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Bulletin of the GHI Washington Supplement 1 (2004)
Bulletin of the GHI Washington Supplement 1 (2004) Copyright Das Digitalisat wird Ihnen von perspectivia.net, der Online-Publikationsplattform der Max Weber Stiftung – Stiftung Deutsche Geisteswissenschaftliche Institute im Ausland, zur Verfügung gestellt. Bitte beachten Sie, dass das Digitalisat urheberrechtlich geschützt ist. Erlaubt ist aber das Lesen, das Ausdrucken des Textes, das Herunterladen, das Speichern der Daten auf einem eigenen Datenträger soweit die vorgenannten Handlungen ausschließlich zu privaten und nicht-kommerziellen Zwecken erfolgen. Eine darüber hinausgehende unerlaubte Verwendung, Reproduktion oder Weitergabe einzelner Inhalte oder Bilder können sowohl zivil- als auch strafrechtlich verfolgt werden. “WASHINGTON AS A PLACE FOR THE GERMAN CAMPAIGN”: THE U.S. GOVERNMENT AND THE CDU/CSU OPPOSITION, 1969–1972 Bernd Schaefer I. In October 1969, Bonn’s Christian Democrat-led “grand coalition” was replaced by an alliance of Social Democrats (SPD) and Free Democrats (FDP) led by Chancellor Willy Brandt that held a sixteen-seat majority in the West German parliament. Not only were the leaders of the CDU caught by surprise, but so, too, were many in the U.S. government. Presi- dent Richard Nixon had to take back the premature message of congratu- lations extended to Chancellor Kiesinger early on election night. “The worst tragedy,” Henry Kissinger concluded on June 16, 1971, in a con- versation with Nixon, “is that election in ’69. If this National Party, that extreme right wing party, had got three-tenths of one percent more, the Christian Democrats would be in office now.”1 American administrations and their embassy in Bonn had cultivated a close relationship with the leaders of the governing CDU/CSU for many years. -
Local Expellee Monuments and the Contestation of German Postwar Memory
To Our Dead: Local Expellee Monuments and the Contestation of German Postwar Memory by Jeffrey P. Luppes A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Germanic Languages and Literatures) in The University of Michigan 2010 Doctoral Committee: Professor Andrei S. Markovits, Chair Professor Geoff Eley Associate Professor Julia C. Hell Associate Professor Johannes von Moltke © Jeffrey P. Luppes 2010 To My Parents ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Writing a dissertation is a long, arduous, and often lonely exercise. Fortunately, I have had unbelievable support from many people. First and foremost, I would like to thank my advisor and dissertation committee chair, Andrei S. Markovits. Andy has played the largest role in my development as a scholar. In fact, his seminal works on German politics, German history, collective memory, anti-Americanism, and sports influenced me intellectually even before I arrived in Ann Arbor. The opportunity to learn from and work with him was the main reason I wanted to attend the University of Michigan. The decision to come here has paid off immeasurably. Andy has always pushed me to do my best and has been a huge inspiration—both professionally and personally—from the start. His motivational skills and dedication to his students are unmatched. Twice, he gave me the opportunity to assist in the teaching of his very popular undergraduate course on sports and society. He was also always quick to provide recommendation letters and signatures for my many fellowship applications. Most importantly, Andy helped me rethink, re-work, and revise this dissertation at a crucial point. -
1 Introduction
Notes 1 Introduction 1. What belongs together will now grow together (JK). 2. The well-known statement from Brandt is often wrongly attributed to the speech he gave one day after the fall of the Berlin Wall at the West Berlin City Hall, Rathaus Schöneberg. This error is understandable since it was added later to the publicized version of the speech with the consent of Brandt himself (Rother, 2001, p. 43). By that time it was already a well known phrase since it featured prominently on a SPD poster with a picture of Brandt in front of the partying masses at the Berlin Wall. The original statement was made by Brandt during a radio interview on 10 November for SFP-Mittagecho where he stated: ‘Jetzt sind wir in einer Situation, in der wieder zusammenwächst, was zusammengehört’ (‘Now we are in a situation in which again will grow together what belongs together’). 3. The Treaty of Prague with Czechoslovakia, signed 11 December 1973, finalized the Eastern Treaties. 4. By doing this, I aim to contribute to both theory formation concerning inter- national politics and foreign policy and add to the historiography of the German question and reunification policy. Not only is it important to com- pare theoretical assumptions against empirical data, by making the theoretical assumptions that guide the historical research explicit, other scholars are enabled to better judge the quality of the research. In the words of King et al. (1994, p. 8): ‘If the method and logic of a researcher’s observations and infer- ences are left implicit, the scholarly community has no way of judging the validity of what was done.’ This does not mean that the historical research itself only serves theory formation. -
Stunde Null: the End and the Beginning Fifty Years Ago." Their Contributions Are Presented in This Booklet
STUNDE NULL: The End and the Beginning Fifty Years Ago Occasional Paper No. 20 Edited by Geoffrey J. Giles GERMAN HISTORICAL INSTITUTE WASHINGTON, D.C. STUNDE NULL The End and the Beginning Fifty Years Ago Edited by Geoffrey J. Giles Occasional Paper No. 20 Series editors: Detlef Junker Petra Marquardt-Bigman Janine S. Micunek © 1997. All rights reserved. GERMAN HISTORICAL INSTITUTE 1607 New Hampshire Ave., NW Washington, DC 20009 Tel. (202) 387–3355 Contents Introduction 5 Geoffrey J. Giles 1945 and the Continuities of German History: 9 Reflections on Memory, Historiography, and Politics Konrad H. Jarausch Stunde Null in German Politics? 25 Confessional Culture, Realpolitik, and the Organization of Christian Democracy Maria D. Mitchell American Sociology and German 39 Re-education after World War II Uta Gerhardt German Literature, Year Zero: 59 Writers and Politics, 1945–1953 Stephen Brockmann Stunde Null der Frauen? 75 Renegotiating Women‘s Place in Postwar Germany Maria Höhn The New City: German Urban 89 Planning and the Zero Hour Jeffry M. Diefendorf Stunde Null at the Ground Level: 105 1945 as a Social and Political Ausgangspunkt in Three Cities in the U.S. Zone of Occupation Rebecca Boehling Introduction Half a century after the collapse of National Socialism, many historians are now taking stock of the difficult transition that faced Germans in 1945. The Friends of the German Historical Institute in Washington chose that momentous year as the focus of their 1995 annual symposium, assembling a number of scholars to discuss the topic "Stunde Null: The End and the Beginning Fifty Years Ago." Their contributions are presented in this booklet. -
Bd. 5: Deutsch- 29 Hs
willy brandt Berliner Ausgabe willy brandt Berliner Ausgabe Herausgegeben von helga grebing, gregor schöllgen und heinrich august winkler Im Auftrag der Bundeskanzler-Willy-Brandt-Stiftung band 1: Hitler ist nicht Deutschland. Jugend in Lübeck – Exil in Norwegen 1928 – 1940 band 2: Zwei Vaterländer. Deutsch-Norweger im schwedischen Exil – Rückkehr nach Deutschland 1940 – 1947 band 3: Berlin bleibt frei. Politik in und für Berlin 1947 – 1966 band 4: Auf dem Weg nach vorn. Willy Brandt und die SPD 1947 – 1972 band 5: Die Partei der Freiheit. Willy Brandt und die SPD 1972 – 1992 band 6: Ein Volk der guten Nachbarn. Außen- und Deutschlandpolitik 1966 – 1974 band 7: Mehr Demokratie wagen. Innen- und Gesellschaftspolitik 1966 – 1974 band 8: Über Europa hinaus. Dritte Welt und Sozialistische Internationale band 9: Die Entspannung unzerstörbar machen. Internationale Beziehungen und deutsche Frage 1974 – 1982 band 10: Gemeinsame Sicherheit. Internationale Beziehungen und deutsche Frage 1982 – 1992 willy brandt Berliner Ausgabe band 5 Die Partei der Freiheit Willy Brandt und die SPD 1972 – 1992 Bearbeitet von karsten rudolph Verlag J.H.W. Dietz Nachf. GmbH Die Bundeskanzler-Willy-Brandt-Stiftung bedankt sich für die groß- zügige finanzielle Unterstützung der gesamten Berliner Ausgabe bei: Frau Ursula Katz, Northbrook, Illinois Alfried Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach-Stiftung, Essen Otto Wolff von Amerongen-Stiftung, Köln Stiftungsfonds Deutsche Bank im Stifterverband für die Deutsche Wissenschaft e. V., Essen Stiftung Deutsche Klassenlotterie Berlin Deutsche Druck- und Verlagsgesellschaft mbH, Hamburg Bankgesellschaft Berlin AG Herlitz AG, Berlin Metro AG, Köln Schering AG, Berlin Bibliografische Information Der Deutschen Bibliothek Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; dataillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.ddb.de abrufbar. -
Journalists and Religious Activists in Polish-German Relations
THE PROJECT OF RECONCILIATION: JOURNALISTS AND RELIGIOUS ACTIVISTS IN POLISH-GERMAN RELATIONS, 1956-1972 Annika Frieberg A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2008 Approved by: Dr. Konrad H. Jarausch Dr. Christopher Browning Dr. Chad Bryant Dr. Karen Hagemann Dr. Madeline Levine View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Carolina Digital Repository ©2008 Annika Frieberg ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT ANNIKA FRIEBERG: The Project of Reconciliation: Journalists and Religious Activists in Polish-German Relations, 1956-1972 (under the direction of Konrad Jarausch) My dissertation, “The Project of Reconciliation,” analyzes the impact of a transnational network of journalists, intellectuals, and publishers on the postwar process of reconciliation between Germans and Poles. In their foreign relations work, these non-state actors preceded the Polish-West German political relations that were established in 1970. The dissertation has a twofold focus on private contacts between these activists, and on public discourse through radio, television and print media, primarily its effects on political and social change between the peoples. My sources include the activists’ private correspondences, interviews, and memoirs as well as radio and television manuscripts, articles and business correspondences. Earlier research on Polish-German relations is generally situated firmly in a nation-state framework in which the West German, East German or Polish context takes precedent. My work utilizes international relations theory and comparative reconciliation research to explore the long-term and short-term consequences of the discourse and the concrete measures which were taken during the 1960s to end official deadlock and nationalist antagonisms and to overcome the destructive memories of the Second World War dividing Poles and Germans. -
Bulletin of the Institute for Western Affairs, Ed. 25
BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE FOR WESTERN AFFAIRS 75 years of the CDU Piotr Kubiak, Martin Wycisk The Christian Democratic Union (CDU) celebrated its 75th anniversary on June 26, 2020. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the celebrations were subdued. Together with its sister party CSU, the CDU has become a fixture on the political landscape of the Federal Republic of Germany: from Adenauer to Merkel, no other German party has exerted bigger influence on the fates of its country. The most prominent achievements credited to the Christian democrats are to have strengthened democracy in Editorial Board: Germany and the country’s social market economy, and to have Radosław Grodzki contributed to cooperation with the West, the reunification of Karol Janoś (editor in chief) Germany and European integration. What is more, the CDU is Piotr Kubiak thought of as the party in power: for 51 out of 71 years of its Krzysztof Malinowski existence, the CDU was in the government. 5 out of 8 German chancellors came from among the ranks of the CDU as did 6 out of 12 of the country’s presidents. Christian Democratic parties have won 16 of the total of 19 Bundestag election. Is it there- fore fair to proclaim the success of the Christian Democrats as No. 25(445)/2020 being complete? Has the CDU not lost any of its appeal during 09.07.2020 its 75 years in existence? What are the challenges and problems ISSN 2450-5080 that the CDU is facing in 2020? What future looms ahead for the party as it faces the challenges of the modern world and the choice of new leadership? The Adenauer period The Bulletin is also available on: NEWSLETTER IZ The CDU emerged in the wake of the defeat of the Third Reich, FACEBOOK SCRIBD driven by the need to revive political life in occupied Germany. -
A State of Peace in Europe
Studies inContemporary European History Studies in Studies in Contemporary Contemporary A State of Peace in Europe A State of Peace in Europe European European West Germany and the CSCE, 1966–1975 History History West Germany and the CSCE, 1966–1975 Petri Hakkarainen In a balanced way the author blends German views with those from Britain, France and the United States, using these countries’ official documents as well. His book represents a very serious piece of scholarship and is interesting to read. It excels with a novel hypothesis, a very careful use of varied archival sources, and an ability not to lose his argument in the wealth of material. Helga Haftendorn, Free University, Berlin Petri Hakkarainen I don’t know of any other book that deals so thoroughly with German CSCE policy in the years described here…The author has done a vast amount of research, using documents from different archives and different countries…While he is of course not the first scholar to write about the origins of the CSCE, the author does contribute new elements and interpretations to the topic. Benedikt Schönborn, University of Tampere, Centre for Advanced Study From the mid-1960s to the mid-1970s West German foreign policy underwent substantial transformations: from bilateral to multilateral, from reactive to proactive. The Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) was an ideal setting for this evolution, enabling A StateofPeaceinEurope the Federal Republic to take the lead early on in Western preparations for the conference and to play a decisive role in the actual East–West negotiations leading to the Helsinki Final Act of 1975. -
AICGS Transatlantic Perspectives
AICGS Transatlantic Perspectives August 2009 Kulturpolitik versus Aussenpolitik in the Past Sixty Years By Frank Trommler When Willy Brandt, the West German foreign minister in the first grand coalition of the • How did German 1960s, engaged in the revamping of foreign policy—which culminated in the reversal auswärtige of the overt confrontation with the Warsaw Pact countries in the famed Ostpolitik in Kulturpolitik 1970—he included the cultural representation of the Federal Republic abroad, called develop? auswärtige Kulturpolitik or foreign cultural policy. There were many elements indeed that needed revamping, the most important being the funding and the overall concept • What is its role of pursuing an official German cultural presence in other countries. Increasing the today? funding became a matter of course during the cultural euphoria of the 1970s after the Bundestag received the report of the Enquete Commission for Foreign Cultural Policy, initiated by Berthold Martin on behalf of the CDU/CSU-Fraktion, and delivered in 1975. The much manipulated threat of losing out in the cultural war against the forceful appearance of the East German state on the international stage added sufficient pressure. However, revamping the overall concept of this policy against ingrained traditions within the Foreign Ministry and its cadre of mostly conservative diplomats was not a matter of course. Even after Brandt, as chancellor, and his team, most prominently Ralf Dahrendorf and Hildegard Hamm-Brücher, enhanced the standing of Kulturpolitik within Aussenpolitik by declaring it its “third pillar,” propagating new guiding principles (Leitlinien) of a less elitist and more open and anthropologically based concept of culture, it took many years and altercations with conservative politicians and diplomats before its representatives could be sure that it had taken hold. -
Prelims November 2007:Prelims May 2007.Qxd.Qxd
German Historical Institute London Bulletin Bd. 29 2007 Nr. 2 Copyright Das Digitalisat wird Ihnen von perspectivia.net, der Online-Publikationsplattform der Max Weber Stiftung – Stiftung Deutsche Geisteswissenschaftliche Institute im Ausland, zur Verfügung gestellt. Bitte beachten Sie, dass das Digitalisat urheberrechtlich geschützt ist. Erlaubt ist aber das Lesen, das Ausdrucken des Textes, das Herunterladen, das Speichern der Daten auf einem eigenen Datenträger soweit die vorgenannten Handlungen ausschließlich zu privaten und nicht- kommerziellen Zwecken erfolgen. Eine darüber hinausgehende unerlaubte Verwendung, Reproduktion oder Weitergabe einzelner Inhalte oder Bilder können sowohl zivil- als auch strafrechtlich verfolgt werden. PHILIPP GASSERT, Kurt Georg Kiesinger, 1904–1988: Kanzler zwischen den Zeiten (Munich: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 2006), 896 pp. ISBN 3 421 05824 5. EUR 39.90 Kurt Georg Kiesinger was the third chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany. The great coalition of CDU/CSU/SPD which he established in December 1966 was the first of its kind at federal level. In many ways it was outstandingly successful. It calmed fears of an economic crisis, carried through a formidable programme of reforms in education and social welfare, rejected the constant demands for an end to the investigation and prosecution of Nazi crimes, and even chipped away at the stifling restraints on West German foreign policy imposed by the Hallstein doctrine. Finally, in the Bundestag election of November 1969, it overcame, however nar- rowly, the threat of neo-Nazi representation in the Bundestag, and thereafter the radical right was never able to gain a voice in the West German federal parliament. Yet, as Philipp Gassert notes in this admirable biography, Kiesinger has never quite established a reputation as one of the founding fathers of German democracy. -
The Importance of Osthandel: West German-Soviet Trade and the End of the Cold War, 1969-1991
The Importance of Osthandel: West German-Soviet Trade and the End of the Cold War, 1969-1991 Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Charles William Carter, M.A. Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2012 Dissertation Committee: Professor Carole Fink, Advisor Professor Mansel Blackford Professor Peter Hahn Copyright by Charles William Carter 2012 Abstract Although the 1970s was the era of U.S.-Soviet détente, the decade also saw West Germany implement its own form of détente: Ostpolitik. Trade with the Soviet Union (Osthandel) was a major feature of Ostpolitik. Osthandel, whose main feature was the development of the Soviet energy-export infrastructure, was part of a broader West German effort aimed at promoting intimate interaction with the Soviets in order to reduce tension and resolve outstanding Cold War issues. Thanks to Osthandel, West Germany became the USSR’s most important capitalist trading partner, and several oil and natural gas pipelines came into existence because of the work of such firms as Mannesmann and Thyssen. At the same time, Moscow’s growing emphasis on developing energy for exports was not a prudent move. A lack of economic diversification resulted, a development that helped devastate the USSR’s economy after the oil price collapse of 1986 and, in the process, destabilize the communist bloc. Against this backdrop, the goals of some West German Ostpolitik advocates—especially German reunification and a peaceful resolution to the Cold War—occurred. ii Dedication Dedicated to my father, Charles William Carter iii Acknowledgements This project has been several years in the making, and many individuals have contributed to its completion. -
Journalists and Religious Activists in Polish-German Relations
THE PROJECT OF RECONCILIATION: JOURNALISTS AND RELIGIOUS ACTIVISTS IN POLISH-GERMAN RELATIONS, 1956-1972 Annika Frieberg A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2008 Approved by: Dr. Konrad H. Jarausch Dr. Christopher Browning Dr. Chad Bryant Dr. Karen Hagemann Dr. Madeline Levine ©2008 Annika Frieberg ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT ANNIKA FRIEBERG: The Project of Reconciliation: Journalists and Religious Activists in Polish-German Relations, 1956-1972 (under the direction of Konrad Jarausch) My dissertation, “The Project of Reconciliation,” analyzes the impact of a transnational network of journalists, intellectuals, and publishers on the postwar process of reconciliation between Germans and Poles. In their foreign relations work, these non-state actors preceded the Polish-West German political relations that were established in 1970. The dissertation has a twofold focus on private contacts between these activists, and on public discourse through radio, television and print media, primarily its effects on political and social change between the peoples. My sources include the activists’ private correspondences, interviews, and memoirs as well as radio and television manuscripts, articles and business correspondences. Earlier research on Polish-German relations is generally situated firmly in a nation-state framework in which the West German, East German or Polish context takes precedent. My work utilizes international relations theory and comparative reconciliation research to explore the long-term and short-term consequences of the discourse and the concrete measures which were taken during the 1960s to end official deadlock and nationalist antagonisms and to overcome the destructive memories of the Second World War dividing Poles and Germans.