Die Protokolle Des CDU-Bundesvorstands 1969-1973
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Bulletin of the GHI Washington Supplement 1 (2004)
Bulletin of the GHI Washington Supplement 1 (2004) Copyright Das Digitalisat wird Ihnen von perspectivia.net, der Online-Publikationsplattform der Max Weber Stiftung – Stiftung Deutsche Geisteswissenschaftliche Institute im Ausland, zur Verfügung gestellt. Bitte beachten Sie, dass das Digitalisat urheberrechtlich geschützt ist. Erlaubt ist aber das Lesen, das Ausdrucken des Textes, das Herunterladen, das Speichern der Daten auf einem eigenen Datenträger soweit die vorgenannten Handlungen ausschließlich zu privaten und nicht-kommerziellen Zwecken erfolgen. Eine darüber hinausgehende unerlaubte Verwendung, Reproduktion oder Weitergabe einzelner Inhalte oder Bilder können sowohl zivil- als auch strafrechtlich verfolgt werden. “WASHINGTON AS A PLACE FOR THE GERMAN CAMPAIGN”: THE U.S. GOVERNMENT AND THE CDU/CSU OPPOSITION, 1969–1972 Bernd Schaefer I. In October 1969, Bonn’s Christian Democrat-led “grand coalition” was replaced by an alliance of Social Democrats (SPD) and Free Democrats (FDP) led by Chancellor Willy Brandt that held a sixteen-seat majority in the West German parliament. Not only were the leaders of the CDU caught by surprise, but so, too, were many in the U.S. government. Presi- dent Richard Nixon had to take back the premature message of congratu- lations extended to Chancellor Kiesinger early on election night. “The worst tragedy,” Henry Kissinger concluded on June 16, 1971, in a con- versation with Nixon, “is that election in ’69. If this National Party, that extreme right wing party, had got three-tenths of one percent more, the Christian Democrats would be in office now.”1 American administrations and their embassy in Bonn had cultivated a close relationship with the leaders of the governing CDU/CSU for many years. -
DER SPIEGEL Jahrgang 1994 Heft 05
Werbeseite Werbeseite MNO DAS DEUTSCHE NACHRICHTEN-MAGAZIN Hausmitteilung Betr.: Wahlen, Crime a Das Super-Wahljahr ’94 fordert seine Rechte – vom Bürger, der sich durch 19 Wahlen möglicherweise überfordert sieht, von den Medien, die das Mara- thon zu werten haben. Nie war Demokratie so span- nend. Steht Deutschland erneut vor einer Wende? Wie konkurriert der Frust der Nichtwähler mit ei- ner erstaunlichen Polit-Lust, die sich im Elan neuer Bewegungen zeigt? In einer losen Folge von Artikeln analysieren SPIEGEL-Redakteure das “Feind- bild Politiker“ (Seite 36), die Mechanismen und die Schwächen der Parteiendemokratie sowie den um- worbenen großen Unbekannten des Jahres – den Wäh- ler. a Wer zöge nicht das sonnige Florida dem Niesel-Ne- bel-Nässe-Deutschland vor? Leider werden in dem Sonnenland Touristen neuerdings bevorzugt umge- bracht – so wie es einer der Hel- den des Krimi-Au- tors Carl Hiaasen empfohlen hatte, um Florida touri- stenrein zu ma- chen. Nach einem Besuch bei dem Schriftsteller, der gerade den Internationalen Deutschen Krimi- preis erhalten Polizist, Wellershoff bei Unfall-Aufnahme hat, erlebte SPIEGEL-Redakteu- rin Marianne Wellershoff Hiaasen pur: Auf dem Highway I-95 mitten in Miami rammte nächtens ein schwerer Geländewagen das Mietauto von Wellershoff und Fotografin Cindy Karp, offenkundig, um mittels Unfall einen Stopp zu erzwingen. Als Wellershoff Gas gab, tauchte der Verfolger neben dem Mietwagen auf. Die Insassinnen hörten es knallen, die Tür bekam eine erbsengroße Delle ab. Florida-Mietwagen, früher durch Kennzeichen mit Y oder Z am Anfang ausgewiesen, sind heute angeblich nicht mehr zu identifizieren. Wirklich nicht? Im Hof der Leihwa- genfirma standen nun lauter Autos mit den Buchsta- ben L und P – die Gangster werden es bemerkt ha- ben. -
1 Introduction
Notes 1 Introduction 1. What belongs together will now grow together (JK). 2. The well-known statement from Brandt is often wrongly attributed to the speech he gave one day after the fall of the Berlin Wall at the West Berlin City Hall, Rathaus Schöneberg. This error is understandable since it was added later to the publicized version of the speech with the consent of Brandt himself (Rother, 2001, p. 43). By that time it was already a well known phrase since it featured prominently on a SPD poster with a picture of Brandt in front of the partying masses at the Berlin Wall. The original statement was made by Brandt during a radio interview on 10 November for SFP-Mittagecho where he stated: ‘Jetzt sind wir in einer Situation, in der wieder zusammenwächst, was zusammengehört’ (‘Now we are in a situation in which again will grow together what belongs together’). 3. The Treaty of Prague with Czechoslovakia, signed 11 December 1973, finalized the Eastern Treaties. 4. By doing this, I aim to contribute to both theory formation concerning inter- national politics and foreign policy and add to the historiography of the German question and reunification policy. Not only is it important to com- pare theoretical assumptions against empirical data, by making the theoretical assumptions that guide the historical research explicit, other scholars are enabled to better judge the quality of the research. In the words of King et al. (1994, p. 8): ‘If the method and logic of a researcher’s observations and infer- ences are left implicit, the scholarly community has no way of judging the validity of what was done.’ This does not mean that the historical research itself only serves theory formation. -
UID Jg. 19 1965 Nr. 34, Union in Deutschland
Z 6796 C BONN 26. AUGUST 1965 NR 34 • 19. JAHRGANG UNIONtnl>^utsc/üantt INFORMATIONSDIENST der Christlich Demokratischen und Christlich Sozialen Union Die Grenze zur SPD Hessische CDU kritisiert sozialdemokratischen Machtmißbrauch Eine scharfe Grenze gegenüber der SPD wurde in der letzten Landesver- ten, so verspielten sie gleichzeitig die sammlung der hessischen CDU in Wiesbaden gezogen. Auf der Rednerliste Chancen für ein Europa, das über dem standen u.a. Frau Bundesminister Dr. Schwarzhaupt, Bundestagsabgeordne- westlichen Teil des Kontinents hinaus- \x Dr. Martin und CDU-Landesvorsitzender Dr. Fay. gehe. Die SPD bezeichnete Dr. Fay als eine dem Traditionalismus verhaftete Die Erhaltung der Freundschaft mit den Aus diesen und aus wirtschaftlichen Partei, die keine neuen Ideen habe und USA, die Weiterentwicklung der Freund- Gründen sei der Sozialismus nicht zu ge- sich in einem noch immer nicht vollzoge- schaft mit Frankreich und den Ausbau brauchen, meinte Dr. Martin. Erst der nen Prozeß der Umstellung um eine der kulturellen und wirtschaftlichen Be- kulturelle Einfluß und die Wirtschafts- „künstliche Modernität" bemühe. Dies ziehungen zu Osteuropa bezeichnete die kraft hätten es der Bundesrepublik er- wundere nicht, da die Grundeinstellung Spitzenkandidatin der hessischen CDU- möglicht, in Ländern des Ostblocks prä- der SPD auf dem „Phylosophischen Pessi- Landesliste, Frau Bundesminister Dr. sent zu werden, ohne in der Deutschen mismus" basiere. Die heutige SPD ist Schwarzhaupt, auf der Landesversamm- Frage Konzessionen eingehen zu müssen. nach Ansicht von Dr. Fay zu sehr nach lung der CDU Hessen in Wiesbaden als Dieser Weg müsse weiter beschriften den Erfordernissen der Massenpsycholo- Kernstücke der deutschen Außen- und werden. gie ausgerichtet, als daß man ihr und Sicherheitspolitik in der Sozialpolitik ihren Führern vertrauen könne. -
Stunde Null: the End and the Beginning Fifty Years Ago." Their Contributions Are Presented in This Booklet
STUNDE NULL: The End and the Beginning Fifty Years Ago Occasional Paper No. 20 Edited by Geoffrey J. Giles GERMAN HISTORICAL INSTITUTE WASHINGTON, D.C. STUNDE NULL The End and the Beginning Fifty Years Ago Edited by Geoffrey J. Giles Occasional Paper No. 20 Series editors: Detlef Junker Petra Marquardt-Bigman Janine S. Micunek © 1997. All rights reserved. GERMAN HISTORICAL INSTITUTE 1607 New Hampshire Ave., NW Washington, DC 20009 Tel. (202) 387–3355 Contents Introduction 5 Geoffrey J. Giles 1945 and the Continuities of German History: 9 Reflections on Memory, Historiography, and Politics Konrad H. Jarausch Stunde Null in German Politics? 25 Confessional Culture, Realpolitik, and the Organization of Christian Democracy Maria D. Mitchell American Sociology and German 39 Re-education after World War II Uta Gerhardt German Literature, Year Zero: 59 Writers and Politics, 1945–1953 Stephen Brockmann Stunde Null der Frauen? 75 Renegotiating Women‘s Place in Postwar Germany Maria Höhn The New City: German Urban 89 Planning and the Zero Hour Jeffry M. Diefendorf Stunde Null at the Ground Level: 105 1945 as a Social and Political Ausgangspunkt in Three Cities in the U.S. Zone of Occupation Rebecca Boehling Introduction Half a century after the collapse of National Socialism, many historians are now taking stock of the difficult transition that faced Germans in 1945. The Friends of the German Historical Institute in Washington chose that momentous year as the focus of their 1995 annual symposium, assembling a number of scholars to discuss the topic "Stunde Null: The End and the Beginning Fifty Years Ago." Their contributions are presented in this booklet. -
Bulletin of the Institute for Western Affairs, Ed. 25
BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE FOR WESTERN AFFAIRS 75 years of the CDU Piotr Kubiak, Martin Wycisk The Christian Democratic Union (CDU) celebrated its 75th anniversary on June 26, 2020. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the celebrations were subdued. Together with its sister party CSU, the CDU has become a fixture on the political landscape of the Federal Republic of Germany: from Adenauer to Merkel, no other German party has exerted bigger influence on the fates of its country. The most prominent achievements credited to the Christian democrats are to have strengthened democracy in Editorial Board: Germany and the country’s social market economy, and to have Radosław Grodzki contributed to cooperation with the West, the reunification of Karol Janoś (editor in chief) Germany and European integration. What is more, the CDU is Piotr Kubiak thought of as the party in power: for 51 out of 71 years of its Krzysztof Malinowski existence, the CDU was in the government. 5 out of 8 German chancellors came from among the ranks of the CDU as did 6 out of 12 of the country’s presidents. Christian Democratic parties have won 16 of the total of 19 Bundestag election. Is it there- fore fair to proclaim the success of the Christian Democrats as No. 25(445)/2020 being complete? Has the CDU not lost any of its appeal during 09.07.2020 its 75 years in existence? What are the challenges and problems ISSN 2450-5080 that the CDU is facing in 2020? What future looms ahead for the party as it faces the challenges of the modern world and the choice of new leadership? The Adenauer period The Bulletin is also available on: NEWSLETTER IZ The CDU emerged in the wake of the defeat of the Third Reich, FACEBOOK SCRIBD driven by the need to revive political life in occupied Germany. -
Der Bundestagswahlkampf 1961
Der Bundestagswahlkampf 1961 Mona Krewel „1961 waren erstmals alle größeren Parteien bereit und fähig die Techniken der modernen Wahlkampfführung – von Bevölkerungsumfragen bis zu unterhalt- samer Werbung – zu verwenden.“1 schrieben Wildenmann & Scheuch in ihrem 1965 veröffentlichen Rückblick auf den Wahlkampf. Ähnliche Äußerungen über den Wahlkampf 1961 finden sich an anderen Stellen auch in der späteren Literatur, wobei einige Autoren die beobachteten Innovationen in diesem Wahlkampf als Merkmale amerikanischer Wahlkämpfe beschreiben, während andere ganz im Sinne der heutigen Modernisierungsthese dieselben Charakte- ristika als Wandlungsfolgen gesellschaftlicher, politischer und medialer Verän- derungsprozesse klassifizieren.2 Unabhängig davon, ob diese Feststellungen nun aus der Perspektive der Amerikanisierungs- oder der Modernisierungsthe- se der politischen Kommunikation erfolgen,3 so scheint allen doch eines ge- meinsam: Dem Wahlkampf 1961 werden Neuerungen bescheinigt, die man so in den vorausgegangenen Wahlkämpfen offenbar noch nicht gesehen hat. Nichtsdestotrotz wird dieser Wahlkampf im Rahmen der üblichen Entwick- 1 Rudolf Wildenmann/Erwin K. Scheuch: Der Wahlkampf 1961 im Rückblick, in: Dies. (Hg.): Zur Soziologie der Wahl. Köln 1965, S. 39–73, hier S. 53. 2 Jürgen Dittberner: Zur Entwicklung des Parteiensystems zwischen 1949 und 1961, in: Dietrich Staritz (Hg.): Das Parteiensystem der Bundesrepublik. Geschichte, Entstehung, Entwicklung. Eine Einführung. Opladen 1980, S. 129–156, hier S. 150. Dazu auch Marie Luise Recker: Wahlen und Wahlkämpfe in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1949–1969, in: Gerd A. Ritter (Hg.): Wahlen und Wahlkämpfe in Deutschland. Von den Anfängen im 19. Jahrhundert bis zur Bundesrepublik. Düsseldorf 1997, S. 267–309, hier S. 304; Otto Altendorfer: Wahlkampf in Deutschland, in: Ders./Heinrich Wiedemann/Herrmann May- er (Hg.): Handbuch: Der moderne Medienwahlkampf. -
The Biafran War and Postcolonial Humanitarianism
The Biafran War and Postcolonial Humanitarianism In the summer of 1968, audiences around the globe were shocked when newspapers and TV stations confronted them with photographs of starving children in the secessionist Republic of Biafra. This global con- cern fundamentally changed how the Nigerian Civil War was perceived: an African civil war that had been fought for one year without fostering any substantial interest from international publics became “Biafra” – the epitome of a humanitarian crisis. Based on archival research from North America, Western Europe, and sub-Saharan Africa, this book is the first comprehensive study of the global history of the conflict. A major addition to the flourishing history of human rights and human- itarianism, it argues that the global moment “Biafra” is closely linked to the ascendance of human rights, humanitarianism, and Holocaust memory in a postcolonial world. The conflict was a key episode for the restructuring of the relations between “the West” and the “Third World.” lasse heerten is currently head of the “Imperial Gateway: Ham- burg, the German Empire, and the Making of a Global Port” project, funded by the DFG (German Research Council) at the Freie Uni- versität Berlin. He has previously served as a Postdoctoral Fellow in Human Rights at the University of California at Berkeley. Human Rights in History Edited by Stefan-Ludwig Hoffmann, University of California, Berkeley Samuel Moyn, Harvard University, Massachusetts This series showcases new scholarship exploring the backgrounds of human rights today. With an open-ended chronology and international perspective, the series seeks works attentive to the surprises and contingencies in the historical origins and legacies of human rights ideals and interventions. -
A State of Peace in Europe
Studies inContemporary European History Studies in Studies in Contemporary Contemporary A State of Peace in Europe A State of Peace in Europe European European West Germany and the CSCE, 1966–1975 History History West Germany and the CSCE, 1966–1975 Petri Hakkarainen In a balanced way the author blends German views with those from Britain, France and the United States, using these countries’ official documents as well. His book represents a very serious piece of scholarship and is interesting to read. It excels with a novel hypothesis, a very careful use of varied archival sources, and an ability not to lose his argument in the wealth of material. Helga Haftendorn, Free University, Berlin Petri Hakkarainen I don’t know of any other book that deals so thoroughly with German CSCE policy in the years described here…The author has done a vast amount of research, using documents from different archives and different countries…While he is of course not the first scholar to write about the origins of the CSCE, the author does contribute new elements and interpretations to the topic. Benedikt Schönborn, University of Tampere, Centre for Advanced Study From the mid-1960s to the mid-1970s West German foreign policy underwent substantial transformations: from bilateral to multilateral, from reactive to proactive. The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) was an ideal setting for this evolution, enabling A StateofPeaceinEurope the Federal Republic to take the lead early on in Western preparations for the conference and to play a decisive role in the actual East–West negotiations leading to the Helsinki Final Act of 1975. -
The Importance of Osthandel: West German-Soviet Trade and the End of the Cold War, 1969-1991
The Importance of Osthandel: West German-Soviet Trade and the End of the Cold War, 1969-1991 Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Charles William Carter, M.A. Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2012 Dissertation Committee: Professor Carole Fink, Advisor Professor Mansel Blackford Professor Peter Hahn Copyright by Charles William Carter 2012 Abstract Although the 1970s was the era of U.S.-Soviet détente, the decade also saw West Germany implement its own form of détente: Ostpolitik. Trade with the Soviet Union (Osthandel) was a major feature of Ostpolitik. Osthandel, whose main feature was the development of the Soviet energy-export infrastructure, was part of a broader West German effort aimed at promoting intimate interaction with the Soviets in order to reduce tension and resolve outstanding Cold War issues. Thanks to Osthandel, West Germany became the USSR’s most important capitalist trading partner, and several oil and natural gas pipelines came into existence because of the work of such firms as Mannesmann and Thyssen. At the same time, Moscow’s growing emphasis on developing energy for exports was not a prudent move. A lack of economic diversification resulted, a development that helped devastate the USSR’s economy after the oil price collapse of 1986 and, in the process, destabilize the communist bloc. Against this backdrop, the goals of some West German Ostpolitik advocates—especially German reunification and a peaceful resolution to the Cold War—occurred. ii Dedication Dedicated to my father, Charles William Carter iii Acknowledgements This project has been several years in the making, and many individuals have contributed to its completion. -
Katholieke Documentatie- En Onderzoekscentrum Voor Religie
1 PROJECT APPLICATION Project Title: Transnational Party Cooperation between Christian Democratic and Conservative Parties in Europe from 1965 to 1979 (Editorial Project) Applicants and Potential Recipients: Karl von Vogelsang-Institut zur Erforschung der Geschichte der Christlichen Demokratie in Österreich (Vienna) and Institut für Geschichte der Stiftung Universität Hildesheim Project Leader: Univ.-Prof. Dr. Michael Gehler, Univ.-Prof. Dr. Dieter A. Binder Academic Employees: Dr. Hannes Schönner, as well as one project employee with an academic degree at the Stiftung Universität Hildesheim Possible International Cooperation Partners: Katholieke Documentatie- en Onderzoekscentrum voor Religie, Cultuur en Samenleving (KADOC) KU Leuven (Belgium), Konrad Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS), Archiv für Christlich-Demokratische Politik (ACDP) St. Augustin (Federal Republic of Germany), Archiv für Christlich-Soziale Politik der Hanns-Seidel-Stiftung (HSS) Munich (Federal Republic of Germany) Project Duration: January 1, 2009-December 31, 2012 (48 months = four years) Filing Date: Autumn 2008 2 I. Description of Contents 1. The History and Organizational Development of Christian Democratic and Conservative Transnational Party Cooperation in Europe After the Second World War, Catholic-conservative and Christian Democratic people’s parties played an increasingly more important role in Western Europe. After 1945, there was no lack of new incentives, nor of necessary challenges for transnational contacts and organized party cooperation. Nevertheless, the secret -
Journalists and Religious Activists in Polish-German Relations
THE PROJECT OF RECONCILIATION: JOURNALISTS AND RELIGIOUS ACTIVISTS IN POLISH-GERMAN RELATIONS, 1956-1972 Annika Frieberg A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2008 Approved by: Dr. Konrad H. Jarausch Dr. Christopher Browning Dr. Chad Bryant Dr. Karen Hagemann Dr. Madeline Levine ©2008 Annika Frieberg ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT ANNIKA FRIEBERG: The Project of Reconciliation: Journalists and Religious Activists in Polish-German Relations, 1956-1972 (under the direction of Konrad Jarausch) My dissertation, “The Project of Reconciliation,” analyzes the impact of a transnational network of journalists, intellectuals, and publishers on the postwar process of reconciliation between Germans and Poles. In their foreign relations work, these non-state actors preceded the Polish-West German political relations that were established in 1970. The dissertation has a twofold focus on private contacts between these activists, and on public discourse through radio, television and print media, primarily its effects on political and social change between the peoples. My sources include the activists’ private correspondences, interviews, and memoirs as well as radio and television manuscripts, articles and business correspondences. Earlier research on Polish-German relations is generally situated firmly in a nation-state framework in which the West German, East German or Polish context takes precedent. My work utilizes international relations theory and comparative reconciliation research to explore the long-term and short-term consequences of the discourse and the concrete measures which were taken during the 1960s to end official deadlock and nationalist antagonisms and to overcome the destructive memories of the Second World War dividing Poles and Germans.