.36 The glory of the Great Society president’s consensus-gathering talents when he was its future-oriented generosity, yet as the eco- [ 469 ] HUBERT H. HUMPHREY nomic consequences became apparent, President Humphrey proved to be a vigorous campaigner. Johnson grew more fiscally conservative. As a re- As the escalating war in Vietnam slowly smoth- sult, Vice President Humphrey felt doubly cheat- ered domestic legislative initiatives, he advised ed, not only because his long-held vision was campaigners to ‘‘Run on Vietnam’’ and became being constrained, but also because, despite his the administration’s ‘‘chief spear carrier.’’ 38 continuous congressional lobbying efforts, the Despite Humphrey’s energetic Senate lobby- more parsimonious president—and not he—re- ing, by 1966 events had shifted the focus of his ceived all the credit for the successes that were vice-presidency from Capitol Hill to the White achieved.37 Nevertheless, Humphrey could House. Indeed, he became the most active White hardly be dissatisfied with the results of the do- House spokesman, and his nationwide speaking mestic policy labors that he so enjoyed. tours were geared to a ‘‘frantic pace.’’ 39 Hum- A Varied Role phrey’s frenzy may be traced in part to the inse- curity that his mercurial and manipulative boss Although domestic legislation consumed most engendered. Johnson had a ‘‘routine of slapping of Humphrey’s energies early in his term, his Humphrey one day and stroking him the vice-presidential role can be divided into rough- next.’’ 40 The president would publicly praise his ly three separate functions. He was, at various vice president and then, shortly afterward, ex- times, the executive branch’s representative in clude him from the inner councils, chiefly be- the Senate, the chief of numerous executive cause Humphrey talked too much and too freely councils, and the president’s spokesman-at- in public. Johnson, inordinately concerned with large. Among the statutory duties assigned to the leaks and their relationship to loquacity, ended vice-presidency were the administration of up giving Humphrey little opportunity to con- oceanography and the . As the chair- tribute to administration policy decisions. The man of councils on topics ranging from Native more Humphrey was shut out, the more he be- Americans to the environment, youth, and tour- came a mere ‘‘political spokesman,’’ as he put it, ism, Humphrey served as titular head of a wide falling back on his formidable rhetorical tal- variety of executive branch enterprises. ents.41 This choice reflected not only his pledge But Humphrey soon abandoned most of these of loyalty to the president, but also his inclina- White House duties when he realized that the tion to seek compromise. president personally controlled everything of With the situation in Vietnam heating up, significance. He did, however, maintain his role Johnson made Humphrey his primary spokes- as liaison to the country’s mayors, a duty that man on war policy. The vice president duly vis- dovetailed nicely with his assignment as civil ited university campuses to answer questions rights coordinator and liaison to the country’s and reiterate the administration’s policy line. But African American leaders. These activities were his new, more conservative stance began to al- all part of Humphrey’s political mission to re- ienate liberal supporters as he uttered such duce racial inequities and conflicts by instituting hawkish assertions as, ‘‘only the Viet Cong com- just governance. mit atrocities.’’ 42 In 1966, with the Great Society’s remaining leg- islation stalled in Congress, Humphrey used his Anticommunist and Internationalist vice-presidential platform to support Democrats The president also sent Humphrey to Europe seeking congressional seats in the coming mid- to gather support for the administration’s war term elections. To that end, Humphrey cam- policy, along with a nuclear nonproliferation paigned in almost every state as party cheer- treaty, increased East-West trade, and inter- leader and presidential surrogate. He also used national monetary reform. Although many con- his liaison duties to channel political information sidered the vice president’s efforts on his Euro- back to the president, thereby influencing the aid pean trip a diplomatic success, he encountered many candidates would receive and gaining a antiwar demonstrators everywhere he went. substantial hand in overall campaign strategy. Humphrey handily dismissed these Europeans [ 470 ] HUBERT H. HUMPHREY as ‘‘Communist led,’’ 43 an assessment in keeping cal attempt to save the Democrats from the ‘‘soft with his political record, since he had supported on communism’’ label, especially during United States cold war policy since 1950. Even the election year of 1954, the apogee of as mayor, Humphrey had battled Communists McCarthyism. and pro-Soviet leftists for control of his Demo- While Humphrey’s staunch anticommunism cratic-Farmer-Labor party. In the Senate, Hum- became even more pronounced as he progressed phrey had joined the anticommunist crusade in into the upper echelons of the ‘‘Establishment,’’ the interest of protecting his noncommunist he struggled to maintain his position as a mod- friends in labor unions. Ideologically, he had al- erate, shifting nimbly to the right and left of cen- ways been an internationalist, a Wilsonian, com- ter as the circumstances warranted—the so- mitted to worldwide and open mar- called ‘‘Humphrey duality.’’ 45 By the time of the kets, which would, ‘‘coincidentally,’’ benefit his 1964 presidential campaign, Humphrey labeled Minnesota farm constituents. Goldwater and his faction as ‘‘reactionary,’’ pre- The Minnesota Democrat was not always con- dicting that, if Goldwater were elected, he would sistent in his internationalist motivations and institute a ‘‘nuclear .’’ 46 In spite of foreign policy views. For example, although he his strong anticommunism, Humphrey feared was a longtime advocate of disarmament, chair- that an East-West confrontation could escalate man of the Senate disarmament subcommittee, into nuclear warfare. Thus, his conservative de- and later father of the Limited Nuclear Test Ban tractors were able to label him ‘‘soft on com- Treaty of 1963, Humphrey had also attacked the munism’’ when the compromiser in him pro- Eisenhower administration’s ‘‘missile gap’’ in posed, for instance, the solution of coalition gov- 1960. Even though he may have indulged in a ernments in Southeast Asia.47 Humphrey be- measure of political inconsistency, his views lieved that, if the native Communist and were fundamentally moderate. He never es- anticommunist elements could pragmatically poused unilateral disarmament but rather sup- combine in a parliamentary forum, the local mili- ported an active policy of negotiating mutual nu- tary conflict would be less likely to engender an clear and conventional cutbacks with the Soviets. eventual superpower confrontation. While he advocated outright independence for the ‘‘captive nations’’ of Eastern Europe, he de- The Vietnam War I: Opposition nounced Secretary of State John Foster Dulles’ As early as 1954, Humphrey had opposed any ‘‘brinksmanship’’ over Vietnam, , and continuance of the French war in Vietnam by the Korea as a dangerous game of threatening to use United States. On that issue, his pre-vice-presi- massive nuclear force. dential foreign policy can generally be described Humphrey’s record on the cold war at home as ‘‘dovish,’’ despite the often precarious balance was even more complex. He had voted for the he sought to strike. Humphrey did lead the effort McCarran Internal Security Act of 1950 and had to ratify the SEATO treaty in 1955 and asserted introduced the Communist Control Act of 1954, in 1960 that, ‘‘I happen to believe that the most both of which severely repressed those identified dangerous, aggressive force in the world today as American Communists. Humphrey later re- is Communist China.’’ 48 But for Vietnam, he ad- gretted his participation in the latter act and vocated the counterinsurgency techniques of called for its repeal. Yet, at the time, he was silent General Edward Lansdale that, rather than a regarding the actions of Senator Joseph McCar- conventional military strategy, emphasized an thy, even though he did deplore the ‘‘psychosis unconventional and, above all, a political solu- of fear’’ and ‘‘this madness of know-nothing- tion incorporating a ‘‘rural reconstruction’’ pro- ness.’’ 44 In the 1950s Humphrey supported the gram.49 In the 1964 campaign, although Hum- generally held view that agents of foreign gov- phrey endorsed a ‘‘free civilization’’ resisting the ernments committed to the overthrow of the U.S. ‘‘expansion of Communist power,’’ he remained government were not entitled to civil liberties. a relatively consistent moderate as the cam- Yet, this stance could also be explained as a cyni- paign’s political rhetoric focused more on do- [ 471 ] HUBERT H. HUMPHREY mestic affairs and the larger cold war, in which ing point not only of his vice-presidency, but also the Democrats appeared more moderate than the of his political career. saber-rattling Goldwater and his running mate, The Vietnam War II: A Change of Position William Miller.50 Just a few weeks after the newly elected John- As Humphrey’s legislative and executive op- son administration took office, however, the Viet portunities dwindled, the penitent vice president Cong attacked and killed American troops in eventually became only too happy to carry out South Vietnam, spurring the president to retali- the new role Johnson had assigned him, that of ate by bombing the North. Humphrey, virtually special envoy. The president sent him on propa- alone among Johnson’s inner circle, immediately ganda and fact-finding trips to Southeast Asia to opposed this ‘‘Operation Rolling Thunder’’ with gather evidence of Chinese aggression. On his several arguments. The first was drawn from the first trip in early 1966, Humphrey was strongly advice of Undersecretary of State . A influenced by the hawkish views of Ambassador former member of the U.S. Strategic Bombing Henry Cabot Lodge and General William West- Survey after World War II, Ball understood the moreland. So eager was Humphrey to regain the limited capabilities of the U.S. Air Force. Hum- good graces of the president that, even as early phrey himself reminded the cabinet that the as November 1965, he had reported back from United States’ experience in Korea demonstrated his visits to college campuses, which were now the pitfalls of the nation engaging in a land war holding ‘‘teach-ins’’ against the war, that stu- in Asia, even though that earlier conflict had in- dents were increasingly supporting the Vietnam deed represented a clearer case of a conventional policy. As Humphrey found that his hopes for invasion. Citing that precedent, Humphrey compromise were not always attainable, he warned that U.S. escalation in Vietnam could began to make his irrevocable political choice be- provoke an intervention by the Chinese or even tween loyalty to his lifelong conscience and loy- by the Soviets, with potential nuclear con- alty to Lyndon Johnson. ‘‘I did not become vice sequences. The vice president asked what good president with Lyndon Johnson to cause him reason the United States could have to interject trouble,’’ he declared in 1965.52 The president itself into ‘‘that faraway conflict’’ when ‘‘no last- may have somewhat appeased Humphrey just ing solution can be imposed by a foreign before his February 1966 conversion with the army.’’ 51 Christmas 1965 bombing pause of which Johnson In 1965 Humphrey pushed for a political reso- said that he was now trying ‘‘Hubert’s way.’’ 53 lution as the only hope to save not only the un- Humphrey departed on his extended peace of- stable government of South Vietnam, but also the fensive throughout Indochina and , full funding of the Great Society programs. The which even included some impromptu, and ulti- vice president included these points in both mately fruitless, negotiations with Soviet Pre- verbal counsel and memos to the president, also mier Alexei Kosygin in . At the end of this reminding him that direct bombing by the Unit- publicity-laden circuit, Johnson continued his ed States had been Goldwater’s position during pattern of molding Humphrey’s behavior. The the campaign. Humphrey predicted that the president rewarded—or exploited—depending president would eventually be opposed not by on one’s perspective, Humphrey’s demonstra- the Republicans, but more dangerously, from tion of renewed loyalty by permitting him to an- within his own party. Johnson’s response was in- nounce ambitious plans ‘‘to export the Great So- creasingly to freeze the vice president out of the ciety to Asian countries,’’ like South Vietnam.54 Vietnam councils, forcing him to concentrate on Humphrey instinctively responded to the idea of Great Society issues. Although Humphrey lost extending the war on poverty and injustice to access to the president because of a variety of in- other nations. judicious public comments, the gulf over Viet- During the vice president’s grand tour of nam was the principal cause of his year-long ex- South and Southeast Asian capitals, the local ecutive exile. This period proved to be the turn- leaders easily persuaded him that the Red Chi- [ 472 ] HUBERT H. HUMPHREY nese menace and its advance ‘‘agent North Viet- Humphrey’s closest foreign policy adviser, nam’’ necessitated U.S. military aid to their coun- George Ball, recognized that the vice president tries.55 Humphrey returned to the United States ‘‘could never do anything half heartedly.’’ Yet as convinced that Chinese ‘‘imperialism and expan- a genuine intimate, Ball also knew that ‘‘Hum- sion’’ threatened to topple Asian dominos as far phrey’s loyal and excessively exuberant sup- as Australia.56 He dismissed Senator Mike Mans- port’’ masked a vice president who ‘‘was person- field and other skeptical senators as having ally revolted by the war.’’ 65 Ball believed that a missed the ‘‘big picture’’ regarding the Com- Humphrey administration would pull out of munist ‘‘master plan’’ and the Chinese ‘‘epi- Vietnam quickly. Although Humphrey had no demic [that] we must stop’’ before they come input into the Johnson administration’s Vietnam ‘‘closer to home’’ and to Honolulu policy, as Defense Secretary was and San Francisco.57 When Senator Robert F. well aware, the vice president did join Clifford’s Kennedy suggested the possibility of a coalition faction in the White House, which advocated a government for South Vietnam, a position Hum- more dovish diplomacy. This group pushed for phrey himself had espoused in his pre-vice-pres- a pause in bombing without pre- idential days, the vice president retorted that condition as an inducement to the Communists would be like ‘‘putting a fox in a chicken to reciprocate. The more hawkish faction de- coop.’’ 58 Humphrey soon came to regret the manded advance concessions by the North Viet- memorable quality of some of his more strident namese. Humphrey was caught between loyally statements, as he lost the support of many lib- supporting the hawks in public and actually erals and midwestern progressives who now being antiwar, ‘‘in his heart.’’ 66 characterized him as being ‘‘more royalist than Humphrey had already begun to rediscover the crown.’’ 59 Newsweek magazine observed that the doubts in his heart during his second trip to Humphrey was ‘‘the scrappiest warrior in the Southeast Asia. He observed the continuing in- White House phalanx.’’ 60 difference of South Vietnamese Generals Nguyen Van Thieu and Nguyen Cao Ky to their The Vietnam War III: Public Support and Private own forces and their apparently unlimited de- Doubts mands on the United States at the very time the Johnson again tapped Humphrey’s inherent war was supposedly being ‘‘de-Americanized.’’ exuberance in a successful campaign to persuade After that second trip, Humphrey implied to his Congress to vote more money for the war. As close friend, Dr. Edgar Berman, that he identified one Democratic liberal commented, the vice with Republican presidential candidate George president was ‘‘one hell of a salesman.’’ 61 Hum- Romney, who had destroyed his political future phrey declared that his new position was born by admitting in 1967 that he had been ‘‘brain- out of ‘‘conscience’’ 62 and that the war was ‘‘a washed’’ by American officials into believing the matter of survival.’’ He pointed out that ‘‘Viet- United States was winning the war.67 Berman nam today is as close to the U.S. as London was later related that Humphrey had told him pri- in 1940’’ and would require the same kind of vately that the United States was ‘‘throwing lives long-term U.S. commitment.63 Such statements and money down a corrupt rat hole’’ in South were more than enough to get Humphrey re- Vietnam.68 When Humphrey sent a confidential admitted to the administration’s inner circle of memo suggesting this to Johnson, who was be- Vietnam advisers. Having done his duty, the vice ginning to have private doubts of his own, the president was rewarded with a second trip to president typically became infuriated by the dis- Southeast Asia in 1967. There, shortly after hear- sent. In fact, the vice president was the associate ing another of General William Westmoreland’s on whom Johnson took out most of his anger, optimistic estimates, he publicly hailed the Viet- remaining rigid in his insistence that it was the nam war as ‘‘our great adventure,’’ which was North Vietnamese who had to yield a concession making the world freer and better.64 first before U.S. deescalation could occur. [ 473 ] HUBERT H. HUMPHREY

Neither the president nor the vice president, weakened Humphrey’s standing in the polls, however, could ignore for long the fact that their and the extreme polarization within the party administration was publicly backing a seemingly prevented him from achieving his trademark losing cause that was also undermining Hum- unifying compromise. The vice president strug- phrey’s homegrown American Great Society. gled to avoid either being too closely identified When the U.S. bombing neither forced North with the unpopular president, or dissociating Vietnam to the negotiating table nor did much himself so far that he would lose his Democratic strategic damage, since that country had little in- party support and Johnson-controlled campaign frastructure, Humphrey in the spring of 1968 funds. Even though Johnson had withdrawn strongly advised a halt. This action was Hum- from the race in March, the possibility remained phrey’s first serious divergence from Johnson’s that the president might reenter the campaign if policy since 1965. circumstances allowed him to be drafted at the The 1968 Election August convention. With this sword hanging This vice-presidential advice, delivered just over Humphrey’s head, he did not feel secure days before the end of March 1968, was not the enough to risk provoking Johnson into such a only instance of a prominent Democrat dissent- move by openly opposing the president’s policy. ing from Johnson’s policy. As Humphrey had As a result, the vice president had publicly asso- predicted three years earlier, the president’s own ciated himself with the president’s policy for so party was now sharply divided, resulting in a long that a post-convention switch would lack strong showing by the peace candidate, Senator credibility with the voters. Eugene McCarthy, in the New Hampshire and Johnson not only intimidated Humphrey, but Wisconsin presidential primaries. When Johnson he also cajoled the vice president into supporting on March 31 announced his decision not to run the administration’s line on the war in order to for reelection, Humphrey was in Mexico City ini- avoid jeopardizing the delicate Paris peace talks. tialing a nuclear nonproliferation treaty. The vice Since Republican nominee Richard Nixon had president immediately became the Democratic adopted the patriotic stance of not criticizing frontrunner, although he declined to enter any Johnson’s current handling of the war, Hum- primaries. Robert Kennedy’s assassination in phrey could not differentiate himself from his June, after winning the California primary, as- Republican opponent on that score without sured Humphrey the nomination by default but being perceived as disloyal either to the presi- left the Democratic party in serious disarray. The dent, to the country, or to his own vice-presi- path to the November election was strewn with dential record. In classic fashion, Humphrey pre- other obstacles, as well, not the least of which sented ambiguous scenarios for a bombing halt was Humphrey’s late start due to Johnson’s last- and troop withdrawal. These proposals were di- minute surprise withdrawal. As a result, Hum- rectly rejected by Johnson, who thus appeared to phrey lacked either sufficient campaign funds or move closer to Nixon! In the face of the national a mature organization to apply them. Moreover, crisis, both candidates chose to divert their atten- the vice president contributed to his own organi- tion to the domestic problems of law and order zational inefficiency by decentralizing his cam- and inflation.69 As these issues, too, were inex- paign structure. tricably bound to the war itself, all topics seemed The Democrats projected an image of dis- to associate the party in power with the general organization and chaos to the nation that year, chaos. Humphrey refused to repudiate either the as the party at one time or another split as many positions taken during his vice-presidency or his as four ways into factions supporting Hum- belief that there would be a breakthrough at phrey, Johnson, Eugene McCarthy, and George Paris. Johnson had convinced Humphrey that Wallace. The raucous Chicago convention—with the latter was imminent, even while denying his nationally televised images of police beating vice president detailed information from those young antiwar protesters in the parks—further negotiations.70 [ 474 ] HUBERT H. HUMPHREY

Badly behind in the polls, Humphrey took to But the irrepressible warrior already had his television in late September to try to solve the eye on the 1972 presidential contest, believing he dilemma of his private opposition to the war and could successfully challenge Richard Nixon on his public pledge to bring it to an ‘‘honorable economic issues. Humphrey also criticized the conclusion.’’ 71 For the first time, he publicly pro- administration’s rough handling of dissidents, posed halting the bombing as an inducement to asserting that ‘‘you can’t have civil order without North Vietnamese reciprocity once he became civil justice.’’ 73 Still, he remained vulnerable on president. As a result, his popularity rebounded Vietnam, especially after the 1971 publication of in the final month of the campaign. When the the Pentagon Papers, which revealed that a de- election returns came in, Humphrey had col- ceitful Johnson had decided before the 1964 elec- lected 42.7 percent of the popular vote to Richard tion to bomb North Vietnam and thus escalate Nixon’s 43.4 percent, although the Republican the war. These disclosures resuscitated Hum- had 301 electoral votes to Humphrey’s 191. Too phrey’s image as Johnson’s dupe or shill and many voters had remembered the vice presi- convinced many citizens that the former vice dent’s overselling of the war and distrusted his president could not be trusted. Although leading recent apparent conversion.72 in the national polls in December 1971, Hum- After the election, Humphrey blamed the loss phrey was soon accused of waffling even on do- on his failure to break with Johnson but con- mestic issues, and another poll that same year tended that he could not have proceeded dif- found that he was viewed as ‘‘too talkative, too ferently. A more dovish or hawkish approach willing to take both sides of an issue.’’ 74 Too might not have secured Humphrey the presi- many Democrats saw the former vice president dency, but it is probable that a less ambivalent, as part of the ‘‘Establishment’’ and turned to his less inconsistent message might have satisfied Senate colleague George McGovern as the agent enough of the electorate. In the end, perhaps of change. Despite failing to win the 1972 nomi- Humphrey could not have overcome the pro- nation, Humphrey tried unsuccessfully once found irony inherent in the fact that the war that more in 1976. gave him his presidential chance also took it During his typically active Senate term, Hum- away. phrey resumed his seat on the powerful Appro- Back in the Senate priations Committee and by 1975 was chairman Humphrey’s electoral defeat finally removed of the Joint Economic Committee. In 1974 he in- the constraints of his office, allowing him to ex- troduced the highly ambitious Humphrey-Haw- press his personal political opinions. He did so kins Full Employment and National Growth bill, in his newspaper column, his memoirs, and as which eventually passed after his death in 1978. a college political science teacher, along with This final legislative monument symbolizes other educational ventures. Humphrey almost Humphrey’s entire career, which was committed immediately began to seek the Minnesota Senate to ‘‘the humanitarian goals of the New Deal.’’ 75 seat that Eugene McCarthy planned to vacate in Humphrey realistically understood that his core 1970. Easily winning on his old populist platform constituency comprised those Americans from and underplaying the Vietnam issue, Humphrey the lower social and economic classes—the dis- resumed his prior senatorial pattern of introduc- advantaged underdogs—a positioning that ing an abundance of bills that were mostly do- flowed from what journalist Murray Kempton mestic in content. As in his early Senate career, called Humphrey’s ‘‘overabundance of feeling most of his new legislative proposals were sty- for humanity.’’ 76 Although this instinct lit his mied. Returning as a new senator without se- way onto the public stage in 1948 when he made niority or important committee assignments, his singular stand for civil rights, his historical Humphrey also had lost many of his valuable vision became blinded by his failure to recognize former contacts, who had left the Senate. The that the Vietnam war could destroy his hopes for times had passed him by. the Great Society. Humphrey’s digression into [ 475 ] HUBERT H. HUMPHREY self-delusion had prompted him in 1968 to would be, in his words, ‘‘Neanderthal.’’ 80 While stump for ‘‘the politics of joy,’’ a slogan that this generosity of spirit made him incapable of many viewed as entirely inappropriate in the being ruthless, a trait probably essential to a midst of wartime and civil disorder.77 Hum- presidential aspirant, it also made him an ideal phrey’s greatest asset, his enthusiasm, paradox- senator or vice president, an advocate and deal ically may have also been his greatest liability. maker who ‘‘was a terrific fighter but no kill- In the course of pragmatically compromising on er.’’ 81 As a result, the ‘‘Happy Warrior’’ in the the chief issue of the day, Vietnam, he allowed public service knew enough defeats to ensure himself to become the administration’s loudest that his ‘‘name had become synonymous with proponent of the war. cheerfulness in the face of adversity.’’ 82 Hum- Although Humphrey’s tactics may have some- phrey’s behavior during his last days testifies to times veered off course, he understood the pro- his awe-inspiring strength of character. Termi- found value of the strategy of compromise, with- nally ill and in great physical discomfort, he con- out which, he said, the Great Society legislation tinued his senatorial workload with the same in- would not have been possible. In 1971 Hum- tensity and affability as always. He died on Janu- phrey called himself a gradualist, the soundest ary 13, 1978. course by which one can make ‘‘steady progress if we don’t bite off too much.’’ 78 In 1973, former Perhaps the key to Humphrey’s indefatigable Secretary of State echoed Hum- essence was that he placed personal political am- phrey’s self-assessment by characterizing him as bition below his support of a larger agenda. The ‘‘a liberal with common sense.’’ 79 Humphrey innumerable bills that he introduced and shep- was able to realize the difference between cam- herded through Congress demonstrate that, with paigning, where it was constructive to be par- Humphrey, the people and their issues came tisan, and governing, where to hold grudges first.

[ 476 ] NOTES 1 Edgar Berman, Hubert, the Triumph and the Tragedy of the 39 Ibid., p. 236. Humphrey I Knew, (New York, 1979), p. 23. 40 Witcover, p. 199. 2 Carl Solberg, Hubert Humphrey: A Biography, (New York, 41 Natoli, p. 605. 1984), p. 214. 42 Solberg, p. 301. 3 Jules Witcover, Crapshoot: Rolling the Dice on the Vice 43 Ibid., p. 304. Presidency, (New York, 1992), p. 182. 44 Eisele, p. 99. 4 Solberg, p. 387. 45 Gorey, p. 62; Eisele, p. 99; Solberg pp. 157–59, 468. 5 Ibid., p. 12. 46 Ryskind, p. 266. 6 Ibid., p. 167. 47 Ibid., p. 275. 7 Hays Gorey, ‘‘I’m a Born Optimist,’’ American Heritage, 48 Eisele, p. 229. December 1977, p. 63. 49 Ibid., p. 230; Solberg, p. 276. 8 Allan H. Ryskind, Hubert, An Unauthorized Biography of 50 Witcover, p. 195. the Vice President, (New York, 1968), p. 234. 51 Berman, p. 102. 9 Solberg, p. 91. 52 Eisele, p. 224. 10 Ryskind, p. 300. 53 Solberg, p. 284. 11 Ibid., p. 231. 54 Eisele, p. 243. 12 Berman, p. 17. 55 Solberg, p. 291. 13 Solberg, p. 89. 56 Eisele, p. 243. 14 U.S., Congress, Senate, The Senate, 1789–1989: Addresses 57 Solberg, p. 289; Goldstein, p. 194; Eisele, p. 243. on the History of the United States Senate, by Robert C. Byrd, 58 Ryskind, p. 303. S. Doc. 100–20, 100th Cong., 1st sess., vol. 1, 1989, p. 606. 59 Solberg, p. 290. 15 William S. White, Citadel: The Story of the Senate (New 60 Goldstein, p. 194. York, 1957), pp. 112–13. 61 Eisele, p. 246. 16 Solberg, pp. 99, 209. 62 Ibid., p. 246. 17 Albert Eisele, Almost to the Presidency, a Biography of Two 63 Solberg, p. 291. American Politicians (Blue Earth, MN, 1972), p. 179. 64 Ibid., p. 312. 18 Ibid., p. 181. 65 George Ball, The Past has Another Pattern: Memoirs (New 19 Ibid., p. 185. York, 1982), pp. 445, 409. 20 Ryskind, pp. 280, 281. 66 Clark Clifford, with Richard Holbrooke, Counsel to the 21 Berman, p. 87. President: Memoirs (New York, 1991), pp. 527, 570. 22 Marie D. Natoli, ‘‘The Humphrey Vice Presidency in 67 Berman, p. 111. Retrospect,’’ Presidential Studies Quarterly 12 (Fall 1982): 604. 68 Ibid., p. 115. 23 Ryskind, p. 319. 69 Eisele, p. 369. 24 Solberg, p. 258. 70 Solberg, pp. 347–48, 350. 25 Joel K. Goldstein, The Modern American Vice Presidency, 71 Eisele, p. 379; Berman, p. 215. (Princeton, NJ, 1982), pp. 121, 122. 72 Solberg, p. 407. 26 Eisele, pp. 206, 212. 73 Eisele, p. 432. 27 Ibid., p. 235. 74 Ibid., p. 440. 28 Natoli, p. 604. 75 Ibid., p. 445. 29 Witcover, p. 197. 76 Berman, p. 40. 30 Solberg, pp. 462–63; Berman, p. 97. 77 Solberg, p. 332. 31 Congressional Quarterly Almanac, 89th Cong., First sess., 78 LBJ Oral History Collection, Joe B. Frantz interview with 1965, vol. 21 (Washington DC, 1966), pp. 547, 821, 829; vol. Hubert Humphrey, 1971, University of Texas Oral History 22, p. 226. Project, p. 17. 32 Charles Roberts, LBJ’s Inner Circle, (New York, 1965), 79 Natoli, p. 604. pp. 190–91. 80 Berman, p. 60. 33 Ryskind, p. 324; Eisele, p. 249. 81 Solberg, p. 469. 34 Eisele, p. 249. 82 Eisele, p. 393. 35 Solberg, p. 309. 36 Berman, pp. 27, 31. 37 Goldstein, p. 181. 38 Solberg, p. 297; Eisele, pp. 249–50.

[ 477 ]

Chapter 39 SPIRO THEODORE AGNEW 1969–1973

[ 479 ] SPIRO T. AGNEW Chapter 39 SPIRO THEODORE AGNEW

39th Vice President: 1969–1973

A little over a week ago, I took a rather unusual step for a Vice President . . . I said something. —SPIRO AGNEW

On November 13, 1969, Vice President Spiro employee, Elinor Isabel Judefind, known to all Agnew became a household word when he vehe- as Judy. Drafted into the army during World mently denounced television news broadcasters War II, he won a Bronze Star for his service in as a biased ‘‘unelected elite’’ who subjected France and Germany. He returned to school on President Richard M. Nixon’s speeches to instant the GI Bill of Rights, received his law degree in analysis. The president had a right to commu- 1947, practiced law in a Baltimore firm, and nicate directly with the people, Agnew asserted, eventually set up his own law practice in the Bal- without having his words ‘‘characterized timore suburb of Towson. through the prejudices of hostile critics.’’ Agnew raised the possibility of greater government reg- Remaking His Image ulation of this ‘‘virtual monopoly,’’ a suggestion Moving from city to suburb, Agnew remade that the veteran television newscaster Walter his own image. When he recalled the ethnic slurs Cronkite took as ‘‘an implied threat to freedom he suffered about ‘‘Spiro’’ while a school boy, he of speech in this country.’’ But Agnew’s words now called himself ‘‘Ted’’ and vowed that none rang true to those whom Nixon called the Silent of his children would have Greek names. Agnew Majority. From then until he resigned in 1973, similarly changed party affiliations. Although Agnew remained an outspoken and controver- his father was a Baltimore Democratic ward sial figure, who played traveling salesman for leader and Agnew had first registered as a Dem- the administration. In this role, Spiro Agnew was ocrat, his law partners were Republicans and he both the creation of Richard Nixon and a reflec- joined their party. In 1957 the Democratic county tion of his administration’s siege mentality.1 executive of Baltimore County appointed him to the board of zoning appeals. In 1960 Agnew Early Years made his first race for elective office, running for The son of a Greek immigrant whose name associate circuit judge, and coming in fifth in a originally was Anagnostopoulos, Spiro Theo- five-person contest. In 1961, when a new county dore Agnew was born in Baltimore, Maryland, executive dropped him from the zoning board, on November 9, 1918. He attended public Agnew protested vigorously and in so doing schools and went to Johns Hopkins University built his name recognition in the county. The fol- in 1937 to study chemistry, before transferring to lowing year he ran for county executive. A bitter the University of Baltimore Law School, where split in the Democratic party helped make him he studied law at night while working at a gro- the first Republican elected Baltimore County ex- cery and an insurance company during the day. ecutive in the twentieth century. In office he es- In 1942 he married a fellow insurance company tablished a relatively progressive record, and in [ 481 ] SPIRO T. AGNEW

1966, when nominated as the Republican can- by then Agnew had moved toward the didate for governor of Maryland, Agnew posi- frontrunner, Richard Nixon. When polls showed tioned himself to the left of his Democratic chal- none of the better-known Republicans adding lenger, George Mahoney. An arch segregationist, much as Nixon’s running mate, Nixon surprised Mahoney adopted the campaign slogan, ‘‘Your everyone—as he liked to do—by selecting the Home Is Your Castle—Protect It,’’ which only relatively unknown Agnew. ‘‘Spiro who?’’ asked drove liberal Democrats into Agnew’s camp. the pundits, who considered Agnew unqualified Charging Mahoney with racial bigotry, Agnew for national office. Despite such doubts, Nixon captured the liberal suburbs around Washington saw much promise in his choice. ‘‘There can be and was elected governor.2 a mystique about the man,’’ Nixon assured re- It came as a shock to Agnew’s liberal support- porters. ‘‘You can look him in the eyes and know ers when as governor he took a more hard-line he’s got it.’’ 4 conservative stance on racial matters than he had Nixon expected Agnew to appeal to white during the campaign. Early in 1968, students at southerners and others troubled by the civil the predominantly African American Bowie rights movement and recent rioting in the cities. State College occupied the administration build- Attention shifted from this issue during the cam- ing to protest the run-down condition of their paign, however, when Agnew made a number campus—at a time when Maryland essentially of gaffes, including some ethnic slurs and an ac- ran separate college systems for black and white cusation that Vice President Hubert Humphrey, students. Instead of negotiating, Agnew sent the the Democratic candidate, was soft on com- state police to take back the administration munism. Agnew also encountered allegations of building. When the students went to Annapolis having profited financially from his public office, to protest, Agnew ordered their arrest and had charges that he flatly denied. Agnew’s biggest the college temporarily closed down. Then in problem was that he seemed so ordinary and April, when riots broke out in Baltimore follow- unremarkable. A tall, stiff, bullet-headed man ing the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, and the sort of fastidious dresser who never re- Jr., Governor Agnew summoned black leaders to moved his tie in public, he tended to speak in his office. Rather than appeal for their help, he a deadening monotone. Whether he helped or castigated them for capitulating to radical agi- hurt the campaign is not clear, but in November tators. ‘‘You were intimidated by veiled threats,’’ the Nixon-Agnew ticket won a razor-thin victory Agnew charged, ‘‘you were stung by . . . epithets over the Democratic candidate Hubert Hum- like ‘.’’’ Half of the black leaders phrey and the independent candidacy of Ala- walked out before he finished speaking. ‘‘He bama Governor .5 talked to us like we were children,’’ one state Learning the Constraints of the Office senator complained. The incident dramatically reversed Agnew’s public image, alienating his Although Nixon had chosen a running mate liberal supporters and raising his standing who would not outshine him, he had pledged to among conservatives.3 give his vice president a significant policy-mak- ing role and—for the first time—an office in the Spiro Who? West Wing of the White House. Nixon also en- On the national scene, Agnew formed a com- couraged Agnew to use his position as presiding mittee to draft New York Governor Nelson officer of the Senate to get to know the members Rockefeller for president in 1968. In March, dur- of Congress in order to serve as their liaison with ing his weekly press conference, Agnew watched the White House, and Agnew enthusiastically on television what he expected would be Rocke- charged up Capitol Hill. Having had no previous feller’s declaration of candidacy. Without warn- legislative experience, he wanted to master the ing, Rockefeller withdrew from the contest, techniques of presiding over the Senate. For the humiliating Agnew in front of the press corps. first months of his vice-presidency, he met each Rockefeller later jumped back into the race, but morning with the Senate parliamentarian, Floyd [ 482 ] SPIRO T. AGNEW

Riddick, to discuss parliamentary procedures anticipated use of Agnew as a conduit to the na- and precedents. ‘‘He took pride in administering tion’s mayors and governors floundered when it the oath to the new senators by never having to became apparent that Agnew did nothing more refer to a note,’’ Riddick observed. ‘‘He would than pass their gripes along to the president. study and memorize these things so that he When Agnew protested that Nixon did not see could perform without reading.’’ According to enough of his cabinet, Nixon grumbled that his Riddick, at first Agnew presided more fre- vice president had become an advocate for all the quently than had any vice president since Alben ‘‘crybabies’’ in the cabinet who wanted to plead Barkley.6 their special causes. Nixon’s chief of staff H.R. ‘‘I was prepared to go in there and do a job Haldeman took Agnew aside and advised him as the President’s representative in the Senate,’’ that ‘‘the President does not like you to take an said Agnew, who busily learned to identify the opposite view at a cabinet meeting, or say any- senators by name and face. Yet he quickly dis- thing that can be construed to be mildly not in covered the severe constraints on his role as pre- accord with his thinking.’’ 8 siding officer. Agnew had prepared a four- Nixon appointed Agnew head of the National minute speech to give in response to a formal Aeronautics and Space Council but again found welcome from Majority Leader Mike Mansfield. the vice president more irritant than asset. In When Mansfield moved that the vice president , while at Camp David, Nixon sum- be given only two minutes to reply, Agnew felt moned Haldeman to complain that the vice ‘‘it was like a slap in the face.’’ The vice president president had telephoned him simply to lobby also unwittingly broke precedent by trying to for a candidate for director of the Space Council. lobby on the Senate floor. During the debate over ‘‘He just has no sensitivity, or judgment about the ABM (Anti-Ballistic-Missile) Treaty, Agnew his relationship’’ with the president, Haldeman approached Idaho Republican Senator Len Jor- noted. After Agnew publicly advocated a space dan and asked how he was going to vote. ‘‘You shot to Mars, Nixon’s chief domestic advisor, can’t tell me how to vote!’’ said the shocked sen- John Ehrlichman, tried to explain to him the facts ator. ‘‘You can’t twist my arm!’’ At the next of fiscal life: luncheon of Republican senators, Jordan accused Agnew of breaking the separation of powers by Look, Mr. Vice President, we have to be practical. There is no money for a Mars trip. The President lobbying on the Senate floor, and announced the has already decided that. So the President does ‘‘Jordan Rule,’’ whereby if the vice president not want such a trip in the [Space Council’s] rec- tried to lobby him on anything, he would auto- ommendations. It’s your job . . . to make abso- matically vote the other way. ‘‘And so,’’ Agnew lutely certain that the Mars trip is not in there. concluded from the experience, ‘‘after trying for a while to get along with the Senate, I decided From such experiences, the White House staff I would go down to the other end of Pennsylva- concluded that Agnew was not a ‘‘Nixon team 9 nia Avenue and try playing the Executive player.’’ game.’’ 7 Unleashing Agnew The vice president fit in no better at the White Throughout his first term, President Nixon House than at the Capitol. Nixon’s highly protec- was preoccupied with the war in Vietnam. By the tive staff concluded that Agnew had no concept fall of 1969, Nixon came to the unhappy conclu- of his role, especially in relation to the president. sion that there would be no quick solution in Nixon found their few private meetings dismay- Vietnam and that it would steadily become his ing because of Agnew’s ‘‘constant self-aggran- war rather than Lyndon Johnson’s. On Novem- dizement.’’ Nixon told his staff that as vice presi- ber 3, Nixon delivered a television address to the dent he rarely had made any requests of Presi- nation in which he called for public support for dent Dwight Eisenhower. ‘‘But Agnew’s visits al- the war until the Communists negotiated an hon- ways included demands for more staff, better fa- orable peace. Public reaction to the speech was cilities, more prerogatives and perquisites.’’ The generally positive, but the Nixon family was [ 483 ] SPIRO T. AGNEW

‘‘livid with anger’’ over the critical commentary and ‘‘radiclibs’’ (for radical liberals) were com- by various network broadcasters. Nixon feared piled and published as ‘‘commonsense that the ‘‘constant pounding from the media and quotations.’’ ‘‘I have refused to ‘cool it’—to use our critics in Congress’’ would eventually under- the vernacular,’’ Agnew declared, ‘‘until the self- mine his public support. As president he wanted righteous lower their voice a few decibels. . . . to follow the Eisenhower model of remaining I intend to be heard over the din even if it means above the fray and to use Agnew for the kind raising my voice.’’ 12 of hatchet work that he himself had done for Ike. The Agnew Upsurge When his speech writer proposed that the vice president give a speech attacking The ‘‘Agnew upsurge’’ fascinated President network commentators, Nixon liked the idea. Nixon, who took it as evidence that a new con- H.R. Haldeman went to discuss the proposed servative coalition could be built between blue- speech with the vice president, who was inter- collar ethnic voters and white-collar suburban- ested ‘‘but felt it was a bit abrasive.’’ Neverthe- ites. Nixon believed that Agnew was receiving less, the White House staff believed the message increasing press coverage because his attacks on needed to be delivered, ‘‘and he’s the one to do the media ‘‘forced them to pay attention.’’ When it.’’ 10 some of his advisers wanted to put Agnew out Agnew already had some hard-hitting speech- in front in opposition to expanded school deseg- es under his belt. On October 20, 1969, at a dinner regation, Nixon hesitated because he did not in Jackson, Mississippi, he had attacked ‘‘liberal want to ‘‘dilute or waste the great asset he has intellectuals’’ for their ‘‘masochistic compulsion become.’’ By March 1970, the relationship be- to destroy their country’s strength.’’ On October tween the president and vice president reached 30 in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, he called student its apex when the two appeared for an amusing radicals and other critics of the war ‘‘impudent piano duet at the Gridiron Club. No matter what snobs.’’ On November 11 in Philadelphia he de- tunes Nixon tried to play, Agnew would drown cried the ‘‘intolerant clamor and cacophony’’ him out with ‘‘Dixie,’’ until they both joined in that raged in society. Then, on November 13 in ‘‘God Bless America’’ as a finale.13 Des Moines, Iowa, he gave Buchanan’s blast at As the strains of their duet faded, Nixon began the network news media. Haldeman recorded in having second thoughts and concluded that he his diary that, as the debate on Agnew mounted, needed to ‘‘change the Agnew approach.’’ He in- the president was ‘‘fully convinced he’s right formed Haldeman that the vice president had be- and that the majority will agree.’’ The White come a better salesman for himself than for the House sent word for the vice president ‘‘to keep administration, emerging as ‘‘too much of an up the offensive, and to keep speaking,’’ noting issue and a personality himself.’’ That month, that he was now a ‘‘major figure in his own when the Apollo XIII astronauts had to abort right.’’ The vice president had become ‘‘Nixon’s their mission and return to earth, Haldeman Nixon.’’ 11 worked frantically to keep Agnew from flying to Agnew relished the attention showered upon Houston and upstaging the president. Agnew sat him. He had been frustrated with his assignment in his plane on the runway for over an hour until as liaison with the governors and mayors, and Nixon finally canceled the trip. ‘‘VP mad as dealing with taxation, health, and other sub- hell,’’ Haldeman noted, ‘‘but agreed to follow or- stantive issues had required tedious study. By ders.’’ In May 1970, after National Guardsmen contrast, he found speechmaking much more shot and killed four students at Kent State Uni- gratifying. As John Ehrlichman sourly noted, versity, Nixon cautioned Agnew not to say any- Agnew ‘‘could take the texts prepared in the thing provocative about students. Word leaked President’s speechwriting shop, change a phrase out that the president was trying to muzzle his here and there, and hit the road to attack the ef- vice president. The next time Buchanan prepared fete corps of impudent snobs.’’ His colorful ‘‘a hot new Agnew speech,’’ Nixon felt more phrases, like ‘‘nattering nabobs of negativism,’’ leery than before.14 [ 484 ] SPIRO T. AGNEW

By the summer of 1970, Nixon pondered how would begin a rambling, time-consuming best to use Agnew in that fall’s congressional monologue.’’ 16 elections. The president himself wanted to re- Agnew, who described himself as the ‘‘num- main remote from partisanship and limit his ber-one hawk,’’ went so far as to criticize Nixon’s speaking to foreign policy issues while Agnew ‘‘Ping-Pong Diplomacy’’ with the People’s Re- stumped for candidates. Nixon worried that, if public of China. The dismayed president consid- Agnew continued to appear an unreasonable fig- ered Agnew ‘‘a bull in the . . . diplomatic China ure, using highly charged rhetoric, he might hurt shop.’’ Nixon had H.R. Haldeman lecture the rather than help the candidates for whom he vice president on the importance of using the campaigned. ‘‘Do you think Agnew’s too China thaw to ‘‘get the Russians shook.’’ ‘‘It is rough?’’ Nixon asked John Ehrlichman one day. beyond my understanding,’’ Nixon told ‘‘His style isn’t the problem, it’s the content of Ehrlichman. ‘‘Twice Agnew has proposed that what he says. He’s got to be more positive. He he go to China! Now he tells the world it’s a bad must avoid all personal attacks on people; he can idea for me to go! What am I going to do about take on Congress as a unit, not as individuals.’’ him?’’ 17 Some Republican candidates even asked Agnew The Connally Alternative to stay out of their states. As the campaign pro- By mid-1971, Nixon concluded that Spiro gressed, Agnew’s droning on about law and Agnew was not ‘‘broad-gauged’’ enough for the order diminished his impact. Nixon felt com- vice-presidency. He constructed a scenario by pelled to abandon his presidential aloofness and which Agnew would resign, enabling Nixon to enter the campaign himself, barnstorming appoint Treasury Secretary John Connally as vice around the country, as Attorney General John president under the provisions of the Twenty- Mitchell complained, like a man ‘‘running for fifth Amendment. By appealing to southern sheriff.’’ The disappointing results of the mid- Democrats, Connally would help Nixon create a term elections—Republicans gained two seats in political realignment, perhaps even replacing the the Senate but lost a dozen in the House—further Republican party with a new party that could 15 shook Nixon’s confidence in Agnew. unite all conservatives. Nixon rejoiced at news that the vice president, feeling sorry for himself, The Number One Hawk had talked about resigning to accept a lucrative In 1971 the president devoted most of his at- offer in the private sector. Yet while Nixon ex- tention to foreign policy, planning his historic celled in daring, unexpected moves, he encoun- visit to China, a summit in Moscow, and contin- tered some major obstacles to implementing this ued peace talks with the North Vietnamese in scheme. John Connally was a Democrat, and his Paris. The vice president went abroad for a series selection might offend both parties in Congress, of good-will tours and ached for more involve- which under the Twenty-fifth Amendment had ment in foreign policy—an area that Nixon re- to ratify the appointment of a new vice president. served exclusively for himself and National Se- Even more problematic, John Connally did not curity Adviser . Nixon preferred want to be vice president. He considered it a that Agnew limit himself to attacking the media ‘‘useless’’ job and felt he could be more effective to ‘‘soften the press’’ for his foreign policy initia- as a cabinet member. Nixon responded that the tives. He decided to keep the vice president out relationship between the president and vice of all substantive policy decisions, since Agnew president depended entirely on the personalities seemed incapable of grasping the big picture. For of whoever held those positions, and he prom- his part, Agnew complained that he was ‘‘never ised Connally they would make it a more mean- allowed to come close enough’’ to Nixon to par- ingful job than ever in its history, even to the ticipate in any policy discussions. ‘‘Every time I point of being ‘‘an alternate President.’’ But went to see him and raised a subject for discus- Connally declined, never dreaming that the post sion,’’ the vice president later wrote, ‘‘he would have made him president when Nixon [ 485 ] SPIRO T. AGNEW was later forced to resign during the Watergate Committee headquarters. Although .18 did not influence the election, persistent stories Nixon concluded that he would not only have in the media and the launching of a Senate inves- to keep Agnew on the ticket but must publicly tigation spelled trouble for the president. Inno- demonstrate his confidence in the vice president. cent of any connection to Watergate, Agnew He recalled that Eisenhower had tried to drop spoke out in Nixon’s defense. him in 1956 and believed the move had only Then, on April 10, 1973, the vice president made Ike look bad. Nixon viewed Agnew as a called Haldeman to his office to report a problem general liability, but backing him could mute of his own. The U.S. attorney in Maryland, inves- criticism from ‘‘the extreme right.’’ Attorney tigating illegal campaign contributions and kick- General John Mitchell, who was to head the re- backs, had questioned Jerome Wolff, Agnew’s election campaign, argued that Agnew had be- former aide. Wolff had kept verbatim accounts come ‘‘almost a folk hero’’ in the South and of meetings during which Agnew discussed rais- warned that party workers might see his re- ing funds from those who had received state con- moval as a breach of loyalty. As it turned out, tracts. Agnew swore that ‘‘it wasn’t shakedown Nixon won reelection in 1972 by a margin wide stuff, it was merely going back to get support enough to make his vice-presidential candidate from those who had benefitted from the Admin- irrelevant.19 istration.’’ Since prosecutor George Beall was the Immediately after his reelection, however, brother of Maryland Republican Senator J. Glenn Nixon made it clear that Agnew should not be- Beall, Agnew wanted Haldeman to have Senator come his eventual successor. The president had Beall intercede with his brother—a request that no desire to slip into lame-duck status by allow- Haldeman wisely declined.21 ing Agnew to seize attention as the frontrunner President Nixon was not at all shocked to learn in the next election. ‘‘By any criteria he falls that his vice president had become enmeshed in short,’’ the president told Ehrlichman: a bribery scandal in Maryland. At first, Nixon took the matter lightly, remarking that taking ‘‘Energy? He doesn’t work hard; he likes to play campaign contributions from contractors was ‘‘a golf. Leadership?’’ Nixon laughed. ‘‘Consist- ency? He’s all over the place. He’s not really a common practice’’ in Maryland and other states. conservative, you know.’’ ‘‘Thank God I was never elected governor of California,’’ Nixon joked with Haldeman. But Nixon considered placing the vice president in events began to move quickly, and on April 30, charge of the American Revolution Bicentennial 1973, Nixon asked Haldeman and Ehrlichman to as a way of sidetracking him. But Agnew de- resign because of their role in the Watergate clined the post, arguing that the Bicentennial was coverup. Then, that summer, the Justice Depart- ‘‘a loser.’’ Because everyone would have a dif- ment reported that the allegations against ferent idea about how to celebrate the Bicenten- Agnew had grown more serious. Even as vice nial, its director would have to disappoint too president, Agnew had continued to take money many people. ‘‘A potential presidential can- for past favors, and he had received some of the didate,’’ Agnew insisted, ‘‘doesn’t want to make payments in his White House office.22 any enemies.’’ 20 Nixon had quipped that Agnew was his insur- Impeachment Insurance ance against impeachment, arguing that no one Unbeknownst to both Nixon and Agnew, time wanted to remove him if it meant elevating was running out for both men’s political careers. Agnew to the presidency. The joke took on re- Since the previous June, the White House had ality when Agnew asked House Speaker Carl Al- been preoccupied with containing the political bert to request that the House conduct a full in- repercussions of the Watergate burglary, in quiry into the charges against him. Agnew rea- which individuals connected with the presi- soned that a vice president could be impeached dent’s reelection committee had been arrested but not indicted. That line of reasoning, however, while breaking into the Democratic National also jeopardized the president. For over a cen- [ 486 ] SPIRO T. AGNEW tury since the failed impeachment of President speeches like the one in Los Angeles. He further Andrew Johnson, it had been commonly accept- advised that the Justice Department would pros- ed reasoning that impeachment was an imprac- ecute Agnew on the charge of failing to record tical and inappropriate congressional tool on his income tax returns the cash contributions against the presidency. Agnew’s impeachment he had received. Haig assured Agnew’s staff would set a precedent that could be turned that, if the vice president resigned and pleaded against Nixon. A brief from the solicitor general guilty on the tax charge, the government would argued that, while the president was immune settle the other charges against him and he from indictment, the vice president was not, would serve no jail sentence. But if Agnew con- since his conviction would not disrupt the work- tinued to fight, ‘‘it can and will get nasty and ings of the executive branch. Agnew, a proud dirty.’’ From this report, Agnew concluded that man filled with moral indignation, reacted to the president had abandoned him. The vice these arguments by digging in his heels and tak- president even feared for his life, reading into ing a stance that journalists described as ‘‘aggres- Haig’s message: ‘‘go quietly—or else.’’ General sively defensive.’’ He refused the initial sugges- Haig similarly found Agnew menacing enough tions from the White House that he resign volun- to alert Mrs. Haig that should he disappear she tarily, after which Agnew believed that high- ‘‘might want to look inside any recently poured level officials ‘‘launched a campaign to drive me concrete bridge pilings in Maryland.’’ 25 out by leaking anti-Agnew stories to the A Plea of Nolo Contendere media.’’ 23 Meanwhile, Agnew’s attorneys had entered ‘‘I Will Not Resign If Indicted!’’ into plea bargaining with the federal prosecu- By September, it was a more desperate, less tors. In return for pleading nolo contendere, or confident-looking man who informed Nixon that no contest, to the tax charge and paying $160,000 he would consider resignation if granted immu- in back taxes (with the help of a loan from Frank nity from prosecution. Nixon noted that ‘‘in a Sinatra), he would receive a suspended sentence sad and gentle voice he asked for my assurance and a $10,000 fine. On October 10, 1973, while that I would not turn my back on him if he were Spiro T. Agnew appeared in federal court in Bal- out of office.’’ Believing that for Agnew to resign timore, his letter of resignation was delivered to would be the most honorable course of action, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. Agnew was Nixon felt confident that, when the vice presi- only the second vice president to resign the office dent left for California shortly after their meet- (John C. Calhoun had been the first). Prior to re- ing, he was going away to think matters over and signing, Agnew paid a last visit to President to prepare his family for his resignation. But in Nixon, who assured him that what he was doing Los Angeles, fired up by an enthusiastic gather- was best for his family and his country. When ing of the National Federation of Republican he later recalled the president’s gaunt appear- Women, Agnew defiantly shouted, ‘‘I will not re- ance, Agnew wrote: ‘‘It was hard to believe he sign if indicted!’’ As Agnew later explained, he was not genuinely sorry about the course of had spent the previous evening at the home of events. Within two days, this consummate actor the singer , who had urged him to would be celebrating his appointment of a new fight back.24 Vice-President with never a thought of me.’’ 26 Nixon’s new chief of staff and ‘‘crisis man- Nixon still wanted to name John Connally as ager,’’ General Alexander M. Haig, Jr., was vice president, but Senate Majority Leader Mike haunted by the specter of a double impeachment Mansfield intimated that Congress would never of the president and vice president, which could confirm him. On October 12—even as pictures of turn the presidency over to congressional Demo- Agnew were being removed from federal offices crats. General Haig therefore took the initiative around the country—Nixon appointed House in forcing Agnew out of office. He instructed Republican Leader Gerald R. Ford as the first Agnew’s staff that the president wanted no more vice president to be selected under the Twenty- [ 487 ] SPIRO T. AGNEW fifth Amendment. Agnew was stunned by the vice-presidential team in history to resign from laughter and gaiety of the televised event that office.28 seemed ‘‘like the celebration of a great election Following his resignation, the vice president victory—not the aftermath of a stunning who had made himself a household word faded tragedy.’’ 27 quickly into obscurity. Agnew moved to Rancho The coda to the Agnew saga occurred the fol- Mirage, California, where he became an inter- lowing year, as Nixon’s presidency came to an national business consultant, tapping many of end. In June 1974, the besieged president dic- the contacts he had made with foreign govern- tated an entry in his diary in which he con- ments on travels abroad as vice president. He fronted the real possibility of impeachment. published his memoir, ominously entitled Go Nixon reviewed a series of decisions that now Quietly . . . or else, and a novel, The Canfield Deci- seemed to him mistakes, such as asking sion, whose protagonist was a wheeling and Haldeman and Ehrlichman to resign, appointing dealing American vice president ‘‘destroyed by Elliot Richardson attorney general, and not de- his own ambition.’’ For the rest of his life, Agnew stroying the secret tape recordings of his White remained largely aloof from the news media and House conversations. ‘‘The Agnew resignation cut off from Washington political circles. Feeling was necessary although a very serious blow,’’ ‘‘totally abandoned,’’ he refused to accept any telephone calls from former President Nixon. Nixon added, When Nixon died in 1994, however, Agnew because while some thought that his stepping chose to attend his funeral. ‘‘I decided after aside would take some of the pressure off the ef- twenty years of resentment to put it aside,’’ he fort to get the President, all it did was to open explained. The next year, Spiro Agnew’s bust the way to put pressure on the President to resign was at last installed with those of other vice as well. This is something we have to realize: that presidents in the halls of the U.S. Capitol. ‘‘I’m any accommodation with opponents in this kind not blind or deaf to the fact that there are those of a fight does not satisfy—it only brings on de- who feel this is a ceremony that should not take mands for more. place,’’ he acknowledged. Agnew died of leuke- On August 9, 1974, Richard Nixon joined Spiro mia on September 17, 1996, in his home state of Agnew in making theirs the first presidential and Maryland.29

[ 488 ] NOTES 1 John R. Coyne, Jr., The Impudent Snobs: Agnew vs. the In- 12 Ehrlichman, p. 146; James Calhoun, The Real Spiro tellectual Establishment (New Rochelle, NY, 1972), pp. 7–18, Agnew: Commonsense Quotations of a Household Word (Greta, 265–70. LA, 1970), p. 45. 2 Jim G. Lucas, Agnew: Profile in Conflict (New York, 1970), 13 Haldeman, pp. 118, 127–28. pp. 9–37. 14 Ibid., pp. 147, 150, 161–62, 169. 3 Ibid., pp. 37–62. 15 Ibid., pp. 179–80; Ehrlichman, p. 103; Rather and Gates, 4 Jules Witcover, White Knight: The Rise of Spiro Agnew pp. 300–302. (New York, 1972), pp. 4–10, 180–99; Robert W. Peterson, ed., 16 Haldeman, pp. 240–41; Agnew, p. 34. Agnew: The Coining of a Household Word (New York, 1972), 17 Nixon, p. 549; Haldeman, p. 247; Ehrlichman, pp. 154– pp. 1–25; and Gary Paul Gates, The Palace Guard 55; Agnew, p. 23. (New York, 1974), p. 295. 18 Haldeman, pp. 275, 296, 306–7, 317, 327; Witcover, pp. 5 Witcover, pp. 234–82; Lucas, pp. 19, 63–100; Richard 432–33; Agnew, pp. 38–40. Nixon, RN: The Memoirs of Richard Nixon (New York, 1978), 19 Nixon, pp. 674–75; Haldeman, pp. 356–57. 311–13. 20 Ehrlichman, p. 142; Haldeman, p. 534; Agnew, pp. 37– 6 Tom Wicker, One of Us: Richard Nixon and the American 38. Dream (New York, 1991), p. 344; Peterson, ed., p. 9; Nixon, 21 Haldeman, p. 629; Agnew, pp. 50–51, 57–58; Richard p. 340; Allen Drury, Courage and Hesitation (Garden City, M. Cohen and Jules Witcover, A Heartbeat Away: The Inves- NY, 1971), p. 98; Floyd M. Riddick: Senate Parliamentarian, tigation and Resignation of Vice President Spiro T. Agnew (New Oral History Interviews, 1978–1979 (U.S. Senate Historical York, 1974), pp. 3–16. Office, Washington, DC), p. 68. 22 Jonathan Aitken, Nixon: A Life (Washington, 1993), pp. 7 Drury, pp. 98–100; Witcover, p. 293. 356–57, 503–4; Nixon, p. 823; Ehrlichman, pp. 142–43; 8 H.R. Haldeman, The Haldeman Diaries; Inside the Nixon Agnew, pp. 98–99. White House (New York, 1994), p. 27; John Ehrlichman, Wit- 23 Agnew, pp. 100–103, 130–32; Cohen and Witcover, pp. ness to Power: The Nixon Years (New York, 1982), pp. 106, 149, 190–216. 111, 145–46; Spiro T. Agnew, Go Quietly. . . or else (New 24 Nixon, pp. 912–18; Agnew, p. 178. York, 1980), pp. 31–32. 25 Agnew, pp. 182–83, 186–90; Alexander M. Haig, Jr., 9 Haldeman, p. 53; Ehrlichman, pp. 144–45, 152. Inner Circles: How America Changed the World: A Memoir 10 Nixon, pp. 409–12; Haldeman, pp. 99, 106; Witcover, (New York, 1992), pp. 350–67. pp. 296–97, 449. 26 Agnew, pp. 192–99. 11 Coyne, pp. 253–70; Haldeman, p. 109; Rather and Gates, 27 Ibid., pp. 201–2, 220–21; Haig, pp. 367–70. p. 296. 28 Nixon, pp. 1002–5. 29 Washington Post, September 19, 1996.

[ 489 ]

Chapter 40 GERALD RUDOLPH FORD 1973–1974

[ 491 ] GERALD R. FORD (Addressing a joint session of Congress after his swearing in as vice president on December 6, 1973) Chapter 40 GERALD RUDOLPH FORD

40th Vice President: 1973–1974

Life plays some funny tricks on people. Here I have been trying . . . for 25 years to become Speaker of the House. Suddenly, I am a candidate for President of the Senate, where I could hardly ever vote, and where I will never get a chance to speak. —GERALD R. FORD

The assassination of President John F. Ken- Chairman Birch Bayh, an Indiana Democrat, nedy in November 1963 placed Lyndon Johnson and other subcommittee members listened re- in the White House and—for the sixteenth time spectfully to Nixon’s arguments but were in American history—left the vice-presidency unpersuaded. They considered the Electoral Col- unoccupied. Just months later, former Vice Presi- lege ‘‘too much of a historical curiosity,’’ too dent Richard M. Nixon, his political career seem- cumbersome, and too far removed from public ingly terminated by his loss to Kennedy in the awareness to make such an important decision. presidential election of 1960 and his subsequent Instead, the subcommittee reported an amend- defeat for governor of California in 1962, ap- ment that provided: peared before the Senate Judiciary Subcommittee Whenever there is a vacancy in the office of Vice on Constitutional Amendments to discuss means President, the President shall nominate a Vice of filling vice-presidential vacancies. The existing President who shall take the office upon con- order of succession that placed the Speaker of the firmation by a majority vote of both houses of House and president pro tempore of the Senate Congress. next in line to the presidency troubled Nixon. He The Twenty-fifth Amendment, which also in- pointed out that there were no guarantees that cluded provisions for the vice president to take either of these legislative officials would be ideo- charge during a president’s disability, was logically compatible with the president or even passed by Congress and ratified by the required of the same party. He similarly disliked propos- three-quarters of the states in 1967. als for the president to nominate a vice president Six years later the amendment was imple- subject to confirmation by Congress, since a Con- mented by none other than President Richard gress controlled by the opposition party might Nixon. Following Spiro Agnew’s resignation, unduly influence the president’s choice. Nixon Nixon nominated Gerald R. Ford as his new vice proposed that the Electoral College elect the new president. Confronting the scenario that he had vice president. Not only would this method described in his earlier testimony, Nixon could guarantee that the same electors who chose the not choose the candidate he preferred, John president would choose the vice president, but Connally. Because the Democratic majorities in having been elected by the people the electors both houses of Congress opposed Connally, the would give additional legitimacy to the new vice president was forced to settle for someone more 1 president. likely to win confirmation. For the Democrats,

[ 493 ] GERALD R. FORD there was also some irony involved. Less than A ‘‘B’’ student among Phi Beta Kappas, Ford a year later, when Nixon himself resigned, it was found the academic competition as tough as any- the former Republican leader of the House who thing he had experienced on a football field. His succeeded him. Had the Twenty-fifth Amend- classmates at Yale included , Potter ment not been adopted, the resignations—or im- Stewart, and . Yet Ford managed peachments—of Nixon and Agnew would have to rank in the top third of his class. ‘‘How that handed the presidency to the Speaker of the happened,’’ he later commented, ‘‘I can’t ex- House, a Democrat.2 plain.’’ He completed course work in 1941 and went back to Michigan to take the bar exam and An Uncomplicated Man start a law practice. After Pearl Harbor he en- The amendment’s first beneficiary, Gerald Ru- listed in the navy and spent the war in the Pa- dolph Ford, was an uncomplicated man who cific. Discharged in 1946, he returned to Grand traveled a complex path to become vice presi- Rapids, moved to a larger law firm, and joined dent. He was born Leslie Lynch King, Jr. in the American Legion and Veterans of Foreign Omaha, Nebraska, on July 14, 1913. His mother, Wars. In 1947 Ford began dating Elizabeth after having been physically abused by his fa- (Betty) Bloomer Warren, the fashion coordinator ther, obtained a divorce and moved to her par- for a local department store, who was in the ents’ home in Grand Rapids, Michigan. There process of obtaining a divorce. she met and married Gerald R. Ford, a paint Politics also attracted him. At Yale he had sup- salesman, who formally adopted her son and re- ported the Republican presidential candidate named him. The novelist John Updike has ob- in 1940 and had become in- served that Ford therefore became ‘‘the only volved in the isolationist group America First. President to preside with a name completely dif- Ford would remain a Republican, but Pearl Har- ferent from the one he was given at birth,’’ which bor and the Second World War converted him was just as well, since ‘President King’ ‘‘would to an internationalist foreign policy. He modeled have been an awkward oxymoron.’’ 3 himself after his state’s senior senator, Repub- After this uncertain start, Jerry Ford lived a lican Arthur Vandenberg, who had similarly re- normal Middle American childhood in what he versed his position on America’s role in world described as a ‘‘strait-laced, highly conservative affairs. In 1948, the thirty-four-year-old Ford de- town.’’ He attended public schools, excelled in cided to challenge the renomination of Repub- athletics, and worked lunch times grilling ham- lican Representative Barney Jonkman, an out- burgers. His mother was an active member of her spoken isolationist and critic of Senator Vanden- church, garden clubs, and various civic organiza- berg. Conventional wisdom pictured Jonkman as tions, and his stepfather was a Mason, Shriner, unbeatable, but when President Harry Truman and Elk. Jerry became an Eagle Scout. The family called the Eightieth Congress back into special fortunes alternated between prosperous and session that summer, Ford had the district to strapped, more often the latter; some football himself for campaigning, while the incumbent boosters arranged for Ford to receive scholar- was busy in Washington. He drew support from ships and part-time jobs to help him attend the internationalists in both parties—since Demo- University of Michigan, where he became a star crats knew they had no chance of electing a Dem- football player. The Green Bay Packers and De- ocrat in that district. In the primary, Ford beat troit Lions offered to sign him as a professional Jonkman 2 to 1. On October 15, 1948, shortly be- player, but Ford chose instead to attend the Yale fore the general election, Ford married Betty Law School. To support himself, he coached Warren. He had been campaigning just minutes Yale’s freshman football squad, two of whose before the ceremony, and the next day the newly members—William Proxmire and Robert Taft, married couple attended a political rally. ‘‘I was Jr.—would one day as senators vote for his con- very unprepared to be a political wife,’’ Betty firmation as vice president.4 Ford later observed, ‘‘but I didn’t worry because [ 494 ] GERALD R. FORD

I really didn’t think he was going to win.’’ She to become Speaker. Elected chairman of the Re- was wrong. Although Truman and the Demo- publican Conference in 1963, Ford was also mov- crats carried the election of 1948, Gerald Ford ing up in seniority on the powerful Appropria- won election to Congress with 61 percent of the tions Committee. In 1965, after his party suffered vote.5 a thirty-six-seat loss and had its ranks reduced Rising in the House Leadership to the lowest level since the Great Depression, When Ford entered the House of Representa- a group of dissatisfied Republicans known as tives in the Eighty-first Congress, an oldtimer on Young Turks promoted Ford as their candidate the Michigan delegation advised him that he to replace the incumbent Charles Halleck as mi- could either spend his time in committee, mas- nority leader. Ford attributed his narrow victory tering one area of legislation, or on the floor, over Halleck to the help of Representative Bob learning the rules, parliamentary procedure and Dole, who delivered the support of the Kansas debating tactics. Ford chose the latter. It was on delegation to him as a bloc.8 the House floor that he first met Richard Nixon, President Johnson, having worked closely with who had already achieved notoriety during the Halleck, deplored Ford’s elevation to the Repub- House Un-American Activities Committee’s in- lican leadership. Expecting Ford to be more par- vestigation of the Alger Hiss-Whittaker Cham- tisan than Halleck and less cooperative, Johnson bers controversy. Impressed with Nixon’s per- made wisecracks that the trouble with Ford was formance, Ford tried to be present whenever the that ‘‘he used to play football without a helmet’’ Californian spoke in the House. The two men and that he was ‘‘too stupid to walk and chew shared similar backgrounds and outlooks on for- gum at the same time.’’ Johnson also told report- eign and domestic politics and liked to talk about ers that Ford had violated national security by football and baseball. In 1951, Ford invited the leaking stories told to him in confidence. These newly elected Senator Nixon to speak at a Lin- charges were untrue, and reporters backed coln Day banquet in Grand Rapids.6 The next Ford’s denial, but the incident revealed the depth year, when Nixon delivered his famous ‘‘Check- of Johnson’s animosity toward the new Repub- ers’’ televised speech to save his vice-presi- lican leader. Ford’s friend and supporter, New dential candidacy, Ford wired him: York Representative , believed Over radio and newspapers I am in your corner that ‘‘Johnson thought Ford was stupid because 100 percent. Fight it to the finish as you did the he was predictable.’’ Goodell saw Ford as a solid smears by Communists when you were proving fellow who had no instinct for the kind of politi- charges against Alger Hiss. . . . I will personally cal manipulation upon which men like Johnson welcome you in Grand Rapids or any other part and Nixon thrived.9 of Michigan.7 In September 1965, at a time when Ford’s star As Nixon’s horizons expanded, Ford retained was on the rise and Richard Nixon’s had gone his seat in the House, slowly amassing seniority into political eclipse, the two men met for break- and respect. Ford had joined with Nixon and fast at the to discuss rebuilding other new members of the House to organize the their damaged party. Nixon, who still harbored Chowder and Marching Society, an informal presidential ambitions, pledged to campaign for caucus of Republican veterans of the Second House Republican candidates, admitting that he World War, which became his first stepping was motivated by ‘‘pragmatism more than altru- stone to leadership. In 1960, Ford’s name sur- ism.’’ Thereafter, Nixon maintained close ties faced as a possible vice-presidential candidate to with Ford, calling him sometimes from pay run with Nixon. In 1963, Lyndon Johnson ap- phones during his political journeys around the pointed him a member of the Warren Commis- country. ‘‘Many people in politics respected sion to investigate the assassination of John F. Richard Nixon’s abilities,’’ the journalist Richard Kennedy. But Ford focused his ambition prin- Reeves observed, ‘‘but Ford was one of the few cipally on the House, where he hoped someday who talked about liking Nixon.’’ 10 [ 495 ] GERALD R. FORD

Ford also spent much of the time between 1965 got on either side in either house.’’ Ford annoyed and 1968 traveling from state to state to speak conservative Republicans by his support for Nix- for Republican candidates and reinforce his po- on’s Family Assistance Plan and angered liberals litical base in the House. During his first six by his efforts to impeach Supreme Court Justice months as leader, Ford visited thirty-two states. William O. Douglas—an action widely inter- When reporters asked if he was running for preted as a response to the defeat of two of Nix- something, he replied: ‘‘I’m running for House on’s Supreme Court nominations.13 Speaker.’’ Given that the Republicans held only For all these efforts, Ford and his Republican 140 out of 435 House seats, this was an extrava- counterparts in the Senate ‘‘had trouble finding gant ambition, but in 1966 his efforts helped anyone on the White House staff dealing with House Republicans make a remarkable rebound policy who was interested in consulting with us with a gain of 47 seats. Ford’s long hours on Cap- on domestic legislative priorities.’’ Whenever the itol Hill and frequent absences from home for Republican congressional leadership met with political speaking engagements, however, took Nixon at the White House, the members received their toll on his family, especially on his wife promises that his aides would work with them, Betty, who turned to alcohol and pain-killers to ‘‘but they never did.’’ Ford attributed this unre- compensate for her loneliness. ‘‘I’d felt as though sponsiveness to the ‘‘us versus them’’ mentality I were doing everything for everyone else, and of Nixon’s staff. He also regretted Vice President I was not getting any attention at all,’’ she Agnew’s intemperate attacks on the news media, lamented.11 which Ford believed would only reopen old The Ultimate Nixon Loyalist wounds. Nevertheless, Ford felt confident that Nixon’s coattails in 1972 would carry a Repub- In 1968, a ‘‘new Nixon’’ won the Republican lican majority into the House and finally make presidential nomination, and Ford was again him Speaker. On election night, he was deeply mentioned as a vice-presidential candidate. Ford, disappointed with the results. ‘‘If we can’t get a the permanent chairman of the convention, had majority [in the House] against McGovern, with been an unequivocal Nixon supporter from the a Republican President winning virtually every beginning of the campaign. At a strategy session, state, when can we?’’ Ford complained to his Nixon turned to him and said, ‘‘I know that in wife. ‘‘Maybe it’s time for us to get out of politics the past, Jerry, you have thought about being and have another life.’’ He began to think seri- Vice President. Would you take it this year?’’ ously of retiring as House leader when Nixon’s Ford replied that, if the Republicans did as well second term was over in 1976.14 in 1968 as they had two years earlier, they might take the majority in the House, and he would The First Appointed Vice President prefer to become Speaker. He endorsed New Unforseen events during the next year com- York Mayor for vice president. But pletely changed Gerald Ford’s life. When stories in fact, Nixon had already decided on Maryland broke that Vice President Agnew had taken kick- Governor Spiro Agnew as his running mate— backs from Maryland contractors, the vice presi- even before asking Ford. Ford shook his head in dent visited Ford to swear to his innocence. Al- disbelief at that choice.12 though Ford professed not to doubt Agnew’s During Nixon’s first term, House Republican word, after that meeting he made certain that leader Gerald Ford was the ultimate Nixon loyal- someone else was always present whenever he ist in Congress. In May 1971, when the House saw the vice president. On October 10, 1973, voted to restore funds for the Supersonic Trans- Nixon called Ford to his hideaway office at the port (SST) project, but not enough votes could Executive Office Building and told him that there be found in the Senate, President Nixon rumi- was evidence that Agnew had received illegal nated to his aide, H.R. Haldeman, on the ‘‘lack payments in his office in of the of leadership’’ in Congress, ‘‘making the point White House and that the matter was going to that Gerry Ford really is the only leader we’ve court. Ford returned to the House chamber, [ 496 ] GERALD R. FORD where just minutes later the word was passed: ment, and that evening, Nixon announced the ‘‘Agnew has resigned.’’ The next day, Nixon met news publicly from the .17 with Ford and Senate Republican leader Hugh Ford’s nomination was subject to confirmation Scott at the White House to discuss filling the va- in both the Senate and House, where Democrats cancy under the Twenty-fifth Amendment and held commanding majorities. Because of the Wa- asked them to have their Republican colleagues tergate scandal, congressional Democrats were each send him their top three choices for the concerned that the individual they confirmed as office.15 vice president might well become president be- Nixon knew that Democrats felt apprehensive fore Nixon’s term was completed. Liberals ex- about confirming someone who might be a pressed displeasure with Ford’s conservative strong contender for the presidency in 1976 and voting record on social welfare and other domes- that they preferred ‘‘a caretaker Vice President tic issues and his undeviating loyalty to Presi- who would simply fill out Agnew’s unexpired dent Nixon’s foreign policies but did not believe term.’’ Nixon wanted to appoint his Treasury they could withhold confirmation merely be- Secretary, John Connally, but after meeting with cause of policy disagreements. A few liberals, led the Democratic congressional leadership he con- by New York Representative Bella Abzug, tried cluded that Connally would have a difficult time to block action on Ford’s nomination, anticipat- ing that Nixon’s eventual removal would make being confirmed. At Camp David, Nixon pre- House Speaker Albert president. Albert, how- pared an announcement speech with four ever, pushed for Ford’s speedy confirmation. endings, one each for Nelson Rockefeller, Ronald Then, on October 20, Nixon fired Special Pros- Reagan, Connally, and Ford. Looking through ecutor in defiance of his attempts the names that Republican party leaders had to subpoena the White House tape recordings, an suggested, he found that Rockefeller and Reagan event the press dubbed the ‘‘Saturday Night had tied, Connally was third, and Ford last. Massacre.’’ Both Democrats and Republicans However, among members of Congress, includ- now felt it legitimate to ask what position Ford ing such Democrats as Senate Majority Leader would take as president on such questions as ex- Mike Mansfield and House Speaker , ecutive privilege and the independent jurisdic- Ford’s name came in first and, as Nixon noted, tions of the legislative and judicial branches. ‘‘they were the ones who would have to approve Congress appeared to hold Ford’s nomination the man I nominated.’’ As Speaker Albert later hostage until Nixon complied with the subpoe- 16 asserted, ‘‘We gave Nixon no choice but Ford.’’ nas of his tapes.18 The Watergate scandal had so preoccupied White House chief of staff and weakened Nixon that he could not win a worried that, if Nixon were impeached before fight over Connally. Choosing either Rockefeller Ford became vice president, Democrats might or Reagan would likely split the Republican delay his confirmation in order to make Speaker party. That left Ford. Nixon reasoned that, not Albert president. Haig therefore helped break only were Ford’s views on foreign and domestic the logjam by pressing Nixon to move on the ap- policy practically identical with his, but that the pointment of a new special prosecutor and a new House leader would be the easiest to confirm. He attorney general (since Elliot Richardson had re- had also received assurances that Ford ‘‘had no signed rather than fire Cox), as well as to guaran- ambitions to hold office after January 1977,’’ tee some compliance on the matter of the tapes. which would clear the path for Connally to seek On November 27 the Senate voted 92 to 3 to con- the Republican presidential nomination. On the firm Ford, and on December 6, the House agreed, morning of October 12, 1973, Nixon called Ford 387 to 35 (with Ford voting ‘‘present’’). President to a private meeting. While he intended to nomi- Nixon wanted Ford to take the oath of office in nate Ford for vice president, Nixon explained, he the East Room of the White House, but Ford planned to campaign for Connally for president thought it more appropriate to hold the cere- in 1976. Ford raised no objections to that arrange- mony in the Capitol, where he had served for a [ 497 ] GERALD R. FORD quarter of a century. Nixon had little desire to Nicholas von Hoffman, as just ‘‘Agnew without appear in a House chamber where impeachment alliteration,’’ the public generally accepted the motions were being filed against him, and where new vice president as trustworthy, forthright he might be booed, but at last he relented. Ad- and unpretentious if not particularly brilliant. dressing his enthusiastic former colleagues, the Ford spent most of his eight months as vice new vice president modestly identified himself president on the road rather than in the Senate as ‘‘a Ford, not a Lincoln.’’ General Haig com- chamber, delivering an almost continuous plained about the atmosphere in the House stream of speeches, holding fifty-two press con- chamber: ‘‘Ford was treated throughout the cere- ferences, and giving eighty-five formal inter- mony and afterwards as a President-in-waiting, views, in an effort to demonstrate a new open- especially by Republicans, and there can be little ness in government.21 question that Richard Nixon’s presidency was Vice President Ford balanced precariously be- over, in their minds, from the moment his suc- tween supporting the president and maintaining cessor took the oath.’’ 19 some distance from the Watergate scandal. ‘‘I am A Catalyst to Bind the National Wounds my own man,’’ he proclaimed. The Nixon White House thought differently. Ford’s top aide, Rob- Although warmly cheered in Congress, the ert Hartmann, a crusty former newspaper cor- new vice president received only a lukewarm re- respondent, was summoned by General Haig’s ception in the press. Many journalists did not be- staff secretary to receive a lengthy list of prior- lieve Ford measured up to the job. The New York ities for the new vice president. Included were Times dismissed him as a ‘‘routine partisan of congressional relations, speaking engagements narrow views,’’ and the Washington Post re- outside of Washington, serving as the adminis- garded him as ‘‘the very model of a second-level tration’s point man during the 1974 campaign, party man.’’ The columnist David Broder and being available for foreign travel. If Ford thought that Nixon did not want ‘‘a partner in needed assistance in speech writing, scheduling, policy-making or an apprentice President.’’ The and advance personnel, the White House would harshest criticism came from the conservative provide it. Hartmann concluded that Nixon’s Wall Street Journal, which pronounced, ‘‘The staff ‘‘intended to integrate [Ford’s] supporting nomination of Mr. Ford caters to all the worst staff so completely with the White House that it instincts on Capitol Hill—the clubbiness that would be impossible for him to assert even the made him the choice of Congress, the partisan- little independence Agnew had managed.’’ At ship that threatened a bruising fight if a promi- the meeting’s end, the staff secretary shook Hart- nent Republican presidential contender were mann’s hand and declared, ‘‘What we want to named, the small-mindedness that thinks in do is to make the Vice President as much as pos- terms of those who should be rewarded rather sible a part of the White House staff.’’ 22 than who could best fill the job.’’ 20 During the confirmation process, Republican The Smoking Gun and the President’s Resignation Senator of Oregon asked Ford Although Ford steadfastly defended Nixon whether his role might be that of ‘‘a catalyst to throughout the Watergate crisis, he could never bind up some of these deep-seated wounds, po- understand why the president did not simply re- litical and otherwise?’’ Ford replied that he ex- lease the tapes to clear his name and end the con- pected to make speeches around the country. ‘‘I troversy, if he was as innocent as he professed. would maximize my efforts not to do it in an ab- The longer Nixon stonewalled, the more pres- rasive way,’’ he promised, ‘‘but rather to calm sure mounted from members of his own party the waters.’’ Ford carried out that promise so on Capitol Hill for the president to resign before well that President Nixon discovered he had a the midterm elections of 1974. Where Nixon and new political weapon: an honest, believable, and Ford had once hoped to achieve Republican ma- congenial vice president. Although some skep- jorities in Congress, they now faced the prospect tics regarded Ford, in the words of the columnist of massive losses of seats. In the first few months [ 498 ] GERALD R. FORD of 1974, Republicans lost four of five special elec- given any consideration in whatever decision the tions—including Ford’s old Grand Rapids dis- President may wish to make.’’ Haig concluded trict. In May 1974, when Nixon released the first, that Ford was trying to protect himself from po- highly edited transcripts of his secret tapes, pub- tential charges that he had made a deal to get lic opinion turned even further against him. Sen- the presidency. Haig insisted that Nixon had ate Republican leader called the lan- never known of the list of options, and that his guage and contents of the transcripts ‘‘deplor- own actions had not been Machiavellian.24 able, shabby, disgusting, and immoral.’’ Ford On August 8, Nixon called Ford to the Oval also admitted that the tapes ‘‘don’t exactly confer Office and told him that he was resigning. sainthood on anyone.’’ The vice president at- ‘‘Jerry,’’ he added, ‘‘I know you’ll do a good tended a Senate Republican Policy Committee job.’’ He recommended that Ford keep Henry luncheon where Arizona Senator Barry Gold- Kissinger as secretary of state, because if Kissin- water rose and said: ‘‘I’m not yelling at you, Mr. ger were to leave along with Nixon ‘‘our foreign Vice President, but I’m just getting something off policy would soon be in disarray.’’ He also urged my chest. The president ought to resign. It’s not him to retain Haig as chief of staff during the in the best interest of everybody to have to face transition, to handle the inevitable ‘‘scramble for an impeachment trial.’’ Ford immediately ex- power’’ within the staff and cabinet. Ford accept- cused himself and left.23 ed both recommendations. Nixon noted that he The release of the additional tapes finally pro- would be gone by noon the next day so that Ford duced the ‘‘smoking gun’’ that demonstrated be- could take the oath of office at the White House yond question that Nixon—despite his protesta- as Truman had done. A tearful Nixon closed the tions to the contrary—had personally directed conversation by thanking Ford for his long loyal 25 the cover-up of the Watergate scandal. By the be- support. ginning of August, Nixon realized that he would The First Nonelected President have to resign to avoid impeachment, and he in- The next morning, Nixon departed from the structed General Haig to tell Ford to be prepared White House lawn by helicopter while Gerald to take over the presidency within a matter of Ford waved goodbye. The first nonelected vice days. Nixon noted that, while Ford was not expe- president was then sworn in as president of the rienced in foreign affairs, ‘‘he’s a good and de- United States. In his inaugural address, Ford cent man, and the country needs that now.’’ Gen- proclaimed that ‘‘our long national nightmare is eral Haig went to Ford’s office, but finding over.’’ The nation agreed, and Ford entered of- Ford’s aide Robert Hartmann there, Haig hesi- fice on the crest of favorable public opinion. tated to give Ford a list of options prepared by Within a month, however, the good will dis- the president’s legal counsels that included the sipated when Ford pardoned Richard Nixon. Al- power of the incoming president to pardon his though deeply dismayed when the tapes showed predecessor (the legal counsels had gone so far that Nixon had lied to him, Ford felt personally as to draft a pardon in Ford’s name, dated Au- concerned about Nixon’s mental and physical gust 6, 1974). After the first meeting concluded, health and politically concerned about the na- Haig called Ford at his Capitol office to set up tional impact of a trial of a former president. He another meeting—alone—where he could be decided that Nixon’s resignation and the sen- more candid. Ford seemed receptive, but the tence of having to live with the humiliation was next time they talked, Haig observed that Ford’s as severe a punishment as a jail term. ‘‘You can’t voice had grown more formal and that he called pull a bandage off slowly,’’ he concluded, ‘‘and him ‘‘General’’ rather than ‘‘Al.’’ ‘‘I want you to I was convinced that the sooner I issued the par- understand,’’ Ford said, ‘‘that I have no intention don the better it would be for the country.’’ 26 of recommending what the President should do Although Ford pardoned Nixon, he declined about resigning or not resigning, and nothing we to pardon Nixon’s coconspirators, many of talked about yesterday afternoon should be whom served jail terms for obstruction of justice; [ 499 ] GERALD R. FORD he also declined advice to issue a general am- imagined him thinking: ‘‘Now that I am presi- nesty for Vietnam-era draft evaders. The Nixon dent, I can finally be Speaker of the House, too. pardon proved more unpopular than Ford ex- I am going to make up for all those years by driv- pected and forced him to spend the rest of his ing those Democrats out of their seats, and out presidency explaining and justifying the action of their minds, if I can.’’ She concluded that he to a suspicious public. Adverse reaction to the almost did.27 pardon precipitated a Democratic landslide in Ford sought reelection to the presidency in the congressional elections of 1974, with House 1976 but was challenged in the primaries by Democrats gaining forty-eight seats. former California governor Ronald Reagan. A man of Congress, who had wanted to restore Once having secured the nomination, Ford chose a sense of cooperation and conciliation between as his running mate Senator Robert J. Dole of the executive and legislative branches, President Kansas. In the first presidential race under the Ford confronted a hostile legislature that turned new Federal Election Campaign Act that pro- his presidency into a clash of vetoes and veto vided partial public funding to presidential can- overrides. During his term, Congress further didates, Ford and Dole faced former Georgia trimmed the powers of the ‘‘imperial presi- governor and Minnesota Senator dency’’ and challenged executive authority in Walter F. Mondale. The candidates engaged in foreign and domestic affairs. Ford fought back, the first televised presidential campaign debates becoming an outspoken critic of Congress. The since 1960. Although Ford stressed his many veteran Washington correspondent Sarah years of government experience, Carter, the out- McClendon interpreted Ford’s aggressiveness as sider, won a narrow victory, denying Ford elec- his response to all those frustrating years of serv- tion to a full term in the office he had held for ing in the House without becoming Speaker. She two years.

[ 500 ] NOTES 1 U.S., Congress, Senate, Judiciary Committee, Sub- 13 H.R. Haldeman, The Haldeman Diaries: Inside the Nixon committee on Constitutional Amendments, Presidential In- White House (New York, 1994), pp. 286, 288; Mollenhoff, p. ability and Vacancies in the Office of Vice President (Washing- 14; Nixon, pp. 427, 438. ton, 1964), pp. 234–50. 14 Ford, pp. 89–90; Cannon, p. xv. 2 U.S., Congress, Senate, Committee on Rules and Admin- 15 Robert T. Hartmann, Palace Politics: An Inside Account istration, Nomination of Gerald R. Ford of Michigan to be Vice of the Ford Years (New York, 1980), pp. 14–17. President of the United States (Washington, 1973), pp. 4, 144– 16 Nixon, p. 925; Cannon, p. 205. 64. 17 Nixon and Ford tell different versions of the event in 3 John Updike, Memories of the Ford Administration: A Novel their memoirs: Nixon, pp. 926–27; and Ford, pp. 104–6; see (New York, 1992), p. 354. also Cannon, pp. 210–11. 4 Gerald R. Ford, A Time to Heal: The Autobiography of Ger- 18 Committee on Rules and Administration, Nomination of ald R. Ford (New York, 1979), pp. 42–56; James Cannon, Time Gerald R. Ford, p. 5. and Chance: Gerald Ford’s Appointment with History (New 19 Alexander M. Haig, Jr., Inner Circles: How America York, 1994), pp. 1–38. Changed the World: A Memoir (New York, 1992), pp. 427, 439– 5 Ford, pp. 57–68; Cannon, pp. 32–52. 41; Hartmann, p. 87. 6 Ford, pp. 68–70; Cannon, pp. 54–55. 20 Mark J. Rozell, The Press and the Ford Presidency (Ann 7 Richard Nixon, RN: The Memoirs of Richard Nixon (New Arbor, MI, 1992), pp. 15–16. York, 1978), pp. 101–2. 21 Ibid., p. 19; Ford, p. 127; Cannon, p. 273. 8 Ford, pp. 72–78; Cannon, pp. 53–55; Nixon, pp. 215–16. 22 Stanley I. Kutler, The Wars of Watergate: The Last Crisis 9 Ford, pp. 78–79; Samuel Shaffer, On and Off the Floor: of Richard Nixon (New York, 1990), p. 420; Hartmann, p. 82. Thirty years as a Correspondent on Capitol Hill (New York, 23 Nixon, pp. 988–89, 996–97, 1001; Shaffer, p. 293. 1980), pp. 264–65; Richard Reeves, A Ford, Not a Lincoln 24 Nixon, pp. 1057–58; Haig, pp. 481–86; Kutler, p. 555; (New York, 1975), p. 26. Ford, pp. 4–6. 10 Cannon, pp. 89–90; Reeves, p. 115. 25 Nixon, pp. 1078–79. 11 Clark R. Mollenhoff, The Man Who Pardoned Nixon (New 26 Ford, pp. 157–82; Hartmann, p. 255. York, 1976), p. 13; Jerald F. terHorst, Gerald Ford and the Fu- 27 Haig, pp. 512–15; Cannon, pp. 359–91, 414–15; Sarah ture of the Presidency (New York, 1974), p. 97; Cannon, p. McClendon, My Eight Presidents (New York, 1978), pp. 186– 88. 87. 12 Ford, pp. 85–86; Cannon, p. 95.

[ 501 ]

Chapter 41 NELSON ALDRICH ROCKEFELLER 1974–1977

[ 503 ] NELSON A. ROCKEFELLER Chapter 41 NELSON ALDRICH ROCKEFELLER

41st Vice President: 1974–1977

I’ve known all the Vice Presidents since Henry Wallace. They were all frustrated, and some were pretty bitter. —NELSON ROCKEFELLER

Television cameras that had been installed in wealthiest man, the founder of Standard Oil. Al- the Senate chamber to cover the expected im- though they combined political power and cor- peachment trial of President Richard M. Nixon porate wealth, the reputations of Nelson Aldrich were used instead to broadcast the swearing-in and John D. Rockefeller, Sr. were less than stel- of Nelson A. Rockefeller as vice president on De- lar. In a series of articles for Cosmopolitan maga- cember 19, 1974. A year earlier, Gerald Ford had zine during 1906, muckraking journalist David chosen to take his oath as vice president in the Graham Phillips portrayed Aldrich as a corrupt House chamber, where he had served as Repub- boss who contributed to the ‘‘Treason of the Sen- lican floor leader. Rockefeller might have opted ate.’’ Similarly, writer Ida Tarbell exposed the for a White House ceremony but decided to take senior Rockefeller as a ruthless robber baron, and the oath in the chamber where he would preside President Theodore Roosevelt included him as president of the Senate. With President Gerald among the ‘‘malefactors of great wealth.’’ At the Ford attending and Chief Justice Warren Burger time of Nelson Rockefeller’s birth, on July 8, administering the oath, Rockefeller became the 1908, both of his grandfathers were afflicted by nation’s second appointed vice president. After negative publicity. Senator Aldrich withdrew the brief ceremony, the cameras were switched from politics in 1911, while John D. Rockefeller, off. Not until 1986 would Senate proceedings be Sr., hired one of the first public relations special- 1 televised on a regular basis. ists to reshape his public image into that of a A Family of Wealth and Power kindly old gentleman handing shiny dimes to Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller came to the vice- children.2 presidency boasting a remarkable pedigree. His Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller inherited both a maternal grandfather, Rhode Island Senator Nel- vast family fortune and a family image that he son Aldrich, had been the Senate’s most power- had to live down in order to achieve his political ful member at the turn of the century. Aldrich ambitions—because even as a little boy he want- chaired the Senate Finance Committee and ed to be president of the United States. ‘‘After played the key role in passage of tariffs that in- all,’’ he reasoned, ‘‘when you think of what I fluenced every industry and agricultural prod- had, what else was there to aspire to?’’ The third uct. In 1901, Aldrich’s daughter Abby married of five brothers, Nelson was the energetic, out- John D. Rockefeller, Jr., son of the nation’s going leader within his own family. He and his [ 505 ] NELSON A. ROCKEFELLER brothers grew up in the family home on West UN’s framework. Although President Roosevelt 54th Street in New York, which was so filled with tried to lure Rockefeller into the Democratic art that his parents bought the town house next party, he remained loyal to his family’s Repub- door just to house their collection. Eventually the lican ties. When Roosevelt died, his successor Rockefellers gave the property to the Museum of showed less appreciation for Rockefeller’s tal- Modern Art. Nelson attended the progressive ents. In August 1945 the failed haberdasher Lincoln School of Teachers College at Columbia Harry Truman fired the multimillionaire Rocke- University, but dyslexia hindered his schooling feller, in order to settle a dispute within the State and prevented him from attending Princeton. Department.5 With the help of tutors he graduated Phi Beta Reputation as a Spender Kappa from Dartmouth in 1930. Shortly there- after, he married Mary Todhunter Clark, known Rockefeller returned to government during as Tod, whose calm reserve seemed to balance Dwight Eisenhower’s administration, where he his boundless enthusiasms. After a round-the- chaired a committee on government organiza- world honeymoon, they settled in New York and tion, became under secretary of the new Depart- Nelson went to work for the family business.3 ment of Health, Education and Welfare, served Nelson Rockefeller proved so successful in as special assistant to the president for cold war renting out space in the newly constructed strategy, and headed the secret ‘‘Forty Commit- Rockefeller Center that his father made him tee,’’ a group of high government officials who president of the Center. He earned negative pub- were charged with overseeing the CIA’s clandes- licity after he ordered the removal from Rocke- tine operations. He was slated for a high-level feller Center of murals painted by the noted post in the Department of Defense until fiscally Mexican artist Diego Rivera, which contained a conservative Secretary of the Treasury George heroic Lenin and a villainous-looking J.P. Mor- Humphrey vetoed Rockefeller as a ‘‘spender.’’ 6 gan. Otherwise, Rockefeller won high praise for Rockefeller returned to New York determined his executive abilities. He became a director of to establish his own political career. In 1958 he the Creole Petroleum Company, a Rockefeller challenged the popular and prestigious governor subsidiary in Venezuela. He learned Spanish and Averell Harriman, in what the press dubbed the began a lifelong interest in Latin-American af- ‘‘battle of the millionaires.’’ Rockefeller cam- fairs. Art was another of his passions, and during paigned as a man of the people, appearing in the depression he served as treasurer of the Mu- shirtsleeves and eating his way through the eth- seum of Modern Art. In 1939 he became the mu- nic foods of New York neighborhoods. His vic- seum’s president, encountering such intense in- tory in a year when Republicans lost badly else- fighting that he boasted, ‘‘I learned my politics where made him an overnight contender for the at the Museum of Modern Art.’’ 4 Republican presidential nomination in 1960. Re- In 1940, President Franklin Roosevelt ap- publicans who distrusted Vice President Richard pointed the thirty-two-year-old Rockefeller to Nixon rallied to Rockefeller, and Democrats like the new post of coordinator of the Office of Inter- Senator John F. Kennedy considered him the American Affairs. It was a shrewd move on Roo- most formidable candidate that the Republicans sevelt’s part, designed to mute the Rockefeller might nominate. Because Rockefeller’s advisers family’s support of Wendell Willkie for presi- were reluctant to have him enter the party pri- dent that year. Although his brothers served in maries, however, he was never able to dem- uniform, Nelson held civilian posts throughout onstrate his popular appeal or overcome Nixon’s World War II, becoming assistant secretary of lead among party loyalists. Instead, Rockefeller state for American republics affairs in 1944. He used his clout to summon Nixon to his Fifth Ave- played a key role in hemispheric policy at the nue apartment and dictate terms for a more lib- United Nations Conference held in San Fran- eral party platform. Arizona Senator Barry Gold- cisco, developing consensus for regional pacts water denounced this event as ‘‘the Munich of (such as the Rio Pact and NATO) within the the Republican Party,’’ the beginning of a long [ 506 ] NELSON A. ROCKEFELLER estrangement between Rockefeller and the Re- campaigning with similar gusto, shaking hands publican right.7 and giving his famous : ‘‘Hiya, fella!’’ He Nixon’s defeat in 1960 made Rockefeller the laced his speeches with superlatives and plati- frontrunner for the Republican nomination in tudes and so often repeated the phrase, ‘‘the 1964. But between the two elections he stunned brotherhood of man under the fatherhood of the nation by divorcing his wife of thirty-two God,’’ that reporters shortened it to create the ac- years and marrying a younger woman, ronym BOMFOG. Although he campaigned as a Margaretta Fitler Murphy, better known as man of the people, he lived in a different world. ‘‘Happy.’’ She was the recently divorced wife of When aides proposed a plan for the state to take an executive in the Rockefeller Medical Institute. over state employee contributions to Social Secu- The birth of their son, Nelson, Jr., on the eve of rity, in order to increase their take-home pay, the Republican primary in California reminded Rockefeller asked, ‘‘What is take-home pay?’’ 10 voters of the remarriage and contributed to A staunch anticommunist, Rockefeller never Rockefeller’s loss to Goldwater. At the party’s opposed the war in Vietnam, explaining that he convention in San Francisco, Goldwater’s dele- did not want to offend President Lyndon John- gates loudly booed Rockefeller when he tried to son and risk cuts in federal aid to New York. In speak. To them, he embodied the hated ‘‘Eastern 1968 Johnson tried to convince Rockefeller to run liberal establishment.’’ Rockefeller sat out the for president. ‘‘He told me he could not sleep at election, an act that further branded him as a night if Nixon was president, and he wasn’t all spoiler.8 that sure about Hubert [Humphrey] either,’’ Rockefeller later revealed. The governor re- An Impressive Record as Governor sponded that he had promised his wife not to Unsuccessful in his presidential bids, Rocke- run again, but Johnson insisted, ‘‘Let me talk to feller achieved a more impressive record as gov- Happy,’’ and took her off in the White House to ernor. He was a master builder, overseeing high- apply some of his famed personal persuasion. way construction, the expansion of the state uni- ‘‘They came back a half hour later,’’ Rockefeller versity system, and the erection of a vast new recalled, ‘‘and Lyndon said, ‘I’ve talked her into complex of state office buildings in Albany. Al- letting you run.’’’ Rockefeller announced his can- though New Yorkers joked about their gov- didacy, but Nixon’s powerful campaign appara- ernor’s ‘‘edifice complex,’’ they elected him to tus rolled over him. When Humphrey became four terms. To pay for his many projects without the Democratic nominee, he invited Rockefeller raising taxes excessively, Rockefeller consulted to run as his vice president. ‘‘I turned him the prominent municipal bond specialist John down,’’ Rockefeller said. ‘‘Franklin Roosevelt Mitchell (later attorney general under Richard wanted me to be a Democrat (back in the 1940s). Nixon) who advised the creation of quasi-inde- It was too late.’’ 11 pendent agencies that could issue bonds. The Despite an inability to hide his personal dis- State University Construction Fund would repay dain for Richard Nixon, Rockefeller campaigned its bonds through tuition and fees, while other for Nixon in both 1968 and 1972. He admired agencies would build roads, public housing, and Nixon’s tough stands in Vietnam and Cam- hospitals. As a result, control of a large part of bodia—shaped by National Security Adviser the budget and of state operations shifted from Henry Kissinger, who originally had served as the legislature to the governor. It was later re- Rockefeller’s foreign policy adviser. Nixon ap- vealed during Rockefeller’s vice-presidential pointed Rockefeller to serve on the Foreign Intel- confirmation hearings that he had also made per- ligence Advisory Board to oversee CIA activities. sonal financial contributions to the chairmen of Meanwhile, Rockefeller’s own politics were these independent agencies, thereby reinforcing shifting toward the right, partly to make peace their loyalty to the governor.9 with conservative Republicans who had vilified In perpetual motion, Governor Rockefeller him, and partly in response to the so-called ‘‘con- tackled one project after another. He waded into servative backlash’’ of the late 1960s. Rocke- [ 507 ] NELSON A. ROCKEFELLER feller’s tough ‘‘law and order’’ stand during the ticket’s electoral appeal if they ran in 1976. Also, Attica prison riots in 1971 further diminished his by selecting as strong a man as Rockefeller, Ford liberal image. The governor refused demands of would demonstrate his own self-confidence as rioting prisoners at the state penitentiary that he president.14 negotiate with them in person and instead sent Robert Hartmann, one of Ford’s closest aides, in state troops, resulting in the deaths of many asked Rockefeller why he had accepted the vice- inmates and their captives. At the Republican presidency now after turning it down before. ‘‘It convention in 1972, Rockefeller nominated was entirely a question of there being a Constitu- Nixon. After the election, as Nixon sank into the tional crisis and a crisis of confidence on the part Watergate scandal, Rockefeller steadfastly re- of the American people,’’ Rockefeller replied. ‘‘I sisted attacking him while he was down.12 felt there was a duty incumbent on any Amer- Broadening the Ticket’s Electoral Appeal ican who could do anything that would contrib- ute to a restoration of confidence in the demo- When Vice President Spiro Agnew resigned in cratic process and in the integrity of govern- October 1973, Rockefeller let it be known that he ment.’’ Rockefeller also reasoned that, while would not turn down a vice-presidential nomi- Ford as a former member of Congress under- nation, as he had done in 1960 and 1968. But stood the ‘‘Congressional-legislative side’’ of the Nixon, believing that choosing Rockefeller issues, he as governor had mastered the ‘‘Execu- would offend Republican conservatives, instead tive-administrative side,’’ and that together they selected the more centrist Gerald Ford. Happy could make an effective team. Although fully Rockefeller said she never expected Nixon to aware of the limitations of his office, and rec- pick her husband because ‘‘weakness never ognizing that he was ‘‘just not built for standby turns to strength.’’ That December, Rockefeller equipment,’’ Rockefeller had accepted because resigned after fourteen years as governor, to give Ford promised to make him a ‘‘partner’’ in his his long-serving lieutenant governor, Malcolm presidency.15 Wilson, a chance to run for the office as the in- cumbent. Rockefeller then devoted his attention Number One Achievement to the newly created Commission on Critical The media applauded the selection. After be- Choices for America, which many expected he rating Nixon for picking Ford, reporters praised would use as a vehicle to run for the presidency Ford’s appointment of ‘‘a man of national stat- in 1976.13 ure.’’ The New York Times called it a ‘‘masterly Rockefeller was firmly convinced that Nixon political act,’’ and Newsweek congratulated Ford would never resign, but events proved him for adding a ‘‘dollop of high style’’ to his ‘‘home- wrong. In August 1974, when Gerald Ford as- spun Presidency.’’ Time observed that President sumed the presidency and prepared to appoint Ford felt secure enough to name a dynamic per- his own vice president, Rockefeller and George sonality as vice president. Ford basked in his ac- Bush headed his list of candidates. Bush, a complishment. In November, when reporters former Texas congressman and chairman of the asked him what he considered the top achieve- Republican National Committee, was the safer, ments of his first hundred days as president, more comfortable choice. But Ford believed in a Ford replied: ‘‘Number one, nominating Nelson balanced ticket (in 1968 Ford had urged Nixon Rockefeller.’’ 16 to select New York City’s liberal Republican Yet nomination was only half the process, for mayor John Lindsay as his running mate). the Twenty-fifth Amendment to the Constitution Weighing the assets and deficits, Ford acknowl- required confirmation by both houses of Con- edged that Rockefeller was still anathema to gress. Democrats and some conservative Repub- many conservatives. Still, the new president be- licans relished the prospect of opening the books lieved that the New Yorker was well qualified on the private finances of one of the nation’s to be president, would add executive expertise wealthiest families. Even President Ford ex- to the administration, and would broaden the pressed fascination with the details as they [ 508 ] NELSON A. ROCKEFELLER emerged. ‘‘Can you imagine,’’ he said privately, later resulted in the bed being loaned to a mu- ‘‘Nelson lost $30 million in one year and it didn’t seum. Years after, when vis- make any difference.’’ After the shocks of Water- ited George and at the vice-presi- gate and the that Agnew had taken dential mansion, she offered to return the bed to kickbacks, it was reassuring to have a vice presi- the mansion. Barbara Bush insisted that Mrs. dent too rich to be bought. But the confirmation Rockefeller was always welcome to spend the hearings revealed that Rockefeller had been night and did not need to bring her own bed.19 making personal contributions to government officials, including Henry Kissinger and the ad- Less Than a Full Partner ministrators of New York’s supposedly inde- Gerald Ford told the nation that he wanted his pendent commissions. Since state law had pro- vice president to be ‘‘a full partner,’’ especially hibited making large financial gifts to state ap- in domestic policy. ‘‘Nelson, I think, has a par- pointees, Rockefeller had given the money as ticular and maybe peculiar capability of bal- 17 ‘‘loans’’ that he never expected to be repaid. ancing the pros and cons in many social pro- Rockefeller’s confirmation hearings dragged grams, and I think he has a reputation and the on for months, and House and Senate leaders leadership capability,’’ Ford explained. ‘‘I want talked of delaying his confirmation until the new him to be very active in the Domestic Council, Congress convened in January. ‘‘You just can’t even to the extent of being chairman of the Do- do that to the country,’’ President Ford com- mestic Council.’’ But during the months while plained to House Speaker Carl Albert and Senate Rockefeller’s nomination stalled in Congress, Majority Leader Mike Mansfield. ‘‘You can’t do Ford’s new White House staff established its con- it to Nelson Rockefeller, and you can’t do it to trol of the executive branch and had no intention me. It’s in the national interest that you confirm of sharing power with the vice president and his Rockefeller, and I’m asking you to move as soon staff. One Rockefeller aide lamented that the as possible.’’ The Senate finally acted on Decem- ber 10, and the House on December 19. That ‘‘first four month shakedown was critical and he evening, Rockefeller took the oath in the Senate wasn’t involved. That was when the relationship chamber.18 evolved and we were on Capitol Hill fighting for 20 The secretary of the Senate found it amusing confirmation.’’ to give Rockefeller the standard orientation, Rockefeller envisioned taking charge of do- signing him up for health insurance and other mestic policies the same way that Henry Kissin- benefits he did not need. Ironically, Rockefeller ger ran foreign policy in the Ford administration. was also the first vice president eligible to oc- Gerald Ford seemed to acquiesce, but chief of cupy the new vice-presidential mansion—for- staff Donald Rumsfeld objected to the vice presi- merly the residence of the chief of Naval Oper- dent preempting the president. When Rocke- ations—on Massachusetts Avenue. ‘‘Congress feller tried to implement Ford’s promise that do- has finally determined to give the Vice President mestic policymakers would report to the presi- a home in Washington,’’ Ford told Rockefeller. dent via the vice president, Rumsfeld intervened ‘‘It’s up on Admiral’s Hill, and you’ll have to live with various objections. Rockefeller shifted gears in it.’’ Rockefeller grimaced but nodded in agree- and had one of his trusted assistants, James Can- ment. He already had a home in Washington that non, appointed chief of the Domestic Council. he purchased during the Second World War, a Rumsfeld responded by cutting the Council’s colonial-era farmhouse situated on twenty-seven budget to the bone. Rockefeller then moved to acres of land, one of the most expensive prop- develop his own policies independent of the Do- erties in the District of Columbia. Rockefeller mestic Council. Tapping the scientist Edward spent only a single night in the vice-presidential Teller, who had worked for Rockefeller’s Com- mansion, but he stimulated some publicity by in- mission on Critical Choices, he proposed a $100 stalling a mink-covered bed designed by Max billion Energy Independence Authority. Al- Ernst that was valued at $35,000. Press criticism though Ford endorsed the energy plan, the presi- [ 509 ] NELSON A. ROCKEFELLER dent’s economic and environmental advisers to end debate. Instead of ruling on the point of lined up solidly against it.21 order, Vice President Rockefeller submitted it to Usually, Ford and Rockefeller met once a the Senate for a vote, stating that, if the body ta- week. Ford noted that Rockefeller ‘‘would sit bled the point of order, he ‘‘would be compelled down, stir his with the stem of his horn- to interpret that action as an expression by the rimmed glasses and fidget in his chair as he Senate of its judgment that the motion offered by leaped from one subject to another.’’ Nothing, the Senator from Kansas to end debate is a prop- Ford observed, was too small or too grandiose er motion.’’ The Senate voted 51 to 42 to table for Rockefeller’s imagination. Beyond the sub- Mansfield’s motion, in effect agreeing that Senate stantive issues, the two men also spent much rules could be changed by a simple majority vote time talking over national politics. Yet Ford and at the beginning of a Congress. The Senate, how- his staff shut Rockefeller out of key policy de- ever, adjourned for the day without actually vot- bates. In October 1975, when Ford proposed ing on the resolution to take up the cloture rule large cuts in federal taxes and spending, the vice change. The leaders of both parties then met and president complained, ‘‘This is the most impor- determined that they disagreed with this proce- tant move the president has made, and I wasn’t dure, which they felt had set a dangerous prece- even consulted.’’ Someone asked what he did as dent. The leadership therefore devised a plan to vice president, and Rockefeller replied: ‘‘I go to void the rulings of the chair and revise the clo- funerals. I go to earthquakes.’’ Rockefeller had ture rule in a more traditional manner. More disliked the vice-presidential seal, with its than a week later, in early March, the Senate drooping wings and single arrow in its claw. He voted to reconsider the vote by which the Mans- had a new seal designed with the eagle’s wings field point of order had been tabled and then outspread and multiple arrows in its clutch. As agreed to Mansfield’s point of order by a major- one of his aides recalled, ‘‘One day after a par- ity vote. A cloture motion was then filed and ticularly long series of defeats, I walked into the agreed to, 73 to 21, after which the Senate adopt- Governor’s office [Rockefeller’s staff always re- ed a substitute amendment introduced by Sen- ferred to him as ’’Governor‘‘] with yet another ator Robert C. Byrd, which specified that cloture piece of bad news. The Governor turned to me could be invoked by a three-fifths vote on all is- and pointed at the new seal and flag, sighing, sues except changes in the rules, which would ‘See that goddamn seal? That’s the most impor- still require a two-thirds vote. 23 tant thing I’ve done all year.’ ’’ 22 In making his controversial ruling, Rockefeller An Impervious Senate had notified the Senate parliamentarian that he was making the decision on his own, contrary to Vice President Rockefeller found the Senate the parliamentarian’s advice. As parliamentarian equally impervious to his desire to exert leader- emeritus Floyd Riddick observed, ship. In January 1975, when the post-Watergate Congress met, the expanded liberal ranks in the Certainly it was contrary to the practices and Senate moved to amend Rule 22 to reduce from precedents of the Senate, and I think that is why two-thirds to three-fifths of the senators the the leadership, under Mr. Mansfield as majority number of votes needed to invoke cloture and leader, wanted to vitiate in effect all of the state- end a filibuster. Minnesota Democratic Senator ments made by the vice president and come back Walter Mondale introduced the amendment, and and do it under the rules, practices, and prece- dents of the Senate.24 Kansas Republican James Pearson moved that the chair place before the Senate a motion to On another occasion as presiding officer, change the cloture rule by a majority vote. When Rockefeller tried to break a filibuster by declin- the Senate took up the matter in February, Senate ing to recognize Senators James Allen of Ala- Democratic Majority Leader Mike Mansfield bama and William Brock of Tennessee and in- raised a point of order that the motion violated stead ordering the roll call to proceed. Senator Senate rules by permitting a simple majority vote Barry Goldwater challenged him, but Rockefeller [ 510 ] NELSON A. ROCKEFELLER replied, ‘‘It says right here in the precedents of tions of foreign leaders. To the surprise of both the Senate, ‘The Chair may decline to respond; Senator Church and President Ford, the Rocke- the chair may decline to answer a parliamentary feller Commission chose to adhere to its original inquiry.’ ’’ ‘‘That is correct,’’ Goldwater coun- mandate and not investigate the assassinations. tered. ‘‘That is what it says, but I never thought The panel turned those records over to the Sen- I would see the day when the chair would take ate committee, allowing Rockefeller to extricate advantage of it.’’ Later, Rockefeller apologized himself from a difficult situation.27 for any ‘‘discourtesy’’ he may have shown the Ford’s Biggest Political Mistake Senate by this incident. ‘‘If I make a mistake I like to say so.’’ 25 In the fall of 1975, President Ford determined to run for election and appointed Howard ‘‘Bo’’ Investigating the CIA Callaway of Georgia as his campaign manager. President Ford also sought to use Rockefeller Ford did not consult Rockefeller until the day he to head off a Senate investigation of the Central announced the choice. Callaway immediately Intelligence Agency. In December 1974, the New began spreading the word that Rockefeller was York Times’ reporter Seymour Hersh published too old, and too liberal, and too much of a det- an expose´ of CIA spying on antiwar activists that riment to the ticket. Some administration officials constituted domestic activities in violation of the believed that Donald Rumsfeld wanted the vice- CIA’s charter. When Democrats called for an in- presidential nomination for himself and hoped vestigation, Ford appointed a blue-ribbon Com- that this humiliation would encourage Rocke- mission on CIA Activities and made Rockefeller feller to remove himself from contention. Presi- its chairman. But the Senate went ahead and es- dent Ford was given opinion polls that showed tablished its own Select Committee on Intel- twenty-five percent of all Republicans would not ligence Activities, chaired by of vote for him if Rockefeller remained on the tick- Idaho. When Senator Church asked for materials et. Ford’s advisers complained that Rockefeller from the White House, he was told that the pa- was not a ‘‘team player,’’ and that he had been pers had been given to the Rockefeller Commis- a ‘‘commuting’’ vice president, flying weekly to sion. When the senator demanded the papers New York where his wife and sons had re- from Rockefeller, the vice president declined to mained. Still, Rockefeller hung on doggedly, provide them on the grounds that only the presi- patching up his difference with Barry Goldwater dent could grant access to the papers. One and making public appearances in the South— Church aide called Rockefeller ‘‘absolutely bril- to prove, as he said, that he did not have horns. liant’’ in denying them access in a friendly man- After one rally in South Carolina, a Republican ner. ‘‘He winked and smiled and said, ‘Gee, I leader conceded that the vice president had want to help you but, of course I can’t—not until changed some minds from ‘‘hell no,’’ to ‘‘no.’’ 28 we’ve finished our work and the president ap- When it became clear that former California proves it.’ ’’ Said Senator , vice chair Governor Ronald Reagan would challenge Ford of the committee, ‘‘We were very skillfully for the Republican nomination, Ford reluctantly finessed.’’ 26 resolved to jettison Rockefeller. Putting the situa- The CIA assignment put Rockefeller in the tion to him, Ford insisted that he was just telling crossfire between critics and defenders of the him the facts, not what to do. Rockefeller, how- agency. Whether his report was critical or le- ever, had been in politics long enough to know nient, it was sure to draw fire. Rockefeller him- that he was being asked to leave gracefully. He self had a long involvement in CIA matters, dat- announced that he would not be a candidate for ing back to the Eisenhower and Nixon adminis- vice president the following year. Although he trations, when he served on panels that oversaw publicly insisted that he jumped without having the highly secret agency. Yet even Rockefeller been shoved, privately he told friends, ‘‘I didn’t seemed unprepared for the revelations that the take myself off the ticket, you know—he asked intelligence agency had plotted the assassina- me to do it.’’ 29 [ 511 ] NELSON A. ROCKEFELLER

Rockefeller’s withdrawal, along with Ford’s placed Dole’s name in nomination. He cam- clumsy firing of Defense Secretary James Schles- paigned hard for the Republican ticket in the fall. inger—replacing him with Donald Rumsfeld— At one stop in Birmingham, New York, hecklers became known as the ‘‘ Massacre.’’ It provoked the vice president into making an ob- resulted in a plunge in Ford’s popularity and scene gesture back at them. Photographs of the polls that showed Reagan leading him for the Re- vice president ‘‘giving ’’ were widely publican nomination. Southern Republicans reprinted as a symbolic act of signing out of largely deserted the president for Reagan, caus- politics.31 ing Rockefeller to comment that he had made a Leaving office in January 1977, Rockefeller re- mistake in withdrawing when he did. ‘‘I should tired from politics and devoted his last two years have said in that letter . . . when (he died on January 26, 1979) to other interests, delivered to you the Southern delegates, then I’m primarily in the arts. He always insisted that he off the ticket.’’ Ford responded, ‘‘You didn’t had understood full well what he was getting make the mistake. We made the mistake.’’ into when Ford offered him the vice-presidency. Dumping Rockefeller embarrassed Ford as much ‘‘I’ve known all the Vice Presidents since Henry as it did Rockefeller. ‘‘It was the biggest political Wallace,’’ he said. ‘‘They were all frustrated, and mistake of my life,’’ Ford confessed. ‘‘And it was some were pretty bitter. So I was totally pre- one of the few cowardly things I did in my pared.’’ Rockefeller expressed thanks for the re- life.’’ 30 spectful way in which Ford had treated him. ‘‘I Despite being dropped, Rockefeller still want- was never told to make a speech or to clear a ed to be a major player. Before the Republican speech with the President,’’ he noted. But he re- convention in 1976, he even proposed taking gretted not having had more responsibilities in over as White House chief of staff, to help boost the administration and not being able to make morale and public confidence. At the convention, a greater contribution to public policy. ‘‘The Rockefeller delivered the large New York state Vice-Presidency is not much of a job,’’ he con- delegation to Ford, participated in the choice of cluded. ‘‘But at least Washington is where the ac- Senator Robert Dole as Ford’s running mate, and tion is.’’ 32

[ 512 ] NOTES 1 Floyd M. Riddick: Senate Parliamentarian, Oral History 16 Mark Rozell, The Press and the Ford Presidency (Ann Interviews, June 16, 1978 to February 15, 1979 (U.S. Senate Arbor, MI, 1992), pp. 45–46; Reeves, p. 147. Historical Office, Washington, DC), pp. 255–65. 17 Reeves, p. 147; Kramer and Roberts, pp. 369–70. 2 For Aldrich, see Horace Samuel Merrill and Marion Gal- 18 Ford, p. 224. braith Merrill, The Republican Command, 1897–1913 (Lexing- 19 Dorothye G. Scott: Administrative Assistant to the Senate ton, KY, 1971); for Rockefeller see Allan Nevins, John D. Democratic Secretary and the Secretary of the Senate, 1945–1977, Rockefeller: The Heroic Age of American Enterprise (New York, Oral History Interviews, 1992 (U.S. Senate Historical Office, 1940), 2 vols. Washington, DC), p. 174; Ford, p. 145; Persico, pp. 262–63. 3 Memorial Addresses and Other Tributes in the Congress of 20 ‘‘How It Looks to Ford,’’ Newsweek (December 9, 1974), the United States on the Life and Contributions of Nelson A. p. 37; Paul C. Light, ‘‘The Institutional Vice Presidency,’’ Rockefeller, S. Doc. 96–20 (Washington, 1979), p. 16. Presidential Studies Quarterly 13 (Spring 1983): 210; Paul C. 4 Joseph E. Persico, The Imperial Rockefeller: A Biography of Light, Vice-Presidential Power: Advice and influence in the Nelson A. Rockefeller (New York, 1982), pp. 25–32; Peter Col- White House (Baltimore, Press, 1984), pp. 180–83. lier and , The Rockefellers: An American Dy- 21 Hartmann, pp. 304–10; Kramer & Roberts, pp. 372–73. nasty (New York, 1976), pp. 206–10. 22 Ford, p. 327; Persico, p. 262; Light, ‘‘The Institutional 5 Collier and Horowitz, pp. 214, 237, 242–43. Vice Presidency,’’ p. 211. 6 Ibid., pp. 272–76; Michael Kramer and Sam Roberts, ‘‘I 23 Riddick Oral History, pp. 212–219; U.S., Congress, Sen- Never Wanted to Be Vice-President of Anything!’’ An Investiga- ate, Committee on Rules and Administration, Senate Cloture tive Biography of Nelson Rockefeller (New York, 1976), p. 373. Rule, by Congressional Research Service, S. Print 99–95, 99th 7 Collier and Horowitz, p. 342. Cong., 1st sess., 1985, pp. 30–31. 8 See Theodore H. White, The Making of the President, 1964 24 Riddick Oral History, pp. 218–19; U.S., Congress, Sen- (New York, 1965). ate, Congressional Record, 94th Cong., 1st sess., p. 3841. 9 Ibid., pp. 469–77. 25 Kramer and Roberts, p. 371. 10 Persico, p. 227; Memorial Addresses, p. 229. 26 Loch K. Johnson, A Season of Inquiry: The Senate Intel- 11 Richard Reeves, A Ford, Not a Lincoln (New York, 1975), ligence Investigation (Lexington, KY, 1985), pp. 30–31, 41–43. p. 150; Memorial Addresses, p. 237. 27 Ibid., p. 48; Light, Vice-Presidential Power, pp. 184–87. 12 Persico, p. 241. 28 Light, Vice-Presidential Power, pp. 183, 189–90; Hart- 13 Robert T. Hartmann, Palace Politics: An Inside Account mann, p. 354; Persico, p. 272; Kramer and Roberts, p. 375. of the Ford Years (New York, 1980), p. 238. 29 Ford, p. 328; Hartmann, pp. 357, 365–66. 14 Reeves, p. 149; Gerald R. Ford, A Time to Heal: The Auto- 30 Ford, p. 331; Hartmann, p. 367; James Cannon, Time and biography of Gerald R. Ford (New York, 1979), pp. 143–44. Chance (New York, 1994), p. 407. 15 Hartmann, pp. 230–36; Persico, p. 245. 31 Hartmann, p. 400; Persico, pp. 274–75. 32 Ford, p. 437; Hartmann, p. 231; Persico, pp. 245, 277.

[ 513 ]

Chapter 42 WALTER F. MONDALE 1977–1981

[ 515 ] WALTER F. MONDALE Chapter 42 WALTER F. MONDALE

42nd Vice President: 1977–1981

We understood each other’s needs. We respected each other’s opinions. We kept each other’s con- fidence. Our relationship in the White House held up under the searing pressure of that place because we entered our offices understanding—perhaps for the first time in the history of those offices—that each of us could do a better job if we maintained the trust of the other. And for four years, that trust endured. —WALTER F. MONDALE

The wisest decision Walter Mondale ever and promoted by other politicians. His career made was not to run for president in 1976. For progressed as much by selection as by election. two years, the Minnesota senator tested the wa- As a college student in the 1940s he organized ters for a presidential campaign, conducting an a ‘‘Diaper Brigade’’ of student volunteers to help extensive fund-raising and public relations tour Hubert Humphrey, , and Karl of the country. Concluding that he had neglected Rolvaag take control of the Minnesota Demo- both his family and his senatorial responsibil- cratic-Farmer-Labor party, and each of those ities, that he had little taste for mass media image leaders later fostered his career. Mondale was making, and that his standing in the polls had twenty-one when he first went to Washington as not risen, he dropped out of the race in Novem- a prote´ge´ of Senator Humphrey; at thirty-two ber 1974. At the time, he explained that he lacked Governor Freeman appointed him state attorney ‘‘the overwhelming desire to be President’’ and general; and at thirty-six Governor Rolvaag ap- dreaded spending another year ‘‘sleeping in Hol- pointed him to fill Humphrey’s vacant seat in the iday Inns.’’ A number of Democratic senators an- United States Senate. Despite his youth when he nounced for president in 1976, but the candidate entered the Senate, Mondale held values closer who won the nomination was the little-known to those of the older generation of Democrats— former governor of Georgia, Jimmy Carter, who forged by the Great Depression and the New showed the determination to conduct precisely Deal and influenced by the liberalism of Franklin the kind of campaigning that Mondale had re- D. Roosevelt—than they were to the new genera- jected. Carter then bypassed the senators who tion of postwar politicians of the era of John F. had run against him and tapped Mondale for his Kennedy. As a senator, vice president, and presi- running mate. Although he would never become dential candidate, Mondale played a transitional president, Walter Mondale proved himself one role in the Democratic party, seeking to bridge of the more successful vice presidents in Amer- the generational and ideological divisions that 2 ican history, in terms of shaping administration racked the party during and after the 1960s. policies and exercising influence over cabinet ‘‘Crazy Legs’’ from Elmore appointments.1 A small-town, midwestern preacher’s son, Being selected by Carter for the vice-presi- Walter Frederick ‘‘Fritz’’ Mondale was born in dential nomination followed a familiar pattern Ceylon, Minnesota, on January 25, 1928. His fa- for Mondale, in which he was admired, trusted, ther Theodore Sigvaard Mondale was a Meth- [ 517 ] WALTER F. MONDALE odist minister and his mother Claribel Hope the Communists and other radical groups of the Mondale taught music. The family’s Norwegian type that had coalesced around Wallace. In 1948, surname originally had been Mundal. As a child, Mondale again volunteered to help Humphrey Fritz moved with his family when his father was win first the Democratic nomination for the U.S. reassigned to a church in Elmore, Minnesota, in Senate against the radical Elmer Benson and then 1937. A strong believer in the social gospel of the Senate seat from the Republican incumbent helping the poor and needy, who feared the con- Joseph Ball.5 Humphrey had helped organize the centration of wealth in the hands of the few, Americans for Democratic Action (ADA), and Mondale’s father regularly talked politics with Mondale became active in its campus offshoot, his family at mealtimes. The family’s heroes were Students for Democratic Action (SDA). After his Franklin Roosevelt and Minnesota’s radical gov- father died in 1948, Mondale dropped out of col- ernor Floyd Olson.3 lege. Too excited by politics to sit passively in Fritz was an ambitious youth, eager to make college lectures, he followed Humphrey to a name for himself. Showing more interest in Washington to become national secretary of the sports than religion, Mondale excelled at basket- SDA. Writing to his mother, he described the ball and track in high school, and won the nick- post as placing him ‘‘in an excellent position to name ‘‘Crazy Legs’’ as a star football player. He meet and know national figures in the liberal also showed an interest in politics, founding the movement’’ and that he was ‘‘exploiting this ad- ‘‘Republicrats,’’ a student political organization vantage to its fullest.’’ Labor unions, however, and winning election as president of the junior withheld funding from the ADA, which they dis- class (although he lost his race for senior class missed as comprised of college professors and president). Once, on a summer job, his wise- visionaries. Mondale therefore spent his time cracks caused a fellow worker to lose his temper. raising money and shuffling paperwork rather ‘‘I’m sorry, George, I didn’t mean any harm,’’ than pursuing politics, which left him disillu- Mondale apologized. ‘‘But I’m planning to go sioned. An SDA colleague, Norma Dinnerstein, into politics someday, and I’ve gotta learn how to whom he was briefly engaged, diagnosed his to get people’s hackles up.’’ In 1946 he enrolled discontent: ‘‘because you were moving so very in in St. Paul, working at odd fast and seeking so very much, you found cor- jobs to pay his way.4 ruption and a certain defeat in every victory,’’ As a college freshman in the days of the cold she wrote. ‘‘And worst of all, you figured out war, Mondale encountered political science pro- that ‘Crazy Legs’ from Elmore wasn’t worth so fessors who warned against the extremes of both very much in the big wide world.’’ 6 the right and left and called for liberals to seek the middle ground. In October 1946, Mondale A Rising Young Politician heard the left-leaning former Vice President In January 1950, Mondale returned to college Henry Wallace speak at the campus. A few at the less-expensive , months later he was more impressed when he graduating in the summer of 1951, cum laude. heard Minneapolis Mayor Hubert H. Humphrey. With the United States fighting a war against A political science professor had taken Mondale Communist , Mondale enlisted in to a rally that aimed at merging the Democratic the army. Stationed at Fort Knox, Kentucky, he party with the Farmer-Labor party to support was a corporal in education programs at the time Humphrey’s reelection as mayor. Captivated by of his discharge in 1952. Armed with the GI Bill, the thirty-five-year-old mayor’s energy and rhet- he entered the University of Minnesota Law oric, Mondale volunteered his services to Hum- School and received his law degree in 1956. He phrey’s campaign. Campaign manager Orville then practiced law in Minneapolis until 1960. A Freeman enlisted him to put up signs and hand blind date during the summer of 1955 introduced out leaflets. Humphrey and other liberal Demo- him to Macalester student Joan Adams. He did crats were attempting to steer the leadership of not know her, but she had heard of him, since the Democratic-Farmer-Labor party away from ‘‘he was well known on campus.’’ Although [ 518 ] WALTER F. MONDALE more interested in art than politics, she, too, was The Great Society and the Vietnam War the child of a small-town minister, and the two In the presidential election of 1964, Lyndon found they had much in common. They married Johnson chose Hubert Humphrey as his running on December 27, 1955.7 mate. With their landslide victory, Humphrey’s In 1958, Mondale managed Orville Freeman’s Senate seat became available. Governor Rolvaag gubernatorial race and became the Democratic- appointed Mondale to the vacancy over several Farmer-Labor party’s finance director, as well as more senior Democrats—because he considered a special assistant to the state attorney general Mondale the most likely to win reelection. The on interstate trade matters. The next year, the appointment sent Fritz Mondale to Washington Mondales moved into a house located in a newly at an auspicious moment for Democratic liberals. created state senate district, because he planned Following the Johnson landslide, the Senate of to run for office. Before he could announce, how- the Eighty-ninth Congress opened with 68 ever, he received an appointment from Governor Democrats facing 32 Republicans and a similarly Freeman to be state attorney general—making lopsided margin in the House. So many Demo- him the youngest state attorney general in the crats crowded the Senate chamber, in fact, that nation.8 an extra fifth row of desks was set up to accom- Mondale catapulted to national attention by in- modate Mondale, Robert Kennedy of New York, vestigating the celebrated Sister Elizabeth Kenny Joseph Tydings of Maryland, and Fred Harris of Foundation, a Minneapolis-based charity that Oklahoma. The younger, more liberal senators advertised nationally in its crusade to help the were eager to help Johnson build his ‘‘Great Soci- handicapped. When allegations arose that the ety.’’ In 1966 Mondale sponsored the Fair Warn- Foundation’s directors had been diverting mil- ing Act, requiring automotive manufacturers to lions of dollars from the donations to their pri- notify owners of any defects in their cars. He vate use, Mondale investigated and found that then surprised everyone by forging the legisla- only 1.5 percent of the money raised actually tive compromise that led to the enactment of an open housing amendment to the Civil Rights Act supported medical services. The resulting press of 1968. Mondale steadfastly endorsed Lyndon attention kept him on the front pages and as- Johnson’s handling of both domestic and foreign sured his election to the attorney general post. policy issues and stuck with the president even Mondale won by 246,000 votes, while Freeman when the Democratic party began to divide over lost his bid for reelection as governor. In office, the Vietnam War.10 Mondale solidified his reputation as an active As a senator, Mondale labored long hours and ‘‘people’s lawyer,’’ pursuing consumer protec- demanded similar stamina from his staff. He re- tion and . Rather than running vealed little of Hubert Humphrey’s passionate for governor in 1962, as many had expected, political style. Cool, deliberate, and rarely emo- Mondale deferred to Lieutenant Governor Karl tional, Mondale wore a coat and tie even to the Rolvaag, who defeated the incumbent Repub- most informal gatherings, refused to be photo- lican Governor Elmer Anderson by only ninety- graphed smoking the cigars he loved, sported one votes. Meanwhile, Mondale won reelection bad haircuts, and tended to look wooden and as attorney general with more votes than any formal. Although he attracted respectful notice other candidate on the ballot. In 1963 he per- from the press, he was uncomfortable speaking suaded twenty-three other state attorney gen- on television, unable to adopt the more relaxed erals to sign a brief in favor of the indigent pris- and natural style that medium favored. Bal- oner Clarence Earl Gideon, who was urging the ancing these shortcomings were Mondale’s natu- U.S. Supreme Court to establish the right to free ral decency and seriousness. ‘‘The thing that is counsel for those charged with major crimes but most evident about Mondale,’’ Hubert Hum- unable to hire their own attorneys.9 phrey once observed, ‘‘is that he’s nonabrasive.

[ 519 ] WALTER F. MONDALE

He is not a polarizer.’’ These were not attributes Senate Select Committee on Equal Educational that drew public attention or acclaim. Mondale Opportunity, Mondale fought Nixon’s proposed could walk through any airport in the country, antibusing legislation. He similarly opposed the he joked, ‘‘and not a head will turn.’’ Neverthe- administration’s plans to build costly antiballis- less, when he stood for election to his Senate seat tic missile systems and supersonic transport air- in 1966, a year that favored Republican can- craft. But, facing reelection in 1972, Mondale was didates, he won by a comfortable margin.11 careful to avoid unpopular causes that might al- When Johnson withdrew from the presidential ienate him from his middle-class constituency. ‘‘I campaign of 1968, Mondale cochaired Hubert don’t like wasting my time slaying windmills,’’ Humphrey’s bid for the Democratic nomination. he insisted. When Senator George McGovern That tragic campaign year was marred by the as- emerged as the frontrunner for the Democratic sassination of Senator Robert F. Kennedy and by presidential nomination that year, he sent his riots at the Democratic convention in Chicago. campaign manager Gary Hart and the Holly- Humphrey gained the nomination but also a wood actor Warren Beatty to ask whether Mon- badly tattered party. ‘‘I didn’t leave Chicago,’’ dale would be a vice-presidential candidate. The Mondale later recalled, ‘‘I escaped it.’’ During Minnesotan declined to give up his Senate seat the campaign, he urged Humphrey to support a to join a losing campaign, headed by a candidate bombing halt over North Vietnam, a position with whom he often disagreed. Although Mon- that Humphrey finally embraced in late Septem- dale’s opponent in his Senate race tried to paint ber. The Democratic ticket then gained in the him as a ‘‘McGovern liberal,’’ Mondale won by polls and in the end lost the election to the Re- an even greater margin than in his previous publican candidate Richard Nixon by less than race.14 one percent of the popular vote.12 Running for President—and for Vice President Nixon’s entrance into the White House gave Walter Mondale and other liberal Democrats an After 1972 the Watergate scandal inverted the opportunity to reevaluate their views about the political landscape. Democratic chances looked war and the ‘‘.’’ In a speech brighter with Nixon crippled by a string of dev- at Macalester College in October 1969, Mondale astating revelations about illegal activities, com- reversed his position on the Vietnam War. He bined with public concerns over a weakened called the war ‘‘a military, a political and a moral economy. Early in 1973, Mondale began con- disaster’’ and declared that the United States structing a campaign for the next presidential government could not impose a solution on Viet- nomination. To gain more depth in foreign pol- nam’s essentially internal conflict. As a liberal, icy issues, he toured foreign capitals from Lon- Mondale also feared that the war was draining don to . In order to raise both funds financial resources that should be applied to do- and his public visibility, he logged some 200,000 mestic problems. In 1971 he voted for the miles, visiting thirty states, campaigning for McGovern-Hatfield Amendment to stop Amer- Democratic candidates for Congress, meeting ican military actions in and to set a with local party organizers, and engaging in as timetable for withdrawing American troops many radio and television interviews as possible. from Vietnam. In 1973 he cosponsored the War Mondale and his legislative assistant, Roger Powers Resolution. Mondale had come to the Colloff, also wrote a book, The Accountability of Senate sharing the conventional view that ‘‘we Power: Toward a Responsible Presidency, discussing had to rely greatly on the President of the United ways to keep the presidency strong and yet fully States.’’ But the events had showed him ‘‘the accountable to the Congress and the people. But consequences of having a President who is large- before the book was published in 1975, Mondale ly unaccountable to Congress, to the law or to had already dropped out of the race.15 the American people.’’ 13 Mondale found the road to the nomination tor- The Nixon administration provided a natural tuous and unendurable. ‘‘It is a process which foil for Mondale’s liberalism. As chairman of the involves assembling an experienced and quali- [ 520 ] WALTER F. MONDALE fied core staff, raising funds in staggering quan- chosen Church. But the longer period for delib- tities, and traveling to every corner of the nation eration gave Carter time to worry about his com- in preparation for a series of delegate selections patibility with the publicity-seeking Church, each of which is unique.’’ The time required to who had a tendency to be long-winded. Instead, campaign kept a candidate away from his fam- Carter invited Senators , John ily, his job, and his rest. For all the agony, Mon- Glenn, and Walter Mondale to visit his home in dale’s standing in the polls never rose. On No- Plains, Georgia, for personal interviews, while vember 21, 1974, he surprised everyone by an- Church, , and Adlai Stevenson III nouncing his withdrawal from the race. Many la- would be interviewed at the convention in New mented his decision as a sign that only someone York.18 ‘‘single-mindedly obsessed’’ with pursuing the When Mondale arrived in Plains, it was evi- presidency could achieve it.16 dent that he had studied for the interview. He Free of the campaign, Mondale returned to his had researched Carter’s positions on every issue Senate duties. With civil rights legislation pri- to identify their similarities and differences. He marily in mind, he led a movement in 1975 to read Carter’s book, Why Not the Best? and talked change the Senate cloture rule in order to make to those who knew the Georgia governor. Carter ending a filibuster easier, by reducing the votes found him ‘‘extremely well prepared’’ and was needed from two-thirds to three-fifths of the sen- also impressed by Mondale’s assertion that he ators. He also won recognition for his diligent would not trade in his Senate seat for a purely work as a member of the select committee, ceremonial office. He was only interested in chaired by Senator Frank Church, that inves- being vice president if the position became ‘‘a tigated the covert activities of the CIA and FBI. useful instrument of government.’’ There were Having done the necessary background research many similarities in the two men’s lives, both to ask incisive questions, Mondale regularly up- having grown up in small towns with strong reli- staged Church, who was still actively campaign- gious influences. Of all the potential candidates, ing for president. Church, Henry Jackson, Birch Carter found Mondale the most compatible. Bayh, and other senators appeared to be the lead- When reporters asked why the Minnesotan ing contenders for the nomination until a sur- wanted to get back into a race he had already prise candidate claimed victory in the Iowa cau- dropped out of and spend more nights in Holi- cuses. Former Georgia Governor Jimmy Carter day Inns, he replied wryly, ‘‘I’ve checked and campaigned as an ‘‘outsider,’’ removed from the found out they’ve all been redecorated.’’ 19 Washington political scene that had produced Mondale’s longtime mentor Hubert Hum- the Vietnam War, the Watergate scandal and phrey strongly advised him to accept the second other policies that dismayed and disillusioned spot. ‘‘My vice presidential years were tough American voters. Carter’s freshness, down-to- years but I am a better man for it and I would earth style, and promise of a government that have made a better President,’’ he counseled. ‘‘I would be honest, fair, and compassionate learned more about the world and the presi- seemed a welcome antidote to the ‘‘imperial dency than I could have ever learned in the Sen- presidency.’’ By June, Carter had the nomination ate.’’ To provide some suspense for the conven- sufficiently locked up and could take time tion, Carter waited until the last moment to an- to interview potential vice-presidential nounce his choice. When the offer finally came, candidates.17 Mondale accepted instantly. The press dubbed The pundits predicted that Frank Church the ticket ‘‘Fritz and Grits.’’ After the convention, would be tapped to provide balance as an experi- Mondale set off on a rigorous campaign that em- enced senator with strong liberal credentials. phasized economic issues. The high point of the Church promoted himself, persuading friends to campaign for him came during his televised de- intervene with Carter in his behalf. If a quick bate with the Republican vice-presidential can- choice had been required as in past conventions, didate, Senator Robert Dole. Carter’s advisers Carter later recalled, he would probably have felt so certain that Mondale had won the debate [ 521 ] WALTER F. MONDALE that they featured it in televised advertisements, White House,’’ Bell concluded, ‘‘and because of asking, ‘‘When you know that four of the last six placing some close aides in crucial posts in the vice presidents have wound up as president, policy-making apparatus.’’ 22 who would you like to see a heartbeat away from Famous as a politician who always did his the presidency?’’ 20 homework, Mondale studied the vice-presidency to determine why so many of his predecessors in the Carter White House had failed. He had not paid much attention to A close election put Carter in the White House the subject previously; his book on the presi- and made the Mondales the first family to settle dency, Accountability of Power, had mentioned the into the vice-presidential mansion on Massachu- vice-presidency only in terms of succession. setts Avenue. That twenty-room Victorian house, Mondale identified Nelson Rockefeller’s chairing previously occupied by the chief of Naval Oper- of the Domestic Council as a mistake and ob- ations, was, Mondale observed, ‘‘the best house served that vice presidents too often took minor we’ve ever had.’’ No longer did American vice functions ‘‘in order to appear that their role was presidents have to provide their own lodging. significant.’’ Instead of specific assignments, he Joan Mondale won the nickname ‘‘Joan of Art’’ preferred to remain a generalist and a trouble- for her elaborate presentations of artworks in the shooter, someone consulted on all issues. At one vice president’s mansion and her promotion of point he even turned down Carter’s suggestion American artists. She also expanded the role of that the vice president become the chief of staff. ‘‘second lady’’ by reviving, and serving as hon- ‘‘If I had taken on that assignment,’’ Mondale orary chair of, the Federal Council on the Arts reasoned, ‘‘it would have consumed vast and Humanities.21 amounts of my time with staff work.’’ The vice Carter and Mondale formed a remarkably president also planned to avoid being shunted close team. Carter was conscious that previous into such ceremonial functions as attending state ‘‘forced marriages’’ of presidents and vice presi- funerals. The chief exception that he made was dents had not worked, that White House staff to travel to Yugoslav President Tito’s funeral in had shut out vice presidents, and that strong 1980, because high-level diplomatic contact was men like Hubert Humphrey and Nelson Rocke- required.23 feller had been frustrated in the job. Determined From the start, Carter invited Mondale to to make Mondale more of a partner, Carter di- every meeting that he scheduled and gave him rected that Mondale be given an office inside the the opportunity to pick and choose those he West Wing—the first since Spiro Agnew—and wished to attend. Carter and Mondale also held instructed that the presidential and vice-presi- private luncheons each Monday to discuss any dential staffs be integrated ‘‘as a working team’’ matters that either wanted to bring up. Mondale (Mondale had a vice presidential staff that received the same daily intelligence information ranged from fifty-five to sixty members). The of- that Carter got and met regularly with the senior fice space proved critical, since as one vice-presi- staff and the National Security Council. Yet the dential aide commented, ‘‘Mondale didn’t have vice president usually kept silent in group meet- to beg anyone to visit him in the West Wing.’’ ings, knowing that he would later have an op- Not everyone was happy with this arrangement, portunity to talk with Carter alone. Having especially the Georgians who had accompanied played junior partner to men like Hubert Hum- Carter to power. Attorney General Griffin Bell phrey and Orville Freeman, Mondale instinc- thought that moving the vice president into the tively understood his role as vice president. In White House had been a mistake, noting that, groups of any size he automatically deferred to even though Carter was a more conservative Carter. The president responded by threatening Democrat than Mondale, the vice president had to fire any staff member who assailed the vice shaped much of the administration’s program to president. Hamilton Jordan, Carter’s eventual his own liking. ‘‘He managed to do this because chief of staff, also made sure that Mondale and of his physical location in the West Wing of the his staff were never isolated from current policy [ 522 ] WALTER F. MONDALE discussions. ‘‘I consider I work for Mondale,’’ Using the recently devised tactics of the ‘‘post- Jordan insisted. ‘‘He’s my second boss, the way cloture filibuster,’’ they filed more than five hun- Carter is my first boss.’’ Jordan, whose office was dred amendments to the bill. After the Senate de- located next to Mondale’s, liked the vice presi- bate had dragged on for twelve days, including dent, whom he considered shrewd. ‘‘In the an all-night session, Majority Leader Robert C. White House, he played his cards wisely,’’ Jor- Byrd persuaded Mondale to cooperate in a dar- dan reflected.24 ing strategy to cut off the filibuster. On the floor, ‘‘We understood each other’s needs,’’ Mondale Byrd raised points of order that many of the later said of his relationship with Carter. ‘‘We re- amendments should be ruled out of order as in- spected each other’s opinions. We kept each oth- correctly drawn or not germane. As presiding of- er’s confidence. Our relationship in the White ficer, Mondale ruled thirty-three amendments House held up under the searing pressure of that out of order in a matter of minutes. The Senate place because we entered our offices understand- erupted into angry protest, with even senators ing—perhaps for the first time in the history of who had not filibustered denouncing the tactic. those offices—that each of us could do a better The vice president was lectured by many sen- job if we maintained the trust of the other. And ators, including some of his longtime friends, for for four years, that trust endured.’’ The vice abusing the powers of the presiding officer. In president’s free access to the Oval Office gave his defense, Senator Byrd pointed out that the him considerable leverage over the administra- vice president was not there to ‘‘pull the rug out’’ tion’s agenda. Unlike many of his predecessors, from under the Senate. ‘‘The Vice President is he could bring ideas to the table and win rec- here to get the ox out of the ditch.’’ Although the ognition for them. When Mondale took a posi- strategy worked and the bill was enacted, ‘‘the tion, Carter usually listened. In 1978, when Con- struggle had left some deep wounds,’’ Byrd later gress passed a defense authorization bill that concluded.26 provided $2 billion for a new aircraft carrier that Repeatedly, Mondale urged President Carter Carter opposed, Mondale advocated a veto. to make clear his goals for the nation and the rea- Carter’s top aides believed that a veto would sons the public should follow his lead. Neither surely be overridden, embarrassing the presi- a New Deal nor a Great Society liberal, nor a tra- dent, but Mondale went to Carter and argued ditional conservative, Carter seemed to straddle that he had to take a stand against unnecessary the issues and avoid choosing sides. Ironically, spending, saying, ‘‘If you don’t do it now, you’ll when Carter finally did attempt to define his never get control.’’ Carter vetoed the bill, and presidential identity, he left Mondale in despair. Congress upheld his veto.25 During the summer of 1979, Carter abruptly can- A Crisis of Confidence celed a planned televised address on energy pol- At the same time, Mondale cringed at Carter’s icy and closeted himself at Camp David with inept handling of Congress and tried unsuccess- groups of citizen advisers to help him rethink his fully to stop actions that might alienate the ad- administration’s aims. Pollster Patrick Caddell ministration from its erstwhile supporters on wanted the president to address the ‘‘malaise’’ Capitol Hill. Mondale watched Carter squander that seemed to have settled on America. Mon- the initial good will afforded his administration dale thought Caddell’s analysis ‘‘crazy’’ and by pursuing a legislative agenda that was much warned that if the president made such a nega- too ambitious and complicated, rather than fo- tive speech he would sound like ‘‘an old scold cusing on a few major issues. In one instance, and a grouch.’’ Although Carter’s other advisers however, Mondale himself became the object of reluctantly came around, Mondale could not rec- congressional ire. In 1977 Senate liberals led by oncile himself to Carter’s position. ‘‘I thought it Howard Metzenbaum of Ohio and James would destroy Carter and me with him,’’ Mon- Abourezk of South Dakota filibustered against dale later noted. He felt so strongly about this Carter’s proposal to deregulate natural gas. issue that he contemplated resigning if Carter [ 523 ] WALTER F. MONDALE gave Caddell’s speech. The president took Mon- again slipped in the polls. The Republican can- dale for a long walk at Camp David and tried didate, Ronald Reagan, portrayed the Carter ad- to calm him down. ‘‘I had only partial success,’’ ministration as weak abroad and in disarray at Carter recorded, ‘‘convincing him to support my home. Mondale campaigned vigorously for the decision even though he could not agree with it.’’ Democratic ticket, but as vice president he drew Carter went on to deliver a televised speech little media attention. ‘‘I’d have to set my hair warning of a ‘‘crisis of confidence’’ and to charge on fire to get on the news,’’ he complained.29 that Americans were suffering from a national Titular Leader and Presidential Candidate malaise. He followed that speech with a drastic overhaul of his cabinet, giving the impression Reagan’s election discredited Carter and left that his administration was falling to pieces. The Mondale as the titular leader of the Democratic negative public reaction proved Mondale’s con- party. Although he returned to private law prac- cerns fully justified.27 tice in Minnesota, Mondale had determined, The Carter administration’s standing in the even before he left the vice-presidency, to run for public opinion polls slipped steadily. In Novem- president in 1984. As a private citizen, he trav- ber 1978, Republicans had made considerable eled abroad to meet with foreign leaders, con- gains in the congressional elections, including sulted with leading American economists, and winning both Senate seats in Minnesota. The sought to build bridges to reunite the Democratic ‘‘malaise’’ speech and cabinet shake-ups further party. During the 1982 congressional elections, disenchanted the voters. Exhausted staff mem- Mondale campaigned far and wide for Demo- bers, pessimistic about the president’s reelection cratic candidates. A deep recession swung many chances, began making plans for themselves voters back to the Democratic party and made after the 1980 election. The Georgians in the Reagan vulnerable as a candidate for reelection, president’s inner circle grew increasingly protec- but in 1983 the economy began to revive, for tive of him and complained about the lack of loy- which ‘‘Reaganomics’’ took full credit. Surprise alty in the cabinet, and some also criticized for the Democratic nomination also vice president. Reporters noted that Mondale no appeared, among them the Reverend Jesse Jack- longer attended the White House weekly staff son and Colorado Senator Gary Hart. Although sessions on congressional relations.28 Mondale had the support of labor and other tra- One crisis after another eroded public con- ditional elements of the Democratic coalition, he fidence in the president’s abilities. The nation was more reserved, less charismatic, and less sustained gasoline shortages, double-digit infla- telegenic than his competitors. Hart campaigned tion, and a serious recession. Carter’s decision to as the candidate of ‘‘new ideas,’’ but Mondale impose an austerity budget to cut inflation, rath- countered with a parody of a popular television er than stimulating the economy to end the reces- commercial, asking: ‘‘Where’s the beef?’’ He won sion, offended Democratic liberals, who urged the nomination but then faced Ronald Reagan in Massachusetts Senator Edward M. Kennedy to the general election campaign.30 challenge the president for renomination. As The 1984 race between Walter Mondale and matters grew worse, Mondale took a less visible Ronald Reagan offered a clear-cut choice be- and active role. ‘‘I thought there was not much tween liberal and conservative candidates and I could do to change things,’’ he later explained, philosophies. While running against one of the ‘‘so why break my health trying.’’ In November best-loved presidents, Mondale won credit for 1979, militant Iranians seized the American em- being one of the best-informed candidates ever bassy in Teheran and took sixty-three hostages. to run for the presidency. He also added some In December, Soviet troops invaded Afghani- spark to his campaign by selecting the first stan. Initially, these foreign policy crises boosted woman candidate for vice president on a major Carter’s popularity and were enough to help party ticket, Representative , a Carter and Mondale win renomination. But as liberal who also appealed to many conservatives the months wore on with no solutions, Carter in her , New York, district. During the [ 524 ] WALTER F. MONDALE first television debate of the campaign, Reagan ward,’’ he said, admitting that it had been a dif- seemed to appear distracted and show his age. ficult decision to make. When won In a later debate, however, the seasoned per- the presidency in 1992, he offered Mondale the former bounced back by promising not to make ambassadorship to Japan, which he accepted. an issue of Mondale’s ‘‘youth and inexperience.’’ The Mondales had frequently visited that coun- With the nation facing huge deficits, Mondale try, and Joan had considerable knowledge of Jap- told the voters that a raise in taxes was inevi- anese pottery and art. The Japanese dubbed Fritz table. ‘‘Mr. Reagan will raise taxes, and so will Mondale an Oh-mono, which roughly translates, I,’’ he said. ‘‘He won’t tell you, I just did.’’ It was ‘‘big wheel,’’ or ‘‘big cheese.’’ As reporter T.R. a disastrous strategy. Reagan promised prosper- Reid commented, ‘‘Mondale brings to the Tokyo ity, a strong defense, and balanced budgets with- embassy everything Japan wanted in a U.S. am- out raising taxes. Mondale ended his campaign bassador: political clout, personal access to the in Minneapolis, telling the crowd, ‘‘You have president and a genuine appreciation for Japa- given me, a small-town boy from Elmore, a nese culture and traditions.’’ One Japanese news- chance to shape our country and to shape our paper described him as ‘‘A man with real power times,’’ but on election day, he lost forty-nine states and carried only Minnesota and the Dis- in Congress and the Democratic Party!!’’ Mon- trict of Columbia. Assessing the results, Mondale dale professed to be ‘‘glad to be back in public commented, ‘‘Reagan was promising them life’’ with such ‘‘an exciting, challenging under- ‘morning in America,’ and I was promising a taking.’’ He was sworn in as ambassador by Vice root canal.’’ 31 President Al Gore, who declared that Mondale’s In later years, many anticipated that Mondale experiences as a senator had prepared him for would challenge Minnesota Republican Rudy a diplomatic life ‘‘full of tribal feuds and strange Boschwitz for his Senate seat in 1990. Polls languages.’’ Responding in kind, Mondale in- showed Mondale running ahead, but at age sisted that ‘‘Nothing could be more ennobling sixty-two he chose not to reenter politics. ‘‘I be- that to be sworn in by a Democratic vice lieve it’s time for other candidates to step for- president.’’ 32

[ 525 ] NOTES 1 Finlay Lewis, Mondale: Portrait of a Politician (New York, 26; Jimmy Carter, Keeping Faith: Memoirs of a President (New 1984), pp. 160–61; Paul C. Light, Vice-Presidential Power: Ad- York, 1982), pp. 35–36. vice and Influence in the White House (Baltimore, 1984), p. 1. 19 Gillon, pp. 163–67; Carter, p. 37. 2 Steven M. Gillon, The Democrats’ Dilemma: Walter F. Mon- 20 Gillon, pp. 163–85. dale and the Liberal Legacy (New York, 1992), pp. x-xiv. 21 Washington Post, August 14, 1993; Lewis, pp. 230–40. 3 Ibid., pp. 1–15; Lewis, pp. 9–11. 22 Carter, pp. 39–40; Light, pp. 75, 164–65, 207. 4 Lewis, p. 15. 23 Mondale, pp. 72–76; Light, pp. 29, 47, 206. 5 Ibid., pp. 20–34; Gillon, pp. 17–21. 24 Light, pp. 49–50, 141, 146, 208–9, 212–15, 229. 6 Gillon, pp. 21–40. 25 Ibid., pp. 42, 213, 251. 7 Ibid., pp. 41–52; Lewis, pp. 49–52. 26 U.S., Congress, Senate, The Senate, 1789–1989: Addresses 8 Gillon, pp. 51–54. on the History of the United States Senate, by Robert C. Byrd, 9 Ibid., pp. 56–66; Lewis, pp. 62–75. S. Doc. 100–20, 100th Cong., 1st sess., vol. 2, 1991, pp. 154– 10 Gillon, pp. 69–97; Lewis, pp. 76–84. 56; Gillon, pp. 187–93. 11 Gillon, pp. 99–111, 146–47; Lewis, p. 43. 27 Gillon, pp. 200–203, 260–66; Lewis, pp. 214–15; Light, 12 Gillon, pp 111–22. p. 255; Carter, pp. 115–16; Garland A. Haas, Jimmy Carter 13 Ibid., pp. 123–30; Walter F. Mondale, The Accountability and the Politics of Frustration (Jefferson, NC, 1992), pp. 83– of Power: Toward a Responsible Presidency (New York, 1975), 85. pp. vii-ix. 28 Light, p. 216; Haynes Johnson, In the Absence of Power: 14 Gillon, pp. 130–41. Governing America (New York, 1980), p. 287. 15 Ibid., pp. 143–53; Mondale, pp. ix-xv. 29 Gillon, pp. 251–57, 267–76, 289; Lewis, pp. 208–10. 16 Mondale, pp. 23–30; Gillon, p. 152. 30 Lewis, p. 245; Gillon, pp. 301–32. 17 Gillon, pp. 153–62; Loch K. Johnson, A Season of Inquiry: 31 Gillon, pp. 365–90, 394; Elizabeth Drew, Campaign Jour- The Senate Intelligence Investigation (Lexington, KY, 1985), nal: The Political Events of 1983–1984 (New York, 1985), pp. pp. 105, 153–56. 555–57, 619–22. 18 LeRoy Ashby and Rod Gramer, Fighting the Odds: The 32 Roll Call, June 4, 1989; Washington Post, August 14, Sep- Life of Senator Frank Church (Pullman, WA, 1994), pp. 522– tember 15, 1993.

[ 526 ] Chapter 43 GEORGE H.W. BUSH 1981–1989

[ 527 ] GEORGE H.W. BUSH (Presiding in old Senate chamber) Chapter 43 GEORGE H.W. BUSH

43rd Vice President: 1981–1989

Only the President lands on the . —VICE PRESIDENT GEORGE BUSH, MARCH 30, 1981

Rarely had a vice president come to the office family in suburban Greenwich, Connecticut. In so eminently qualified as George Bush. He had 1926 he became vice president of W.A. Harriman been a businessman, United States representa- and Company, an investment firm, later Brown tive, United Nations ambassador, chairman of Brothers, Harriman. In addition to his Wall Street the Republican National Committee, chief U.S. li- activities, served as president of aison officer to the People’s Republic of China, the United States Golf Association during the Central Intelligence Agency director, and presi- 1930s. During World War II, he helped to estab- dential contender. Yet while his vice-presidential lish the United Service Organization (USO). Pres- predecessors had struggled to show they were cott Bush also sought elected office. From 1947 part of the president’s inner circle of policy- to 1950 he was finance chairman of the Connecti- makers, Bush found himself having to insist that cut Republican party. He lost a race for the Sen- he was ‘‘out of the loop.’’ While he occupied the ate in 1950 by just a thousand votes, and in 1952 vice-presidency, he kept his profile low, avoided defeated Representative for a doing anything that might upstage his president, vacant seat in the Senate. Tapping his golf skills, and remained ever loyal and never threatening. Prescott Bush became a frequent golfing partner That strategy made him the first vice president with President Dwight Eisenhower. After two in more than 150 years to move directly to the terms in the Senate, he retired in 1962, an exem- presidency by election. plar of the eastern, internationalist wing of the Republican party.1 A Tradition of Public Service As much as George Bush physically resembled Bush dedicated his vice-presidential memoirs, his tall, lean, athletic father and followed his Looking Forward, to his mother and father, footsteps in business and politics, he was raised ‘‘whose values lit the way.’’ ‘‘Dad taught us primarily by his mother, Dorothy. An athletic about duty and service,’’ he said of Senator Pres- woman herself (she was runner-up in the na- cott S. Bush. The son of an Ohio steel company tional girls’ tennis tournament of 1918), Dorothy president, Prescott Bush had attended Yale, Bush brought up her large family while her hus- where he sang with the Whiffenpoofs and ex- band absented himself to devote long hours to celled in athletics. After military service in the business and public service. She taught her chil- First World War, he married Dorothy Walker in dren kindness, charity, and modesty—and re- 1921 and produced a family of five children. In buked them for any signs of self-importance. 1923 Prescott Bush moved east to take a manage- George Bush’s closest associates attributed his rial position in Massachusetts, and two years difficulty in talking about himself to his mother’s later shifted to New York City, establishing his admonitions. Once when he was vice president, [ 529 ] GEORGE H.W. BUSH

Dorothy complained that her son had been read- Yale. Their first child—a future governor of ing while President Ronald Reagan delivered his Texas—was born there in July 1946. Having a State of the Union address. Bush explained that wife and child to support deterred Bush neither he was simply following the text of the speech, from his education nor from his extracurricular but she still thought it showed poor manners.2 activities. He graduated Phi Beta Kappa, cap- George Herbert Walker Bush was born on June tained the Yale baseball team, and was admitted 12, 1924, at Milton, Massachusetts, where his fa- to the prestigious Skull and Bones Club. Unlike ther was then working. His mother named him fellow student William F. Buckley, Bush was not for her father, George Herbert Walker, and since offended by the liberal of Yale in the Walker’s children had called him ‘‘Pop,’’ his 1940s. Neither a political activist nor an ag- namesake won the unfortunate diminutive grieved conservative, Bush concerned himself ‘‘Poppy.’’ George grew up in Greenwich and primarily with winning a national baseball spent his summers at his grandfather’s vacation championship at the College World Series.5 home in Kennebunkport, Maine. At twelve he A Shift to the Sunbelt went off to the prestigious Phillips Academy in Andover, Massachusetts, in preparation for en- Having graduated in two and a half years with tering his father’s alma mater, Yale. When the honors and won two letters in sports, Bush con- Japanese bombed Pearl Harbor, on December 7, sidered applying for a Rhodes scholarship but 1941, George Bush determined to enlist. Sec- concluded that he could not afford to bring his retary of War Henry Stimson delivered the com- wife and son with him to England. He turned mencement address at Andover, urging the instead to a career in business and accepted an graduating class to get a college eduction before offer from a close family friend, Neil Mallon, to putting on a uniform. ‘‘George, did the Secretary work in the Texas oil fields. Bush started as an say anything to change your mind?’’ his father equipment clerk at Odessa, Texas. The company asked. ‘‘No, sir. I’m going in,’’ Bush replied. He then transferred him to California as a salesman was sworn into the navy on his eighteenth and then called him back to Midland, Texas. birthday.3 George and Barbara Bush moved frequently and The youngest aviator in the navy, Bush was calculated that they had lived in twenty-eight sent to the Pacific and flew missions over Wake different houses before eventually reaching the Island, Guam, and Saipan. On September 2, 1944, White House. During these years their family in- his plane was hit by antiaircraft fire. Bush man- creased to four sons and two daughters, al- aged to drop his cargo of bombs (winning the though, tragically, their first daughter, Robin, navy’s Distinguished Flying Cross for complet- died of leukemia as a child. Bush coached Little ing his mission under fire) before he flew out to League and was less an absentee father than his sea to give his crew a chance to parachute. How- own father had been, but it was Barbara Bush ever, one crew member was trapped on the plane who served as the disciplinarian and kept the and the other’s chute failed to open. Bush eject- growing family in line.6 ed, drifted alone at sea on a raft, and was rescued Once back in Texas, George Bush decided to by the American submarine, U.S.S. Finback. Re- go independent. He and a neighbor, John joining his squadron, he saw further action over Overby, formed the Bush-Overby Oil Develop- the Philippines, flying a total of fifty-eight com- ment Company, which benefitted from Bush bat missions before he was finally ordered home family connections on Wall Street that financed in December 1944.4 its operations. His uncle Herbert Walker in- Two weeks later he married Barbara Pierce in vested nearly a half million dollars, for instance. her home town of Rye, New York. They had met Others, including Washington Post owner Eugene as teenagers at a Christmas dance and become Meyer, were willing to invest in a ‘‘sure-fire’’ engaged in 1943 (in the Pacific he had nicknamed business headed by Senator Prescott Bush’s son. his plane ‘‘Barbara’’). The newlyweds headed to By 1953 Bush-Overby had merged with another New Haven, where George Bush enrolled at independent oil company to form Zapata Petro- [ 530 ] GEORGE H.W. BUSH leum—picking the name from the Mexican revo- Bush did not plan to stay at the ground level lutionary and Marlon Brando film, Viva Zapata! for long. In 1963 he announced his candidacy for In 1959 the company split its operations between the Republican nomination for the Senate to oust inland and offshore oil and gas, and Bush moved the incumbent liberal Democrat Ralph Yar- to Houston as president of Zapata Offshore.7 borough. Bush won the primary with 67 percent The moving force for Bush’s energetic business of the vote. Although the Texas electorate was career was a desire to amass sufficient capital to lopsidedly Democratic, Bush believed he could enter politics. His father had been elected to the appeal to its conservative majority. But in 1964 Senate in 1952 from Connecticut, but the son, he ran on a ticket headed by Barry Goldwater, born and raised a Yankee, staked his claim in- while Yarborough had the coattails of Texas’ stead in the ‘‘.’’ In 1952 Democrats own Lyndon B. Johnson. LBJ took 63 percent of held almost every House and Senate seat in the the state’s votes, while Bush managed to pare southeastern and southwestern states, a vast ex- Yarborough’s winning margin to 56 percent. It panse sweeping from Virginia to Southern Cali- was a creditable first race for a novice fornia. Yet dramatic change was already under- politician.10 way. In 1948 southern delegates had walked out The national population shift also added new of the Democratic convention in protest over in- members to the Texas delegation in the House cluding a civil rights plank in the platform and of Representatives. In 1963, as Harris County had run South Carolina Governor J. Strom Thur- chairman, Bush had filed suit under the Supreme mond as the ‘‘Dixiecrat’’ candidate for president. Court’s one-man-one-vote ruling for a congres- In 1952 Republican presidential candidate sional redistricting in Houston. Victory in court Dwight D. Eisenhower made inroads into the led to the creation of a new Seventh Congres- states of the old Confederacy, carrying Virginia, sional District, for which Bush ran in 1966. To Tennessee, Florida, and his birth state of Texas. finance his campaign, he resigned from Zapata, Texas’ conservative governor Allan Shivers led selling his share for more than a million dollars. a ‘‘Democrats for Eisenhower’’ movement, and His opponent, the Democratic district attorney of in 1961 a political science professor named John Houston, portrayed Bush as a , but Tower won Vice President Lyndon Johnson’s va- Bush knew that three-fourths of the district’s cated Senate seat, becoming the first Texas Re- residents were also newcomers. It was a ‘‘silk- publican senator since Reconstruction.8 stocking’’ district—white, wealthy, and with George Bush reflected a significant political only a small Hispanic and African American power shift in post-World War II America. population. Cashing in on the name recognition Young veterans like himself sought a fresh start he had gained from his Senate bid, Bush took the by moving from inner cities into new suburbs House seat with 57 percent of the vote.11 and from the Rust Belt to the Sunbelt. Through- out the South, military bases established or ex- Congressman Bush panded during the Second World War continued The 1966 election provided a midterm rebound to grow during the cold war. In Texas, the post- for Republicans after the disaster two years ear- war demand for energy sources brought boom lier. Former Vice President Richard Nixon can- times to the oil fields. The state attracted eager vassed the nation for Republican congressional young entrepreneurs not bound by old party loy- candidates, building a base for his own political alties. In 1962, a group of Republicans fearful comeback. Nixon toured Houston for Bush, as that the reactionary might did House Republican leader Gerald Ford in his take over the local party operations invited Bush bid to become Speaker. Both Nixon and Ford had to head Houston’s Harris County Republican known Prescott Bush in Washington. Due to his party organization. ‘‘This was the challenge I’d father’s prominence and his own well-publicized been waiting for,’’ he said, ‘‘—an opening into race for the Senate, George Bush arrived in the politics at the ground level, where it all House better known than most of the forty-six starts.’’ 9 other freshmen Republicans. As a freshman he [ 531 ] GEORGE H.W. BUSH won a coveted seat on the Ways and Means vious experience in foreign affairs. He retorted Committee (which put the Bushes on everyone’s that his experience as a salesman would make ‘‘list’’ of social invitations). He paid diligent at- him ‘‘the American salesman in the world mar- tention to constituent affairs and in 1968 was re- ketplace for ideas.’’ 14 elected without opposition. That year, after a sin- Nixon won a landslide reelection in 1972 and gle term in Congress, his name surfaced on the went to Camp David to reorganize his adminis- short list of candidates whom Nixon considered tration, determined to put absolute loyalists in as running mates. Holding a and fitting every top position. In his memoirs, Bush later re- comfortably into the camaraderie of the House, called that he hoped for a cabinet appointment, Bush might have made his career there, except but when he received his summons to the presi- for his greater ambitions and for the urging of dent’s mountain retreat it was to take over the two presidents of the United States that he run Republican National Committee from Senator for the Senate.12 . Bush reluctantly agreed to take the job Neither Lyndon Johnson nor Richard Nixon but only if he could attend cabinet meetings. At cared for the liberal Democratic senator Ralph the time, he had no notion that the Watergate Yarborough, and both appealed to Bush to chal- break-in of June 1972 would erupt into a post- lenge him again. Nixon added a particular in- election scandal and destroy Nixon’s presidency. ducement by promising Bush a high-level post But from the moment he took office, Bush re- in his administration should he lose the race. Cal- called, ‘‘little else took up my time as national culating the conservative mood of his state, Bush committee chairman.’’ Throughout the storm, concluded that he could unseat Yarborough in Bush defended the president against all charges. a rematch. In 1970 he easily won the Republican Finally, the release of the ‘‘smoking gun’’ tape nomination but was distressed when Yar- revealed that Nixon had participated in the Wa- borough lost the Democratic primary to the more tergate cover-up, eroded what was left of the conservative . Rather than cam- president’s support on Capitol Hill, and changed paigning from the right of his opponent, Bush Bush’s mind.15 found himself situated on the left. Democrats On Tuesday, August 6, 1974, Nixon called a portrayed him as a liberal, carpet- cabinet meeting to dispel rumors of his impend- bagger. (At a Gridiron dinner years later, Texas ing resignation. He announced that had decided Representative was still teasing Bush not to resign because it would weaken the presi- as ‘‘the only Texan I know who eats lobster with dency and because he did not believe he had his chili. . . . He and Barbara had a little down- committed an impeachable offense. As Nixon home quiche cook off.’’) Bush lost the race with then tried to steer the discussion onto economic 46 percent of the vote. It would take him eight- issues, White House chief of staff Alexander 13 een years to even the score with Bentsen. Haig heard a stir from the group sitting away Politics and Foreign Policy from the cabinet table: Bush reminded President Nixon of his offer of It was George Bush, who as a guest of the Presi- a job but did not want anything in the White dent occupied one of the straight chairs along the House, where he might be under the thumb of wall. He seemed to be asking for the floor. When Nixon’s ‘‘praetorian guard,’’ H.R. Haldeman and Nixon failed to recognize him, he spoke anyway. John Ehrlichman. He volunteered instead for the Watergate was the vital question, he said. It was post of United Nations ambassador, arguing that sapping public confidence. Until it was settled, it would position him within New York’s social the economy and the country as whole would suffer. Nixon should resign. circles, where Nixon lacked a strong political base. That argument appealed to Nixon, who Surely it was unprecedented, Haig observed, was very concerned about his own reelection in for the chairman of the Republican National 1972. Bush’s appointment raised complaints that Committee to advise a Republican president to he was a Texas oilman-politician with no pre- resign from office at a cabinet meeting. The cabi- [ 532 ] GEORGE H.W. BUSH net sat in shocked silence as all realized that Nix- I wanted to be Vice President,’’ Bush demurred, on’s resignation was inevitable. Bush, who ‘‘I wouldn’t be here asking you to confirm me thought that Nixon had looked ‘‘beleaguered, for the CIA.’’ He refused to renounce his ‘‘politi- worn down by stress, detached from reality,’’ felt cal birthright’’ for the price of confirmation. The that the issue needed to be addressed squarely. senators persisted until Bush finally asked Ford In a letter the next day he reiterated that Nixon to exclude him from consideration for the second should resign, adding that his view was ‘‘held spot. ‘‘I know it’s unfair,’’ he told the president, by most Republican leaders across the ‘‘but you don’t have much of a choice if we are country.’’ 16 to get on with the job of rebuilding and strength- Nixon’s resignation on August 9 made Gerald ening the agency.’’ After Ford notified the Senate Ford president and opened a vacancy in the vice- Armed Services Committee that Bush would not presidency. Bush let Ford know that he was be considered for vice president, the CIA con- available for the post. A poll of Republican of- firmation followed speedily.18 ficeholders put Bush at the top of the list, but he Although he briefed the president each week was passed over for New York Governor Nelson on intelligence matters, Bush found that the CIA Rockefeller, who carried more independent stat- directorship was not a policy-making position. It ure. To soften the blow, Ford offered Bush a also kept him on the fringe of politics. From his choice of ambassadorships to London or Paris. offices in Langley, Virginia, Bush watched the Instead, Bush asked to be sent to China. There 1976 presidential race take place in the distance. he thought he could both broaden his foreign Challenged from the right by former California policy expertise and remain politically visible. Governor Ronald Reagan, Ford dropped Rocke- Nixon’s initiatives in 1971 had drawn great pub- feller and selected Kansas Senator Bob Dole for lic attention and put China back on the American vice president. An even more unexpected politi- political map. During his year in , China cal saga was on the Democratic side, attracted a steady stream of American visitors, where a pack of senior Democratic senators from President Ford and Secretary of State vying for the nomination were eliminated by an Henry Kissinger to members of Congress and obscure political ‘‘outsider,’’ former Georgia countless delegations of prominent American Governor Jimmy Carter. In Iowa, Carter scored citizens.17 an upset by persistent personal campaigning and When he made the appointment, Ford told by promising to create a less ‘‘imperial’’ presi- Bush to expect to stay in China for two years, dency. As CIA director, Bush briefed candidate but after a year Bush wrote the president that he Carter, then later returned to Plains, Georgia, to wanted to return to the United States. His letter brief him as president-elect. Bush informed arrived while Ford was preoccupied with con- Carter that if the president wanted to name his gressional scrutiny of the Central Intelligence own director he would resign from the CIA.19 Agency. Considering Bush an able administrator and a savvy politician, Ford telegraphed him to Running for President—and Vice President come home to be CIA director. The ‘‘for eyes Back in private life in Houston for the first time only’’ cable came as a shock to Bush, who had in a decade, Bush laid the groundwork for a expected a cabinet appointment. He never antici- presidential campaign in 1980. As with the pated taking charge of an agency that was under Democrats, Republican party reforms had shift- investigation for everything ‘‘from lawbreaking ed control of the delegate-selection process from to simple incompetence.’’ Since the post had tra- state party organizations to primary elections. In ditionally been nonpolitical, Bush suspected his 1979, Bush logged more than 250,000 miles to at- rivals within the administration wanted to bury tend 850 political events. Like Carter, he in- him there. Yet he felt he had no choice but to tended to make his mark in the . accept. His confirmation was stalled when con- The field of Republican contenders included Sen- gressional Democrats demanded that Bush ators and Bob Dole, Representa- promise not to run for vice president in 1976. ‘‘If tives John Anderson and Philip Crane, and [ 533 ] GEORGE H.W. BUSH former Texas Governor John Connally, but the family man, while Reagan won attention for de- man to beat was Ronald Reagan. After narrowly fending , despite being divorced losing the nomination in 1976, Reagan made it and estranged from his children. Bush looked clear that despite his age he planned to run and sounded awkward and inarticulate on tele- again. As the frontrunner, Reagan initially pur- vision, while Reagan mastered the medium. sued a more traditional campaign, spending Bush’s media advisers warned him about his most of his time in New Hampshire and the ‘‘preppy’’ and ‘‘elitist’’ appearance, but when he northeast, while Bush devoted nearly every day asked why the public had never held Ivy League to Iowa. A week before the Republican caucuses, attendance against the Roosevelts, Tafts, and Bush’s organization sent a million pieces of mail Kennedys, they had no explanation. He con- to party members across the state. When the cau- cluded that his image was ‘‘just something I’d cuses met on January 21, 1980, Bush won 31.5 have to live with.’’ 22 percent to Reagan’s 29.4 percent. The margin The New Hampshire primary effectively was slim but enough to enable Bush to claim mo- ended Bush’s presidential campaign well before mentum—or as he called it ‘‘the Big Mo.’’ 20 he formally dropped out of the race in May. It The news from Iowa jolted Ronald Reagan, was during this interregnum, when his political who learned the result while watching an old future seemed doubtful, that Bush sold his home movie. Rather than become unnerved, however, in Houston and purchased his grandfather’s old Reagan found the loss reinvigorating. He reorga- estate, Walker’s Point, at Kennebunkport, Maine. nized his staff, replaced his campaign manager, This move further blurred his identity: was he and concentrated his fire on Bush in New Hamp- a Texan or a Yankee? In July, he went to the Re- shire. Reagan and Bush agreed to meet at a head- publican convention in Detroit with a slim hope to-head debate sponsored by the Nashua Tele- for the vice-presidential nomination but encoun- graph. When four other Republican candidates tered a boom for Gerald Ford. With a good objected to the two-person format, Bush opposed chance of defeating the incumbent President opening the debate, while Reagan dramatically Jimmy Carter and the divided Democrats, appeared at the debate trailed by the four ex- Reagan wanted to unify the Republican party. At cluded candidates. As Bush sat stiffly, Reagan Henry Kissinger’s suggestion, Reagan ap- started to explain why he had brought the others. proached Ford with the novel idea that the The debate moderator, Nashua Telegraph editor former president run for vice president. Ford in- Jon Breen, ordered Reagan’s microphone turned dicated he might accept if assured a meaningful off. Reagan replied, ‘‘I am paying for this micro- role in the administration. phone.’’ No matter that he had swiped the line Word of this ‘‘dream ticket’’ sparked consider- from an old Spencer Tracy movie, State of the able enthusiasm at the Republican convention. Union, Reagan had given a memorable perform- Then Ford visited the CBS booth to be inter- ance. Leaving the debate, Reagan’s staff told him viewed by Walter Cronkite. The veteran broad- that ‘‘the parking lot was littered with Bush-for- caster pressed Ford about the details of how a President badges.’’ Having regained command former president might accept the second spot, of the race, Reagan remained in the state until prompting Ford to elaborate on his ideas for a election night, convincingly beating Bush by 50 co-presidency. From his hotel room, Bush to 23 percent.21 watched the interview with the sinking feeling Bush was frustrated at the way the public per- that Ford would never talk so freely unless all ceived him and his opponent. Bush had been a of the arrangements for his candidacy had been combat pilot in the Second World War, but completed. But Ronald and Nancy Reagan also Reagan was widely known for his war movies. watched Ford’s interview, with mounting dis- Bush had actually ‘‘met a payroll’’ as an inde- may. ‘‘Wait a minute’’ Reagan later recalled think- pendent oil company executive, while Reagan ing, ‘‘this is really two presidents he’s talking about.’’ had simply preached the free-enterprise system Later that night, Reagan called Ford to his hotel to appreciative audiences. Bush was a devoted suite, where the two men met behind closed [ 534 ] GEORGE H.W. BUSH doors. When they emerged after ten minutes and thrived on the many social duties of the of- alone together, the ‘‘dream ticket’’ had evapo- fice. Bush’s attendance at a string of state funer- rated. ‘‘The answer was no,’’ Reagan told his als became a common joke for comedians. Bar- staff. ‘‘He didn’t think it was right for him or for bara Bush felt such criticism was shortsighted, me. And now I am inclined to agree.’’ Reagan since ‘‘George met with many current or future knew he needed to make a prompt decision heads of state at the funerals he attended, ena- about a replacement, since any delay would bling him to forge personal relationships that cause a letdown among the delegates and raise were important to President Reagan—and later, questions about his decision-making abilities. As President Bush.’’ From the start, Bush recognized Michael Deaver described the scene, Reagan the constitutional limits of the office. He would ‘‘picked up the phone and said, to the amaze- not be the decision maker, since that was the ment of everyone in the room, ‘I’m calling president’s job. His position would be meaning- George Bush. I want to get this settled. Anyone ful therefore only if the president trusted him have any objections?’ ’’ Recognizing the need to enough to delegate significant responsibilities to broaden the ticket ideologically, no one could him. He determined to be a loyal team player offer an alternative. Reagan placed the call, tell- and not to separate himself when things got ing Bush that he wanted to announce his selec- tough. As president of the Senate, he also tried tion right away, if he had no objection. Surprised to stay in close touch with the senators and to 23 and delighted, Bush had none. keep the president informed of what was hap- Joining the Reagan Team pening on the Hill. Respecting the limitations on Reagan had not been impressed by Bush dur- his legislative role, however, he avoided trying 25 ing the primaries. During their contest, Bush had to intervene in Senate deliberations. leveled the charge of ‘‘voodoo economics’’ That attitude served Bush well during the first against Reagan’s programs, a taunt that still crisis of his vice-presidency. Touring Texas, stung. Reagan thought Bush lacked ‘‘spunk’’ and where he had unveiled a historical marker at the became too easily rattled by political criticism. hotel where John Kennedy spent his last night ‘‘He just melts under pressure,’’ Reagan com- before Dallas, Bush received word that President plained. Thus when Reagan won the presidency Reagan had been shot and seriously wounded. in 1980, there were indications that Bush would He immediately flew to Washington. When his remain an outsider from the Reagan team. Wash- plane landed at Andrews Air Force Base, aides ington observers commented that the Reagans wanted him to proceed directly to the White and the Bushes rarely socialized. Yet Bush had House by helicopter. They thought it would several advantages as vice president. His person- make dramatic television footage and dem- ality and his long experience in appointed offices onstrate that the government was still function- made him naturally deferential to the president. ing. Bush vetoed the idea, declaring that ‘‘only He avoided criticizing or differing with Reagan the President lands on the south lawn.’’ His heli- in any way. He also had the good fortune of see- copter instead flew to the vice-presidential resi- ing his campaign manager, James A. Baker III, dence, from which he drove to the White House. appointed chief of staff in the Reagan White The gesture was not lost on Ronald Reagan, who House. While other vice presidents had to com- slowly warmed to his vice president.26 bat protective chiefs of staff, the longtime friend- Over time, Reagan grew comfortable with his ship of Bush and Baker continued throughout vice president. The genial Reagan especially ap- Reagan’s administration. Although Baker served preciated Bush’s effort to start staff meetings Reagan foremost, he made sure nothing would with a ‘‘joke of the day.’’ The two men had lunch jeopardize Bush’s eventual succession to the together every Thursday and their discussions, presidency.24 according to Bush, were ‘‘wide-ranging, from af- George and Barbara Bush moved into the vice- fairs of state to small talk.’’ The vice president presidential mansion at the Naval Observatory made a point of never divulging publicly the ad- [ 535 ] GEORGE H.W. BUSH vice he gave the president in private, and Reagan otherwise dull and packaged campaign. Many clearly appreciated his loyalty and discretion.27 reporters, especially women members of the As vice president, Bush devoted much atten- press, cheered her campaign, leaving Bush at a tion to two special projects the president as- decided disadvantage. As his anger flared after signed to him. One was to chair a special task his televised debate with Ferraro, Bush was force on federal deregulation. The task force re- quoted as saying that he had ‘‘tried to kick a little viewed hundreds of rules and regulations, mak- ass last night.’’ Despite Reagan’s landslide re- ing specific recommendations on which ones to election, the campaign left Bush feeling de- revise or eliminate in order to cut red tape. Bush pressed and wondering if he still had a future chaired another task force on international drug in politics.29 smuggling, to coordinate federal efforts to stem Bush’s friends and Nicholas Brady the flow of drugs into the United States. Not co- quickly helped revive his optimism and enthu- incidentally, both efforts—against big govern- siasm, and by that Christmas they were already ment and illegal drugs—were popular issues planning strategy for his run for the presidency with Republican conservatives. Having joined in 1988. From the Reagan camp, Bush hired Craig the Reagan ticket as a representative of the mod- Fuller as his vice-presidential chief of staff, and erate wing of his party, Vice President Bush from Reagan’s campaign team he selected Lee courted conservatives to erase their suspicions. Atwater as his chief campaign strategist. Before His conspicuous efforts to befriend the likes of the end of 1985, Atwater had set up a political New Hampshire publisher William Loeb and action committee, the Fund for America, that had leader Jerry Falwell drove the raised more than two million dollars. Well in ad- newspaper columnist to comment: vance of the election, Bush became the conceded ‘‘The unpleasant sound Bush is emitting as he frontrunner to replace Reagan. The strategy, traipses from one conservative gathering to an- however, depended upon Reagan retaining his other is a thin, tinny arf—the sound of a lap phenomenal popularity. Then news of the dog.’’ 28 Iran-Contra scandal shook the Reagan administration.30 A Troubled Second Term The press and public were astonished in the Bush so solidified his position by 1984 that fall of 1986 to learn that the Reagan administra- there was no question of replacing him when tion had secretly reversed its declared intention Reagan ran for a second term. By then, Barbara not to sell arms to Iran. Designed to free Amer- Bush had also become a national figure in her ican hostages, the arms sales had produced reve- own right. The public enjoyed her direct, warm, nue that administration officials had diverted to and casual style. In 1984 she published a popular support anticommunist rebels in , in children’s book, C. Fred’s Story, about the fami- direct violation of the law. These revelations im- ly’s basset hound—a forerunner of the best-sell- plicated President Reagan’s national security ad- ing Millie’s Book by C. Fred’s replacement. Yet visers, Robert McFarland and John Poindexter, George and Barbara Bush found the reelection and a National Security Council aide, Oliver campaign far more trying than the race four North. When Secretary of State years earlier. The Democratic candidate, Walter and Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger Mondale, had made history by choosing the first made it clear that they had opposed the Iran- woman candidate for vice president on a major Contra plan, they left open the question of the national ticket. New York Representative Geral- vice president’s position. Either way, whether he dine Ferraro was an attractive and aggressive had supported the illegal plan or been kept in candidate. Although a millionaire herself, she the dark about it, Bush stood to lose. Alexander represented a blue-collar district in Queens that Haig, one of his opponents for the Republican placed her in sharp contrast to Bush’s Ivy League nomination, asked: ‘‘Where was George Bush image. While Ferraro encountered significant during the story? Was he the copilot in the cock- problems of her own, she brought color to an pit, or was he back in economy class?’’ 31 [ 536 ] GEORGE H.W. BUSH

The vice president maintained that those who vamp his strategy. The Bushes flew to New ran the operation had ‘‘compartmentalized’’ it, Hampshire, where Governor John Sununu as- so that he knew of only some parts of the plan sured Barbara: ‘‘Don’t worry. He’ll win in New and had been ‘‘deliberately excluded’’ from oth- Hampshire. ‘Mr. Fix-it’ will see to it.’’ Bush fol- ers. Despite his claims of being ‘‘out of the loop,’’ lowed the advice of his ‘‘handlers’’—Sununu, public opinion polls indicated that people had Baker, Atwater, and Ailes. He abandoned his set trouble believing Bush was an innocent by- speeches in favor of meeting voters at factories stander. The issue burst open in a live television and shopping malls and drove an eighteen- encounter between Bush and CBS anchorman wheel truck, trying to shed his ‘‘preppy’’ image Dan Rather on January 25, 1988. and and show a more down-to-earth personal side. , Bush’s campaign director and He also went on the attack, pledging that he media adviser, worried much over the vice presi- would never raise taxes as president, while dent’s image as a ‘‘wimp.’’ Before the interview, claiming that Senator Dole had straddled the tax they convinced Bush that the broadcaster was issue. The New Hampshire campaign saw the setting a trap for him and planned to ‘‘sandbag’’ beginning of the negative attack advertisements him over the Iran-Contra affair. Rather prefaced that would mark the Bush campaign for the rest the interview by suggesting that Bush had been of the year. The decent, affable, self-effacing present at numerous White House meetings on Bush, who had trouble boasting about his own Iran-Contra and then devoted his first question impressive resume, had fewer compunctions to the scandal. Bush angrily charged that CBS about attacking his opponents. Bush defeated had misrepresented the purpose of the inter- Dole and Robertson in New Hampshire and view. Rather replied that he did not want to be went on to take the Republican nomination. argumentative, but Bush retorted, ‘‘You do, Dan. Although he started well behind in the polls . . . I don’t think it’s fair to judge a whole career at the outset, he waged a vigorous general elec- . . . by a rehash on Iran.’’ Atwater, and Ailes were tion campaign against Massachusetts Governor delighted. Bush’s obvious fury had put ‘‘the and his running mate, Lloyd wimp issue’’ to rest.32 Bentsen (who had defeated Bush for the Senate in 1970). Atwater and Ailes crafted a campaign Winning the Presidency in His Own Right of direct attacks on the Democratic candidate for By the time Bush had officially declared his refusing to sign a bill making the Pledge of Alle- candidacy for president, his campaign had al- giance mandatory for school children, for allow- ready raised ten million dollars, but he was by ing a weekend parole system that released con- no means assured of the nomination. No vice vict Willie Horton from prison, and for not hav- president since Martin Van Buren in 1836 had ing cleaned up a badly polluted Boston harbor. won election on his own immediately following Never appreciating the impact of the negative the term of the president with whom he had ads, Dukakis responded to them inadequately. served. While Reagan was still personally popu- Bush won an impressive victory in November, lar, the Iran-Contra scandal had hobbled his ad- portraying himself as proudly patriotic, tough on ministration. Senate Republican Leader Bob Dole crime, opposed to taxes, and sympathetic to edu- was pressing a hard campaign against Bush, as cational and environmental issues.34 was televangelist Pat Robertson. Returning to an The chief circumstance in which candidate economically depressed Iowa, Bush campaigned Bush ignored the advice of his ‘‘handlers’’ con- surrounded by Secret Service agents and rode in cerned the choice of his own vice-presidential a motorcade of official limousines that looked candidate. Neither nor Lee Atwater like ‘‘the caravan of an Eastern potentate.’’ The was impressed with the qualifications of Indiana results of the Iowa caucuses relegated Bush to a Senator , although Roger Ailes and dismal third place behind Dole and Robertson.33 Craig Fuller saw Quayle’s potential to attract As it did for Ronald Reagan eight years earlier, younger and more conservative voters. Quayle the embarrassing loss in Iowa forced Bush to re- had also been conducting his own ‘‘sub rosa’’ [ 537 ] GEORGE H.W. BUSH campaign to bring his availability to Bush’s at- sistent economic recession, mounting federal tention. Bush viewed Quayle as a young, good- deficits, and his broken campaign pledge not to looking, successful politician who was likely to raise taxes. Bush also suffered from his lack of play the same appreciative and deferential role what he called ‘‘the vision thing,’’ a clarity of that Bush had as vice president. Whatever ideas and principles that could shape public Quayle’s merits, the Bush campaign’s strategy of opinion and influence Congress. ‘‘He does not keeping his choice secret until the last moment say why he wants to be there,’’ complained col- to add some drama to an otherwise predeter- umnist George Will, ‘‘so the public does not mined convention, proved to be a mistake. know why it should care if he gets his way.’’ Quayle was so little known to the nation—even Standing for reelection, Bush faced a ‘‘New Dem- to the media—that his public image became ocrat,’’ Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton, and a shaped entirely by initial perceptions, which scrappy Texas billionaire independent can- were not favorable. One 1988 Democratic cam- didate, . In November 1992, President paign button read simply, ‘‘Quayle—A Heart- Bush finished second with 38 percent of the vote beat Away.’’ 35 to Clinton’s 43 percent and Perot’s 19 percent.36 George Bush served one term as president of the United States. His years of experience in for- In retrospect, George Bush lost in 1992 for the eign policy prepared him well to serve as the na- same reason he had won in 1988. Having served tion’s first post-cold war president. When the as Reagan’s vice president, he personified a con- Iraqi army under Saddam Hussein invaded tinuation of the previous policies. By 1992, Bar- Iraq’s oil-rich neighbor Kuwait, Bush responded bara Bush concluded that ‘‘we lost because peo- promptly and boldly on both the diplomatic and ple really wanted a change. We had had twelve military fronts. The lightning-quick Persian Gulf years of a Republican presidency.’’ Seen in those war lifted his public approval rating to an aston- terms, Bush’s defeat represented the vice-presi- ishing 91 percent. On the domestic front, his ad- dential conundrum: once having achieved the of- ministration fared less well, diminished by a per- fice, one never escapes it.37

[ 538 ] NOTES 1 George Bush with Victor Gold, Looking Forward (New 19 George Bush, pp. 164–79. York, 1987), p. 26; Leonard Schlup, ‘‘Prescott Bush and the 20 Ibid., pp. 184–85; Lou Cannon, Reagan (New York, Foundations of Modern Republicanism,’’ Research Journal of 1982), pp. 229, 247–48. Philosophy and Social Sciences (1992), pp. 1–16; Garry Wills, 21 Cannon, pp. 249–54; Ronald Reagan, An American Life ‘‘Father Knows Best,’’ New York Review of Books (November (New York, 1990), pp. 212–13. 5, 1992), pp. 36–40. 22 Schieffer and Gates, p. 341; George Bush, p. 203. 2 George Bush, pp. 26–27; Washington Post, November 20, 23 Marie D. Natoli, ‘‘The Vice Presidency: Gerald Ford as 1992. Healer?’’ Presidential Studies Quarterly 10 (Fall 1980): 662– 3 George Bush, pp. 30. 64; Schieffer and Gates, pp. 313–14; Cannon, pp. 265–67; 4 Ibid., pp. 32–40; Fitzhugh Green, George Bush: An Inti- Reagan, pp. 214–16; Michael Deaver, Behind the Scenes (New mate Portrait (New York, 1989), pp. 27–40. York, 1987), pp. 96–97; Barbara Bush, p. 169. 5 George Bush, pp. 41–45; Barbara Bush, Barbara Bush: A 24 Cannon, pp. 262–63; Schieffer and Gates, p. 125. Memoir (New York, 1994), pp. 16–29; see William F. Buckley, 25 Barbara Bush, p. 182; Green, pp. 185–96; George Bush God and Man at Yale: The Superstitions of Academic Freedom to Senator Mark Hatfield, April 14, 1995, Senate Historical (Chicago, 1951). Office files. 6 George Bush, pp. 46–58; Green, pp. 55–58, Barbara Bush, 26 George Bush, pp. 217–32. pp. 30–49. 27 Schieffer and Gates, p. 318. 7 Green, pp. 59–74; George Bush, pp. 61–68. 28 George Bush, p. 233; Schieffer and Gates, p. 320. 8 See Dewey W. Grantham, The Life and Death of the Solid 29 Barbara Bush, pp. 194–97; Schieffer and Gates, p. 318. South: A Political History (Lexington, KY, 1988). 30 Schieffer and Gates, p. 319. 9 Green, pp. 75–81. 31 William S. Cohen and George J. Mitchell, Men of Zeal: 10 Ibid., pp. 81–87; George Bush, pp. 77–89. A Candid Inside Story of the Iran-Contra Hearings (New York, 11 Barbara Bush, pp. 57–63; George Bush, pp. 89–93. 1989), p. 268; see also Theodore Draper, A Very Thin Line: 12 George Bush, pp. 93–98; Barbara Bush, p. 67; Richard The Iran-Contra Affairs (New York, 1991). Nixon, RN: The Memoirs of Richard Nixon (New York, 1978), 32 George Bush, pp. 240–41; Green, pp. 216–18; Cohen and p. 312. Mitchell, p. 264; Schieffer and Gates, pp. 347–50; Jack W. 13 George Bush, pp. 99–103; Bob Schieffer and Gary Paul Germond and Jules Witcover, Whose Bright Stripes and Bright Gates, The Acting President (New York, 1989), p. 317; Wash- Stars? The Trivial Pursuit of the Presidency, 1988 (New York, ington Times, March 24, 1986. 1989), pp. 118–30. 14 Schieffer and Gates, p. 317; Barbara Bush, p. 79; Green, 33 Schieffer and Gates, pp. 321–23, 342–45; Germond and pp. 115–17; George Bush, pp. 107–20; H.R. Haldeman, The Witcover, pp. 65–80, 101–18. Haldeman Diaries: Inside the Nixon White House (New York, 34 Barbara Bush, pp. 224–25; Schieffer and Gates, pp. 353– 1994), p. 217. 55, 373; Germond and Witcover, pp. 399–467. 15 George Bush, pp. 120–25; Haldeman, pp. 540, 545, 553. 35 Schieffer and Gates, pp. 365–67; Germond and 16 Alexander M. Haig, Jr., with Charles McCarry, Inner Witcover, pp. 375–95; David S. Broder and Bob Woodward, Circles: How America Changed the World: A Memoir (New The Man Who Would be President: Dan Quayle (New York, York, 1992), pp. 492–93; George Bush, pp. 122–25. 1992), p. 15. 17 George Bush, pp. 129–49. 36 George F. Will, The Leveling Wind: Politics, the Culture 18 Barbara Bush, pp. 108, 130–31; George Bush, pp. 153– and Other News, 1990–1994 (New York, 1994), pp. 282–94; 59; Gerald Ford, A Time to Heal: The Autobiography of Gerald on Bush and the Persian Gulf War, see Bob Woodward, The R. Ford (New York, 1979), pp. 325–26, 337–38; Loch K. John- Commanders (New York, 1991). son, A Season of Inquiry: The Senate Intelligence Investigation 37 Barbara Bush, p. 498. (Lexington, KY, 1985), pp. 158–59.

[ 539 ]

Chapter 44 J. DANFORTH QUAYLE 1989–1993

[ 541 ] J. DANFORTH QUAYLE Chapter 44 J. DANFORTH QUAYLE

44th Vice President: 1989–1993

The essence of the vice presidency is preparedness. —VICE PRESIDENT DAN QUAYLE

New Orleans’ Spanish Plaza, on a hot August own state, the forty-one-year-old senator found day in 1988, teemed with people waiting for the his public identity shaped by some unfortunate SS to steam down the Mississippi River. first impressions. Jacketless on the sweltering On board the riverboat was Vice President deck, Quayle grabbed Bush’s arm and shouted George Bush, soon to become the Republican ‘‘Let’s go get ’em!’’ He reminded reporters less nominee for president of the United States. Fran- of a vice-presidential candidate than an elated tically pushing their way through the mob on the game show contestant who had just won a car. plaza were Indiana Senator Dan Quayle and his Even Bush’s own staff had to order speedy back- wife Marilyn. Those who had been standing in ground research to find out about their nominee. the broiling sun for hours understandably were When keen observers like journalists David not anxious to make way for the late arrivals. Broder and Bob Woodward and political sci- Only the Quayles knew that he was to join Bush entist Richard Fenno examined his background on deck to be announced as the vice-presidential and positions closely, Quayle appeared fairly candidate. Bush had insisted that the choice re- substantial. Yet his initial image as a lightweight main secret to add drama to the event. ‘‘This was made his selection seem so inappropriate that the not the best-planned episode in political his- entire vice-presidency, in the metaphor of jour- tory,’’ Quayle lamented. The Quayles waved nalist Jules Witcover, appeared to be a vainly at Bush’s staff members on the boat but 2 went unnoticed until South Carolina Senator ‘‘crapshoot.’’ and a few others on board The media legitimately wanted to know what pointed them out in the crowd, and the Secret credentials Quayle possessed for the nation’s sec- Service parted the way for the Quayles to board. ond-highest job. Could he confirm reports that Barbara Bush later commented that ‘‘Dan and he had been a poor student? What was his fami- Marilyn had trouble getting to the platform be- ly’s financial standing? Had he dodged the Viet- cause they looked too young and no one realized nam War? Quayle did not handle these initial in- why they needed to be up there.’’ 1 quiries well. He seemed tongue-tied and flus- More of a problem for Quayle than reaching tered, wearing a stunned expression that Bush’s the boat was being taken seriously once he got media adviser Roger Ailes described as ‘‘that there. Bush’s tactic of not revealing his vice-pres- deer-in-the-headlights look.’’ Campaign man- idential choice until the last moment added sus- agers made things worse by staging Quayle’s pense to an otherwise predictable convention but first formal news conference in his home town did a disservice to Quayle. Little known to the of Huntington, Indiana, among a crowd of sup- national media and to the public outside of his porters so protective of their candidate and hos- [ 543 ] J. DANFORTH QUAYLE tile to the reporters that the event soured related question was whether Quayle’s family Quayle’s relations with the press from the start.3 pulled any strings to get him into the Guard. A Problem of Perception Interviewed during the convention, Quayle could not recall any special connections but spec- Quayle perceived himself quite differently ulated that ‘‘phone calls were made.’’ Identifica- from the image he saw in the general media. The tion with his family’s newspaper had further press pictured him as wealthy, because his helped gain him assignment as an information grandfather Eugene Pulliam owned radio sta- officer with the Guard’s public relations unit.5 tions and such newspapers as the Indianapolis After his six months in the National Guard, Star and . But Quayle argued Quayle applied to Indiana University Law that his own family had lived a much more mod- School. His poor college grades kept him out of est, middle-class life. His grandfather had actu- the main law school in Bloomington, but he was ally left his money in a series of trusts designed admitted to the night school in Indianapolis. to protect the financial security of his news- Quayle studied harder in law school, finding papers rather than to enrich his family. time also to work as a research assistant for the Born on February 4, 1947, in Indianapolis, the state attorney general, as an administrative as- son of Corrine Pulliam Quayle and James C. sistant in the governor’s office, and as director Quayle, he was named James Danforth Quayle of inheritance taxes for the state department of after a college friend of his father who was killed revenue. A joint project on a capital punishment in World War II. James Quayle, a manager for brief introduced him to fellow law student the Pulliam newspapers, moved the family to Marilyn Tucker, and a short courtship led to Scottsdale, Arizona, in the mid-1950s and then their marriage ten weeks later in 1972. Two years back to Huntington, Indiana, in 1963, where he later, after they both passed the bar exam on the published the Huntington Herald-Press. Dan same day (and in the same month that their first Quayle grew up in a Republican family—he re- child was born) the Quayles moved back to Hun- called once walking behind his grandfather and tington. They set up a law practice, Quayle and his golfing partner Dwight Eisenhower—and the Quayle, in the building that housed his father’s family newspapers were staunchly conservative. newspaper. Marilyn handled most of the legal But Dan Quayle ‘‘was never much of a student business, while Dan spent his time as an associ- government type,’’ and at DePauw University ate publisher of the paper. His real career objec- his prime interests were golf and the Delta tive, however, was politics rather than journal- Kappa Epsilon fraternity. He described himself ism. They chose a house in a district represented as a ‘‘late bloomer,’’ and admitted that he en- in the state legislature by a Democrat, whom joyed the movie Ferris Bueller’s Day Off because Quayle planned to challenge in 1976.6 it reminded him of his own lackadaisical schooldays.4 Upset Victories Intending to go to law school, Quayle realized Unexpectedly, in February 1976, Republican that his draft deferment would expire when he county chairman Orvas Beers approached the graduated from DePauw in 1969. He therefore twenty-nine-year-old Quayle and asked him to chose to join the Indiana National Guard, which run for Congress. ‘‘You mean now?’’ the aston- would most likely keep him out of the Vietnam ished Quayle asked, thinking of his plan to start War. Countless other young men of his genera- in the state legislature. Beers explained that no tion were making similar decisions, but this act one else wanted to run for the House seat against would have serious consequences when Quayle eight-term Democrat Ed Roush. After consulting was selected to run for vice president. Grilled by with his wife and his father, and obtaining prom- Bush’s staff regarding whether he had any re- ises from Beers to provide enough money to grets about going into the Guard rather than to mount a creditable campaign, Quayle an- Vietnam, he replied, ‘‘I did not know in 1969 that nounced his candidacy. Copying Jimmy Carter’s I would be in this room today, I’ll confess.’’ A style, Quayle ran as a Washington ‘‘outsider,’’ at- [ 544 ] J. DANFORTH QUAYLE tacking the Democratic Congress and Roush’s own candidacy. He repeated that message to Re- liberal voting record. While he went out cam- publican leaders across the state. Bowen’s deci- paigning, set up a headquarters sion in 1979 not to make the Senate race cleared in a back room of Mother’s Restaurant in Fort the way for Quayle. As a thirty-three-year-old Wayne, where she ‘‘met with the county chair- challenger, Quayle reversed the tables on the vet- men and stroked everybody and made every- eran Bayh, who himself had challenged and body fall into place.’’ Rather than rely on the upset a three-term incumbent while still in his party organization, Quayle developed his own thirties. It was a classic race of a liberal versus cadre of volunteers, drawn especially, as he a conservative, with the two men differing on noted, from ‘‘the Christian community.’’ Roush every issue from abortion to welfare. The politi- failed to take his challenger seriously and agreed cal scientist Richard Fenno joined Quayle on the to a series of debates that gave the newcomer campaign trail while the candidate was still the much-needed exposure. Election day provided decided underdog. ‘‘He struck me as a remark- ample Republican coattails, as Indianans cast ably handsome kid, but more kid even than their votes for Republicans Gerald Ford for presi- handsome,’’ Fenno noted. ‘‘As a campaigner, he dent, Otis Bowen for governor, and Richard was a natural—vigorous (but not polished) in Lugar for senator. Dan Quayle upset Ed Roush speech, attentive in personal contact, open in dia- with 54 percent of the vote. In the wake of the logue and undaunted by potentially unfriendly victory, both Dan and Marilyn Quayle sus- audiences.’’ The National Conservative Political pended their law practice.7 Action Committee (NCPAC) and the Moral Ma- Congressman Quayle began his term by intro- jority ran ads attacking Bayh, but, even more sig- ducing a term-limit bill that would restrict him- nificantly, double-digit inflation and unemploy- self and his colleagues to no more than twelve ment in the state undermined the incumbent. years’ service. He identified himself as a critic of Ronald Reagan’s 1980 challenge to Jimmy Carter ‘‘the old ways’’ and as an opponent of pork bar- provided a further boost to Republican senato- rel politics, congressional pay raises, and govern- ment bureaucracy. Yet Quayle had a lackluster rial candidates. Carter dragged down to defeat attendance record in the House, often skipping with him such senior Democratic senators as committee meetings and missing votes to play George McGovern, Frank Church, Warren Mag- golf. People referred to him as a ‘‘wet head,’’ be- nuson, and Birch Bayh. For the first time since 9 cause he always seemed to be coming from the 1952, Republicans won control of the Senate. House gymnasium. The House never engaged Quayle found it both a curse and a blessing to his interest. ‘‘Almost as soon as I was in, I want- be so constantly underestimated. Like Roush, ed out—or up,’’ he admitted. Since, as a fresh- Bayh had agreed to a series of debates, assuming man member of the minority party, Quayle that he could easily outshine his opponent. By would have little influence over legislation, he the end of the campaign, Bayh regretted the deci- devoted most of his attention to constituent serv- sion. Although not particularly articulate as a de- ices and building a strong base back home, bater, Quayle exuded confidence and dem- spending most of his second year running for re- onstrated his highly competitive nature. Even election. For years Quayle’s district had been after this second impressive upset, however, considered marginal, with only a few percentage Quayle arrived in the Senate identified as a points dividing the two parties. But in 1978 he ‘‘golden boy’’ who had led a ‘‘charmed life.’’ Re- won reelection by a smashing two-to-one mar- inforcing this image, his name surfaced in a scan- gin, causing people to talk about him challenging dal in March 1981, when it was revealed that he Birch Bayh for the Senate.8 and two representatives on a golfing weekend in Quayle approached ‘‘Doc’’ Bowen, the popular Florida had shared a cottage with an attractive governor of Indiana, offering to support Bowen female lobbyist. Both representatives lost their for the Senate in 1980 but stating that, if Bowen seats in the next election, while Quayle lost face. chose not to run, then Quayle would declare his He also found the transition to the Senate dif- [ 545 ] J. DANFORTH QUAYLE ficult, especially missing the afternoon basketball on this issue, Quayle sought to build a bipartisan games in the House gym. ‘‘There aren’t many coalition. He sidestepped the subcommittee’s senators under thirty-five with children under cantankerous ranking Democrat, Ohio Senator six,’’ he observed (the Quayles by then had three Howard Metzenbaum, and forged an alliance in- small children). Sessions in the Senate ran late stead with Massachusetts Senator Edward M. into the nights. Good advice, however, came Kennedy. When reporters asked about this prag- from Senator Mark Hatfield, who took Quayle matic union, which flew in the face of ideological aside and said, ‘‘Look, you’re young and you’ve differences, Quayle replied: got a family. Make time for them.’’ Marilyn They don’t know who Dan Quayle is in Massa- Quayle later commented that there was probably chusetts. But they do know who is not another U.S. senator who rearranged his in Indiana. I don’t think there will be any recall. 10 schedule to coach his sons’ basketball teams. Actually, the fact that the two of us would get Building a Record in the Senate together underscores the seriousness of the prob- lem of unemployment, and it emphasizes our In choosing committees, Quayle had hoped for commitment.12 Foreign Relations and Finance. Instead he was assigned to Armed Services, Budget, and Labor The Quayle-Kennedy alliance caught the and Human Resources. Initially, Quayle showed Reagan administration off guard and disrupted no interest in the Labor Committee but took it its plan to let CETA expire. The administration when he determined that he could achieve se- countered with an alternative bill, but Quayle’s niority there faster than on any other committee. bipartisan approach enabled him to negotiate be- In the past, freshman senators had to bide their tween Kennedy, Hatch, and the Reagan adminis- time before they could chair a committee, but tration. The eventual Quayle-Kennedy bill re- Senate reforms in the 1970s had ensured that sulted in creation of the Jobs Training Partner- most new senators of the majority party would ship Act of 1982. Senator Kennedy congratulated chair a subcommittee. Quayle had sought to Quayle for having worked hard to develop a chair the Labor Committee’s subcommittee on common consensus while remaining consistent Health, but committee chairman with his own principles. Both congressional chose that spot for himself. Instead, Quayle Democrats and the Reagan administration chaired the Employment and Productivity Sub- claimed credit for the act, and to Quayle’s dis- committee, which would handle the reauthoriza- may the White House scheduled the signing tion of the Comprehensive Employment and ceremony for a day when he would be out of Training Act (CETA). During his campaign, town. Still, his success won considerable atten- Quayle had criticized CETA as one of the worst tion, gave him credibility as an effective senator, examples of big government programs, yet he and provided him with ammunition for his Sen- recognized that any jobs program would impact ate reelection campaign.13 on the high unemployment in Indiana.11 In foreign affairs, Quayle was eclipsed by Indi- President Ronald Reagan was leading a con- ana’s senior senator, , who chaired certed effort to trim government spending on do- the Foreign Relations Committee. Yet Quayle in- mestic programs, particularly those identified volved himself in foreign policy issues through with the welfare state. Quayle also wanted to cut the Armed Services Committee. As a freshman, government, but he had stepped up from rep- he took the lead in persuading other freshmen resenting a single, fairly prosperous district to Republicans to reach a compromise on a Reagan serving a state with a severe unemployment cri- administration plan to sell AWACS surveillance sis. ‘‘The scale of problems Gary has is so much planes to Saudi Arabia. Quayle arranged for greater than Fort Wayne,’’ he commented. If Reagan to sign a ‘‘letter of certification’’ that sat- CETA were abolished, who would help poor and isfied enough otherwise doubtful senators to win unskilled workers retrain? Since the members of approval for the sale. Quayle was also willing to the slim Republican majority might not be united take positions independent of the administra- [ 546 ] J. DANFORTH QUAYLE tion. In 1987, as the Intermediate Nuclear Forces ‘‘had staff on those committees, and they didn’t (INF) Treaty moved toward completion, Quayle want to lose staff.’’ Hildenbrand said Quayle joined a group of conservative Republican sen- succeeded ‘‘beyond my wildest expectations.’’ ators in opposition. When President Reagan ac- Quayle, however, considered the achievements cused them of accepting the inevitability of war, more modest than the recommendations. He was Quayle denounced the president’s comments as especially disappointed when the Democrats re- ‘‘totally irresponsible.’’ A question arose over versed several committee cutbacks after they whether the treaty covered such ‘‘futuristic’’ won back control of the Senate in 1987.15 weapons as lasers, particle beams and micro- These accomplishments gave Quayle a strong waves. Both the State Department and the Sovi- record on which to campaign in 1986, and he de- ets agreed they were covered, but Quayle in- feated his opponent, Jill Long, by an impressive sisted they were not. (Later it became evident 61 percent of the vote. His reelection was more that the economic deterioration of the Soviet notable because, without Ronald Reagan head- Union severely hampered its ability to compete ing the ticket, many other first-term Senate Re- with the United States in developing such so- publicans—including Mark Andrews of North phisticated space weapons.) ‘‘Senator Quayle Dakota, Jeremiah Denton of Alabama, Paula came at me repeatedly with complaints about Hawkins of Florida, and Mack Mattingly of this issue,’’ Secretary of State George Shultz re- Georgia—went down to defeat when they ran on called. At last the secretary begged, ‘‘Dan, you their own. As a result, Democrats won enough have to shut down! We can’t have the president’s seats to regain the chamber’s majority. Quayle’s achievement wrecked by Republicans!’’ The trea- margin of victory was large enough to give him ty was finally approved by a vote of 93 to 5, with thoughts of running for president. But when Vice Quayle voting in favor.14 President George Bush survived the Iran-Contra Senate Republican Leader Howard Baker ap- scandal and reestablished himself as the Repub- pointed Quayle in 1984 to chair a special commit- lican frontrunner, Quayle shifted his attention to the vice-presidency.16 tee to examine procedural chaos in the Senate. Quayle had impressed the leadership, as Alan The Unexpected Vice-Presidential Candidate Ehrenhalt noted, for ‘‘asking troublesome ques- No one runs for vice president so much as tions in a way that might lead to constructive an- making oneself strategically available for the se- swers.’’ The Quayle Committee argued that too lection. Quayle consciously began to give more many committees and subcommittees stretched Senate speeches, particularly on such high-pro- senators’ time too thin. It recommended that sen- file issues as the INF Treaty. He issued more ators serve on no more than two major commit- press releases and wrote more op-ed pieces to tees and one secondary committee and chair no raise his name recognition. He made a point of more than two committees or subcommittees. dropping by George Bush’s office at the Capitol The panel urged that the number of committee for informal chats. He also maintained contact slots be reduced and called for no more than five with Bush’s campaign aides. He tried ‘‘as subtly subcommittees per committee. Reviewing floor as I could, to make it clear I was both qualified procedures in the Senate, the committee pro- and available.’’ 17 posed limiting ‘‘nongermane’’ amendments and Although some of Bush’s top staff considered other dilatory tactics. None of these rules Quayle a lightweight, the sixty-four-year-old changes was adopted, but based on the report, Bush had compelling reasons for picking the In- seventeen senators gave up their extra committee diana senator as his running mate. Youthful and seats, and one committee reduced its subcommit- photogenic, Quayle would appeal to a younger tees. Secretary of the Senate William generation of voters. He had proven his ability Hildenbrand, who had followed the process to campaign by his upset victories for the House closely, called it remarkable that any senators and Senate. He had applied himself seriously as gave up committee memberships, since they a senator, building a strong conservative voting [ 547 ] J. DANFORTH QUAYLE record and receiving high marks from conserv- monologues of late-night television comedians. ative groups that were suspicious of Bush’s mod- Bush’s staff took over Quayle’s campaign and eration. As a midwesterner, Quayle would add designed it to avoid drawing any attention away regional balance to Bush’s Texas-New England from the presidential candidate. Quayle’s ‘‘han- background. And especially since Quayle had dlers’’ prevented him from talking directly to the not yet established a national identity, he would press and arranged his schedule to skirt major be likely to remain dependent and deferential to- cities or other areas where the ticket was in ward Bush, in much the same manner that Bush trouble.20 had served Ronald Reagan. To maintain sus- The lowest point of the campaign occurred on pense about his choice, Bush kept his decision October 6, 1988, during his nationally televised secret from everyone. Not until they were flying vice-presidential debate with the Democratic to the convention in New Orleans, did Bush candidate, Lloyd Bentsen. Quayle had promised whisper to his wife Barbara that he had chosen the debate would give viewers ‘‘a much better Quayle for vice president, because he felt Quayle impression’’ of him. Because the press painted was respected as a senator, was bright, and ‘‘the him as a juvenile, unseasoned for national office, right age.’’ 18 he had often responded that he had as much ex- Neither Bush nor Quayle anticipated the incre- perience in Congress as Jack Kennedy had when dulity and negative publicity that the selection he sought the presidency. His advisers warned would trigger. The press felt blindsided by the that a Kennedy analogy could backfire, but dur- choice of Quayle, and reporters scrambled to col- ing the debate a nervous Quayle fell back on the lect information about him. As the first person line. When he did, Bentsen had a well-prepared named to a national ticket who had been born response: ‘‘Senator, I served with Jack Kennedy. after World War II and who had come of age I knew Jack Kennedy. Jack Kennedy was a friend during the Vietnam War, Quayle found that his of mine. Senator, you are no Jack Kennedy.’’ The background was scrutinized differently than it audience laughed and applauded, and the next had been during his previous campaigns. Initial day Michael Dukakis’ campaign ran an ad fea- reports also distorted Quayle’s family finances turing pictures of Bentsen and Quayle, with the and connections. The candidate himself had message: ‘‘This is the first presidential decision trouble perceiving himself the way others did. that George Bush and I had to make. Judge us What seemed to him a normal, middle-class up- by how we made it and who we chose.’’ But vot- bringing appeared more affluent to others. Dan ers rarely cast a ballot for or against a vice-presi- Coats, who served on his staff and succeeded dential candidate. Despite bad publicity and neg- him in the House and Senate, observed: ‘‘stand- ative public opinion polls, Quayle was not ing back and looking at the surface of his life, enough of a liability to prevent George Bush’s almost everyone would say it was fairly shel- election. On inauguration day, in January 1989, tered, some would say privileged. Plenty of op- it was Senator Quayle not Senator Bentsen portunities to play golf; enough money in the who took the oath of office as vice 19 family to live a comfortable lifestyle.’’ president.21 Quayle blamed Bush’s aides for not making available to the press more background material Inside the Bush Administration about his record and for allowing a hostile cari- Bush’s staff described his White House as cature to develop. With a sickening feeling, ‘‘smaller, more collegial—intimate even’’ than it Quayle realized that ‘‘the stories and the jokes had been under Reagan. The informal tone suit- and the contempt were going to keep coming.’’ ed Vice President Quayle well, and he enjoyed Bush’s aides blamed Quayle’s inexperience in regular access to the president. Still, Quayle dealing with the national press. He had a habit lacked the standing of such strong-minded offi- of not reading prepared texts that led him to cials as Secretary of State James A. Baker, Office make offhand remarks, and the resulting inco- of Management and Budget director Richard herent expressions and nonsequiturs fed the Darman, and White House Chief of Staff John [ 548 ] J. DANFORTH QUAYLE

Sununu. The top staff preferred that Quayle keep to break a tie vote (although he never had an op- occupied with ‘‘the traditional busywork of the portunity to do so). He argued the administra- No. 2 job.’’ Marilyn Quayle, always her hus- tion’s case on legislation and unsuccessfully tried band’s closest and most candid adviser, com- to persuade senators to confirm John Tower as plained that the vice president’s overcrowded secretary of defense. Steadily he felt himself be- schedule prevented him from focusing on spe- coming more a part of the executive than the leg- cific issues. Quayle countered by forming a islative branch. ‘‘When I was in the Senate, I smart, young staff (six of whom held Ph.D.s), thought it was disorganized but manageable,’’ headed by William Kristol, known as ‘‘the Great he mused. ‘‘From the viewpoint of the Executive Reaganite Hope’’ in the Bush White House for Branch, I found the Senate disorganized and arguing for conservative positions with Bush’s unmanageable.’’ 24 more moderate advisers. His staff—larger than Marilyn Quayle faced similar problems in de- Mondale or Bush’s vice-presidential staffs— fining her new role. The governor of Indiana worked to carve an independent identity for asked if she would be interested in being ap- Quayle within the confines of the president’s pointed to fill Dan’s Senate seat. The Quayles agenda.22 briefly considered the office but concluded that Several former vice presidents offered Quayle it would not work, since the press would pounce solicitous advice. Richard Nixon emphasized the upon the slightest disagreement between herself need for loyalty to the president. Walter Mon- and the Bush administration. She thought of re- dale counseled him not accept any ‘‘line item au- suming her law career, but concluded that it thority,’’ meaning responsibility for particular raised the appearances of conflict of interest. She programs, since the vice-presidency did not pro- chose instead to play a more traditional role as vide the authority to carry out such tasks and he hostess and unofficial adviser. On the side, she would only be blocked by cabinet members and and her sister wrote and published Embrace the other centers of power within the administration. Serpent, a novel about politics, intrigue and a vice George Bush, who had held the job for the pre- president’s wife.25 vious eight years, suggested that he travel a lot The vice-presidency was, in Quayle’s words, to get some seasoning. Bush also encouraged an ‘‘awkward job,’’ far more confining than his Quayle to ‘‘say some things that the President years in the House and Senate when he could de- cannot say,’’ particularly on ideological themes termine for himself what he supported and what popular with conservative groups. The president he would say. Not only did the president set the invited his vice president to attend all significant program, but others in the administration held meetings to become fully informed about every jurisdiction for carrying it out and jealously aspect of the presidency.23 guarded their territory. Quayle, who met early Shortly after the election, Quayle asked: ‘‘How each weekday morning with the president and am I going to spend my day?’’ He seriously con- his national security adviser and lunched with sidered taking a more activist role as presiding the president weekly, felt free to argue his posi- officer of the Senate. ‘‘The gavel is a very impor- tions in any meeting. Once a decision was made, tant instrument,’’ he insisted, ‘‘. . . an instrument however, he loyally fell in behind, even if he had of power. An instrument that establishes the opposed it. ‘‘Anyone who thinks cheerleading agenda.’’ The problem was that the Democrats for a policy you don’t believe in amounts to hy- controlled the Senate, and the rules of the Senate, pocrisy doesn’t really understand the way gov- which allowed any ruling of the chair to be over- ernment has to work,’’ he insisted.26 turned by a majority vote, made presiding more Following the lead of his predecessors, Quayle a responsibility than a power. Quayle soon traveled widely, giving speeches for the adminis- lapsed back into the traditional legislative role of tration, raising funds for the Republican party, the vice-presidency. He visited Capitol Hill and introducing himself in foreign capitals. At weekly for the regular luncheon meetings of Re- the White House he chaired the White House publican senators and stood ready when needed Council on Competitiveness, which aimed at re- [ 549 ] J. DANFORTH QUAYLE ducing burdensome regulations. Quayle re- public view, and since he could not publicly brag ceived relatively little publicity for his efforts on about his role, only ‘‘a small spate of welcome the council, in part because he thought deregula- stories’’ appeared.29 tion could be achieved more easily if the council In other matters of foreign policy, George Bush worked behind the scenes and avoided clashing remained very much in command, leaving little with Congress. He received more press attention room for his vice president other than to attend for chairing the National Space Council, which the meetings and offer the president his support. coordinated policy for the space program.27 In January 1991, just before ‘‘Operation Desert On Capitol Hill, the vice president played a li- Shield’’ changed to ‘‘Desert Storm,’’ Bush sent aison role with the conservative wing of the Re- Quayle to the Middle East to meet with Saudi publican party. His services proved most useful Arabian leaders. On his own, Quayle determined in 1990, when a ‘‘budget summit’’ with congres- to visit American troops. He realized that the sional Democrats led Bush to break his ‘‘no-new- gesture might rekindle press ridicule of his Na- taxes’’ pledge. House Republicans revolted and tional Guard service but decided that he had no voted down the initial budget compromise. other choice. ‘‘The fact is I had to do it,’’ he later Georgia Representative com- explained. ‘‘The essence of the vice-presidency is mented that for several days conservatives in the preparedness, and if I ever had to take over from House were no longer talking to budget director President Bush—especially at a time like this— Richard Darman or chief of staff John Sununu, I would not be able to function if I felt I couldn’t leaving vice president Quayle as ‘‘the primary visit the troops who would be under my source of information between the most active command.’’ 30 wing of the House Republican Party’’ and the The ‘‘Dump Quayle’’ Movement Bush administration. ‘‘Oddly enough,’’ Quayle concluded, ‘‘I came out of the debacle somewhat Victory in the Persian Gulf War lifted Presi- enhanced within the party and the West Wing.’’ dent Bush’s standing in the public opinion polls He did not talk down to House Republicans in to unprecedented heights. As leading Democrats the manner of Darman and Sununu, and he dem- took themselves out of contention, Bush seemed onstrated that in private he could play a role as certain of reelection in 1992. Quayle’s position on broker and peacemaker. By contrast, his public the ticket received a boost from a seven-part se- position of blaming tax increases on the Demo- ries of respectful articles by the prominent jour- crats drove his ratings down further in the opin- nalists David Broder and Bob Woodward that ion polls.28 appeared in January 1992 on the front pages of A similar gap between Quayle’s backstage ac- the Washington Post. These were later published tivity and the public perception of him devel- as a book, The Man Who Would Be President. oped in foreign policy matters. In late 1989, when Broder and Woodward argued that ‘‘serious as- President Bush and Secretary of State Baker were sessments of Quayle have taken a back seat to flying to a meeting with Mikhail Gorbachev at jokes about him.’’ After his ‘‘gaffe-ridden per- Malta, an attempted coup took place in the Phil- formance’’ in 1988, he had been ‘‘saddled with ippines. Quayle presided over the White House a reputation as a lightweight and treated as a fig- Situation Room, coordinating American efforts ure of fun.’’ The press had focused on the vice to ensure the survival of Philippine President president only when he did something that lived Corazon Aquino’s government. When those in down to their expectations. But Broder and the Situation Room had reached a consensus to Woodward concluded that ‘‘all jokes aside—Dan provide air power to keep rebel planes from tak- Quayle has proved himself to be a skillful player ing off, rather than to bomb them as Aquino had of the political game, with a competitive drive requested, Quayle called and had that has been underestimated repeatedly by his Bush awakened to present their recommenda- rivals.’’ 31 tion. Quayle prided himself on his crisis manage- The election, however, turned out differently ment, but since the activity took place away from than expected. A persistent recession held the [ 550 ] J. DANFORTH QUAYLE economy stagnant, and the Bush administration the Joint Chiefs of Staff , who began mustered none of the decisiveness on economic to be mentioned as replacements for Quayle. issues that it had demonstrated in winning the However, the White House staff concluded that Gulf War. The president’s health also revived changing running mates would be a sign of worries about Quayle’s ability to succeed him. panic, would make Bush appear disloyal, and While jogging in May 1991, Bush suffered heart would serve as an admission that his original fibrillations, and plans were made for Quayle to choice had been a mistake. Bush made it clear take over presidential powers if Bush needed to he would stick with Quayle, while Quayle in a be anesthetized to regulate his heart beat. This television interview said that he had Bush’s com- news inspired a tee-shirt featuring the Edvard plete confidence and added, ‘‘Believe me, if I Munch painting of ‘‘The Scream,’’ with the cap- thought I was hurting the ticket, I’d be gone.’’ 34 tion: President Quayle? 32 Now four years older, slightly grayer, and The vice president still suffered from gaffes. To more seasoned in the job, Quayle hoped that the his dismay he heard that even Republican mem- reelection race would cast him in a more favor- bers of Congress were telling Quayle jokes, most able light. This time his own staff ran his cam- of them apocryphal, such as his comment that paign. Having been the first member of the post- his Latin American travels made him wish he war generation on a national ticket, Quayle this had studied Latin harder in school. The conserv- time faced two more ‘‘baby boomers,’’ Arkansas ative magazine American Spectator ran a cover Governor Bill Clinton for president and Ten- story on ‘‘Why Danny Can’t Read.’’ In May 1992, nessee Senator Al Gore for vice president. Quayle delivered a speech on family values in Quayle and Gore both had come to the House which he criticized the popular television pro- in 1977 and had played basketball together in the gram Murphy Brown for ‘‘mocking the impor- House gym. The orderly announcement of the tance of fathers, by bearing a child alone.’’ Al- Democratic vice-presidential selection caused though even his critics conceded that the rise of Quayle some envy: ‘‘It was hard for me to watch single-parent families was a cause for alarm, the Gore’s unveiling without thinking back to the vice president’s example of a fictional television chaos of Spanish Plaza in New Orleans and shak- character seemed to trivialize his issue. The next ing my head.’’ Most of all, he anticipated that a month brought an even more embarrassing flap debate with Gore could wipe the slate clean, when Quayle visited a school in Trenton, New erasing his faltering performance against Bent- Jersey, for a ‘‘little photo op,’’ helping students sen four years earlier. It was a scrappy debate, prepare for a spelling bee. The word was ‘‘po- with neither vice-presidential candidate conced- tato.’’ The student at the blackboard spelled it ing any points to the other. This time it was Ad- correctly, but the card Quayle had been handed miral James Stockdale, running mate of third- read ‘‘potatoe.’’ Television pictures of the vice party candidate Ross Perot, who seemed clearly president coaxing the puzzled student to mis- out of his depth. Although critics declared the spell ‘‘potato’’ confirmed everyone’s worst sus- debate a draw, Quayle won by not losing. Col- picions. ‘‘Boy, I hope this doesn’t hurt his credi- umnist described his per- bility,’’ mocked comedian Jay Leno.33 formance as nervy: ‘‘His party facing annihila- During the summer of 1992, the Bush adminis- tion, his colleagues deserting, his ammunition tration seemed increasingly vulnerable, and gone, Quayle seemed determined to go down nervous Republicans urged the president to fighting. It was a display of frantic combative- dump Quayle from the ticket. Public opinion ness that verged on courage.’’ 35 polls showed him to be the least popular vice Returning to Huntington, Indiana, to vote on president in forty years, scoring even lower than election day, Quayle by chance encountered Ed Spiro Agnew. The televised Persian Gulf War Roush, the man he had beaten for Congress in had also raised public awareness of other players his first race. The incident seemed a forewarning in the Bush administration, among them Sec- that his decade and a half in politics ‘‘was com- retary of Defense and Chairman of ing full circle.’’ That night the Bush-Quayle ticket [ 551 ] J. DANFORTH QUAYLE lost with 38 percent of the vote to Clinton-Gore’s ‘‘No Vice President took as many shots—un- 43 percent and Perot-Stockdale’s 19 percent. Dan fair shots—as Dan Quayle,’’ declared Senate Re- Quayle retired from the vice-presidency to write publican Leader Bob Dole. ‘‘And no Vice Presi- a popular memoir, Standing Firm, to appear in a dent withstood those shots with as much grace, Frito-Lay potato chip commercial, and to con- good humor, and commitment to not back template his own race for president in 1996. Al- down.’’ Barbara Bush similarly saluted Quayle though he moved back to Indiana, he made it for being ‘‘a superb vice president.’’ He was loyal clear that he would not run for governor. ‘‘If I and smart, she insisted. ‘‘There is no question ever run for public office again,’’ he promised, that he had a perception problem, and it was po- ‘‘it will be for president.’’ His every step seemed litically chic to kick Dan around. It was darned to point to a return to the national political arena, unfair.’’ Admitting that he had been bruised by but serious illnesses, including blood clots in the the experience, the former vice president kept his lungs and a benign tumor on his appendix, con- sense of humor. When asked about his handicap vinced him to withdraw from the race. He an- in golf, Quayle quipped: ‘‘My handicap is the nounced that he planned to put his family first same as it has been ever since I became vice ‘‘and to forgo the disruption to our lives that a president: the news media.’’ 37 third straight national campaign would create.’’ 36

[ 552 ] NOTES 1 Dan Quayle, Standing Firm: A Vice-Presidential Memoir 20 Quayle, Standing Firm, pp. 26–58; Schieffer and Gates, (New York, 1994), pp. 3–9; Barbara Bush, Barbara Bush: A p. 366. Memoir (New York, 1994), p. 226. 21 Washington Post, October 2, 1988; Quayle, Standing Firm, 2 David S. Broder and Bob Woodward, The Man Who pp. 59–67; Jack W. Germond and Jules Witcover, Whose Would Be President: Dan Quayle (New York, 1992), pp. 57, Broad Stripes and Bright Stars? The Trivial Pursuit of the Presi- 62; Richard F. Fenno, Jr., The Making of a Senator: Dan Quayle dency, 1988 (New York, 1989), pp. 435–44; Fitzhugh Green, (Washington, 1989), pp. vii-viii; Jules Witcover, Crapshoot: George Bush: An Intimate Portrait (New York, 1989), p. 238. Rolling the Dice on the Vice Presidency (New York, 1992), pp. 22 John Podhoretz, Hell of a Ride: Backstage at the White 4–11. House Follies, 1989–1993 (New York, 1993), pp. 165, 219; 3 Witcover, p. 343; Broder and Woodward, p. 65; New York Broder and Woodward, pp. 18–19, 120; Roll Call, September Times, August 17, 25, 1988. 17, 1992. 4 Broder and Woodward, pp. 37, 84–87; Quayle, p. 43; 23 Quayle, Standing Firm, pp. 74–76, 91–92; Dowd, p. 36; Maureen Dowd, ‘‘The Education of Dan Quayle,’’ New York Dan Quayle to Senator Mark O. Hatfield, June 1995, Senate Times Magazine, (June 25, 1989), p. 20; Washington Post, Octo- Historical Office files. ber 2, 1988. 24 Washington Post, December 3, 1988; Quayle to Hatfield, 5 Quayle, pp. 30–41; New York Times, August 26, 1988. June 1995. 6 Quayle, pp. 11–12; Fenno, pp. 3–4. 25 Quayle, Standing Firm, pp. 77–78; Broder and Wood- 7 Quayle, pp. 12–14; Broder and Woodward, pp. 33–46. ward, pp. 155–74; Marilyn T. Quayle and Nancy T. North- 8 Fenno, pp. 6–12, 30; Quayle, p. 14. cott, Embrace the Serpent (New York, 1992). 9 Quayle, pp. 14–15; Broder and Woodward, pp. 47–51; 26 Broder and Woodward, pp. 90–91; Quayle, Standing Fenno, p. 13. Firm, p. 105. 10 Fenno, pp. 21–22; Quayle, pp. 15–16; Washington Post, 27 Broder and Woodward, pp. 91–92, 125–52; Quayle, August 18, 1988. Standing Firm, pp. 177–90. 11 Fenno, pp. 23–24, 35–36. 28 Broder and Woodward, p. 101; Quayle, Standing Firm, 12 Ibid., pp. 35–51, 61; Quayle, pp. 16–17. pp. 189–203. 13 Fenno, pp. 69–118. 29 Quayle, Standing Firm, pp. 145–239; Bob Woodward, 14 Ibid., pp. 24–31; George P. Shultz, Turmoil and Triumph: The Commanders (New York, 1991), pp. 146–53. My Years as Secretary of State (New York, 1993), pp. 1007, 30 Quayle, Standing Firm, p. 219; see also Paul G. Kengor, 1084–85. ‘‘The Role of the Vice President During the Crisis in the Per- 15 Alan Ehrenhalt, Politics in America: Members of Congress sian Gulf,’’ Presidential Studies Quarterly 24 (Fall 1994). in Washington and at Home (Washington, 1985), p. 498; Wil- 31 Broder and Woodward, p. 10. liam F. Hildenbrand, Secretary of the Senate, Oral History Inter- 32 Washington Post, May 6, 1991; Quayle, Standing Firm, views, 1985 (U.S. Senate Historical Office, Washington, DC), pp. 251–63. p. 331; Dan Quayle, ‘‘The New Senate: Two Steps Back- 33 Quayle, Standing Firm, pp. 131–32, 315–36; Dan Quayle, wards,’’ Congressional Record, 100th Cong., 1st sess., January ‘‘Restoring Basic Values,’’ Vital Speeches of the Day 58 (June 13, 1987, pp. 1215–17; Temporary Select Committee to Study 15, 1992), pp. 517–20. the Senate Committee System, Report Together with Proposed 34 Quayle, Standing Firm, pp. 255–56; 337–46; Washington Resolutions, 98th Cong., 2d sess., S. Prt. 98–254. Post, July 2, August 19, 1992. 16 Quayle, Standing Firm, p. 18. 35 Quayle, Standing Firm, pp. 337–38, 351–53; Washington 17 Ibid., pp. 18–19; Broder and Woodward, pp. 15–21. Post, October 15, 1992. 18 Quayle, Standing Firm, p. 18; Bush, pp. 225–26; Bob 36 Quayle, Standing Firm, p. 356; Washington Post, January Schieffer and Gary Paul Gates, The Acting President (New 13, 1993, February 10, 1995. York, 1989), pp. 365–67. 37 U.S., Congress, Senate, Congressional Record, 103d 19 Broder and Woodward, p. 36. Cong., 1st sess., January 27, 1993, p. S771; Bush, p. 447.

[ 553 ]

APPENDIX

Major Party Presidential and Vice-Presidential Candidates

Election Year Winners/Party Losers/Party

1788 George Washington (Federalist) John Adams 1792 George Washington (Federalist) John Adams 1796 John Adams (Federalist) Thomas Jefferson (Republican) 1 Thomas Jefferson 1800 Thomas Jefferson (Republican) John Adams (Federalist) Aaron Burr 2 Charles C. Pinckney 1804 Thomas Jefferson (Republican) Charles C. Pinckney (Federalist) George Clinton Rufus King 1808 James Madison (Republican) Charles C. Pinckney (Federalist) George Clinton Rufus King 1812 James Madison (Republican) DeWitt Clinton (Federalist) Elbridge Gerry 1816 James Monroe (Republican) Rufus King (Federalist) Daniel Tompkins John E. Howard 1820 James Monroe (Republican) J. Q. Adams (Republican) 3 Daniel Tompkins Richard Stockton 1824 J.Q. Adams (National Republican) 4 Andrew Jackson (Republican) John C. Calhoun John C. Calhoun 1828 Andrew Jackson (Democrat) 5 J.Q. Adams (National Republican) John C. Calhoun Richard Rush 1832 Andrew Jackson (Democrat) Henry Clay (National Republican) Martin Van Buren John Sergeant 1836 Martin Van Buren (Democrat) W. H. Harrison/Daniel Richard M. Johnson 6 Webster/H.L. White (Whig— regional candidates) 7 Francis Granger/John Tyler 1840 W.H. Harrison (Whig) Martin Van Buren (Democrat) John Tyler 8 Richard M. Johnson 9

[ 555 ] APPENDIX

Election Year Winners/Party Losers/Party

1844 James K. Polk (Democrat) Henry Clay (Whig) George M. Dallas Theodore Frelinghuysen 1848 Zachary Taylor (Whig) Lewis Cass (Democrat) Millard Fillmore William O. Butler 1852 Franklin Pierce (Democrat) Winfield Scott (Whig) William R. King William A. Graham 1856 James Buchanan (Democrat) John C. Fre´mont (Republican) John C. Breckinridge William L. Dayton 1860 Abraham Lincoln (Republican) Stephen A. Douglas (Democrat) 10 Hannibal Hamlin Herschel V. Johnson 1864 Abraham Lincoln (Republican) George B. McClellan (Democrat) Andrew Johnson 11 G. H. Pendleton 1868 Ulysses S. Grant (Republican) Horatio Seymour (Democrat) Schuyler Colfax Francis P. Blair, Jr. 1872 Ulysses S. Grant (Republican) Horace Greeley (Democrat) 12 Henry Wilson B. Gratz Brown 1876 Rutherford B. Hayes (Republican) Samuel J. Tilden (Democrat) William A. Wheeler Thomas Hendricks 1880 James Garfield (Republican) Winfield S. Hancock (Democrat) Chester A. Arthur William H. English 1884 Grover Cleveland (Democrat) James G. Blaine (Republican) Thomas A. Hendricks John A. Logan 1888 Benjamin Harrison (Republican) Grover Cleveland (Democrat) Levi P. Morton Allen G. Thurman 1892 Grover Cleveland (Democrat) Benjamin Harrison (Republican) Adlai E. Stevenson Whitelaw Reid 1896 William McKinley (Republican) William J. Bryan (Democrat) Garret A. Hobart 1900 William McKinley (Republican) William J. Bryan (Democrat) Theodore Roosevelt Adlai E. Stevenson 1904 Theodore Roosevelt (Republican) Alton B. Parker (Democrat) Charles W. Fairbanks Henry G. Davis 1908 William H. Taft (Republican) William J. Bryan (Democrat) James S. Sherman John W. Kern

[ 556 ] APPENDIX

Election Year Winners/Party Losers/Party

1912 Woodrow Wilson (Democrat) Theodore Roosevelt (Progressive) 13 Thomas R. Marshall Hiram W. Johnson 1916 Woodrow Wilson (Democrat) Charles E. Hughes (Republican) Thomas R. Marshall Charles W. Fairbanks 1920 Warren G. Harding (Republican) James M. Cox (Democrat) Calvin Coolidge Franklin D. Roosevelt 1924 Calvin Coolidge (Republican) John W. Davis (Democrat) 14 Charles G. Dawes Charles W. Bryan 1928 Herbert C. Hoover (Republican) Alfred E. Smith (Democrat) Charles Curtis Joseph T. Robinson 1932 Franklin D. Roosevelt (Democrat) Herbert C. Hoover (Republican) John N. Garner Charles Curtis 1936 Franklin D. Roosevelt (Democrat) Alfred M. Landon (Republican) John N. Garner 1940 Franklin D. Roosevelt (Democrat) Wendell L. Willkie (Republican) Henry A. Wallace Charles L. McNary 1944 Franklin D. Roosevelt (Democrat) Thomas E. Dewey (Republican) Harry S. Truman John W. Bricker 1948 Harry S. Truman (Democrat) Thomas E. Dewey (Republican) 15 Alben W. Barkley Earl Warren 1952 Dwight D. Eisenhower (Repub.) Adlai E. Stevenson (Democrat) Richard M. Nixon John J. Sparkman 1956 Dwight D. Eisenhower (Repub.) Adlai E. Stevenson (Democrat) Richard M. Nixon Estes Kefauver 1960 John F. Kennedy (Democrat) Richard M. Nixon (Republican) Lyndon B. Johnson Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr. 1964 Lyndon B. Johnson (Democrat) Barry M. Goldwater (Republican) Hubert H. Humphrey William E. Miller 1968 Richard M. Nixon (Republican) Hubert H. Humphrey (Democrat) Spiro T. Agnew Edmund S. Muskie 1972 Richard M. Nixon (Republican) George S. McGovern (Democrat) Spiro T. Agnew R. Sargent Shriver 16 1976 Jimmy Carter (Democrat) Gerald R. Ford (Republican) Walter F. Mondale Robert J. Dole

[ 557 ] APPENDIX

Election Year Winners/Party Losers/Party

1980 Ronald Reagan (Republican) Jimmy Carter (Democrat) George Bush Walter F. Mondale 1984 Ronald Reagan (Republican) Walter F. Mondale George Bush Geraldine Ferraro 1988 George Bush (Republican) Michael S. Dukakis (Democrat) Dan Quayle Lloyd Bentsen 1992 Bill Clinton (Democrat) George Bush (Republican) Al Gore, Jr. Dan Quayle

NOTES

1 Jefferson ran against Adams for president. Since he re- 5 The Democratic party was not yet formally created dur- ceived the second highest electoral vote, he automatically ing Jackson’s two terms as president but developed later became vice president under the system that existed at the from his supporters. (See note 3.) time. (See note 2.) ‘‘Republican’’ refers to two different par- 6 As no vice-presidential candidate received a majority of ties widely separated in time: Jeffersonian Republicans of electoral votes in 1836, the Senate for the only time in its the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and the history selected the vice president. present Republican party, which was founded in the 1850s. 7 For a discussion of the early origins of the Whig party The election dates should make clear which of the two par- in the 1836 election, see Chapter 9, ‘‘Richard Mentor John- ties is intended. son,’’ p. 127, and Chapter 10, ‘‘John Tyler,’’ p. 139. 2 In the nation’s early years, electors did not differentiate 8 Although Tyler ran on the Whig ticket, he remained a between their votes for president and vice president, and Democrat throughout his life. the runner-up for president became vice president. In 1800 9 The Democratic party initially failed to nominate a vice- Jefferson and Burr each received 73 electoral votes, thus presidential candidate in 1840 but ultimately backed John- sending the election to the House of Representatives, which son. (See Chapter 9, p. 130.) selected Jefferson as president. Burr automatically became 10 John C. Breckinridge and Joseph Lane were the presi- vice president. This stalemate led to ratification of the dential and vice-presidential nominees of the Southern Twelfth Amendment to the Constitution in 1804. Democratic party that year. John Bell and Edward Everett 3 By 1820 the Federalist party was defunct, and a period ran on the Constitutional Union party ticket. of party realignment began that continued until 1840 when 11 Johnson was a War Democrat, who ran on a fusion tick- the Whig and Democratic parties became established. In the et with Republican President Abraham Lincoln. (See Chap- interim, party affiliations underwent considerable flux. For ter 16, p. 215.) much of that time, the split fell between the supporters and 12 Also the candidates of the Liberal Republican party. opponents of Andrew Jackson. The pro-Jackson forces 13 William Howard Taft and James S. Sherman were the evolved into the Democratic party, while those opposing Republican presidential and vice-presidential candidates. Jackson eventually coalesced into the Whig party. 14 Robert M. La Follette and Burton K. Wheeler were the 4 All the presidential candidates in 1824 were Repub- presidential and vice-presidential nominees of the Progres- licans—although of varying persuasions—and Calhoun had sive party that year. support for the vice-presidency from both the Adams and 15 J. Strom Thurmond and Fielding L. Wright were the Jackson camps. As no presidential candidate received the presidential and vice-presidential nominees of the States’ necessary majority of electoral votes, the House of Rep- Rights Democratic party that year. resentatives made the decision. Calhoun, however, received 16 Added to the ticket on August 8, 1972, after the resigna- a clear majority (182 of 260) of the vice-presidential electoral tion of . votes.

[ 558 ] SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

This selected bibliography includes general works dealing with the history of the vice-presidency as well as studies and published works of the individuals who have served as vice president from 1789 to 1993. ‘‘Campaign biographies’’ are not included, except for those vice presidents who lack more scholarly biographies. Period histories are omitted, but presidential histories likely to provide useful background information are listed as appropriate. The voluminous literature dealing with the Twenty-fifth Amendment is not included. GENERAL REFERENCES

Bayh, Birch. One Heartbeat Away: Presidential Disability and Tompkins, Dorothy C. The Office of Vice President: A Selected Succession. Indianapolis, 1968. Bibliography. Berkeley, CA, 1957. Cantor, Joseph E. ‘‘The Vice Presidency and the Vice Presi- Waugh, Edgar Wiggins. Second Consul: The Vice-Presidency: dents: A Selected Annotated Bibliography.’’ Congressional Our Greatest Political Problem. Indianapolis, 1956. Research Service Report No. 84–124 L, October 1, 1976. Re- vised July 31, 1984 by George H. Walser. Wilhelm, Stephen J. ‘‘The Origins of the Office of the Vice Presidency.’’ Presidential Studies Quarterly 7 (Fall 1977): 208– David, Paul D. ‘‘The Vice Presidency: Its Institutional Evo- 14. lution and Contemporary Status.’’ Journal of Politics 29 (No- vember 1967): 721–48. Williams, Irving G. The American Vice-Presidency: New Look. Garden City, NY, 1954. Dorman, Michael. The Second Man: The Changing Role of the Vice Presidency. New York, 1968. ————. ‘‘Senators, Rules, and Vice-Presidents.’’ Thought Patterns 5 (1957): 21–35. Feerick, John. From Failing Hands. New York, 1965. ————. The Rise of the Vice Presidency. Washington, 1956. ————. ‘‘The Problem of Presidential Inability—Will Congress Ever Solve It.’’ Fordham Law Review 32 (1963): 73– Witcover, Jules. Crapshoot: Rolling the Dice on the Vice-presi- 134. dency. New York, 1992. ————. The Twenty-Fifth Amendment. New York, 1976. Young, Donald. American Roulette: The History and Dilemma of the Vice Presidency. New York, 1974. Ferrell, Robert H. Ill Advised: Presidential Health and Public Trust. Columbia, MO, 1992. Young, Klyde, and Lamar Middleton. Heirs Apparent: The Vice Presidents of the United States. 1948. Reprint. Freeport, Goldstein, Joel L. The Modern American Vice Presidency: The NY, 1969. Transformation of a Political Institution. Princeton, NJ, 1982. Graf, Henry F. ‘‘A Heartbeat Away.’’ American Heritage 15 JOHN ADAMS (Chapter 1) (). Adams, John. Diary and Autobiography. Edited by Lyman H. Butterfield. 4 vols. Cambridge, MA, 1961. Hatch, Louis C., and Shoup, Earl L. A History of the Vice- Presidency of the United States. New York, 1934. Adams, John. Papers of John Adams. Edited by Robert J. Tay- lor, Mary-Jo Kline, Gregg L. Lint, et al. 8 vols. Cambridge, Kiser, George C. ‘‘Presidential Primaries: Stepping-Stones MA, 1977–1989. to the Vice Presidential Nomination?’’ Presidential Studies Quarterly 22 (Summer 1992): 493–517. Bowling, Kenneth R., and Veit, Helen E. The Diary of William Maclay and Other Notes on Senate Debates. Documentary His- Learned, Henry B. ‘‘Casting Votes of the Vice Presidents, tory of the First Federal Congress, 1789–1791, vol. 9. Baltimore, 1789–1915.’’ American Historical Review 20 (April 1915): 571– 1988. 76. Dauer, Manning J. The Adams Federalists. 1953. Reprint. Bal- ————. ‘‘Some Aspects of the Vice Presidency.’’ American timore, 1968. Political Science Review 7 ( supp.): 162–77. Ellis, Joseph J. Passionate Sage: The Character and Legacy of Medina, J. Michael. ‘‘The American Vice President: Toward John Adams. New York, 1993. a More Utilized Institution.’’ University Law Review 13 (Fall 1990): 77–111. Ferling, John. John Adams: A Life. Knoxville, TN, 1992. Paullin, Charles O. ‘‘The Vice President and the Cabinet.’’ Guerrero, Linda Dudik. ‘‘John Adams’ Vice Presidency, American Historical Review 29 (April 1924): 496–500. 1789–1797: The Neglected Man in the Forgotten Office.’’

[ 559 ] SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Santa Barbara, ————. The Political Correspondence and Public Papers of 1978. Aaron Burr. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ, 1983. Howe, John R., Jr. The Changing Political Thought of John Lomask, Milton. Aaron Burr. 2 vols. New York, 1979–1982. Adams. Princeton, NJ, 1966. Malone, Dumas. Jefferson the President: First Term, 1801–1805. Hutson, James H. ‘‘John Adams’ Titles Campaign.’’ New , vol. 4. Boston, 1970. England Quarterly 41 (1968): 34–41. Mitchill, Samuel Latham. ‘‘Dr. Mitchill’s Letters from Wash- Shaw, Peter. The Character of John Adams. Chapel Hill, NC, ington, 1801–1813.’’ Harper’s New Monthly Magazine 58 1976. (April 1879): 740–55. Smith, Page. John Adams. 2 vols. 1962–1963. Reprint. Nor- Pancake, John S. ‘‘Aaron Burr: Would-Be Usurper.’’ William walk, CT, 1988. and Mary Quarterly 8 (April 1951).

THOMAS JEFFERSON (Chapter 2) Parmet, Herbert S., and Marie B. Hecht. Aaron Burr: Portrait of An Ambitious Man. New York, 1967. Brown, Ralph Adams. The . Law- rence, KS, 1975. Plumer, William. William Plumer’s Memorandum of Proceed- ings in the United States Senate, 1803–1807. Edited by Everett Cunningham, Noble E., Jr. The Jeffersonian Republicans: The S. Brown. 1923. Reprint. New York, 1969. Formation of Party Organization, 1789–1801. Chapel Hill, NC, 1957. Reports of the Trials of Colonel Aaron Burr. David Robertson, Reporter. 1808. Reprint. New York, 1969. Gibbs, George. Memoirs of the Administrations of Washington and John Adams. 2 vols. New York, 1846. Slaughter, Thomas P. ‘‘Conspiratorial Politics: The Public Life of Aaron Burr.’’ New Jersey History 103 (Spring/Sum- U.S. Congress. Senate. A Manual of Parliamentary Practice, by mer 1985): 69–81. Thomas Jefferson. 1801. Reprint. S. Doc., 103–8, 102d Cong., 2d sess., 1993. Thomas, Gordon L. ‘‘Aaron Burr’s Farewell Address.’’ Quarterly Journal of Speech 39 (1953). Jefferson, Thomas. The Life and Selected Writings of Thomas Jefferson. Edited, and with an introduction by Adrienne GEORGE CLINTON (Chapter 4) Koch and William Peden. New York, 1944. Cunningham, Noble E., Jr. The Jeffersonian Republicans in ————. The Writings of Thomas Jefferson. Edited by Paul Power: Party Operations, 1801–1809. Chapel Hill, NC, 1963. Leicester Ford. 10 vols. New York, 1892–1899. ————. The Process of Government Under Jefferson. Prince- Kurtz, Stephen G. The Presidency of John Adams: The Collapse ton, NJ, 1978. of Federalism, 1795–1800. Philadelphia, 1975. Kaminski, John P. George Clinton: Yeoman Politician of the Malone, Dumas. Jefferson and the Ordeal of Liberty. Jefferson New Republic. Madison, WI, 1993. and His Time, vol. 3. Boston, 1962. Malone, Dumas. Jefferson the President: Second Term, 1805– Peterson, Merrill D. Thomas Jefferson and the New Nation: A 1809. Jefferson and His Time, vol. 5. Boston, 1974. Biography. 1970. Reprint. Norwalk, CT, 1987. Plumer, William. William Plumer’s Memorandum of Proceed- AARON BURR (Chapter 3) ings in the United States Senate,1803–1807. Edited by Everett S. Brown. 1923. Reprint. New York, 1969. Abernethy, Thomas Perkins. The Burr Conspiracy. 1954. Re- print. Gloucester, MA, 1968. Rutland, Robert Allen. The Presidency of James Madison. Law- rence, KS, 1990. Alexander, Holmes Moss. Aaron Burr, the Proud Pretender. 1937. Reprint. Westport, CT, 1973. Spaulding, Ernest Wilder. His Excellency George Clinton, Crit- ic of the Constitution. 1938. Reprint. Port Washington, NY, Burr, Aaron. Memoirs of Aaron Burr. 2 vols. 1836–1837. Re- 1964. print. New York, 1971. Cunningham, Noble E., Jr. The Jeffersonian Republicans in ELBRIDGE GERRY (Chapter 5) Power: Party Operations, 1801–1809. Chapel Hill, NC, 1963. Austin, James T. The Life of Elbridge Gerry. 2 vols. 1828–1829. Reprint. New York, 1970. ————. The Process of Government Under Jefferson. Prince- ton, NJ, 1978. Billias, George Athan. Elbridge Gerry, Founding Father and Re- publican Statesman. New York, 1976. Harrison, Lowell. ‘‘John Breckinridge and the Vice-Presi- dency, 1804: A Poltical Episode.’’ Filson Club History Quar- Learned, Henry B. ‘‘Gerry and the Presidential Succession terly 26 (April 1952): 155–65. in 1813.’’ American Historical Review 22 (October, 1916): 94– 97. Kline, Mary-Jo, and Joanne Wood Ryan, eds. Papers of Aaron Burr. Ann Arbor, MI, 1978–1981. Microfilm, 27 reels and Rutland, Robert Allen. The Presidency of James Madison. Law- guide, 1 supplemental reel. rence, KS, 1990.

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JOHN TYLER (Chapter 10) WILLIAM RUFUS KING (Chapter 13) Adams, John Quincy. The Diary of John Quincy Adams, 1794– Martin, John M. ‘‘William R. King and the Vice Presidency.’’ 1845: American Diplomacy, and Political, Social and Intellectual Alabama Review 16 (January 1963): 35–54. Life from Washington to Polk. Edited by Alan Nevins. 1928. Martin, John M. ‘‘William Rufus King: Southern Moderate.’’ Reprint of 1951 ed. New York, 1969. Ph.D. dissertation, University of North Carolina, 1955. Chitwood, Oliver P. John Tyler, Champion of the Old South. ————. ‘‘William R. King: Jacksonian Senator.’’ Alabama 1939. Reprint. New York, 1964. Review 18 (October 1985). Leigh, Benjamin Watkins. ‘‘John Tyler and the Vice Presi- U.S. Congress. Obituary Addresses. 33d Congress, 1st session, dency.’’ Tyler’s Quarterly Historical and Genealogical Magazine 1853–1854. Washington, 1854. 9 (July 1927). JOHN CABELL BRECKINRIDGE (Chapter 14) Seager, Robert. And Tyler Too: A Biography of John & Julia Gardner Tyler. New York, 1963. Davis, William C. Breckinridge: Statesman, Soldier, Symbol. Baton Rouge, LA, 1974. Shelley, Fred, ed. ‘‘The Vice President Receives Bad News in Williamsburg: A Letter of James Lyons to John Tyler.’’ Harrison, Lowell H. ‘‘John C. Breckinridge: Nationalist, Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 76 (1968): 337–39. Confederate, Kentuckian.’’ Filson Club History Quarterly 47 (April 1973): 125–44. Stathis, Stephen W. ‘‘John Tyler’s Presidential Succession: A Reappraisal.’’ Prologue 8 (Winter, 1976): 223–36. Heck, Frank H. ‘‘John C. Breckinridge in the Crisis of 1860– 1861.’’ Journal of Southern History 21 (August 1955): 316–46. Tyler, Lyon Gardner, ed. The Letters and Times of the Tylers. ————. Proud Kentuckian, John C. Breckinridge, 1821–1875. 3 vols. 1884–1886. Reprint. New York, 1970. Lexington, KY, 1976. GEORGE MIFFLIN DALLAS (Chapter 11) O’Connor, John R. ‘‘John Cabell Breckinridge’s Personal Se- Ambacher, Bruce I. ‘‘George M. Dallas: Leader of the ’Fam- cession: A Rhetorical Insight.’’ Filson Club History Quarterly ily’ Party.’’ Ph.D. dissertation, Temple University, 1971. 43 (October 1969): 345–52. ————. ‘‘George M. Dallas and the Bank War.’’ Pennsylva- Stillwell, Lucille. Born to Be a Statesman: John Cabell Breckin- nia History 42 (April 1975): 117–35. ridge. Caldwell, ID, 1936. Belohlavek, John M. George Mifflin Dallas: Jacksonian Patri- HANNIBAL HAMLIN (Chapter 15) cian. University Park, PA, 1977. Fite, Emerson David. The Presidential Campaign of 1860. 1911. Reprint. Port Washington, NY, 1967. Bergeron, Paul H. The Presidency of James K. Polk. Lawrence, KS, 1987. Hamlin, Charles Eugene. The Life and Times of Hannibal Ham- lin. 2 vols. 1899. Reprint. Port Washington, NY, 1971. Burt, Struthers. ‘‘George Mifflin Dallas [1792–1864]: The Other Vice-President from Princeton.’’ In The Lives of Eight- Hunt, H. Draper. Hannibal Hamlin of Maine: Lincoln’s First een from Princeton, edited by Willard Thorp, pp. 178–91. Vice-President. Syracuse, NY, 1969. 1946. Reprint. Freeport, NY, 1968. ————. ‘‘President Lincoln’s First Vice President: Hanni- Dallas, George Mifflin. Diary of George Mifflin Dallas, United bal Hamlin of Maine.’’ Lincoln Herald 88 (Winter 1986): 137– States Minister to Russia, 1837–1839. 1892. Reprint. New 44. York, 1970. Luthin, Reinhard H. The First Lincoln Campaign. 1944. Re- Nichols, Roy, ed. ‘‘The Library: The Mystery of the Dallas print. Gloucester, MA, 1964. Papers.’’ Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 73: Scroggins, Mark. Hannibal: The Life of Abraham Lincoln’s First 349–92, 475–517. Vice President. Lanham, MD, 1993. MILLARD FILLMORE (Chapter 12) ANDREW JOHNSON (Chapter 16) Barre, W. L. The Life and Public Services of Millard Fillmore. Benedict, Michael Les. The Impeachment and Trial of Andrew 1856. Reprint. New York, 1971. Johnson. New York, 1972. Dix, Dorothea Lynde. The Lady and the President: The Letters DeWitt, David M. ‘‘Vice President Andrew Johnson.’’ Publi- of & Millard Fillmore. Lexington, KY, 1975. cations of the Southern History Association 8 (November 1904): 437–42; 9 (January 1905): 1–23, (March 1905): 71–86, (May Fillmore, Millard. Millard Fillmore Papers. Edited by Frank 1905): 151–59, (July 1905): 213–25. Hayward Severence. 2 vols. Buffalo, NY, 1907. Glonek, James F. ‘‘Lincoln, Johnson, and the Baltimore Tick- ————. Millard Fillmore Papers. Edited by Lester W. Smith. et.’’ Abraham Lincoln Quarterly 6 (March 1951): 255–71. Buffalo, NY, 1975. Microfilm. 68 reels and guide. Graf, LeRoy P., Ralph W. Haskins, Paul H. Bergeron, eds. Rayback, Robert J. Millard Fillmore: Biography of a President. The Papers of Andrew Johnson. 12 vols. to date. Knoxville, TN, Buffalo, NY, 1959. 1967– .

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Smith, William Henry. The Life and Speeches of Hon. Charles ————. Essays and Speeches. Boston, 1915. W. Fairbanks, Republican Candidate for Vice-President. Indian- apolis, 1904. ————. Notes as Vice President, 1928–1929. Boston, 1935. Gilbert, Clinton Wallace. ‘‘You Takes Your Choice.’’ New JAMES SCHOOLCRAFT SHERMAN (Chapter 27) York, 1924. Coletta, Paolo E. The Presidency of William Howard Taft. Law- rence, KS, 1973. Leach, Paul Roscoe. That Man Dawes. Chicago, 1930. Schlup, Leonard. ‘‘The Pulse of Old Guard Politics: James Fixton, John E., Jr. ‘‘The Early Career of Charles G. Dawes.’’ S. Sherman and the 1908 Republican Ticket.’’ Social Science Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 1953. Quest 5 (Summer 1988): 9–22. Timmons, Bascom N. Charles G. Dawes, Portrait of An Amer- U.S. Congress. Memorial Addresses. 62d Congress, 3d ses- ican. New York, 1979. sion, 1912–1913. Washington, 1913. CHARLES CURTIS (Chapter 31) THOMAS RILEY MARSHALL (Chapter 28) Ewy, Marvin. Charles Curtis of Kansas: Vice-President of the Brown, John R. ‘‘Woodrow Wilson’s Vice-President: Thom- United States, 1929–1933. Emporia, KS, 1961. as R. Marshall and the Wilson Administration, 1913–1921.’’ Fausold, Martin L. The Presidency of Herbert Hoover. Law- Ph.D. dissertation, Ball State University, 1970. rence, KS, 1985. Canfield, Leon Hardy. The Presidency of Woodrow Wilson: Schlup, Leonard. ‘‘Charles Curtis: The Vice-President from Prelude to a World in Crisis. Rutherford, NJ, 1966. Kansas.’’ Manuscripts 35 (Summer 1983): 183–201. Lincoln, A. ‘‘Theodore Roosevelt, Hiram Johnson, and the Unrau, William E. Mixed-Bloods and Tribal Dissolution: Vice Presidential Nomination of 1912.’’ Pacific Historical Re- Charles Curtis and the Quest for Indian Identity. Lawrence, KS, view 28 (August 1959): 267–83. 1989. Marshall, Thomas R. Recollections of Thomas R. Marshall, Vice-President and Hoosier Philosopher: A Hoosier Salad. Indi- JOHN NANCE GARNER (Chapter 32) anapolis, 1925. Fisher, Ovie C. Cactus Jack. Waco, TX, 1978. Smith, Gene. When the Cheering Stopped: The Last Years of Garner, John Nance. ‘‘This Job of Mine.’’ American Magazine Woodrow Wilson. 1964. Reprint with introduction by Allan 118 (July 1934): 23, 96. Nevins. Alexandria, VA, 1982. James, Marquis. Mr. Garner of Texas. Indianapolis, 1939. Thomas, Charles M. Thomas Riley Marshall: Hoosier States- Patenaude, Lionel V. ‘‘John Nance Gardner.’’ In Profiles in man. Oxford, OH, 1939. Power: Twentieth-Century Texans in Washington, edited by CALVIN COOLIDGE (Chapter 29) Kenneth E. Hendrickson, Jr., and Michael L. Collins. Arling- ton Heights, IL, 1993. Bagby, Wesley M. The Road to Normalcy: The Presidential Campaign and Election of 1920. Baltimore, 1962. Romano, Michael J. ‘‘The Emergence of John Nance Garner ————. ‘‘The ’Smoke-Filled Room’ and the Nomination as a Figure in American National Politics, 1924–1941.’’ Ph.D. of Warren G. Harding.’’ Mississippi Valley Historical Review dissertation, St. John’s University, 1974. 41 (March 1955). Timmons, Bascom N. Garner of Texas: A Personal History. Coolidge, Calvin. The Autobiography of Calvin Coolidge. 1929. New York, 1948. Reprint. Rutland, VT, 1984. HENRY AGARD WALLACE (Chapter 33) ————. The Price of Freedom: Speeches and Addresses. New Markowitz, Norman D. The Rise and Fall of the People’s Cen- York, 1924. tury: Henry A. Wallace and American Liberalism, 1941–1948. New York, 1973. Fuess, Claude M. Calvin Coolidge, The Man From Vermont. 1940. Reprint of 1965 ed. Westport, CT, 1976. Schapsmeier, Edward L., and Frederick H. Schapsmeier. Henry A. Wallace of Iowa: the Agrarian Years, 1910–1940. Margulies, Herbert F. ‘‘Senator Irvine Lenroot and the Re- Ames, IA, 1968. publican Vice Presidential Nomination of 1920.’’ Wisconsin Magazine of History 61 (Autumn 1977): 21–31. ————. Prophet in Politics: Henry A. Wallace and the War Years, 1940–1965. Ames, IA, 1973. McCoy, Donald R. Calvin Coolidge: The Quiet President. 1967. Reprint, with new preface. Lawrence, KS, 1988. Wallace, Henry Agard. Democracy Reborn. Selected from Pub- lic Papers and Edited with an Introduction and Notes by Russell White, William Allen. A Puritan in Babylon: The Story of Cal- Lord. 1944. Reprint. New York, 1973. vin Coolidge. 1938. Reprint. Gloucester, MA, 1973. ————. Henry A. Wallace Papers at the University of Iowa. CHARLES GATES DAWES (Chapter 30) Edited by Earl M. Rogers. Iowa City, IA, 1974. Microfilm. Ackerman, Carl W. Dawes—The Doer! New York, 1924. 67 reels and guide. Dawes, Charles G. A Journal of the McKinley Years. Chicago, ————. The Price of Vision: The Diary of Henry A. Wallace, 1950. 1942–1946. Edited by John Morton Blum. Boston, 1973.

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————. The Reminiscences of Henry Agard Wallace. Colum- Tugwell, Rexford Guy. How They Became President: Thirty- bia University Oral History Program Collection, part 3, no. five Ways to the White House.New York, 1964. 40. Glen Rock, NJ, 1977. Microfilm. 2 reels. ALBEN W. BARKLEY (Chapter 35) ————. Whose Constitution? An Inquiry into the General Barkley, Alben W. That Reminds Me. Garden City, NY, 1954. Welfare. 1936. Reprint. Westport, CT, 1971. Barkley, Jane R. and Francis Spatz Leighton. I Married the HARRY S. TRUMAN (Chapter 34) Veep. New York, 1958. Asbell, Bernard. When F.D.R. Died. New York, 1961. Claussen, E. Neal. ‘‘Alben Barkley’s Rhetorical Victory in 1948.’’ Southern Speech Communications Journal 45 (1979): 79– Bishop, Jim. FDR’s Last Year: April 1944–April 1945. New 92. York, 1974. Davis, Polly Ann. Alben W. Barkley, Senate Majority Leader Daniels, Jonathan. The Man of Independence. 1950. Reprint. and Vice President. New York, 1979. Port Washington, NY, 1971. ————. ‘‘Alben W. Barkley: Vice President.’’ Register of the Donovan, Robert J. Conflict and Crisis: The Presidency of Harry Kentucky Historical Society 76 (April 1978): 112–32. S Truman, 1945–1948. New York, 1977. Libbey, James K. Dear Alben. Mr. Barkley of Kentucky. Lexing- Ferrell, Robert H. Choosing Truman: The Democratic Conven- ton, KY, 1979. tion of 1944. Columbia, MO, 1994. Wallace, H. Lew. ‘‘Alben Barkley and the Democratic Con- ————. Harry S. Truman: A Life. Columbia, MO, 1994. vention of 1948.’’ Filson Club History Quarterly 55 (July 1981): ————, ed. The Autobiography of Harry S Truman. Boulder, 231–52. CO, 1980. RICHARD MILHOUS NIXON (Chapter 36) Flynn, Edward J. You’re the Boss. New York, 1947. Aitken, Jonathan. Nixon—A Life. Washington, 1993. Goldman, Elliot. ‘‘Justice William O. Douglas: The 1944 Vice Ambrose, Stephen E. Nixon. 2 vols. to date. New York, 1987– Presidential Nomination and His Relationship with Roo- 1989. sevelt, an Historical Perspective.’’ Presidential Studies Quar- terly 12 (Summer 1982): 377–85. Casper, Dale C. Richard M. Nixon: A Bibliographic . New York, 1988. Hamby, Alonzo L. Man of the People: A Life of Harry S. Tru- Nixon man. New York, 1995. De Toledano, Ralph. . Rev. and expanded ed. New York, 1960. Heaster, Brenda L. ‘‘Who’s on Second: The 1944 Democratic Goldstein, Joel K. ‘‘The American Vice-Presidency, 1953– Presidential Nomination.’’ Missouri Historical Review (Janu- 1978.’’ Ph.D. dissertation, Oxford University (London), ary 1986). 1978. Helm, William P. Harry Truman, A Political Biography. New Mazo, Earl and Stephen Hess. Nixon: A Political Portrait. York, 1947. New York, 1968. Kirkendall, Richard S. ‘‘Truman’s Path to Power.’’ Social Nixon, Richard M. RN: The Memoirs of Richard Nixon. New Science 43 (1968): 67–73. York, 1978. McClure, Arthur F., and Donna Costigan. ‘‘The Truman ————. Six Crises. 1962. Reprint, with new introduction. Vice Presidency: Constructive Apprenticeship or Brief Inter- New York, 1990. lude?’’ Missouri Historical Review 65 (April 1971): 318–41. ‘‘Nixon’s Own Story of Seven Years in the Vice-Presi- McCullough, David G. ‘‘ ‘I Hardly Know Truman’.’’ Amer- dency.’’ U.S. News and World Report 48 (May 16, 1960): 98– ican Heritage 43 (July/August 1992): 46–64. 106. ————. Truman. New York, 1992. Pach, Chester J., Jr., and Elmo Richardson. The Presidency Parker, Daniel F. ‘‘The Political and Social Views of Harry of Dwight D. Eisenhower. 1979. Rev. ed. Lawrence, KS, 1991. S Truman.’’ Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, Rovere, Robert H. ‘‘Letter from Washington: National Secu- 1951. rity Council and Cabinet Under Direction of Mr. Nixon.’’ Partin, John W. ‘‘Roosevelt, Byrnes, and the 1944 Vice-Presi- New Yorker 31 (October 8, 1955): 179–86. dential Nomination.’’ Historian 42 (1979): 85–100. LYNDON BAINES JOHNSON (Chapter 37) Rovin, Fern R. ‘‘Politics and the Presidential Election of Baker, Leonard. The Johnson Eclipse: A President’s Vice Presi- 1944.’’ Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1973. dency. New York, 1966. Steinberg, Alfred. The Man from Missouri: The Life and Times Caro, Robert A. The Years of Lyndon Johnson. 2 vols. to date. of Harry S Truman. New York, 1962. New York, 1982-. Truman, Harry S. Memoirs. 2 vols., Garden City, NY, 1955– Dalleck, Robert. Lone Star Rising: Lyndon Johnson and His 1956. Times, 1908–1960. 1 vol. to date. New York, 1991.

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Hearings, 93rd Cong., 1st sess. November 15–26, 1973. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Rules and Adminis- Washington, 1973. tration. Nomination of Nelson A. Rockefeller of New York to be Vice President of the United States. Hearings, 93rd Cong., 2d U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Rules and Adminis- sess. September 23-November 18, 1974. Washington, 1974. tration. Nomination of Gerald R. Ford of Michigan to be Vice President of the United States. Hearings, 93rd Cong., 1st sess. U.S. Congress. Memorial Addresses. 96th Cong., 1st sess., –14, 1973. Washington, 1993. 1979. Washington, 1979. U.S. Congress. Tributes to Honorable Gerald R. Ford, President WALTER F. MONDALE (Chapter 42) of the United States. 95th Cong., 1st sess., 1977. Washington, Carter, Jimmy. Keeping Faith: Memoirs of a President. New 1977. York, 1982. NELSON ALDRICH ROCKEFELLER (Chapter 41) Eisele, Albert. Almost to the Presidency: A Biography of Two Bales, Peter Relyea. ‘‘Nelson Rockefeller and His Quest for American Politicians. Blue Earth, MN, 1972. Inter-American Unity.’’ Ph.D. dissertation, State University Gillon, Steven M. The Democrats’ Dilemma: Walter F. Mondale of New York, Stony Brook, 1992. and the Liberal Legacy. New York, 1992. Connery, Robert H., and Gerald Benjamin. Rockefeller of New Goldstein, Joel K. ‘‘The American Vice-Presidency, 1953– York: Executive Power in the Statehouse. Ithaca, NY, 1979. 1978.’’ Ph.D. dissertation, Oxford University (London), Desmond, James. Rockefeller. New York, 1964. 1978. Firestone, Bernard, and Alexej Ugrinsky, eds. Gerald R. Ford Lewis, Finlay. Mondale: Portrait of An American Politician. and the Politics of Post-Watergate America. 2 vols. Westport, New York, 1980. CT, 1993. Light, Paul C. ‘‘Vice-Presidential Influence Under Rocke- Goldstein, Joel K. ‘‘The American Vice-Presidency, 1953– feller and Mondale.’’ Political Science Quarterly 98 (Winter 1978.’’ Ph.D. dissertation, Oxford University (London), 1983–1984): 617–40. 1978. Mondale, Walter F. The Accountability of Power: Toward a Re- Kramer, Michael S., and Sam Roberts. ‘‘I Never Wanted to sponsible Presidency. New York, 1975. be Vice-President of Anything’’: An Investigative Biography of ————. Vice-Presidential Power: Advice and Influence in the Nelson Rockefeller. New York, 1976. White House. Baltimore, 1984. Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service. Analy- Natoli, Marie D. ‘‘The Vice Presidency: Walter Mondale in sis of the Philosophy and Public Record of Nelson A. Rockefeller, the Lion’s Den.’’ Presidential Studies Quarterly 8 (Winter Nominee for Vice President of the United States. 93rd Cong., 1978): 100–102. 2d sess. House. Committee Print. Washington, 1974. ‘‘Vice Presidential Campaign Debate: Mondale-Dole Meet Light, Paul C. ‘‘Vice-Presidential Influence Under Rocke- in Houston.’’ In The Presidential Campaign 1976. Vol. 3, The feller and Mondale.’’ Political Science Quarterly 98 (Winter Debates, pp. 154–79. Washington, 1979. 1983–1984): 617–40. GEORGE BUSH (Chapter 43) ————. Vice-Presidential Power: Advice and Influence in the Bush, George, with Victor Gold. Looking Forward. Garden White House. Baltimore, 1984. City, NY, 1987. Morris, Joe Alex. Nelson Rockefeller, A Biography. New York, Bush, George. The Wit & Wisdom of George Bush: With Some 1960. Reflections from Dan Quayle. Edited by Ken Brady and Jer- Persico, Joseph E. The Imperial Rockefeller: A Biography of Nel- emy Solomon. New York, 1989. son A. Rockefeller. New York, 1982. Ide, Arthur Frederick. Bush-Quayle: The Reagan Legacy. Ir- Rockefeller, Nelson A. The Future of Freedom: A Bicentennial ving, TX, 1989. King, Nicholas. George Bush: A Biography. Series of Speeches. Washington, 1976. New York, 1980. Turner, Michael. The Vice President as Policy Maker: Rocke- Kirschten, Dick. ‘‘George Bush—Keeping His Profile Low feller in the Ford White House. Westport, CT, 1982. So He Can Keep His Influence High.’’National Journal 13 (June 20, 1981): 1096–1100. Underwood, James E., and William J. Daniels. Governor Rockefeller in New York: The Apex of Pragmatic Liberalism in U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Armed Services. Nom- the United States. Westport, CT, 1982. ination of George Bush to be Director of Central Intelligence. Hearing, 94th Cong., 1st sess. December 15–16, 1975. Wash- U.S. Congress. House. Committee on the Judiciary. Nomina- ington, 1975. tion of Nelson A. Rockefeller to be Vice President of the United States. Hearings, 93rd Cong., 2d sess. November 21-Decem- J. DANFORTH QUAYLE (Chapter 44) ber 5, 1974. Washington, 1974. Broder, David S. The Man Who Would be President: Dan Quayle. New York, 1992. ————. Selected Issues and the Positions of Nelson A. Rocke- feller, Nominee for Vice President of theUnited States: An Analy- Campbell, Colin S.J., and Bert A. Rockman, eds. The Bush sis. 93rd Cong., 2d sess. Committee Print. Washington, 1974. Presidency: First Appraisals. Chatham, NJ, 1991.

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CREDITS FOR ILLUSTRATIONS

Cover illustration: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ62– 116624 Frontispiece: AP/WideWorld Photo John Adams: The Art Museums, Acc. No. H073 Thomas Jefferson: Office of the Curator, The White House Aaron Burr: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ62–16737 George Clinton: The National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, NPG 84.172 Elbridge Gerry: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ62–74104 Daniel D. Tompkins: Collection of the City of New York, City Hall John C. Calhoun: The National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, NPG 78.64 Martin Van Buren: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ62–19608 Richard Mentor Johnson: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ62–1887 John Tyler: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ62–96919 George M. Dallas: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ62–10549 Millard Fillmore: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ62–13013 Willam R. King: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress John C. Breckinridge: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ62–9895 Hannibal Hamlin: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–BH82–3882 Andrew Johnson: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–B8184–10690 Schuyler Colfax: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ62–116494 Henry Wilson: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–BH83–3701 William A. Wheeler: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–BH832–29130 Chester A. Arthur: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ62–13021 Thomas A. Hendricks: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress Levi P. Morton: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ62–10566 Adlai E. Stevenson: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ62–108489 Garret Augustus Hobart: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ62–10553 Theodore Roosevelt: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ62–12095 Charles W. Fairbanks: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ61–445 James Schoolcraft Sherman: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ62–85213 Thomas R. Marshall: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ62–116554 Calvin Coolidge: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–B2–5253–4 Charles G. Dawes: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ62–08528 Charles Curtis: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ62–11655 John Nance Garner: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USZ62–116737 Henry A. Wallace: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–USW3–6470–D Harry S. Truman: Harry S. Truman

[ 571 ] CREDITS FOR ILLUSTRATIONS

Alben W. Barkley: UPI/Corbis-Bettman Richard M. Nixon: U.S. Senate Historical Office, SHP–5987 Lyndon B. Johnson: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–U9–5759–#5 Hubert H. Humphrey: U.S. Senate Historical Office, SHP–5987 Spiro T. Agnew: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–U9–26543–#24 Gerald R. Ford: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–U9–28835–#34 Nelson A. Rockefeller: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–U9–30000A–#13A Walter F. Mondale: Prints and Photographs Division, Library of Congress, LC–U9–32972–#30 George Bush: U.S. Senate Historical Office, SHP–5580 J. Danforth Quayle: U.S. Senate Historical Office, SHP–5987

[ 572 ] INDEX

[This index generally includes individuals mentioned in the book only if they play a sufficient role in the story or appear in more than one chapter. But major party presidential and vice- presidential candidates are included even if they are only mentioned in passing. Wives of vice presidents are indexed but rarely parents.]

Abolitionists, Van Buren and, 114 bribery scandal and, 486-87 Acheson, Dean, Nixon on, 439 bust of, 488 Adams, Abigail, 4, 7, 8 characteristics of, 486 Adams, John, 3-13, 17, illus. 2 death of, 488 in 1788 election, 5-6, 52 Ford and, 496 in 1796 election, 10, 19 foreign travel by, 485 in 1800 election, 11, 35 as governor, 482 addressing the Senate, 7, 8, 10-11 Nixon on, 483-85, 488 Alien and Sedition Acts and, 23 presiding over the Senate, 482-83 announcing electoral vote count, xiii, 20 resignation of, 487, 496, 508 appointment of Gerry, 65 as vice president, 482-87 breaking tie votes, 3, 8, 10 youth, 481 in Continental congresses, 4 Alabama, vice president from, 181-87 death of, 11, 25 Alabama Claims, Morton and, 270 elected president, xv, 10, 19, 53 Albert, Carl elected vice president, 6, 52 Agnew and, 486 on Gerry, 64 Ford and, 497 inauguration as president, 20 Rockefeller and, 508 Jefferson and, 21, 25 Aldrich, Nelson W. in legislature, 4 1908 election and, 328 patronage and, 6, 37, 38 Curtis and, 376-77 presiding over the Senate, 7-8, 24 Fairbanks and, 316, 318, 329 reelected vice president, 9, 52 Rockefeller and, 505 on removal of cabinet officers, 8 Aldrich-Vreeland Emergency Currency Act (1908), 317-18 Revolutionary War activities, 4-5 Alger, Russell A., Hobart and, 292-93 on role of vice president, 7 Alien Act (1798), 23 signing legislative documents, 7 Alien and Sedition Acts, 23-24 in state constitutional convention, 5 Burr opposition to, 34 on titles, 7-8 Alston, Aaron Burr, 39, 44 as vice president, xv, 6-10 Alston, Joseph, 39 writings of, 4, 9 Alston, Theodosia Burr, 31, 33, 39, 44 youth, 3 Ames, Oakes Adams, John Quincy Colfax and, 227-29 in 1824 election, 83, 86-87, 107 Wheeler and, 244 in 1828 election, 93, 108 Anticommunism on Clinton, 54-56 Humphrey and, 470-71 elected president, 87, 107, 125 Nixon and, 434-35, 439 Fillmore and, 169 Antifederalists franking privilege for Burr and, 42 in 1788 election, 5 as president, 88-89 Clinton and, 51-52 on Tyler, 142 in Second Congress, 9 Agnew, Elinor Isabel ‘‘Judy’’ Judefind, 481 Arms control, 467, 471 Agnew, Spiro T., 481-88, illus. 480 Armstrong, John, Jr., Clinton and, 55 appearance of, 482 Antislavery movement

[ 573 ] INDEX

Antislavery movement (continued) Bayh, Birch, Quayle and, 545 Colfax and, 224 Beckley, John, Clinton and, 54 Wilson and, 234-35 Bell, John, in 1860 election, 197 Arthur, Chester A., 251-56, illus. 250 Benton, Thomas Hart appearance of, 253 on Calhoun, 99 breaking tie votes, 253 on Calhoun and Van Buren, 96 Conkling and, 251-55 on constitutional amendment, 89 death of, 256 Dallas and, 156 elected vice president, 247, 253 on debt imprisonment, 124 Garfield and, 254 Foote and, 160, 175 Hayes and, 252 King and, 183 Morton and, 271 on Panama Congress, 88 New York customhouse and, 251-52 on Van Buren inauguration, 128 patronage and, 253-55 Bentsen, Lloyd M. presiding over the Senate, 253-54 in 1988 election, 537, 548 as president, 254-56 Bush and, 532 succeeding to presidency, 254, 272 Beveridge, Albert J., Fairbanks and, 315, 316 as vice president, 253-54 Biffle, Leslie, Truman and, 413, 417 as vice-presidential candidate, 271 Blaine, James G. youth, 252 in 1876 election, 245 Arthur, Ellen L.H., 252, 253 in 1884 election, 256, 272 Ashurst, Henry F., on Coolidge, 353 in 1892 election, 273 Assassinations Arthur and, 255 of president, 216-17, 254, 272, 305, 315, 461 Conkling and, 252, 253, 256, 270 plot against vice president, 216-17 on Hamlin, 205 Atwater, Lee, Bush and, 536-38 Morton and, 272 Atzerodt, George, A. Johnson and, 216-17 T. Roosevelt and, 298 as secretary of state, 271 Wheeler and, 244, 246 Baker, Bobby Blair, Francis P., 184 L.B. Johnson and, 454, 456 Breckinridge and, 198-99 scandal and, 460 R.M. Johnson and, 126 Baker, Edward D., Breckinridge and, 198 Blount, William, Jefferson and, 22 Baker, James A., III, Bush and, 535-36, 538 Board of Economic Warfare (BEW), 401-2 Ball, George, Humphrey and, 472-73 Bonus march, Curtis and, 381 Bank of the U.S. Booth, John Wilkes, 216-17 First, 57 Borah, William E. proposal in 1840s, 145 in 1924 election, 362 Second, 109-11, 112-13, 123, 124, 139, 152, 153, 183 on Curtis, 378 Barkley, Alben W., 423-29, illus. 422 , 4 in 1948 election, 425-26 Boston police strike, 349 as campaigner, 428 Boutwell, George, on H. Wilson, 235 as candidate for vice president, 411, 414 Boynton, Henry Van Ness, H. Wilson and, 238 death of, 429 Branch, John, and Panama Congress, 89 on Garner, 426 Breckinridge, John in House, 424 Judiciary Act and, 38 as majority leader, 391, 424-25 Kentucky Resolutions and, 23 nomination of Wallace and, 416 Breckinridge, John C., 193-99, illus. 192 presiding over the Senate, 427-28 addressing Senate, 196 resignation as majority leader, 425 appearance of, 193 rulings overturned, 427-28 as Confederate leader, 198-99 in Senate, 424-25, 429 characteristics of, 194, 197 Truman and, 418, 425-27 death of, 199 on vice-presidency, 426-27, 429 elected vice president, 196 as vice president, 426-29 expelled from Senate, 193, 198 youth, 423 in House, 194-95 Bassett, Richard, Adams and, 8 A. Johnson and, 214 Bayard, James A., Burr and, 36 as presidential candidate, 197-98

[ 574 ] INDEX

Breckinridge (continued) as CIA director, 533 presiding over the Senate, 196-97 deciding whether to keep Quayle on ticket, 551 as vice president, 196-97 Ford and, 508 as vice-presidential candidate, 195 foreign travel by, 535 youth, 193 in House, 531-32 Breckinridge, Mary C. Burch, 193 Iran-Contra scandal and, 536-37 Bricker amendment, Nixon and, 438 as president, 538, 548-52 Bricker, John W., Nixon and, 438 as presidential candidate, 536-38 Bright, Jesse D., Hendricks and, 262 Quayle and, 537-38 Bristow, Joseph L., Curtis and, 376, 377 at Republican National Committee, 532-33 Bryan, William Jennings as Texas businessman, 531 in 1896 election, 282, 314 as UN ambassador, 532 in 1900 election, 283, 303 as vice president, 535-37 in 1908 election, 328 in World War II, 530 1912 election and, 339 youth, 529 Dawes and, 360 Bush, Prescott S., 529, 531 Buchanan, James Butler, Nicholas, in 1912 election, 331 in 1856 election, 195 Butler, Pierce, Dallas and, 158 Breckinridge and, 193, 196, 198 Butler, William O., in 1848 election, 159, 187 Dallas and, 153, 155, 159, 161 Byrd, Robert C. Hendricks and, 262 cloture and, 510 King and, 184, 185 Mondale and, 523 veto of homestead bill, 214 Byrnes, James F. Buchanan, Patrick J., Agnew and, 484 as candidate for vice president, 405, 411, 414-15 Bull Moose party, in 1912 election, 306, 330 Garner and, 390 Bull Run, Battle of, H. Wilson and, 235-36 on Garner, 386 Burr, Aaron, 31-46, illus. 30 Wallace and, 405 in 1796 election, 10, 19 in 1800 election, xii, 11, 34-36 addressing Senate, 36, 43 Cabinet, resignation of announcing electoral vote count, 42 Jackson’s, 95, 109 breaking tie votes, 37-38 Taylor’s, 176 as campaigner, 35 Tyler’s, 145 as candidate for governor, 39, 40 Cabinet meetings conspiracy by, 43-44 secretary of state presiding in president’s illness, 342, death of, 44 343, 352 duel with Hamilton, 39 vice president attending, 337, 352, 379, 427, 439, 445 elected to Senate, 33 vice president declining to attend, 364 elected vice president, 11, 36 vice president presiding in president’s absence, 342, 443, in New York legislature, 33 446 patronage and, 37, 53 Calhoun, Floride Colhoun, 85, 86, 95, 108 presiding at impeachment trials, 40-42 Calhoun, John C., 81-101, illus. 82 proposal to give franking privilege on retirement, 42 in 1824 election, 86, 107 retirement from vice-presidency, 39 abolitionists and, 114 in Revolutionary War, 32 appointing Senate committees and chairmen, 88-89 sworn in as vice president, 36 breaking tie votes, 96, 109 treason trial, 44 Compromise of 1850 and, 98, 174 as vice president, xvi, 36-43, 49 Dallas and, 156 as vice-presidential candidate, 33-35, 53 death of, 99 youth, 32 Eaton affair and, 95, 108 Burr, Theodosia Bartow Prevost, 33 election of J.Q. Adams and, 87 Burr, Theodosia. See Alston, Theodosia Burr elected vice president, 87, 93 Bush, Barbara Pierce, 530, 535-36, 538, 552 in House, 85 Bush, Dorothy Walker, 529 investigation of, 93 Bush, George H.W., 529-38, illus. 528 Jackson and, 94-95 in 1980 election, 533 King and, 182, 183, 184 characteristics of, 530, 534 nullification and, 94-96, 97, 109 in China, 533-35 opposition to Jackson, 111

[ 575 ] INDEX

Calhoun (continued) L.B. Johnson and, 456-57 as presidential candidate, 86, 96, 107 Nixon and, 443 presiding over Senate, 87-92, 94, 96, 174 Civil Service Commission, creation of, 255 resignation as vice president, 97, 109 Civil War as secretary of state, 98 Arthur and, 252 as secretary of war, 85-86, 123-24 Breckinridge in, 198-99 in Senate, 97-99, 173 Colfax and, 225 on Senate rules, 91 Hamlin and, 206-7, 208 Van Buren and, 96, 108-9 Hendricks and, 262 as vice president, xvi-xvii, 87-97, 107 A. Johnson and, 214-15, 216 Webster-Hayne debate and, 94 H. Wilson and, 235-36 writings of, 92, 93-94, 95, 96 Clark, Bennett Champ, on Truman, 413 youth, 84 Clark, James B. (Champ) California, vice president from, 433-47 in 1912 election, 339 Callaway, Howard ‘‘Bo,’’ Rockefeller and, 511 on Sherman, 328 Cannon, Joseph G. Clay, Henry Fairbanks and, 317 in 1824 election, 83, 87, 107 Sherman and, 326-27 in 1832 election, 110 Taft and, 328 1840 election and, 140 Capitol, U.S. in 1844 election, 155, 169-70 burning of, 68 in 1848 election, 170 telegraph at, 154 censure of Jackson and, 112-13 vice president in, 58, 239 Clinton and, 57-58 vice president’s death in, 239 Compromise of 1850 and, 98, 174-75, 185 Vice President’s Room in, 239, 291, 365, 427 dueling and, 39, 90, 184 Carter, James Earl ‘‘Jimmy’’ duel with Randolph, 90 in 1976 election, 500, 517, 521, 533 investigation of Calhoun and, 93 Mondale and, 521-24 R.M. Johnson and, 123, 124, 125, 131 Cass, Lewis King and, 182, 183-84 in 1844 election, 154 opposition to Jackson, 111-13 in 1848 election, 159, 173, 187 opposition to Van Buren, 96 Breckinridge and, 198 as presidential candidate, 87 Censure of president, 112-13 as secretary of state, 89, 90 Central Intelligence Agency, 511 in Senate, 173 Chamber, House, Ford swearing in, 498 as Speaker of the House, 66, 67, 77, 85 Chamber, Senate tariff and, 97 assaults in, 175 Tyler and, 139, 144-45, 146 funeral in, 239 Cleveland, Grover Rockefeller swearing in, 505, 509 elected president, 256, 280-81 Chambers, Whittaker, Nixon and, 434 health of, 281 Chandler, Zachariah Hendricks and, 264-65 1876 election and, 246 as presidential candidate, 264 on A. Johnson, 213 Sherman and, 326 Chase, Samuel, 40-42 Stevenson and, 280-82 Cheetham, James, Burr and, 37, 43 Clifford, Clark, Humphrey and, 473 China Clinton, Cornelia Tappan, 50 Bush in, 533 Clinton, De Witt Wallace and, 403 in 1812 election, 66 Chinn, Julia, and R.M. Johnson, 125 Burr and, 37, 53 Church, Frank F. George Clinton and, 56 Mondale and, 521 patronage and, 37 Rockefeller and, 511 Tompkins and, 74, 76 Civil liberties, Jefferson and, 24 Twelfth Amendment and, 36 Civil rights legislation Van Buren and, 106 Barkley and, 428 Clinton, George, 49-60, illus. 48 Humphrey and, 466, 467 in 1788 election, 5, 52 H. Wilson and, 236-37 in 1792 election, 9, 52 Civil Rights Act (1957) and 1800 election, 34

[ 576 ] INDEX

Clinton (continued) Morton and, 253, 270-71 in 1804 election, 39 resignation of, 247, 254, 272 addressing Senate, 57 Wheeler and, 243, 244, 247 appearance of, 50 Connally, John breaking tie votes, 55, 57 on L.B. Johnson, 455 Burr and, 33 Nixon and, 485, 487, 493, 497 as candidate for vice president, 51-53 Constitution, U.S. characteristics of, 49 amendments proposed, 89 Constitution and, 51 Article I, section 3, xiii, 65 in Continental Congress, 50 Article II, section 1, xii, xiii, 6, 35 death of, 58, 63, 66 Burr on, 33 elected vice president, 42 Clinton opposition to, 51 as governor, 51, 53 Gerry and, xv, 65 in legislature, 50 Constitution, U.S., Amendments patronage and, 37, 53 Twelfth, xii, xiv, 36, 52, 121 as presidential candidate, 55-57 Thirteenth, 236-37 presiding over the Senate, 54-55, 57 Fourteenth, 236-37 reelected vice president, 57 Fifteenth, 236-37 residence as vice president, 54 Seventeenth, 377 retired as governor, 52 Nineteenth, 377 in Revolution, 50-51 Twenty-second, 428 sworn in as vice president, 43, 49 Twenty-fifth, xii, 342, 443, 485, 487-88, 493, 497, 508 as vice president, 53-58 Constitutional Convention, Gerry at, 64-65 youth, 50 Continental Congress Clinton, William J., 538, 551-52 Adams in, 4 Colbath, Jeremiah Jones. See Wilson, Henry Clinton in, 50 Colfax, Ellen Wade, 227 Jefferson and, 17-18 Colfax, Evelyn Clark, 224, 225 Coolidge, Calvin, 347-54, illus. 346 Colfax, Schuyler, 223-29, illus. 222 in 1920 election, 343, 350 appearance of, 224 in 1924 election, 359, 362-63 characteristics of, 223, 227 appearance of, 353 Cre´dit Mobilier scandal and, 227-28 attending cabinet meetings, 352 death of, 229 Boston police strike and, 349 elected vice president, 227 characteristics of, 347, 351-53 Hamlin and, 206 Curtis and, 378 in House, 224 Dawes and, 359, 364-67 as lecturer on Lincoln, 229 death of, 354 presiding over the Senate, 227 as governor, 349-50 press and, 225, 227, 228 as president, 353-54, 364-65 retirement of, 227-28, 237-38 presiding over the Senate, 350-51 as Speaker, 225-26 residence as vice president, 350 as vice-presidential candidate, 226-27 on Senate rules, 350 youth, 223 succeeding to presidency, 352-53 Colhoun, John Ewing, 38, 85 vetoes by, 354, 378 Collier, John, Fillmore and, 169-72 as vice president, 350-53 Committees, Senate, appointment of, 87, 90-91, 111-12, 128, youth, 347 156 Coolidge, Grace Goodhue, 350-52 Compensation Act (1816), 121, 123 Corrupt bargain, 83, 93, 107 Compromise of 1850, 98, 174-76, 185 Cox, James M., 343, 350 Confederate States of America, 198-99 Crawford, William H. Confederation Congress, 18 in 1824 election, 83, 87, 107 Congress Bank of the U.S. and, 57 First, 8 as president pro tempore, 58 Second, 8 as treasury secretary, 86, 123 Conkling, Roscoe Cre´dit Mobilier scandal, 228-29, 238, 244 in 1876 election, 245 Crockett, David, on Van Buren, 114 Arthur and, 251-55 Curtis, Anna Baird, 375, 378 Blaine and, 252-53, 256, 271 Curtis, Charles, 373-81, illus. 372

[ 577 ] INDEX

Curtis (continued) appearance of, 362 in 1928 election, 367 attack on Senate rules, 363-65, 367 appearance of, 375 at Bureau of the Budget, 362 breaking tie votes, 379 characteristics of, 368 characteristics of, 375-76, 378, 380 Curtis and, 379 Coolidge and, 351 death of, 368 Dawes and, 364 declining to attend cabinet meetings, 352, 364 death of, 381 elected vice president, 363 elected vice president, 379 filibusters and, 363-67 in House, 375-76 financial problems of, 368 on Indian Affairs Committee, 376 intervening on legislation, 366 as presidential candidate, 378-79 missing tie vote, 364-65 presiding over the Senate, 380 presiding over the Senate, 364-67 as Republican whip, 377 testimony on wartime procurement, 361-62 in Senate, 377-79 on vice-presidency, 368, 426 as Senate majority leader, 377-79 as vice president, 363-67 on Sherman, 332 as vice-presidential candidate, 363 as vice president, 379-81 winning Nobel Peace Prize, 362 as vice-presidential candidate, 379 in World War I, 361 youth, 373-75 writings of, 360 Curtis, Dolly. See Gann, Dolly Curtis youth, 359 Cushing, Caleb, nomination rejected, 145 Dawes Plan for German currency, 362 Cutler, Manasseh, on Burr, 40-41 Dayton, Jonathan, Burr and, 38 Cutting, Francis B., Breckinridge and, 194-95 Debt imprisonment, 124 Czolgosz, Leon, 305 Declaration of Independence Adams and, 4 Jefferson and, 17-18 Dallas, Alexander, 40 Democratic party Dallas, George M., 151-61, illus. 150 in 1832 election, 110 addressing Senate, 156, 158, 160 in 1836 election, 114 appearance of, 152, 161 in 1850s, 203 banning liquor in Senate, 160 in 1950s Senate, 455 breaking tie votes, 158 in 1968 election, 474 characteristics of, 152 Calhoun and, 97-98 death of, 161 caucus making committee assignments, 156 elected vice president, 155 formation of, 124 Fillmore and, 172 Hamlin and, 204 nominated for vice president, 154 leaders and choice of vice president in 1944, 404, 414- patronage and, 155 15 presiding over Senate, 156-61 nomination rules change in 1932, 390 residence as vice president, 157 in Pennsylvania, 153 in Senate, 153 Depew, Chauncey, on Sherman, 326-27, 329, 331 travel expenses and, 157 Dewey, Thomas E. as vice president, 156-61 in 1948 election, 405-6, 425-26 youth, 151-52 Nixon and, 435-36, 440 Dallas, Sophia Nicklin, 152, 153 Dickerson, Mahlon, Calhoun and, 89, 91 Dalton, Tristram, Adams and, 8 Dickins, Asbury Daniels, Josephus, on Marshall, 342 Senate election of R.M. Johnson and, 127 Davis, David, 253 on travel expenses, 157 Davis, Henry G., in 1904 election, 316 Disarmament. See Arms control Davis, Jefferson Dole, Robert J. Breckinridge and, 197, 199 in 1976 election, 500, 512, 521, 533 Hamlin and, 204 in 1988 election, 537 A. Johnson and, 214 Ford and, 495, 500 Davis, John W., in 1924 election, 363 on Quayle, 552 Dawes, Caro Blymyer, 361, 366-67 Douglas, Helen Gahagan, Nixon and, 434-35 Dawes, Charles G., 359-68, illus. 358 Douglas, Paul H., on LBJ, 461 addressing Senate, 363, 367 Douglas, Stephen A.

[ 578 ] INDEX

Douglas (continued) 1876, 243, 245, 246, 263 in 1856 election, 195 1880, 247, 252-53, 263, 271 in 1860 election, 197 1884, 255-56, 264, 272 Breckinridge and, 194 1888, 265, 272 Buchanan and, 196 1892, 273, 281 Hamlin and, 205 1896, 274, 282, 290, 314, 360 Hendricks and, 262 1900, 283, 300, 302-3 Stevenson and, 279 1904, 316 Douglas, William O. 1908, 319-20, 327 as candidate for vice president, 411, 415 1912, 306, 330-31, 338-39 Ford and, 496 1916, 320, 341 Truman and, 426 1920, 343, 349, 361, 377 Drug smuggling, control of, Bush and, 536 1924, 353, 362-63 Duels 1928, 367, 378-79 Burr vs. Hamilton, 39 1932, 381, 387-88, 400 Clay vs. Randolph, 90 1936, 390 threatened, 184, 194-95 1940, 392, 399, 400 Dukakis, Michael, 537, 548 1944, 399, 404-5, 411, 414-15 Dulles, John Foster 1948, 405-6, 425-26 Humphrey and, 471 1952, 435-37, 439 Nixon and, 439, 443-44 1956, 440, 444 1960, 444-45, 457-58, 467, 506 1964, 468, 471-72, 507 Eaton, John, Calhoun and, 95, 108 1968, 445, 474, 482, 496, 507, 520 Eaton, Peggy, 95, 108 1972, 446, 475, 486, 496, 508, 520 Ehrlichman, John 1976, 500, 511, 517, 521, 533 Agnew and, 483-84 1980, 524, 533-35 resignation of, 486 1984, 524, 536 Eisenhower, Dwight D. 1988, 537-38, 547-48 in 1952 election, 435 1992, 538, 551-52 deciding whether to keep Nixon on ticket, 444 contested, 246, 263 health of, 443 Electoral college Nixon and, 433, 436, 438-40, 443-47 in 1788 election, 6, 52 Rockefeller and, 506 in 1796 election, 10, 19, 20 on vice-presidency, 437 in 1876 election, 263 Elections, presidential efforts to abolish, 89 1788, 5-6, 52 Embargo Act (1807), 55 1792, 9, 52 Everett, Edward, on King, 182 1796, 10, 19-20, 53 Expulsion from Senate, 193, 198, 262 1800, xii, 11, 25, 34-36, 53 1804, 39, 53-54 1808, 55-57 Fairbanks, Charles W., 313-21, illus. 312 1812, 66 in 1916 election, 320, 341 1816, 74 addressing Senate, 318 1820, 77 appearance of, 315 1824, 83, 86-87, 107, 125 characteristics of, 316 1828, 92-93, 107-8, 183 death of, 320 1832, 110, 125 as presidential candidate, 318-20 1836, 114-15, 121, 126, 139 presiding over the Senate, 316-18 1840, 115, 121, 129, 140-41 railroads and, 314 1844, 98, 116, 131, 154-55, 169, 184-85 in Senate, 314-15 1848, 116, 159, 170-71, 187, 235 as vice president, 316-20 1852, 176, 187 as vice-presidential candidate, 315-16, 341 1856, 176, 195, 203, 205 youth, 313 1860, 197, 205, 225 Fairbanks, Cornelia Cole, 313, 316 1864, 215-16 Farley, James 1868, 219, 226, 237, 263 Garner and, 388 1872, 228, 238, 263 on Garner, 388-89, 392

[ 579 ] INDEX

Federal deregulation in 1790s, 9-10, 22 Bush and, 536 Jefferson and, 22, 55 Quayle and, 550 vice president involved in, 403, 441, 550 Federalist party Forney, John W. in 1790s, 9, 10, 11, 18, 21-22, 65-66 on Breckinridge, 194 in 1796 election, 10, 19 Hamlin and, 208 in 1800 election, 35-36 on A. Johnson, 215, 218 in 1808 election, 56 on vice-presidential swearing in, 216 Burr and, 37, 39 France control of judges, 40, 41 Gerry as envoy to, 65 Gallatin case and, 33 Jefferson and, 18, 55 Jefferson on, 22 King and, 185 Federalists, in 1788 election, 5-6, 52 Revolution, 9 Ferraro, Geraldine, in 1984 election, 524-25, 536 U.S. relations with Filibusters in 1790s, 10, 22, 34, 65 Dawes and, 363, 365-67 in 1830s, 111 Fairbanks and, 317-18 Franklin, Benjamin, 18 Mondale and, 523 Free Soil party Stevenson and, 281 in 1848 election, 116, 171, 173, 235 Fillmore, Abigail Powers, 168, 176 in 1850s, 203 Fillmore, Caroline McIntosh, 176 Hamlin and, 204 Fillmore, Millard, 167-76, illus. 166 Freedmen’s Bureau, veto of, 218 in 1848 election, 159 , 24 in 1852 election, 176 Freeman, Orville, 517-19 in 1856 election, 176, 195 Frelinghuysen, Theodore, 155, 169 addressing Senate, 172, 174 Fre´mont, John C., 195 appearance of, 168, 172 Fulbright, J. William, L.B. Johnson and, 458 Dallas and, 160 death of, 176 in House, 168-69 Gaillard, John, 68, 88 patronage and, 171, 172 Gallatin, Albert as president, 176 Burr and, 33, 36, 39, 40 presiding over Senate, 168, 173-75 Clinton and, 53, 57 succeeding to presidency, 167, 176, 186 Dallas and, 152 as vice president, 171-75 on Gerry, 66 as vice-presidential candidate, 169 as Jefferson adviser, 54 youth, 168 as treasury secretary, 67, 74, 123 Foote, Henry S., Benton and, 160, 175 Gallinger, Jacob, Fairbanks and, 317 Ford, Elizabeth ‘‘Betty’’ Bloomer Warren, 494, 496 Gann, Dolly Curtis, 375, 380-81 Ford, Gerald R., 493-500, illus. 492 Garfield, James A. in 1976 election, 500, 511-12, 533 in 1880 election, 253 1980 election and, 534-35 Arthur and, 254 appointed vice president, 487, 493, 497, 508 death of, 254, 272 appointing vice president, 508 elected president, 247, 253, 271 Bush and, 531, 533 Morton and, 271 characteristics of, 498 as president, 253-54, 271-72 in House, 495-96 Garner, Ettie Rheiner, 386 on L.B. Johnson, 455 Garner, John N., 385-93, illus. 384 Nixon and, 487-88, 495-99 in 1932 election, 381 pardon of Nixon, 499 1940 election and, 400 as president, 499-500, 508-12 breaking tie votes, 389 Rockefeller and, 508-12 characteristics of, 392 succeeding to presidency, 499 death of, 393 sworn in as vice president, 497-98 elected vice president, 388 on vice-presidency, xiv in House, 386-88 in World War II, 494 influence of, 386, 389, 393, 426 youth, 494 intervening on legislation, 390 Foreign policy as presidential candidate, 392

[ 580 ] INDEX

Garner (continued) in 1872 election, 237, 263 presiding over the Senate, 389-90 Colfax and, 224-25, 228 as Speaker, 386-88 Grundy, Felix, 111, 127 Supreme Court packing plan and, 390-91 Truman and, 413 on vice-presidency, 388 Haig, Alexander M., Jr. as vice president, 388-93 Agnew and, 487 youth, 385-86 on Bush, 532, 536 Geneˆt, Edmond, 10 Ford and, 497-99 Clinton and, 52, 56 Haldeman, H.R. Gerry, Ann Thompson, 65 Agnew and, 483-86 Gerry, Elbridge, 63-69, illus. 62 resignation of, 486 in 1812 election, 66 ‘‘Half-breeds’’ addressing the Senate, 66 in 1876 election, 245 in Constitutional Convention, 64-65 in 1880 election, 253 in Continental Congress, 63-64 in 1884 election, 256 death of, 68 Blaine and, 270 elected vice president, 66 Conkling and, 254 as envoy to France, 65 Hamilton, Alexander, 9 ‘‘Gerrymander’’ and, 66 1788 election and, 6 as governor, 66 1796 election and, 10, 19 in House of Representatives, 65 1800 election and, 11, 35-36 Jefferson and, 21 on assumption of state debts, 9, 65 in legislature, 63 as Burr ally, 33, 34 on legislative responsibilities of vice president, 65 Burr gubernatorial campaign and, 39 presiding over the Senate, 66-68 Clinton and, 51, 52 during Revolution, 63-64 foreign policy and, 10 social life as vice president, 67 Jefferson and, 18 sworn in as vice president, 66 killed by Burr, 39 as vice president, 66-68 Hamlin, Ellen, 205 youth, 63 Hamlin, Hannibal, 203-9, illus. 202 Giles, William Branch appearance of, 204, 206, 209 as candidate for president pro tempore, 67 banning liquor from Senate, 207 Clinton and, 57 characteristics of, 205, 209 Goldwater, Barry M. in Coast Guard, 208 in 1964 election, 472 death of, 209 Ford and, 499 dropped from ticket for second term, 208, 215 Rockefeller and, 506-7, 510 elected vice president, 198, 206 Gore, Albert A., Jr., xviii, 525, 551-52 in House, 204 Gore, Thomas P., 317-18 A. Johnson and, 213, 219 Gorman, Arthur P., 282 in Senate, 204-5, 209 Governor becoming vice president, 216, 303, 339, 347, 350, temperance and, 204 482 patronage and, 207 Granger, Francis, in 1836 election, 127 presiding over the Senate, 207 Grant, Ulysses S. as vice-presidential candidate, 206 in 1868 election, 219, 226-27, 237 youth, 203 in 1872 election, 238 Hamlin, Sarah Jane, 205 in 1880 election, 22/5 Hancock, John, Adams and, 4, 5 Arthur and, 252 Hanna, Marcus A. Colfax and, 223, 226-28 Dawes and, 360 elected president, 227, 237 Fairbanks and, 315 Great Britain Hobart and, 290, 293 Burr on Jay Treaty, 33 T. Roosevelt and, 302, 306 Jay Treaty and, 21 Hannegan, Robert Jefferson and, 55 Truman and, 414-15 U.S. relations with, 10, 66, 68, 123, 152, 159, 182, 270 Wallace and, 404 Van Buren appointment to, 96 Hanson, John, 51 Greeley, Horace Harding, Warren G.

[ 581 ] INDEX

Harding (continued) Hobart, Garret A., 289-93, illus. 288 in 1920 election, 343, 349-50, 361 addressing the Senate, 291 Curtis and, 377 breaking tie votes, 292 Dawes and, 362 characteristics of, 289, 291 death of, 352 death of, 293 as president, 352 elected vice president, 290 on vice-presidency, 352 in legislature, 289-90 Harper, Robert Goodloe McKinley and, 290-93 Burr and, 35-36 presiding over the Senate, 291-92 Pickering impeachment trial and, 40 as vice president, 290-93 Harrison, Benjamin youth, 289 elected president, 265, 272 Hobart, Jennie Tuttle, 289, 291 as president, 272-74, 280 Hoover, Herbert Harrison, Byron P. ‘‘Pat,’’ Barkley and, 424 1924 election and, 363 Harrison, William H. in 1928 election, 378-79 in 1836 election, 127 bonus march and, 381 in 1840 election, 115, 121, 130, 140-41 Coolidge and, 354 death of, 142 elected president, 115, 130, 141 Curtis and, 373, 379 presidential inauguration, 141-42 Dawes and, 361, 367 in Senate, 88 Garner and, 387 in War of 1812, 123 House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC), 435 Hartmann, Robert, 498-99 House of Representatives Rockefeller and, 508 in 1800 election, xii, 25, 35, 53 Hatfield, Mark O. in 1824 election, 83, 87, 107, 125 Ford and, 498 confirming vice president, 497, 508-9 Quayle and, 546 investigation of Calhoun and, 93 Hay, John, 292, 306 on presidential succession, 143 Hayes, Rutherford B. Speaker, becoming vice president, 223, 227, 388 in 1876 election, 243, 245, 246 Hughes, Charles Evans Arthur and, 252 in 1908 election, 320 elected president, 246, 263 in 1916 election, 320, 341 Wheeler and, 246-47 Sherman and, 327, 330 Hayne, Robert Y., 94 Hughes, Sarah T., L.B. Johnson and, 458, 461 Hearst, William Randolph, on Garner, 387 Hull, Cordell, 401-2 Henderson, David, Sherman and, 326 Humphrey, Hubert H., 465-76, illus. 464 Hendricks, Eliza Morgan, 261 in 1968 election, 474-75, 482, 507, 520 Hendricks, Thomas A., 261-65, illus. 260 in 1972 election, 475 in 1876 election, 245, 263 arms control and, 467, 471 appearance of, 264 back in Senate, 475-76 characteristics of, 264 campaigning, 470 death of, 265 characteristics of, 465-67, 476 elected vice president, 264 death of, 476 as governor, 263 foreign travel by, 470, 472-73 health of, 263-64 in House, 261-62 L.B. Johnson and, 459, 466-67 patronage and, 265 legislative achievements of, 467-68 in Senate, 262 Mondale and, 517-18 as vice president, 264-65 on Mondale, 519-20 youth, 261 oratory of, 465 Hildenbrand, William F., on Quayle, 547 as presidential candidate, 467, 474-75 Hillhouse, James, 36, 42 in Senate, 466-68 Hiss, Alger, Nixon and, 434 on vice-presidency, 521 Hoar, George F. as vice president, 468-74 on Morton, 273 as vice-presidential candidate, 468 presidential succession and, 265 Vietnam and, 471-74 Wheeler and, 245 youth, 465-66 on H. Wilson, 237 Hunter, Robert M.T., 181

[ 582 ] INDEX

Illinois, vice presidents from, 279-84, 359-68 elected president, xv, 25, 35, 42 Impeachment elected vice president, 10, 19, 34 of Blount, 22 foreign policy and, 10, 55 of A. Johnson, 218-19, 226, 237 as governor, 18 of Pickering, 40 inauguration as president, 25, 36-37, 49 of Samuel Chase, 40, 41-42 R.M. Johnson and, 122 Independent treasury bill, 115, 129 Kentucky Resolutions and, 23-24 Indian Affairs Committee, 376 Manual of Parliamentary Practice, xvi, 24-25, 26, 87, 175 Indiana patronage and, 38 machine politics in, 338-39 on presidency, 20 vice presidents from, 223-29, 261-65, 313-21, 337-43, 543- as president, 25, 49 52 presiding over the Senate, 24-25 Ingersoll, Jared, 66 reelected president, 42 Ingersoll, Robert G., A. Johnson and, 215 on role of vice-president, 21 Iowa, vice president from, 399-406 as secretary of state, 9, 18-19, 52 Iran-Contra scandal, 536-37 on state governments, 24 Irving, Washington, 74 sworn in as vice president, 20 as vice president, xv-xvi, 20-25 writings of, 18, 21 Jackson, Andrew youth, 17 in 1824 election, 83, 87, 107 Jobs Training Partnership Act of 1982, 546 in 1828 election, 92-93, 107-8 Johnson, Andrew, 213-19, illus. 212 in 1832 election, 110 addressing Senate, 213 1836 election and, 114, 126 appearance of, 214 Calhoun and, 92-93, 94-96 assassination plot against, 216-17 censure of, 112-13 characteristics of, 214 dueling and, 39 death of, 219 elected president, 93, 108 elected vice president, 216 on R.M. Johnson, 130, 131 Hamlin and, 204, 205, 208, 209 R.M. Johnson and, 124-25 homestead bill and, 214 King and, 183 in House, 214 nullification and, 97 impeachment of, 218-19, 226, 237 as presidential candidate, 87 inauguration as vice president, 208, 213 Second Bank of the U.S. and, 109-10, 153, 183 by, 199 in Senate, 88 patronage and, 218 Tyler and, 138 as president, 217-19 Van Buren and, 108-9, 110 Reconstruction and, 226 on Van Buren, 116 in Senate, 219 Jackson, Rachel, 93, 95 succeeding to presidency, 217 Jay, John veto by, 218 Burr and, 33 as vice president, 216-17 as candidate for governor, 52 as vice-presidential candidate, 208, 215 Jay Treaty, 10, 21 as war governor, 214-15 Burr and, 33 H. Wilson and, 236 Jefferson, Martha, 18 youth, 213-14 Jefferson, Thomas, 17-28, illus. 16 Johnson, Claudia Alta ‘‘Lady Bird’’ Taylor, 454, 458 in 1796 election, 10, 19 Johnson, Eliza McCardle, 214 in 1800 election, xii, 11, 34-36 Johnson, Hiram, 306, 349 Adams and, 21, 25 Johnson, James, 122, 124 addressing the Senate, 20, 25, 53 Johnson, Lyndon B., 453-62, illus. 452 Alien and Sedition Acts and, 23-24 1957 civil rights bill and, 456-57 appearance of, 19, 20 in 1964 election, 468 Burr and, 40 Bobby Baker and, 454, 456 on Burr, 34 Bush and, 532 on civil liberties, 24 characteristics of, 455 Clinton and, 52, 53-54, 55, 56 death of, 461 death of, 25 as Democratic floor leader, 455-57 Declaration of Independence and, 4, 18 Ford and, 495

[ 583 ] INDEX

Johnson (continued) Kennedy, Robert F. foreign travel by, 459 death of, 474 in House, 454 Humphrey and, 473 Humphrey and, 468-74 L.B. Johnson and, 457-58, 460 on Humphrey, 465 Kentucky Resolutions, 23-24 Mondale and, 519 Kentucky, vice presidents from, 121-31, 193-99, 423-29 post-convention Senate session and, 458 Kern, John Worth as president, 461 Marshall and, 341 as presidential candidate, 457 on Sherman, 332 presiding over the Senate, 459 Sherman and, 328 Rockefeller and, 507 Key, Philip Barton, Burr and, 42 rules change and, 443 Khrushchev, Nikita, Nixon and, 441 in Senate, 454-57 King, Leslie L., Jr. See Ford, Gerald R. succeeding to presidency, 461 King, Rufus, 67 as vice president, 458-61 Tompkins and, 75, 77, 78-79 as vice-presidential candidate, 458 King, William R., 181-87, illus. 180 in World War II, 454 in 1852 election, 187 youth, 453 addressing Senate, 186 Johnson, Richard Mentor, 121-34, illus. 120 appearance of, 182-83 in 1828 election, 125 Calhoun and, 91 in 1836 election, 114-15, 121, 126-27 characteristics of, 181, 183 in 1840 election, 121, 129, 141 Clay and, 182-84 addressing Senate, 128, 129, 131 Compromise of 1850 and, 185-86 appearance of, 122, 129 death of, 187 breaking tie votes, 128 in House, 182 characteristics of, 131 as president pro tempore, 127, 128, 141, 160, 181 death of, 131 presiding over the Senate, 186 debt imprisonment and, 124 sworn in as vice president, 187 in House, 122-24, 125-26 as vice-presidential candidate, 184-86 patronage and, 128 youth, 182 as presidential candidate, 126 Kissinger, Henry presiding over Senate, 128 Ford and, 499 in Senate, 124-25 Rockefeller and, 507-8 Sunday mail delivery and, 124 Knowland, William F. as vice president, xvii, 127-30 L.B. Johnson and, 456 as vice-presidential candidate, 125-26 Nixon and, 435 vice-presidential clerk and, 167 Know-Nothing party youth, 121-22 in 1850s, 176, 195, 203 Jones, Jesse, Wallace and, 401-2, 405 Colfax and, 224 Jordan, Leonard B., Agnew and, 483 Hendricks and, 262 Judiciary Act of 1801, 38 Stevenson and, 279 H. Wilson and, 235 Knox, Henry, 6 Kansas, vice president from, 373-81 Kansas-Nebraska Act, 205 Breckinridge and, 194-95 La Follette, Robert M. Hendricks and, 262 1912 election and, 330 Kellogg, William P., Wheeler and, 244, 247 in 1924 election, 363 Kendall, Amos, 110, 126 filibuster and, 317-18, 363 Kennedy, Edward M. on Sherman, 331 in 1980 election, 524 Sherman and, 330 Quayle and, 546 tariff and, 329 Kennedy, John F. La Follette, Robert M., Jr., 366 in 1960 election, 445, 453, 457 Ladd, Edwin, on Coolidge, 351 death of, 461 Lane, Joseph, 197 L.B. Johnson and, 453, 459-60 Lansing, Robert, 342-43, 352 as president, 459-60, 467 Lenroot, Irvine, 349-50 as presidential candidate, 457-58 Limited Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (1963), 467, 471

[ 584 ] INDEX

Lincoln, Abraham on Clinton, 52 in 1860 election, 197, 205-6 Dallas and, 152 assassination of, 209, 216-17, 226 elected president, 57, 66 Breckinridge and, 194 foreign policy of, 63, 66 Colfax and, 223, 225, 226 on Gerry, 65 elected president, 198 as heir apparent to Jefferson, 49, 53 Hamlin and, 203, 204, 206-8 inauguration of, 57 Hendricks and, 262-63 Jefferson and, 20, 54 in House, 214 as president, 57-58, 63, 67, 74 inauguration of, 213 as presidential candidate, 55-57 A. Johnson and, 214, 215 Virginia Resolutions and, 23-24 Reconstruction and, 216 Mahone, William, 253 Stevenson and, 279 Maine, vice president from, 203-9 H. Wilson and, 236 Mangum, Willie P., 144, 167 Lincoln, Mary Todd, 217 Mansfield, Michael J. Breckinridge and, 193, 194, 198 Agnew and, 483 Liquor Bobby Baker and, 460 in Senate, 160, 204-5, 207, 402 Ford and, 497 use by vice president, 78, 208, 213 Humphrey and, 467, 469, 473 Lloyd, James, and Calhoun, 91 L.B. Johnson and, 456, 459, 460 Lodge, Henry Cabot Nixon and, 487 Curtis and, 377 Rockefeller and, 508, 510 on Hobart, 291 Marshall, John T. Roosevelt and, 300-302 Burr and, 37, 44 on Sherman, 326 swearing in Jefferson and Clinton, 49 Lodge, Henry Cabot, Jr. Marshall, Lois Kimsey, 338-39 Humphrey and, 472 Marshall, Thomas R., 337-43, illus. 336 Nixon and, 435, 437 in 1916 election, 320, 341 Long, Chester, Curtis and, 376 appearance of, 339 Long, Huey P. characteristics of, 337-38, 341 Garner and, 389-90 death of, 343 Truman and, 413 elected vice president, 339 Longworth, Alice Roosevelt, 304, 380 as governor, 338 Longworth, Nicholas, 304 offices of, 340 Garner and, 386 presiding over the Senate, 339-41, 343 Louisiana residence as vp, 350 in 1876 election, 246 as vice president, 339-43 Wheeler and, 244 Wilson’s illness and, 342-43 Lowden, Frank youth, 338 in 1920 election, 349, 361, 377 Martineau, Harriett, on R.M. Johnson, 129, 130 in 1924 election, 362 Maryland, vice president from, 481-88 in 1928 election, 367 Mason, James, Calhoun and, 98 Lucas, Scott W., 427-28 Massachusetts, vice presidents from, 3-11, 63-68, 233-39, 347-54 Mathers, James, Burr and, 41-42 Machine politics, 251, 270, 299, 301-2, 338, 412-13 Maysville Road, 125 Maclay, William McCarthy, Eugene J., 474 Adams and, 5, 7, 8 McCarthy, Joseph R. on Jefferson, 19 Humphrey and, 471 on removal of cabinet officers, 8 Nixon and, 438 Macon, Nathaniel, 88, 93 McClellan, George, H. Wilson and, 236 Madison, Dolley, 67 McFarland, Ernest W. Madison, James, 21 Barkley and, 428 in 1790s, 19 L.B. Johnson and, 455 1792 election and, 52 McGovern, George S., 475, 520 on 1800 election, 35 McKellar, Kenneth, Wallace and, 403 Burr and, 40 McKinley, Ida, 291, 360 Clinton and, 53, 57 McKinley, William

[ 585 ] INDEX

McKinley (continued) Morris, Robert, Adams and, 8 in 1900 election, 300, 302-3 Morse, Samuel F.B., 154 Dawes and, 360 Morse, Wayne L. death of, 305, 315 as Democrat, 455 elected president, 282-83, 290 as Independent, 442 Fairbanks and, 314-15 Morton, Anna L.R. Street, 270, 273 Hobart and, 290-93 Morton, Levi P., 269-74, illus. 268 as president, 289, 291-93, 300-302, 304 appearance of, 271 Sherman and, 326 banking and, 269-70 McNary, Charles, 401 breaking tie votes, 273 McPherson, Harry characteristics of, 270-71 L.B. Johnson and, 460 Conkling and, 251, 253 on L.B. Johnson, 456, 460 death of, 274 Mexican War, 159 elected vice president, 272 Breckinridge in, 194 as governor, 274 Michigan, vice president from, 493-500 in House, 270-71 Miller, William E., 472 as minister to France, 271 Minnesota, vice presidents from, 465-76, 517-25 not renominated, 273-74 Missouri as vice president, 273 machine politics in, 412-13 youth, 269 vice president from, 411-18 Morton, Lucy K., 269, 270 Missouri Compromise, 77 Mitchell, John, 507 Agnew and, 486 National Defense Program, Special Committee to Mitchill, Samuel L. Investigate the, 414 on Burr, 40, 42, 43, 49 National Republicans on Clinton, 55-56 in 1824 election, 83 Mondale, Joan Adams, 518, 522, 525 in 1828 election, 93 Mondale, Walter F., 517-25, illus. 516 in 1832 election, 110 in 1976 election, 500 Calhoun and, 86 in 1980 election, 524 Fillmore and, 168 in 1984 election, 524, 536 opposition to Jackson, 111 as ambassador to Japan, 525 Native American ancestry of vice president, 373-74, 380 appointed to Senate, 519 Naturalization Act (1798), 23 Carter and, 521-24 New Jersey characteristics of, 519 indictment of Burr, 39 cloture and, 510 vice president from, 289-93 as presidential candidate, 520-21 New York presiding over the Senate, 523 customhouse in, 251-52, 271 Quayle and, 549 east-west rivalry in, 170 in Senate, 519-21 in selection of vice president, xvi, 167 on vice-presidency, 522, 549 indictment of Burr, 39 as vice president, 522-24 machine politics in, 251, 270, 299, 301-2, 304 as vice-presidential candidate, 521 vice presidents from, xvi, 31-46, 47-60, 71-80, 103-18, 167- writings of, 520, 522 76, 243-47, 251-56, 269-74, 297-307, 325-32, 505-12 youth, 517 News media. See Press Monroe, James Nixon, Richard M., 433-37, illus. 432 1792 election and, 52 in 1952 election, 435-37 Calhoun and, 85-86 in 1956 election, 440 on Clinton, 52 in 1960 election, 444-45, 458 elected president, 75 in 1968 election, 445 474-75, 482, 496, 507, 520 Jackson and, 95 in 1972 election, 446, 475, 486 R.M. Johnson and, 123 Agnew and, 481, 483-87 reelected president, 77-78 on Agnew, 483, 484, 485, 488 as secretary of state, 67, 85 appointing vice president, 487-88, 493, 497-98, 508 Tompkins and, 77, 78 breaking tie votes, 442 on vice-presidency, 33 Bush and, 531-33 Morris, Gouverneur, on Clinton, 58 as campaigner, 439-40

[ 586 ] INDEX

Nixon (continued) Clinton and, 53 California governor’s race and, 445 Conkling and, 251-55 ‘‘Checkers’’ speech, 436-37 Dallas and, 155 death of, 446 Fairbanks and, 315 Eisenhower and, 433, 436, 443-47 Fillmore and, 171-72 on filling vice-presidential vacancies, 493 Hamlin and, 207 Ford and, 495-99 Hendricks and, 265 on Ford, 496, 499 Morton and, 270-71 foreign travel by, 441-42 A. Johnson and, 218 in House, 434 R.M. Johnson and, 128 pardon of, 499 Sherman and, 329 as president, 445-46, 475, 482-87, 496-99 Stevenson and, 280-81 presiding over the Senate, 442-43 Tompkins and, 74 Quayle and, 549 Wheeler and, 247 resignation of, 446, 488, 499 Payne, Sereno, 328-29 Rockefeller and, 497, 506-8 Payne-Aldrich Tariff secret fund and, 436 Curtis and, 377 in Senate, 435 Sherman and, 329 in South America, 441 Pendergast, Thomas, 412-13, 417 in Soviet Union, 441 Pendleton, George H., 255 on vice-presidency, 446, 549 Pennsylvania, vice president from, 151-61 as vice president, 437-46 Pepper, George W. in World War II, 433-34 on Curtis, 378 youth, 433 on Dawes, 366 Nixon, Thelma ‘‘Pat’’ Ryan, 433, 442 Perot, Ross, 538, 551 Nobel Peace Prize, Dawes and, 362 Pickering, John, Burr and, 40 Nominations rejected by Senate, 145, 364-65 Pierce, Franklin Norris, George in 1852 election, 187 Coolidge and, 351 in 1856 election, 195 on Curtis, 378 Breckinridge and, 194, 198 on Dawes, 364-65 Dallas and, 161 filibusters and, 363-64 elected president, 176 Nullification Hendricks and, 262 Calhoun and, 94-96, 97, 108-9 Pinckney, Charles Cotesworth, 35, 57 in 1799 Kentucky resolutions, 24 Pinckney, Thomas, 10, 19 Pinkney, William, King and, 182 Platt, Thomas C. Oregon boundary, 159 1884 election and, 256 Otis, Samuel A., Adams and, 6 on Arthur, 255 on Conkling, 251 Conkling and, 251, 253, 254 Panama Congress, 88-89, 107 Morton and, 271, 274 Panic of 1837, 115, 129 on Morton, 274 Panic of 1873, 263 resignation of, 247, 254, 272 Panic of 1893, Dawes and, 360 T. Roosevelt and, 297, 299-302 Parker, Alton B., 316, 338 Plumer, William Parliamentarian, Senate, 366, 482-83, 510 on Burr, 37, 39-40, 41 Barkley and, 427 on Clinton, 49, 54-55 Parties, political on Tompkins, 78 in 1850s, 203 Political campaigns, changes in, 303 development of, 9, 18 Polk, James K. first caucuses, 156 in 1840 election, 130 first transfer of presidential power between, 25 in 1844 election, 116, 154, 184 president and vice president of different, 17, 19-20 Calhoun and, 98 Patronage, 272 Dallas and, 159 Adams and, 6 elected president, 116, 155 Arthur and, 255 Fillmore and, 170 Burr and, 37 Great Britain and, 159

[ 587 ] INDEX

Polk (continued) Wilson, 238 on Hamlin, 204 relations with majority leader, 428 Postmasters, patronage and, 280 rulings by, 91, 366, 428, 442-43, 510, 523 President of the Senate ruling overturned by Senate, 427-28 absence from the Senate, 77, 78, 207, 238 signing legislative documents, 7 addressing the Senate, 7-8, 10-11, 20, 25, 36, 43, 53, 57, See also Vice President of the U.S. 66, 128-29, 131, 141-42, 156, 158, 160, 172, 174, 196- President of the U.S. 97, 213, 291-92, 318, 363, 367 appointing vice president, 487-88, 493, 497, 508 announcing electoral vote count, xiii, 20, 42, 130, 160, 198 assassination of, 216-17, 254, 272, 305, 315, 460-61 appointing committees, 87-88, 128, 156 censure of, 112-13, 138, 183 breaking tie votes, xiii, 3, 8, 10, 37-38, 55, 57, 96, 109, choosing vice-presidential nominee, 390, 400, 415, 425- 114, 128, 158, 247, 253, 273, 292, 379, 389, 403, 416, 26, 444, 468 442 considering whether to replace vice president, 444, 460, Democratic Conference and, 459 485-86, 511, 551 influence on legislation, xix, 55, 128, 366, 390, 426, 438, death of, 142, 167, 175, 186, 209, 216-17, 226, 254, 272, 460, 468-69, 473, 483, 549 305, 315, 405, 417, 38/20 last to preside regularly over the Senate, 423, 427 first not elected, 499 missing tie vote, 364-65 first not seeking second term, 146 as party liaison, 550 health of powers of, xvi, 87, 90-92, 173-75 Bush, 551 presiding over impeachment trials, 22, 40-42 Cleveland, 281 presiding over the Senate, xvii Eisenhower, 443 Adams, 7-9 F.D. Roosevelt, 415, 416 Agnew, 482-83 Wilson, 342-43 Arthur, 253-54 incapacity of, 443 Barkley, 423, 427-28 lobbying Congress, 340 Breckinridge, 196-198 relations with vice president Burr, 37-38 Adams, 21 Calhoun, 87-92, 94, 96, 174 J.Q. Adams, 88-89, 92-93 Clinton, 54-55, 56-57 Buchanan, 196 Colfax, 227-28 Bush, 548, 550-52 Coolidge, 351-52 Carter, 522-24 Curtis, 380 Cleveland, 264-65, 281-82 Dallas, 156-61 Coolidge, 359, 363-67 Dawes, 364-67 Eisenhower, 433, 437-40, 443-47 Fairbanks, 316-18 Ford, 509-12 Fillmore, 167, 173-75 Garfield, 254 Garner, 389-90 Grant, 227 Gerry, 66-68 Harding, 352 Hamlin, 207 B. Harrison, 273-74 Hobart, 291-92 Hayes, 246-47 Jefferson, 22, 24-25 Hoover, 373, 379-80 L.B. Johnson, 459 Jackson, 94-96, 110-11 R.M. Johnson, 128 Jefferson, 37, 39, 40, 49, 54, 55, 56 Marshall, 339-40, 343 L.B. Johnson, 469, 470-74 Mondale, 523 Lincoln, 206-8 Morton, 273 Kennedy, 459-60 Nixon, 442-43 Madison, 57, 63 Quayle, 549 McKinley, 289-93, 304-5 Rockefeller, 510-11 Monroe, 75, 77, 78 Roosevelt, 303-4 Nixon, 483-87, 498 Sherman, 329 Polk, 155, 159 Stevenson, 281-82 Reagan, 535-37 Tompkins, 76, 78, 79 F.D. Roosevelt, 388-92, 401-4, 416-17 Truman, 416-17 T. Roosevelt, 316, 320 Van Buren, 87-92, 111-14 Taft, 328-30 Wallace, 402-3 Taylor, 172-73 Wheeler, 247 Truman, 426, 428

[ 588 ] INDEX

President of the U.S. (continued) Radical Republicans Van Buren, 128 Colfax and, 226 Washington, 3, 6-7, 10 A. Johnson and, 216, 217-18 W. Wilson, 337, 340-42 H. Wilson and, 235-36, 237 resignation of, 446, 488, 499 Randolph, John vetoes by, 146, 218, 354, 378, 425 Calhoun and, 89-91 Presidential candidate, choosing vice president, 482, 521, Chase impeachment and, 41 524, 534-35, 537-38, 547-48 Clinton and, 55 duel with Clay, 90 Presidential succession, xii-xiii, 143-44, 265, 342-43 Rayburn, Sam T. Presidential Succession Act (1792), xii, 265 Barkley and, 425 President pro tempore Garner and, 388 addressing the Senate, 186 on Garner, 387 announcing electoral votes, 127 L.B. Johnson and, 454, 457-58 appointing committees and chairmen, 88, 111, 128, 144 Truman and, 417-18 in line of succession to presidency, xii-xiii, 145 Reagan, Ronald most often elected, 181 in 1976 election, 511, 533 practice of appointing at end of a Congress, 25, 67-68, in 1980 election, 524-25, 534-35 160 Bush and, 535-36 presiding over the Senate, 58, 186 Iran-Contra scandal and, 536-37 swearing in vice president, 20, 128, 141 Nixon and, 497 in vice-presidential vacancy, xiii, 144, 186 Quayle and, 546-47 Press Reconstruction Agnew and, 484 1876 election and, 246 Bush and, 537 Colfax and, 226 Coolidge and, 353 Hendricks and, 262-63 Curtis and, 378, 381 A. Johnson and, 216, 217-18 Fairbanks and, 314 Wheeler and, 244 Ford and, 498 H. Wilson and, 236-37 Garner and, 392 Reconstruction Finance Corporation (RFC), 387, 402, 405 L.B. Johnson and, 459-60 Reed, James A. Quayle and, 543, 548, 550 Coolidge and, 350 Rockefeller and, 508 Dawes and, 364 T. Roosevelt and, 306 Reed, Thomas B. Press corps, Washington Curtis and, 375 Colfax and, 225, 227-28 Sherman and, 326 L.B. Johnson and, 459-60 Reid, Whitelaw, 270, 273 Republican floor leader, Senate, first, 377-78 Prevost, Theodosia Bartow, 33 Republican party (1) Public lands, 183 in 1790s, 10, 19, 21-22, 65-66 in 1808 election, 55, 57 in 1824 election, 83 Quay, Matthew, 302 in 1828 election, 107 Quayle, J. Danforth, 543-52, illus. 542 Alien and Sedition Acts and, 23 in 1988 election, 537-38, 547-48 attack on Federalist judges, 40 in 1992 election, 551-52 Burr and, 33-34, 37, 40 Bush and, 537-38, 548, 550-52 formation of, 9, 18 characteristics of, 544-45 Jefferson and, 21 foreign travel by, 549 Tompkins and, 73, 74 in House, 545 Van Buren and, 106 job training and, 546 Republican party (2) presiding over the Senate, 549 first Senate floor leader, 377 in Senate, 545-47 formation of, 203, 205, 224-25 on vice-presidency, 549 in Indiana, 314 as vice president, 548-52 machine politics in, 251, 270-72 writings of, 552 Old Guard in, 313, 315-16, 326, 328, 330, 435-38 youth, 544 in Reconstruction, 226, 245 Quayle, Marilyn Tucker, 543-46, 549 split in, 328, 330, 348

[ 589 ] INDEX

Republican party (2) (continued) in 1912 election, 306, 331 whip, 377 Curtis and, 376-77 H. Wilson and, 235, 239 Dawes and, 360 Republican party leadership, Nixon and, 437-38 death of, 306 Resignation of vice president, 97, 109, 487, 497, 508 deciding whether to run for vice president, 300-302 Riddick, Floyd M. elected vice president, 283, 297, 303 Agnew and, 482-83 Fairbanks and, 313, 315-16, 318-20 on Barkley, 427 as governor, 299-302 Rockefeller and, 510 as president, 305-6, 315-16 Rives, William C., 126, 139 presiding over the Senate, 303-4 Robertson, William H., 252-55, 271-72 Sherman and, 326, 330 Robinson, Joseph T. in Spanish-American War, 299 in 1928 election, 379 succeeding to presidency, 305, 315 Barkley and, 424 on vice-presidency, 297, 301, 305 on Dawes, 364 as vice president, xviii, 303-5 Supreme Court packing plan and, 391 as vice-presidential candidate, 302-3 Rockefeller, John D., Jr., 505 World War I and, 306 Rockefeller, John D., Sr., 505 writings of, 297-98 Rockefeller, Margaretta (Happy) Fitler Murphy, 507-9 youth, 297 Rockefeller, Mary Todhunter Clark, 506 Root, Elihu Rockefeller, Nelson A., 505-12, illus. 504 T. Roosevelt and, 301, 305-6 in 1960 election, 444, 506 on Sherman, 331 in 1964 election, 507 Sherman and, 327 in 1968 election, 482, 507 Roush, J. Edward, 544-45, 551 Agnew and, 482 Rules, Senate characteristics of, 510 call to order, 91-92, 96, 174-75 family background of, 505 change at beginning of a Congress, 443, 510 Ford and, 508-12 cloture, 427-28, 442-43, 510, 521 as governor, 506-7 Dawes and, 363-65 Nixon and, 497, 507-8 filibuster, 363-65, 367 not seeking renomination, 511 point of order, 317, 428, 510, 523 presiding over the Senate, 510-11 rulings by presiding officer, xiv, 91, 318, 366, 428, 442- on vice-presidency, 512 43, 510, 523 as vice president, 509-11 Rumsfeld, Donald, 509, 511-12 World War II and, 506 Rush, Benjamin, 5, 9, 20 youth, 505-6 Rush, Richard, 93 Rolvaag, Karl, Mondale and, 517-19 Russell, Richard B. Roosevelt, Alice. See Longworth, Alice Roosevelt Barkley and, 427-28 Roosevelt, Alice Lee, 298 L.B. Johnson and, 454-58 Roosevelt, Edith Carow, 304 Russia, 182. See also Soviet Union Roosevelt, Eleanor, Truman and, 415, 417 Roosevelt, Franklin D. in 1920 election, 343, 350 Salaries, Senate, 157 in 1932 election, 381, 387-88 Saulsbury, Willard, Hamlin and, 207 Barkley and, 424-25 Scott, Winfield, 176 choice of vice president and, 400-401, 414-15 Seaton, Mrs. William A., 77 death of, 405, 417 Secession Garner and, 388-93 Breckinridge and, 197, 198 L.B. Johnson and, 454 Calhoun and, 96 on Marshall, 339-40 Secretary of Agriculture, Wallace, 400, 416 Rockefeller and, 506 Secretary of Commerce, Wallace, 401-2, 405 third term and, 392, 399-400 Secretary of state Truman and, 413-17 assassination plot against, 216-17 on vice-presidency, 385 Buchanan, 155 Wallace and, 399-405 Byrnes, 405 Roosevelt, Theodore, 297-307, illus. 296 Clay appointed as, 87 1884 election and, 298 Hull, 401-2 in 1904 election, 316 Jefferson, 10, 18-19

[ 590 ] INDEX

Secretary of state (continued) Sherman, Carrie Babcock, 325 presiding over cabinet meetings in president’s illness, Sherman, James S., 325-32, illus. 324 342, 343, 352 characteristics of, 328-29, 331-32 resignation of, 109, 111 Committee of the Whole and, 326 Van Buren, 108-9 death of, 331 Webster, 142-43 elected vice president, 320, 328 Secretary of the Senate health of, 331 on dates vice presidents sworn in, 216 in House, 325-27 election of R.M. Johnson and, 127 presiding over the Senate, 329 first, 6 as vice president, 328-31 on Quayle, 547 as vice-presidential candidate, 328 on travel expenses, 157 youth, 325 Truman and, 417 Sherman Silver Purchase Act, 281 on vice presidency, 208 Shively, Benjamin, Marshall and, 341 Secretary of the treasury Slavery Crawford, 86, 123 Breckinridge on, 194 Hamilton, 18 Hamlin and, 205 Taney, 111 Hendricks and, 263 Walker, 157-58 in the territories, 173, 185-86, 194-95, 197, 204 Secretary of war, 85-86, 123-24 Tyler on, 138 Secret Service protection for vice president, first, 417 Whigs and, 169-70, 171 Sedition Act (1798), 23-24 Wilson and, 234-35, 236 Senate chamber Smathers, George A., 455-56, 459, 461 disorder in, 292 Smith, Alfred funeral in, 239 in 1928 election, 379 Rockefeller swearing in, 505, 509 Garner and, 387 Senate majority leader becoming vice president, 379, 425- Smith, Margaret Bayard, 122 26, 457-58 Smith, Samuel Senate, U.S. Clinton and, 55, 57 choosing vice president, xviii, 115, 121, 127, 139 committee chairman, 88 confirming vice president, 497, 508-9 Smithsonian Institution, Marshall and, 337 even party division in, 253 Smoot, Reed, Dawes on, 365 expulsion from, 193, 198, 262 South Carolina, vice president from, 83-99 in impeachment trials, 40-42, 218-19 Southard, Samuel, 144 organizational matters, 90-91, 111, 156, 157 Soviet Union, 403-5 presidential succession and, 144 Spain procedure, review of, 547 relations with in 1898, 292 Senator becoming vice president, 186, 206, 238, 316, 379, Burr conspiracy and, 44 415, 425-26, 436-37, 457-58, 468, 521-22, 547-48 Spanish-American War, 292, 299 Senatorial courtesy, 254 Sprague, Kate Chase, 251, 255 Senators, compensation of, 157 Sprague, William, 251 Seniority system, beginning of, 156 ‘‘Stalwarts,’’ 251, 254 Sergeant at arms, Senate, 367 in 1876 election, 245 banning liquor in Senate, 160 in 1880 election, 271 impeachment trials and, 41 in 1884 election, 256 maintaining order, 207 Morton and, 270 Sergeant, John, in 1832 election, 110 Stanton, Edwin, 226 Seward, William H. Stevens, Thaddeus 1852 election and, 176 Colfax and, 225 in 1860 election, 205-6 impeachment of A. Johnson and, 218-19 Arthur and, 252 H. Wilson and, 236 Burr and, 44 Stevenson, Adlai E. (1835-1914), 279-84, illus. 278 Compromise of 1850 and, 174 in 1900 election, 283, 303 Fillmore and, 169, 170-72 appearance of, 282 Hamlin and, 206 death of, 283 A. Johnson and, 215 elected vice president, 281 Lincoln assassination and, 216-17 in House, 280 Seymour, Horatio, 219, 227, 263 patronage and, 265, 280

[ 591 ] INDEX

Stevenson (continued) Thurmond, Strom, 405 presiding over the Senate, 281-82 Tilden, Samuel J. as vice president, 281-82 in 1876 election, 243, 246, 263 youth, 279 Hendricks and, 263-64 Stevenson, Adlai E. (1900-1965), 283-84 Tompkins, Daniel D., 73-80, illus., 72 in 1952 election, 437, 439 absence from Senate, 77, 78, 88 in 1956 election, 440 appearance of, 73 Stevenson, Letitia Green, 279, 283 death of, 79 Stone, William, 317-18 elected vice president, 75 Sumner, Charles financial problems, 76, 78-79 Grant and, 237-38 as governor, 74-75 Morton and, 270 patronage and, 74 H. Wilson and, 235, 236, 237 presiding over the Senate, 76-77, 78-79 Supreme Court reelected vice president, 77-78 appointments to, 38 Van Buren and, 106 chief justice on presidential succession, 143 as vice president, 75-79 F.D. Roosevelt and, 390-91, 424 youth, 73 Tompkins, Hannah Minthorne, 73 Tower, John G. Taft, Robert A. Quayle and, 549 in 1952 election, 435 Rockefeller and, 511 death of, 442 Travel expenses, Senate, 157 nomination of Wallace and, 416 Treason charges against Burr, 44 Taft, William Howard Treaty of Versailles, 343 in 1908 election, 319-20, 327-28 Truman, Elizabeth (Bess) Wallace, 411-12, 415 in 1912 election, 306, 330-31 Truman, Harry S., 411-18, illus. 410 as president, 328-30 in 1944 election, 405, 414-15 Taggart, Thomas, Marshall and, 338-39 in 1948 election, 406, 425-26 Tammany Society, 73 appearance of, 414 Taney, Roger B. Barkley and, 425-28 as chief justice, 172 breaking tie votes, 416 on presidential succession, 143 characteristics of, 414, 418 as treasury secretary, 111 death of, 418 Tariffs on Humphrey, 465 1832, 97, 109-10 legislation and, 427 1842, 146, 169 as president, 417-18, 427-28 of Abominations, 93, 108 presiding over the Senate, 416-17 Dallas and, 158-59 Rockefeller and, 506 Payne-Aldrich, 329, 377 in Senate, 413-15 Taylor, Zachary succeeding to presidency, 405, 417 in 1848 election, 159, 170-71 on vice-presidency, 415-17, 426 death of, 167, 175, 186 as vice president, 416-17 elected president, 116, 171 as vice-presidential candidate, 405, 414-15 Fillmore and, 172-73 in World War I, 412 inauguration of, 172 youth, 411 slavery and, 173 Truman Committee, 414 Teapot Dome scandal, 352 Trumbull, John, Adams and, 8 Tecumseh, 121, 123 Tyler, John, 137-46, illus. 136 Telegraph at U.S. Capitol, 154 in 1836 election, 127, 139 Tennessee, vice president from, xviii, 211-19 in 1840 election, 130, 140-41 Tenure of Office Act (1867), 218, 226 addressing the Senate, 141-42 Texas appearance of, 142-43 annexation of, appointment of Calhoun, 98 Calhoun and, 98 candidate for vice president, 130, 139, 141 Van Buren and, 154, 185 death of, 146 vice presidents from, 385-93, 453-61, 529-38 elected vice president, 130 Thomson, Charles, on Gerry, 64 Fillmore and, 169 Thurman, Allen G., 265 in House, 138

[ 592 ] INDEX

Tyler (continued) Vice-presidency nominations rejected, 145 Adams on, 7 as president, 144-46 constitutional origins of, xi-xiii, 6 resignation from Senate, 139 duties of, xiii-xiv in Senate, 138-39 Jefferson on, 20-21 on slavery, 138 vacancy in, xii-xiii succeeding to presidency, 137, 143-44 Vice president of the U.S. sworn in as president, 143 age of, xv, 195, 423, 425-26 vetoes by, 145-46 appointed by president, 487-88, 497, 508 as vice president, 141-42 assassination plot against, 216-17 youth, 137 attending cabinet meetings, xix, 337, 352, 427, 439, 445 Tyler, Julia Gardiner, 146 attending presidential meetings, 522, 549 Tyler, Letitia Christian, 138 banker as, 272-73 busts of, xix-xx, 239, 325 campaigning for congressional candidates, 428, 439-40, Updike, John 470 on Ford, 494 chairing executive councils, 470, 483, 549-50 on King, 182 challenging president for nomination, 392 chosen by Senate, 127 cities and towns named for, 151, 314 Van Buren, Hannah Hoes, 106 clerk for, 167 Van Buren, Martin, 103-18, illus. 104 confirmed by Congress, 497, 508-9 1824 election and, 87, 107 conflict with cabinet officers, 401-2 1828 election and, 107-8 consulted by president in 1832 election, 110, 125 Adams, 6-7, 10 in 1836 election, 115, 121, 126, 139 Bush, 535-36 in 1840 election, 115, 129-30, 140-41 Garner, 388-89 in 1844 election, 116, 154, 184 Hamlin, 206 in 1848 election, 116, 159, 171, 173 Hobart, 291 appearance of, 114, 116 Humphrey, 469 appointed minister to England, 95, 96, 109 Jefferson, 21 breaking tie votes, 114 Mondale, 522-23 Calhoun and, 88-89, 90-91, 93, 94-95, 96 Nixon, 437, 439 censure of Jackson and, 112-13 Quayle, 549 committee chairman, 88 Sherman, 330 death of, 116 Van Buren, 110-11 elected president, 115, 127 declining to attend cabinet meetings, 364 inauguration of, 128 died in office, 58, 68, 187, 239, 265, 293, 331 as Jackson adviser, 95, 108-9 elected president, xv, xvii-xviii, 10, 20, 25, 115, 529 R.M. Johnson and, 124, 128, 129 elected by Senate, xvii, 115 King and, 184-85 foreign travel by, 403-4, 441-42, 459, 470, 472-73, 485, 535, in legislature, 106 550 as president, 97, 115, 129 influence of, 401, 406, 437, 460 presiding over Senate, 111-14 involved in foreign policy, 550 resignation as secretary of state, 109 as link to party leadership, 437-38, 550 as secretary of state, 108-9 maintaining law practice, 158 in Senate, 78, 107-8 not consulted by president as vice president, 110-14 Adams, 6 youth, 105-6 Agnew, 485 Vandenberg, Arthur H., 494 Breckinridge, 196 Garner and, 390 Burr, 37, Truman and, 417 Bush, 537 Veterans. See Bonus march Clinton, 54 Vetoes, presidential Curtis, 373, 379 by Coolidge, 354, 378 Dallas, 155, 159 by A. Johnson, 218 Fairbanks, 316, 320 by F.D. Roosevelt, 425 Fillmore, 172-73 by Tyler, 146 Hamlin, 207

[ 593 ] INDEX

Vice president of the U.S. (continued) Barkley, 425-26 Humphrey, 470, 472 Breckinridge, 195 Jefferson, 21 Bush, 534-35 L.B. Johnson, 459 Calhoun, 87, 92-93 R.M. Johnson, 128 Clinton, 53, 57 Marshall, 340-41 Colfax, 226-27 Rockefeller, 509-10 Coolidge, 349-50 Roosevelt, 305 Curtis, 379 Stevenson, 382 Dallas, 154 Truman. 416-17 Dawes, 359, 362-63 Wheeler, 247 Fairbanks, 315-16 not renominated, xv, 208, 214, 228, 273-74, 405, 411, 414, Fillmore, 167, 170 511 Ford, 40/9, not seeking reelection, 392 Garner, 388, 390 offices of, 340, 350, 365, 416, 423, 427, 459, 469, 482, 522 Gerry, 66, oldest, xv, 423 Hamlin, 203, 206 perquisites of, 340, 350 Hendricks, 264 presidential illness and, 342-43 Hobart, 290 presiding over cabinet meetings in president’s absence, Humphrey, 468 342 A. Johnson, 215, 208 presiding over cabinet meetings during president’s L.B. Johnson, 453, 457-58, 460 illness, 443, 446 R.M. Johnson, 126, 130 previous political experience of, xiv, xv King, 184, 187 qualifications for, xvi, xviii Marshall, 338-39 reasons for choosing, 487, 497, 508 Mondale, 521 reelected, 57, 93, 341, 390, 444, 536 Morton, 271-72 renominated, 93, 130, 331, 341, 381, 433, 444, 486, 536, Nixon, 435-36, 444 551 Quayle, 537-38, 547-48, 551 residence of, official, 380, 509, 522, 535 Roosevelt, 300, 302 residence of, private, 54, 350, 416, 442 Sherman, 327-28 resignation of, 97, 109, 487, 497, 508 Stevenson, 281, 283 role of, xiii-xiv, xvii, xix, 385, 393, 399, 401, 446, 470, 483, Tompkins, 75 549-50 Truman, 404-5, 414-15 seal, coat of arms, and flag, 428, 510 Tyler, 140-41 Secret Service and, 417 Van Buren, 109 serving under two presidents, xiv, 57, 87, 93 Wallace, 393, 399-401 song by, 360 Wilson, 237-38 staff of, xix, 350, 522, 549 Wheeler, 245 succeeding to presidency, xv, xvii, 137, 143-44, 167, 176, Vice-presidential succession, xii 217, 254, 305, 352-53, 417, 461, 499 Vietnam War swearing in of Humphrey and, 471-74 in House chamber, 498 Mondale and, 520 outside United States, 187 Nixon and, 483-84 youngest, xv, 195 Virginia Resolutions, 23-24 See also President of the Senate Virginia, vice presidents from, 17-26, 137-46 Vice President’s Room Voorhees, Daniel Barkley and, 427 filibuster and, 281 Dawes and, 365 on Hendricks, 263-64 Hobart and, 291 Voorhis, Jerry, Nixon and, 434 plaque to Wilson in, 239 Vice-presidential candidates announcement of, 543, 548 Wade, Benjamin F. chosen by president, 390, 400 as candidate for vice president, 226-27, 237 deceased, 331 Hamlin and, 206 qualifications of, 543 A. Johnson and, 217 reasons for choosing, xviii H. Wilson and, 236-37 Agnew, 482, 486 Walker, Frank, Wallace and, 404 Arthur, 253 Walker, Robert J., Dallas and, 155, 157-58

[ 594 ] INDEX

Wallace, Henry A., 399-406, illus. 398 in 1876 election, 246 in 1940 election, 400-401 breaking tie votes, 247 in 1948 election, 405-6 characteristics of, 243-44 appearance of, 399 death of, 247 Barkley and, 425 health of, 243, 246 breaking tie votes, 403 in House, 244-45 characteristics of, 399, 402 Louisiana contested election and, 244 as commerce secretary, 405 patronage and, 247 influence of, 399, 401, 406, 426 as vice president, 246-47 not renominated, 411, 414-15 as vice-presidential candidate, 245 presiding over the Senate, 402-3 youth, 243 religious views of, 401, 404 Whig party as secretary of agriculture, 400-401 in 1836 election, 114, 127, 139, Truman and, 416 in 1840 election, 115, 130, 140 as vice president, 401-5 in 1844 election, 169-70 writings of, 400, 403-4 in 1848 election, 170-71 youth, 399-400 in 1850s, 203 War of 1812, 66, 68, 123 after 1850, 176 Warhawks, 85, 123, 182 abolitionists and, 169-70 Warren, Charles, nomination of, 364-65 caucus making committee assignments, 156 Warren, Earl, in 1952 election, 435 Colfax and, 224 Warren, Francis E. Fillmore and, 168-69 Dawes and, 365 formation of, 111 Fairbanks and, 317 H. Wilson and, 234 Warren, Mercy Otis, on Gerry, 63 White, Hugh Lawson, 111, 113, 126-27 Washington, George, 3, 19 Willkie, Wendell, 401 in 1788 election, 5-6, 52 Wilmot Proviso, 173, 204 Adams and, 7, 9 Calhoun and, 98 elected president, 5-6 Wilson, Harriet Howe, 234, 237 neutrality of, 9, 10 Wilson, Henry, 233-39, illus. 232 in Revolution, 32, 51 characteristics of, 233, 237 in second term, 9-10 Cre´dit Mobilier and, 228-29 Watergate scandal, 486, 497-98 death of, 239 Bush and, 532-33 elected vice president, 238 Watkins, Charles on Grant presidency, 238 Barkley and, 427 health of, 238-39 Dawes and, 366 A. Johnson and, 219 Watson, James E., on Dawes, 366 plaque in Capitol, 239 Webster, Daniel in Senate, 235-37 in 1824 election, 87 as shoemaker, 234 in 1836 election, 127 as vice president, 238-39 1852 election and, 176 as vice-presidential candidate, 226, 228, 237 as secretary of state, 142, 143 youth, 233-34 Compromise of 1850 and, 98, 174 Wilson, Woodrow Dallas and, 158 in 1912 election, 306, 330-31, 339 opposition to Jackson, 111, 113 in 1916 election, 341 in Senate, 173 Barkley and, 424 on Tompkins, 78 elected president, 331 Van Buren and, 96, 112 illness of, 342-43 in Webster-Hayne debate, 94 lobbying Congress, 340 Weed, Thurlow Marshall and, 340-41 1840 election and, 140 on Marshall, 337 Arthur and, 252 T. Roosevelt and, 306 Fillmore and, 168-70, 171, 172-73 on vice-presidency, 340 Westmoreland, William, 472-73 World War I Wheeler, Burton K., Truman and, 413 Dawes in, 361 Wheeler, Mary King, 243 Marshall and, 341-42 Wheeler, William A., 243-47, illus. 242 Truman in, 412

[ 595 ] INDEX

World War II tariff and, 93 Bush in, 530 Van Buren and, 113, 116 L.B. Johnson in, 454 Wythe, George, 17, 24 Nixon in, 433-34 Rockefeller and, 506 Wallace and, 401-2 X,Y,Z Affair, 22, 34 Wright, Silas 1844 election and, 154 elected governor of New York, 170 Yarborough, Ralph, 531-32 R.M. Johnson and, 126, 128 Yates, Richard, 33 liquor and, 204 Yellowstone expedition, 123-24 panic of 1837 and, 129

[ 596 ]