1 Introduction

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

1 Introduction Notes 1 Introduction 1. What belongs together will now grow together (JK). 2. The well-known statement from Brandt is often wrongly attributed to the speech he gave one day after the fall of the Berlin Wall at the West Berlin City Hall, Rathaus Schöneberg. This error is understandable since it was added later to the publicized version of the speech with the consent of Brandt himself (Rother, 2001, p. 43). By that time it was already a well known phrase since it featured prominently on a SPD poster with a picture of Brandt in front of the partying masses at the Berlin Wall. The original statement was made by Brandt during a radio interview on 10 November for SFP-Mittagecho where he stated: ‘Jetzt sind wir in einer Situation, in der wieder zusammenwächst, was zusammengehört’ (‘Now we are in a situation in which again will grow together what belongs together’). 3. The Treaty of Prague with Czechoslovakia, signed 11 December 1973, finalized the Eastern Treaties. 4. By doing this, I aim to contribute to both theory formation concerning inter- national politics and foreign policy and add to the historiography of the German question and reunification policy. Not only is it important to com- pare theoretical assumptions against empirical data, by making the theoretical assumptions that guide the historical research explicit, other scholars are enabled to better judge the quality of the research. In the words of King et al. (1994, p. 8): ‘If the method and logic of a researcher’s observations and infer- ences are left implicit, the scholarly community has no way of judging the validity of what was done.’ This does not mean that the historical research itself only serves theory formation. In fact, the theoretical framework helps to focus on certain historical sources that may have remained underexposed and contribute to a larger historiography. By using an explicit theoretical framework for historical research, it becomes possible to investigate general assumptions that should not only answer the research question but also have a broader external validity. At the same time, the historical research also pro- vides an in-depth description of the case study and supplements the more general theoretical framework with idiosyncratic explanations. 5. Those appointed to advise the chancellor are in a special position to influence decision-making. Even though the chancellor is in no way dependent on or bound by their advice, a close personal relationship can make advisors very influential. In this book, their role will be extensively analysed as well. 6. The original 1982 edition is a reaction to the publication of the conference proceedings of the Rhöndorfer Gespräche, a yearly conference organized by the Stiftung-Bundeskanzler-Adenauer-Haus, on the ‘myth of the lost opportunity- debate’ (Schwarz, 1982, p. 5). 170 Notes 171 7. For example, the well-known Adenauer biographer Hans-Peter Schwarz is a member of the StBKAH advisory board as well as other historians who focus mainly on Adenauer’s work. In order to write his biography on Adenauer, Schwarz was given exclusive permission to access the files of the federal chancellery. The same permission was later also given to Henning Köhler, a relative outsider, who then began work not only on Adenauer, but also on an extensive critical evaluation of Schwarz’s biography (Granieri, 2000, pp. 593–596; Granieri 2003 for specific examples). In fact, Köhler’s book contains more references to Schwarz than to important Adenauer contem- poraries such as De Gaulle or John Foster Dulles (Köhler, 1994, p. 1323). When the publication of Köhler’s biography was anticipated as the ‘anti- Schwarz’, the remark, made during one of the Rhöndorfer Gespräche of the StBKAH, was probably made only half in jest (Schwabe, 1994, p. 124). The situation with the Social Democrats is no different (cf. Gray, 2007, p. 1008). Willy Brandt was known for surrounding himself with histori- ans, writers and journalists. As a consequence, a large volume of historical work on Brandt and his political legacy is produced by people who knew him personally, such as Klaus Harpprecht or Peter Bender, an old friend and classmate of Bahr (Bender, 1995; Harpprecht, 2000). His second wife, Brigitte Seebacher-Brandt recently published a biography as well (Seebacher- Brandt, 2004). Brandt’s eldest son, Peter Brandt, is a history professor in Hagen and one of the trustees of the BWBS. Gregor Schöllgen, who was affiliated with the BWBS and co-editor of the edited publication of doc- uments from the archive of Willy Brandt, published a Brandt biography (Schöllgen, 2001). Christoph Meyer gained exclusive access to parts of the archive of prominent Social Democrat Herbert Wehner for his biogra- phy (Meyer, 2006). Meyer is affiliated with the Herbert-und-Greta-Wehner- Stiftung. 2 Between Continuity and Change: Ostpolitik and the Constructivist Approach Revisited 1. There are several denominations here that make more or less the same distinction. Some speak of ‘weaker’ and ‘stronger’ research programmes. 2. Even though constitutive theory makes it impossible to distinguish variation between independent and dependent variables, Finnemore, for example, states that it is still possible empirically to ‘bracket’ agent and structure and to provide at least a descriptive analysis of both sides of the rela- tionship. Finnemore states that this approach may be regarded by some as something to be avoided, but could also serve ‘as a useful first step in causal analysis’. Constructivist empirical research then is not so much about theory testing, but about theory generation. For more on ‘constructivist’ methodology, see Klotz and Lynch (2007). 3. In response to constructivist criticism of traditional IR theory, one of the central arguments is that constructivists may point out that neo-realists and neo-liberals take actors and interests as givens instead of focusing on social interaction and the way norms influence the actor’s preferences and the definition of interests; but that constructivists only seem to push the 172 Notes problem further back by taking the influence of unspecified norms as a given (cf. Zehfuss, 2002, p. 254). 4. Here, the continuity in German foreign policy following reunification is intensively dealt with in studies that may not be constructivist per se, but do stress the impact of ideas, culture, (European) identity or historical memory (Katzenstein, 1996; Banchoff, 1999b; Rittberger, 2001; Maull, 2006). 5. In addition to ‘peace’ and ‘reconciliation’ as the prevailing social norms that guided Ostpolitik, Cordell and Wolff (2007, p. 263) also mention ‘regime change’. They do not explain why they choose these three norms as essential to Ostpolitik. Even though ‘peace’ and ‘reconciliation’ seem obvious, ‘regime change’ is less so. 6. March and Olson use ‘norms’ and ‘identities’ more or less interchangeably, as do most constructivists. 7. Initially, the Soviet Union had insisted that the European borders should be deemed ‘unchangeable’. 8. In his book Realist Constructivism: Rethinking International Relations Theory (Cambridge, 2010), Samuel Barkin provides an in depth theoretical discus- sion concerning the problematic use of the distinction between the ‘logic of consequence’ and the ‘logic of appropriateness’. My concern here is limited to providing an analytical model that provides an explanation for Ostpolitik. 9. It is important to notice here that ideas not only play a role in explaining continuity by acting as a persistent norm that in the end will always give way to political interests. The more an existing norm becomes less successful over time, the more alternative coalitions are encouraged to create new ones and challenge the dominant coalition. 10. Here, it does not matter whether the members of the dominant coalition are to blame or whether external factors have contributed to the failure of a certain foreign policy. 3 Westbindung Instead of Wiedervereinigung 1. Adenauer (1983, pp. 129–131). 2. Ibid., p. 130. 3. Grotewohl played an important role during the founding of the SED and went on to become the prime minister of the GDR from 1949 to 1960. 4. Schumacher (1985, pp. 620–622). 5. Ibid., pp. 623–624. 6. Schwartz (1991, pp. 109–110) points out that the special position of ‘federal Minister for special assignments’ (Bundesminister für Besondere Aufgaben)cre- ated by Adenauer should be viewed in this respect. There were even four of these positions in Adenauer’s second government. 7. Adenauer (1987, p. 65). 8. Baring (1969, p. 16) quotes Adenauer saying that: ‘I had to negotiate with the High Commission by myself. The gentlemen did not want so many (!) present and it would not have been right’ (exclamation mark in the original). 9. Schumacher (1985, pp. 714–731, pp. 702–703). This goes for Adenauer’s clos- est aides such Blankenhorn, Globke and Kurt Georg Kiesinger. When in 1953 Notes 173 Adenauer decided to include Representatives Waldemar Kraft and Theodor Overländer of the expellees’ GB/BHE party, he did so even while describing them as ‘brown, even deep brown’ (quoted in Schwartz, 1991, p.117). 10. Schumacher (1985, p. 725). 11. Adenauer (1975, p. 167). 12. Adenauer (1965, pp. 355–359). 13. Heinemann resigned as Minister for domestic affairs on 11 October 1950 in protest against West German rearmament and Adenauer’s style of leadership (Lehmann, 2000, p. 88). He founded his own party, the Gesamtdeutsche Volkspartei (GVP), which was unsuccessful. Eventually, Heinemann joined the SPD. 14. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952–1954, Volume VII, part I, p. 72. 15. Van Ooijen et al. (1996, p. 39). 16. Time Magazine, 9 June 1952. 17. Van Ooijen et al. (1996, pp. 38–39). 18. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1950, Volume III, p. 1297. 19. NARA, Office Memorandum. Secret. 1 October 1951, General File 59, 662A.00/10-151. 20. NARA, Policy Statement Germany, 1 February 1951, General File 59, 662A.00/10-151.
Recommended publications
  • 30Years 1953-1983
    30Years 1953-1983 Group of the European People's Party (Christian -Demoeratie Group) 30Years 1953-1983 Group of the European People's Party (Christian -Demoeratie Group) Foreword . 3 Constitution declaration of the Christian-Democratic Group (1953 and 1958) . 4 The beginnings ............ ·~:.................................................. 9 From the Common Assembly to the European Parliament ........................... 12 The Community takes shape; consolidation within, recognition without . 15 A new impetus: consolidation, expansion, political cooperation ........................................................... 19 On the road to European Union .................................................. 23 On the threshold of direct elections and of a second enlargement .................................................... 26 The elected Parliament - Symbol of the sovereignty of the European people .......... 31 List of members of the Christian-Democratic Group ................................ 49 2 Foreword On 23 June 1953 the Christian-Democratic Political Group officially came into being within the then Common Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Community. The Christian Democrats in the original six Community countries thus expressed their conscious and firm resolve to rise above a blinkered vision of egoistically determined national interests and forge a common, supranational consciousness in the service of all our peoples. From that moment our Group, whose tMrtieth anniversary we are now celebrating together with thirty years of political
    [Show full text]
  • Perceptive Intent in the Works of Guenter Grass: an Investigation and Assessment with Extensive Bibliography
    Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses Graduate School 1971 Perceptive Intent in the Works of Guenter Grass: an Investigation and Assessment With Extensive Bibliography. George Alexander Everett rJ Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses Recommended Citation Everett, George Alexander Jr, "Perceptive Intent in the Works of Guenter Grass: an Investigation and Assessment With Extensive Bibliography." (1971). LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses. 1980. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_disstheses/1980 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Historical Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 71-29,361 EVERETT, Jr., George Alexander, 1942- PRECEPTIVE INTENT IN THE WORKS OF GUNTER GRASS: AN INVESTIGATION AND ASSESSMENT WITH EXTENSIVE BIBLIOGRAPHY. The Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College, Ph.D., 1971 Language and Literature, modern University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. PRECEPTIVE INTENT IN THE WORKS OF GUNTER GRASS; AN INVESTIGATION AND ASSESSMENT WITH EXTENSIVE BIBIIOGRAPHY A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of Foreign Languages by George Alexander Everett, Jr. B.A., University of Mississippi, 1964 M.A., Louisiana State University, 1966 May, 1971 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner.
    [Show full text]
  • Bulletin of the GHI Washington Supplement 1 (2004)
    Bulletin of the GHI Washington Supplement 1 (2004) Copyright Das Digitalisat wird Ihnen von perspectivia.net, der Online-Publikationsplattform der Max Weber Stiftung – Stiftung Deutsche Geisteswissenschaftliche Institute im Ausland, zur Verfügung gestellt. Bitte beachten Sie, dass das Digitalisat urheberrechtlich geschützt ist. Erlaubt ist aber das Lesen, das Ausdrucken des Textes, das Herunterladen, das Speichern der Daten auf einem eigenen Datenträger soweit die vorgenannten Handlungen ausschließlich zu privaten und nicht-kommerziellen Zwecken erfolgen. Eine darüber hinausgehende unerlaubte Verwendung, Reproduktion oder Weitergabe einzelner Inhalte oder Bilder können sowohl zivil- als auch strafrechtlich verfolgt werden. “WASHINGTON AS A PLACE FOR THE GERMAN CAMPAIGN”: THE U.S. GOVERNMENT AND THE CDU/CSU OPPOSITION, 1969–1972 Bernd Schaefer I. In October 1969, Bonn’s Christian Democrat-led “grand coalition” was replaced by an alliance of Social Democrats (SPD) and Free Democrats (FDP) led by Chancellor Willy Brandt that held a sixteen-seat majority in the West German parliament. Not only were the leaders of the CDU caught by surprise, but so, too, were many in the U.S. government. Presi- dent Richard Nixon had to take back the premature message of congratu- lations extended to Chancellor Kiesinger early on election night. “The worst tragedy,” Henry Kissinger concluded on June 16, 1971, in a con- versation with Nixon, “is that election in ’69. If this National Party, that extreme right wing party, had got three-tenths of one percent more, the Christian Democrats would be in office now.”1 American administrations and their embassy in Bonn had cultivated a close relationship with the leaders of the governing CDU/CSU for many years.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Social Democracy in West Germany?
    BEYOND SOCIAL DEMOCRACY IN WEST GERMANY? William Graf I The theme of transcending, bypassing, revising, reinvigorating or otherwise raising German Social Democracy to a higher level recurs throughout the party's century-and-a-quarter history. Figures such as Luxemburg, Hilferding, Liebknecht-as well as Lassalle, Kautsky and Bernstein-recall prolonged, intensive intra-party debates about the desirable relationship between the party and the capitalist state, the sources of its mass support, and the strategy and tactics best suited to accomplishing socialism. Although the post-1945 SPD has in many ways replicated these controversies surrounding the limits and prospects of Social Democracy, it has not reproduced the Left-Right dimension, the fundamental lines of political discourse that characterised the party before 1933 and indeed, in exile or underground during the Third Reich. The crucial difference between then and now is that during the Second Reich and Weimar Republic, any significant shift to the right on the part of the SPD leader- ship,' such as the parliamentary party's approval of war credits in 1914, its truck under Ebert with the reactionary forces, its periodic lapses into 'parliamentary opportunism' or the right rump's acceptance of Hitler's Enabling Law in 1933, would be countered and challenged at every step by the Left. The success of the USPD, the rise of the Spartacus move- ment, and the consistent increase in the KPD's mass following throughout the Weimar era were all concrete and determined reactions to deficiences or revisions in Social Democratic praxis. Since 1945, however, the dynamics of Social Democracy have changed considerably.
    [Show full text]
  • Revisiting Zero Hour 1945
    REVISITING ZERO-HOUR 1945 THE EMERGENCE OF POSTWAR GERMAN CULTURE edited by STEPHEN BROCKMANN FRANK TROMMLER VOLUME 1 American Institute for Contemporary German Studies The Johns Hopkins University REVISITING ZERO-HOUR 1945 THE EMERGENCE OF POSTWAR GERMAN CULTURE edited by STEPHEN BROCKMANN FRANK TROMMLER HUMANITIES PROGRAM REPORT VOLUME 1 The views expressed in this publication are those of the author(s) alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies. ©1996 by the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies ISBN 0-941441-15-1 This Humanities Program Volume is made possible by the Harry & Helen Gray Humanities Program. Additional copies are available for $5.00 to cover postage and handling from the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies, Suite 420, 1400 16th Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036-2217. Telephone 202/332-9312, Fax 202/265- 9531, E-mail: [email protected] Web: http://www.aicgs.org ii F O R E W O R D Since its inception, AICGS has incorporated the study of German literature and culture as a part of its mandate to help provide a comprehensive understanding of contemporary Germany. The nature of Germany’s past and present requires nothing less than an interdisciplinary approach to the analysis of German society and culture. Within its research and public affairs programs, the analysis of Germany’s intellectual and cultural traditions and debates has always been central to the Institute’s work. At the time the Berlin Wall was about to fall, the Institute was awarded a major grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities to help create an endowment for its humanities programs.
    [Show full text]
  • Bundeskanzler Ludwig Erhard Außenpolitiker Im Weltpolitischen Wandel Vorwort
    Helmut Welge Bundeskanzler Ludwig Erhard Außenpolitiker im weltpolitischen Wandel Vorwort Ludwig Erhard, 1897 als Sohn eines Weißwaren-Einzelhändlers in Fürth geboren, fand erst sehr spät in die Politik. Bis zu seinem 48. Lebensjahr hatte er keinerlei politische Interessen. In der Weimarer Republik und während der Nationalsozia- listischen Herrschaft hatte der promovierte Diplomkaufmann bei verschiedenen universitätsnahen Instituten im Raum Nürnberg/Fürth wirtschaftswissenschaftliche Positionen bekleidet und dabei Kontakte zu namhaften wirtschaftsliberalen Ordina- rien deutscher Universitäten wie Wilhelm Röpke, Walter Eucken und Alfred Müller- Armack geknüpft. In mehreren Schriften kritisierte er ausdrücklich die Kommando- wirtschaft des Dritten Reiches und vertrat seine ordoliberalen Anschauungen einer freien Marktwirtschaft – mit denen er bei Fortdauer des Nazi-Reiches sicherlich in Ungnade gefallen wäre. Seine Ausgangsposition bei Ende des II. Weltkrieges war daher denkbar günstig, als die amerikanische Besatzungsmacht für das Land Bayern einen Wirtschaftsminis- ter suchte – und ihn in Erhard fand. Dieses Amt trat er im Oktober 1945 an. Nach Querelen mit den Amerikanern verlor er bereits im Juni 1946 dieses Amt und lehrte kurzzeitig als Honorarprofessor Volkswirtschaft an der Universität München. Über den im Jahre 1947 in der amerikanische und britische Besatzungszone (Bi- Zone) gebildeten Sachverständigenrat für eine Währungsreform, deren Vorsitz Er- hard bekleidete, wurde er zum erfolgreichen Protagonisten der D-Mark-Einführung 1948 und Abschaffung der Zwangsbewirtschaftung, verbunden mit einer Aufhebung aller Preisbindungen für Konsumgüter. Es war daher folgerichtig, dass Bundeskanzler Konrad Adenauer ihn 1949 als Wirtschaftsminister in sein erstes Kabinett berief. Dieses Amt übte Ludwig Erhard, der die soziale Marktwirtschaft zu seinem Credo erhoben hatte, bis zu seiner Wahl als Bundeskanzler im Oktober 1963 ununterbrochen aus.
    [Show full text]
  • Der Imagewandel Von Helmut Kohl, Gerhard Schröder Und Angela Merkel Vom Kanzlerkandidaten Zum Kanzler - Ein Schauspiel in Zwei Akten
    Forschungsgsgruppe Deutschland Februar 2008 Working Paper Sybille Klormann, Britta Udelhoven Der Imagewandel von Helmut Kohl, Gerhard Schröder und Angela Merkel Vom Kanzlerkandidaten zum Kanzler - Ein Schauspiel in zwei Akten Inszenierung und Management von Machtwechseln in Deutschland 02/2008 Diese Veröffentlichung entstand im Rahmen eines Lehrforschungsprojektes des Geschwister-Scholl-Instituts für Politische Wissenschaft unter Leitung von Dr. Manuela Glaab, Forschungsgruppe Deutschland am Centrum für angewandte Politikforschung. Weitere Informationen unter: www.forschungsgruppe-deutschland.de Inhaltsverzeichnis: 1. Die Bedeutung und Bewertung von Politiker – Images 3 2. Helmut Kohl: „Ich werde einmal der erste Mann in diesem Lande!“ 7 2.1 Gut Ding will Weile haben. Der „Lange“ Weg ins Kanzleramt 7 2.2 Groß und stolz: Ein Pfälzer erschüttert die Bonner Bühne 11 2.3 Der richtige Mann zur richtigen Zeit: Der Mann der deutschen Mitte 13 2.4 Der Bauherr der Macht 14 2.5 Kohl: Keine Richtung, keine Linie, keine Kompetenz 16 3. Gerhard Schröder: „Ich will hier rein!“ 18 3.1 „Hoppla, jetzt komm ich!“ Schröders Weg ins Bundeskanzleramt 18 3.2 „Wetten ... dass?“ – Regieren macht Spass 22 3.3 Robin Hood oder Genosse der Bosse? Wofür steht Schröder? 24 3.4 Wo ist Schröder? Vom „Gernekanzler“ zum „Chaoskanzler“ 26 3.5 Von Saumagen, Viel-Sagen und Reformvorhaben 28 4. Angela Merkel: „Ich will Deutschland dienen.“ 29 4.1 Fremd, unscheinbar und unterschätzt – Merkels leiser Aufstieg 29 4.2 Die drei P’s der Merkel: Physikerin, Politikerin und doch Phantom 33 4.3 Zwischen Darwin und Deutschland, Kanzleramt und Küche 35 4.4 „Angela Bangbüx“ : Versetzung akut gefährdet 37 4.5 Brutto: Aus einem Guss – Netto: Zuckerguss 39 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Conservative Central Office 32 Smith Square Westminster SWIP 3HH Tel
    t. r Conservative Central Office 32 Smith Square Westminster SWIP 3HH Tel. 01-222 9000 Telex 8814563 From THE CHAIRMAN OF THE PARTY John Selwyn Gummer MP November 1984 As you will recall, I led a group of twelve parliamentary colleagues to Bonn earlier this month to meet with members of the CDU/CSU parliamentary group. increasing number of daTacts be'tween all levels of our parties over the last four years, greatly assisted by the London office of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, this was the first such meeting of its kind. The main objective on this occasion was to begin the process of establishing close friendly relationships between individual members, and good progress was made towards this. Some thirty CDU/CSU members participated in our discussions, which broadly covered three areas: the European contribution to strengthening the Atlantic Alliance; the European role in East/West policy; and European economic integration as a force for international competitiveness. The contributions were even more free- ranging than these headings suggest, and their value lay rather more in the informative nature of the exchange of views for individual members than in breaking any new ground. Nevertheless, it is worth underlining the emphasis generally placed by German members on the development of European defence policy, in harmony with overall NATO strategy; and, in particular, their view that the Western European Union should be given a more dynamic role. It was also noteworthy that some Germans expressed the hope that their government would take a more liberal attitude towards internal Community competition (even in the field of insurance and lorry permits!).
    [Show full text]
  • A History of German-Scandinavian Relations
    A History of German – Scandinavian Relations A History of German-Scandinavian Relations By Raimund Wolfert A History of German – Scandinavian Relations Raimund Wolfert 2 A History of German – Scandinavian Relations Table of contents 1. The Rise and Fall of the Hanseatic League.............................................................5 2. The Thirty Years’ War............................................................................................11 3. Prussia en route to becoming a Great Power........................................................15 4. After the Napoleonic Wars.....................................................................................18 5. The German Empire..............................................................................................23 6. The Interwar Period...............................................................................................29 7. The Aftermath of War............................................................................................33 First version 12/2006 2 A History of German – Scandinavian Relations This essay contemplates the history of German-Scandinavian relations from the Hanseatic period through to the present day, focussing upon the Berlin- Brandenburg region and the northeastern part of Germany that lies to the south of the Baltic Sea. A geographic area whose topography has been shaped by the great Scandinavian glacier of the Vistula ice age from 20000 BC to 13 000 BC will thus be reflected upon. According to the linguistic usage of the term
    [Show full text]
  • Local Expellee Monuments and the Contestation of German Postwar Memory
    To Our Dead: Local Expellee Monuments and the Contestation of German Postwar Memory by Jeffrey P. Luppes A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Germanic Languages and Literatures) in The University of Michigan 2010 Doctoral Committee: Professor Andrei S. Markovits, Chair Professor Geoff Eley Associate Professor Julia C. Hell Associate Professor Johannes von Moltke © Jeffrey P. Luppes 2010 To My Parents ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Writing a dissertation is a long, arduous, and often lonely exercise. Fortunately, I have had unbelievable support from many people. First and foremost, I would like to thank my advisor and dissertation committee chair, Andrei S. Markovits. Andy has played the largest role in my development as a scholar. In fact, his seminal works on German politics, German history, collective memory, anti-Americanism, and sports influenced me intellectually even before I arrived in Ann Arbor. The opportunity to learn from and work with him was the main reason I wanted to attend the University of Michigan. The decision to come here has paid off immeasurably. Andy has always pushed me to do my best and has been a huge inspiration—both professionally and personally—from the start. His motivational skills and dedication to his students are unmatched. Twice, he gave me the opportunity to assist in the teaching of his very popular undergraduate course on sports and society. He was also always quick to provide recommendation letters and signatures for my many fellowship applications. Most importantly, Andy helped me rethink, re-work, and revise this dissertation at a crucial point.
    [Show full text]
  • Deutscher Bundestag 89
    Deutscher Bundestag 89. Sitzung Bonn, den 17. Oktober 1963 Inhalt: Bekanntgabe der Bildung der Bundesregie rung 4185 A Eidesleistung der Bundesminister 4185 D, 4186 Glückwünsche zum Geburtstag des Abg Müller (Erbendorf) 4187 A Nächste Sitzung 4187 A Anlage 4189 - Deutscher Bundestag — 4. Wahlperiode — 89. Sitzung. Bonn, Donnerstag, den 17. Oktober 1963 4185 89. Sitzung Bonn, den 17. Oktober 1963 Stenographischer Bericht Dr. Erich Mende zum Bundesminister für gesamtdeutsche Fragen Beginn: 15.01 Uhr Alois Ni e der alt zum Bundesminister für Angelegenheiten des Bundesrates und der Präsident D. Dr. Gerstenmaier: Die Sitzung Länder ist eröffnet. Meine Damen und Herren, ich rufe auf Punkt 1 Dr. Bruno Heck zum Bundesminister für der Tagesordnung: Familie und Jugend Bekanntgabe der Bildung der Bundesregie- Hans L e n z zum Bundesminister für wissen- rung. schaftliche Forschung Der Herr Bundespräsident hat mir das folgende Dr. Werner Dollinger zum Bundesschatz Schreiben übersandt: minister Gemäß Artikel 64 Absatz 1 des Grundgesetzes Walter Scheel zum Bundesminister für wirt- habe ich auf Vorschlag des Herrn Bundeskanz- schaftliche Zusammenarbeit lers zu Bundesministern ernannt: Dr. Elisabeth Schwarzhaupt zum Bundes- Dr. Gerhard Schröder zum Bundesminister minister für Gesundheitswesen des Auswärtigen Dr. Heinrich KT o n e zum Bundesminister für Hermann Höcherl zum Bundesminister des besondere Aufgaben. Innern Meine Damen und Herren, nach Art. 64 des Dr. Ewald Bucher zum Bundesminister der Grundgesetzes leisten auch die Bundesminister bei Justiz der Amtsübernahme den in Art. 56 des Grundgeset- Dr. Rolf Dahlgrün zum Bundesminister der zes vorgesehenen Eid. Ich rufe daher Punkt 2 der Finanzen Tagesordnung auf: Kurt Schmück er zum Bundesminister für Eidesleistung der Bundesminister.
    [Show full text]
  • Fraktionssitzung: 19
    SPD – 04. WP Fraktionssitzung: 19. 01. 1965 101 19. Januar 195: Fraktionssitzung AdsD, SPD-BT-Fraktion 4. WP, Ord. 23.௔6. 1964 – 16.௔2. 1965 (alt 1036, neu 16). Über- schrift: »Fraktion der SPD im Bundestag. Kurzprotokoll der Fraktionssitzung vom 19. Januar 1965«. Anwesend: 162 Abgeordnete; Fraktionsassistenten: Bartholomäi, Ber- meitinger, Goller, Jäger, John, Laabs, List, Niemeyer, Scheele, Scheja, P. Schmidt, Schubart; PV: Castrup, Dingels, Nelke; SPD-Pressedienst: Dux, Exler. Prot.: Hofer. Zeit: 15.10 – 17.05 Uhr. Tagesordnung: 1.) Vorbereitung der Plenarsitzungen 2.) Ergänzung der Geschäftsordnung 3.) Termine 4.) Verschiedenes Fritz Erler eröffnet die Sitzung um 15.10 Uhr. Vor Eintritt in die Tagesordnung macht Fritz Erler folgende Mitteilungen: Peter Blachstein wird wegen Erkrankung vor März seine parlamentarische Arbeit nicht wieder aufnehmen können. Auch Alwin Kulawig leidet noch an den Folgen eines Un- falls.1 Fritz Erler begrüßt Heinrich Ritzel in der Fraktion.2 Der Vorsitzende unterrichtet die Fraktion über die Verhandlungen des Bundesminis- ters des Innern mit den Ländern über einen geeigneten Termin für die Bundestagswah- len. Minister Höcherl habe als günstigsten Termin den 19. September 1965 vorgeschla- gen.3 – Die Fraktion ist mit diesem Termin einverstanden. Fritz Erler unterrichtet die Fraktion von dem Inhalt seiner Ausführungen in Berlin, die zu Fehlinterpretationen über seine Auffassung zum deutsch-polnischen Verhältnis geführt haben.4 Er macht auf seine Pressekonferenz vom 18. Jan. 1965 in Bonn auf- merksam und weist darauf hin, daß der Text seiner Ausführungen in Berlin und in 1 Blachstein nahm erst ab 11. 5. 1965 und Kulawig ab 29. 6. 1965 wieder an Fraktionssitzungen teil. 2 Heinrich Georg Ritzel gehörte dem Bundestag in der gesamten 4.
    [Show full text]