The Nature of Leadership
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May 16-31, 1970
RICHARD NIXON PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY DOCUMENT WITHDRAWAL RECORD DOCUMENT DOCUMENT SUBJECT/TITLE OR CORRESPONDENTS DATE RESTRICTION NUMBER TYPE 1 Manifest Helicopter Passenger Manifest – 5/16/1970 A Appendix “A” 2 Manifest Helicopter Passenger Manifest – 5/17/1970 A Appendix “A” 3 Manifest Helicopter Passenger Manifest – 5/18/1970 A Appendix “A” 4 Manifest Helicopter Passenger Manifest – 5/22/1970 A Appendix “C” 5 Manifest Helicopter Passenger Manifest – 5/24/1970 A Appendix “A” 6 Memo From Office of Stephen Bull – Appendix 5/26/1970 A “C” OPEN 6/2013 7 Manifest Helicopter Passenger Manifest – 5/28/1970 A Appendix “F” COLLECTION TITLE BOX NUMBER WHCF: SMOF: Office of Presidential Papers and Archives RC-5 FOLDER TITLE President Richard Nixon’s Daily Diary May 16, 1970 – May 31, 1970 PRMPA RESTRICTION CODES: A. Release would violate a Federal statute or Agency Policy. E. Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or B. National security classified information. financial information. C. Pending or approved claim that release would violate an individual’s F. Release would disclose investigatory information compiled for law rights. enforcement purposes. D. Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of privacy G. Withdrawn and return private and personal material. or a libel of a living person. H. Withdrawn and returned non-historical material. DEED OF GIFT RESTRICTION CODES: D-DOG Personal privacy under deed of gift -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- -
The Leftist Case for War in Iraq •fi William Shawcross, Allies
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 27, Issue 6 2003 Article 6 Vengeance And Empire: The Leftist Case for War in Iraq – William Shawcross, Allies: The U.S., Britain, Europe, and the War in Iraq Hal Blanchard∗ ∗ Copyright c 2003 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Vengeance And Empire: The Leftist Case for War in Iraq – William Shawcross, Allies: The U.S., Britain, Europe, and the War in Iraq Hal Blanchard Abstract Shawcross is superbly equipped to assess the impact of rogue States and terrorist organizations on global security. He is also well placed to comment on the risks of preemptive invasion for existing alliances and the future prospects for the international rule of law. An analysis of the ways in which the international community has “confronted evil,” Shawcross’ brief polemic argues that U.S. President George Bush and British Prime Minister Tony Blair were right to go to war without UN clearance, and that the hypocrisy of Jacques Chirac was largely responsible for the collapse of international consensus over the war. His curious identification with Bush and his neoconservative allies as the most qualified to implement this humanitarian agenda, however, fails to recognize essential differences between the leftist case for war and the hard-line justification for regime change in Iraq. BOOK REVIEW VENGEANCE AND EMPIRE: THE LEFTIST CASE FOR WAR IN IRAQ WILLIAM SHAWCROSS, ALLIES: THE U.S., BRITAIN, EUROPE, AND THE WAR IN IRAQ* Hal Blanchard** INTRODUCTION In early 2002, as the war in Afghanistan came to an end and a new interim government took power in Kabul,1 Vice President Richard Cheney was discussing with President George W. -
Periodicalspov.Pdf
“Consider the Source” A Resource Guide to Liberal, Conservative and Nonpartisan Periodicals 30 East Lake Street ∙ Chicago, IL 60601 HWC Library – Room 501 312.553.5760 ver heard the saying “consider the source” in response to something that was questioned? Well, the same advice applies to what you read – consider the source. When conducting research, bear in mind that periodicals (journals, magazines, newspapers) may have varying points-of-view, biases, and/or E political leanings. Here are some questions to ask when considering using a periodical source: Is there a bias in the publication or is it non-partisan? Who is the sponsor (publisher or benefactor) of the publication? What is the agenda of the sponsor – to simply share information or to influence social or political change? Some publications have specific political perspectives and outright state what they are, as in Dissent Magazine (self-described as “a magazine of the left”) or National Review’s boost of, “we give you the right view and back it up.” Still, there are other publications that do not clearly state their political leanings; but over time have been deemed as left- or right-leaning based on such factors as the points- of-view of their opinion columnists, the make-up of their editorial staff, and/or their endorsements of politicians. Many newspapers fall into this rather opaque category. A good rule of thumb to use in determining whether a publication is liberal or conservative has been provided by Media Research Center’s L. Brent Bozell III: “if the paper never met a conservative cause it didn’t like, it’s conservative, and if it never met a liberal cause it didn’t like, it’s liberal.” Outlined in the following pages is an annotated listing of publications that have been categorized as conservative, liberal, non-partisan and religious. -
Richard Russell, the Senate Armed Services Committee & Oversight of America’S Defense, 1955-1968
BALANCING CONSENSUS, CONSENT, AND COMPETENCE: RICHARD RUSSELL, THE SENATE ARMED SERVICES COMMITTEE & OVERSIGHT OF AMERICA’S DEFENSE, 1955-1968 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Joshua E. Klimas, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2007 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor David Stebenne, Advisor Professor John Guilmartin Advisor Professor James Bartholomew History Graduate Program ABSTRACT This study examines Congress’s role in defense policy-making between 1955 and 1968, with particular focus on the Senate Armed Services Committee (SASC), its most prominent and influential members, and the evolving defense authorization process. The consensus view holds that, between World War II and the drawdown of the Vietnam War, the defense oversight committees showed acute deference to Defense Department legislative and budget requests. At the same time, they enforced closed oversight procedures that effectively blocked less “pro-defense” members from influencing the policy-making process. Although true at an aggregate level, this understanding is incomplete. It ignores the significant evolution to Armed Services Committee oversight practices that began in the latter half of 1950s, and it fails to adequately explore the motivations of the few members who decisively shaped the process. SASC chairman Richard Russell (D-GA) dominated Senate deliberations on defense policy. Relying only on input from a few key colleagues – particularly his protégé and eventual successor, John Stennis (D-MS) – Russell for the better part of two decades decided almost in isolation how the Senate would act to oversee the nation’s defense. -
Frank Church, And/ Or United States Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, And/Or U.S
This document is made available through the declassification efforts and research of John Greenewald, Jr., creator of: The Black Vault The Black Vault is the largest online Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) document clearinghouse in the world. The research efforts here are responsible for the declassification of hundreds of thousands of pages released by the U.S. Government & Military. Discover the Truth at: http://www.theblackvault.com NATIONAL SECURITY AGENCY CENTRAL SECURITY SERVICE FORT GEORGE G. MEADE, MARYLAND 20755-6000 FOIA Case: 84652B 11 July 2017 JOHN GREENEWALD Dear Mr. Greenewald: This is our final response to your Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request of 7 June 2016 for Intellipedia pages on the Church Committee, and/ or Frank Church, and/ or United States Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, and/or U.S. Senate Select Committee on Intelligence. A copy of your request is enclosed. In our initial response to you, dated 8 June 2016, we informed you that this request was assigned case number 84652 and that there are no assessable fees for this request. We provided you with two responsive documents on 12 August 2016 and informed you that we continued to work on your case. The final responsive documents are enclosed. This Agency is authorized by statute to protect certain information concerning its activities (in this case, internal URLs) as well as the names of its employees. Such information is exempt from disclosure pursuant to the third exemption of the FOIA, which provides for the withholding of information specifically protected from disclosure by statute. -
Congressional Mail Logs for the President (1)” of the John Marsh Files at the Gerald R
The original documents are located in Box 8, folder “Congress - Congressional Mail Logs for the President (1)” of the John Marsh Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. Copyright Notice The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted material. Gerald R. Ford donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. If you think any of the information displayed in the PDF is subject to a valid copyright claim, please contact the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library. r Digitized from Box 8 of The John Marsh Files at the Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library Presi dent's Mail - May 11, 1976 House 1. Augustus Hawkins Writes irr regard to his continuing · terest in meeting with the President to discuss the· tuation at the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission prior to the appoint ment of a successor to Chairman owell W. Perry. 2. Larry Pressler Says he will vote to sustain e veto of the foreign military assistance se he believes the $3.2 billion should be u ed for nior citizens here at horne. 3. Gus Yatron Writes on behalf of Mrs. adys S. Margolis concerning the plight of Mr. Mi ail ozanevich and his family in the Soviet Union. 4. Guy Vander Jagt Endorses request of the TARs to meet with the President during their convention in June. -
The World Peace: the Legacy of Edmund S. Muskie
Cornell International Law Journal Volume 30 Article 1 Issue 3 Symposium 1997 The orW ld Peace: The Legacy of Edmund S. Muskie George J. Mitchell Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Mitchell, George J. (1997) "The orldW Peace: The Legacy of Edmund S. Muskie," Cornell International Law Journal: Vol. 30: Iss. 3, Article 1. Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cilj/vol30/iss3/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell International Law Journal by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. World Peace: The Legacy of Edmund S. Muskie George J. Mitchell* When Ed Muskie's parents came to the United States, they left the Polish province of the Imperial Russian Empire. Their son served with millions of other Americans in World War II, a war which began with the Nazi onslaught against his ancestral homeland and ended with a partially resurrected Poland. A few weeks before Ed Muskie ended thirty-five years in public office as more than thirty Soviet armored divisions massed on Poland's borders, he found himself meeting his NATO counterparts in Brussels to issue joint warnings to the Soviet Union. In December 1980, it was an open question if the Soviets would invade. The Soviets did not invade, though no one at that time could have predicted the outcome of that chapter of the Cold War with certainty. -
Picking the Vice President
Picking the Vice President Elaine C. Kamarck Brookings Institution Press Washington, D.C. Contents Introduction 4 1 The Balancing Model 6 The Vice Presidency as an “Arranged Marriage” 2 Breaking the Mold 14 From Arranged Marriages to Love Matches 3 The Partnership Model in Action 20 Al Gore Dick Cheney Joe Biden 4 Conclusion 33 Copyright 36 Introduction Throughout history, the vice president has been a pretty forlorn character, not unlike the fictional vice president Julia Louis-Dreyfus plays in the HBO seriesVEEP . In the first episode, Vice President Selina Meyer keeps asking her secretary whether the president has called. He hasn’t. She then walks into a U.S. senator’s office and asks of her old colleague, “What have I been missing here?” Without looking up from her computer, the senator responds, “Power.” Until recently, vice presidents were not very interesting nor was the relationship between presidents and their vice presidents very consequential—and for good reason. Historically, vice presidents have been understudies, have often been disliked or even despised by the president they served, and have been used by political parties, derided by journalists, and ridiculed by the public. The job of vice president has been so peripheral that VPs themselves have even made fun of the office. That’s because from the beginning of the nineteenth century until the last decade of the twentieth century, most vice presidents were chosen to “balance” the ticket. The balance in question could be geographic—a northern presidential candidate like John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts picked a southerner like Lyndon B. -
Cument Is from the Collections at the Dole Archives, University of Kansas
This document is from the collections at the Dole Archives, University of Kansas http://dolearchives.ku.edu ----- EGACY bruary 26, 1986 Senator Robert J. Dole 141 Senate Hart Office Building 2nd Street & Constitution Avenue N.E. Washington, D.C. 20510 Dear Bob: ; · .', ' This is to confirm with you our plans to proceed with the national kick=o.ff_ o_f the HU1!!J?.hrey Commemorative Exhibit campaign on Thursda~> ~~r'?~ -- 2 _ ¢_;- T~flf6. --It w11r-n-e-·a - cocktail and buffet event from 6 - 8 p.m., and will be held int~ conference room of the Hall of States building, 444 North Capitol street, was_E.1~9-ton- ~ -o-:-c:·-- ·· ··----- - -------- ------- The invitation will go out over your signature and that of Walter Mondale, to approximately 400 major donor prospects plus spouses and guests, mainly from the East Coast. It will be preceded by a Mailgram, due to time constraints. By way of follow-up, we will contact by phone and letter those who cannot attend. Jane Freeman will serve as hostess, assisted by Bill Riggs for logistical arrangements. They have arranged for office space at the Hall of States (State of Minnesota rooms) and have a '·'.; .... telephone (202/624-5871) for use during the interim. Bill will be in touch with your off ice very soon to get your approval and signature on the letter. At an appropriate point during the affair Jane will welcome guests, note the purpose of the event, and introduce the Dean of the Humphrey Institute, Harlan Cleveland. He will call attention to the Exhibit project, and then introduce you and Walter Mondale as the project's distinguished national co-chairs. -
Interpreting the Jackson Legacy Peter Beinart
Henry M. Jackson Foundation 1501 Fourth Avenue, Suite 1580 Seattle, Washington 98101-3225 Telephone: 206.682.8565 Fax: 206.682.8961 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.hmjackson.org Henry M. Jackson Foundation TWENTY-FIFTH ANNIVERSARY LECTURE nterpreting the JacksonI Legacy in a Post-9/11 Landscape By Peter Beinart About the Foundation Since its establishment in 1983, the Henry M. Jackson Foundation has been dedicated to helping nonprofit organizations and educational institutions in the United States and Russia. The Foundation’s grants provide essential support and seed funding for new initiatives that offer promising models for replication and address critical issues in four areas in which the late Senator Henry M. “Scoop” Jackson played a key leadership role during his forty-three- year tenure in the United States Congress: Inter- national Affairs Education, Environment and Nat- ural Resources Management, Public Service, and Human Rights. About this Publication On the occasion of its twenty-fifth anniversary, the Henry M. Jackson Foundation hosted a dinner and conversation at the National Press Club in Wash- ington, D.C.. Journalist Peter Beinart was invited to share his thoughts on the Jackson legacy and the Foundation’s commemorative publication, The Nature of Leadership, Lessons from an Exemplary Statesman. Foundation Executive Director Lara Iglitzin served as moderator for the discussion that followed his remarks. nterpreting the JacksonI Legacy in a Post-9/11 Landscape WASHINGTON, D.C. • SEPTEMBER 17, 2008 y y Connoll r y Har Photo b PETER BEINART Peter Beinart is a senior fellow at The Council on Foreign Relations. He is also editor-at-large of The New Republic, a Time contributor, and a monthly columnist for The Washington Post. -
Calendar No. 1153
Calendar No. 1153 93D CONGR'ESSB RE..... 2d Session fSENATE No. 93-1217 DEEPWATER PORT ACT OF 1974 JOINT REPORT OF THE COMMITTEES ON COMMERCE; INTERIOR AND INSULAR AFFAIRS; AND PUBLIC WORKS UNITED STATES SENATE TOGETHER WITH ADDITIO-AL VIEWS TO ACC03PANY S. 4706 OCTOBER2, 1974.-Ordered to be printed U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 39-142 WASHINGTON t 1974 COMMITTEE ON COMMERCE WARREN 0. MAGNUSON, Washington, Chairman JOHN 0. PASTORE, Rhode Island NO RRIS COTTON, New Hampshire VANCE HARTKE, Indiana JAMES B. PEARSON, Kansas PHILIP A. HART, Michigan ROBERT P. GRIFFIN, Michigan HOWARD W. CANNON, Nevada HOWARD H. BAKER, JR., Teaness RUSSELL B. LONG, Lonisiana MARLOW W. COOK, Kentarky FRANK E. MOSS, Utah TED STEVENS, Alaska ERNEST F. HOLLINGS, South Carolina J. GLENN BEALL, JR., Maryland DANIEL K. INOUYE, Hawaii JOHN V. TUNNEY, California ADLAI E. STEVENSON III, Illinois FREDEsCKJ. LORDAN,StafDirector MICHAELPaRTScUN, Chief Cannel JAES P. WALSH,Staff Connet JOHNF. HOaSEY,Professional SiaffMcniber ARTHURPANxoPr, Jr., Minority Staff Director EARn E. COSTELLO,Minority ProfesionalStaff Metaber COMMITTEE ON INTERIOR AND INSULAR AFFAIRS HENRY M. JACKSON, Washington, Chaiman ALAN BIBLE, Nevada PAUL J. FANNIN, Arizona FRANK CHURCH, Idaho CLIFFORD P. HANSEN, Wyoming LEE METCALF, Montana MARK 0. HATFIELD, Oregon J. BENNETT JOHNSTON, JR., Louisiana JAMES L. BUCKLEY, New York JAMES ABOUREZK, South Dakota JAMES A. McCLURE, Idaho FLOYD K. HASKELL, Colorado DEWEY F. BARTLETT, Oklahoma GAYLORD NELSON, Wisconsin HOWARD M. METZENBAUM, Ohio JERRYT. VERKLER,SaffDiretor WI.tao J. VAR NaS, Chie" Canners C. SaZANa REED,Pmofesaional Staff Membr D. MICHAELHARVEY, Spetiat CoUnd HARRISONLOosm, Minoritp Conned ROIA SKEEN,Minority Staff Asiatant (m) III COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC WORKS JENNINGS RANDOLPH, West Virginia, Chairman EDMUND S. -
The Bush Revolution: the Remaking of America's Foreign Policy
The Bush Revolution: The Remaking of America’s Foreign Policy Ivo H. Daalder and James M. Lindsay The Brookings Institution April 2003 George W. Bush campaigned for the presidency on the promise of a “humble” foreign policy that would avoid his predecessor’s mistake in “overcommitting our military around the world.”1 During his first seven months as president he focused his attention primarily on domestic affairs. That all changed over the succeeding twenty months. The United States waged wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. U.S. troops went to Georgia, the Philippines, and Yemen to help those governments defeat terrorist groups operating on their soil. Rather than cheering American humility, people and governments around the world denounced American arrogance. Critics complained that the motto of the United States had become oderint dum metuant—Let them hate as long as they fear. September 11 explains why foreign policy became the consuming passion of Bush’s presidency. Once commercial jetliners plowed into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, it is unimaginable that foreign policy wouldn’t have become the overriding priority of any American president. Still, the terrorist attacks by themselves don’t explain why Bush chose to respond as he did. Few Americans and even fewer foreigners thought in the fall of 2001 that attacks organized by Islamic extremists seeking to restore the caliphate would culminate in a war to overthrow the secular tyrant Saddam Hussein in Iraq. Yet the path from the smoking ruins in New York City and Northern Virginia to the battle of Baghdad was not the case of a White House cynically manipulating a historic catastrophe to carry out a pre-planned agenda.