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Beyond Social Democracy in West Germany?
BEYOND SOCIAL DEMOCRACY IN WEST GERMANY? William Graf I The theme of transcending, bypassing, revising, reinvigorating or otherwise raising German Social Democracy to a higher level recurs throughout the party's century-and-a-quarter history. Figures such as Luxemburg, Hilferding, Liebknecht-as well as Lassalle, Kautsky and Bernstein-recall prolonged, intensive intra-party debates about the desirable relationship between the party and the capitalist state, the sources of its mass support, and the strategy and tactics best suited to accomplishing socialism. Although the post-1945 SPD has in many ways replicated these controversies surrounding the limits and prospects of Social Democracy, it has not reproduced the Left-Right dimension, the fundamental lines of political discourse that characterised the party before 1933 and indeed, in exile or underground during the Third Reich. The crucial difference between then and now is that during the Second Reich and Weimar Republic, any significant shift to the right on the part of the SPD leader- ship,' such as the parliamentary party's approval of war credits in 1914, its truck under Ebert with the reactionary forces, its periodic lapses into 'parliamentary opportunism' or the right rump's acceptance of Hitler's Enabling Law in 1933, would be countered and challenged at every step by the Left. The success of the USPD, the rise of the Spartacus move- ment, and the consistent increase in the KPD's mass following throughout the Weimar era were all concrete and determined reactions to deficiences or revisions in Social Democratic praxis. Since 1945, however, the dynamics of Social Democracy have changed considerably. -
1 Introduction
Notes 1 Introduction 1. What belongs together will now grow together (JK). 2. The well-known statement from Brandt is often wrongly attributed to the speech he gave one day after the fall of the Berlin Wall at the West Berlin City Hall, Rathaus Schöneberg. This error is understandable since it was added later to the publicized version of the speech with the consent of Brandt himself (Rother, 2001, p. 43). By that time it was already a well known phrase since it featured prominently on a SPD poster with a picture of Brandt in front of the partying masses at the Berlin Wall. The original statement was made by Brandt during a radio interview on 10 November for SFP-Mittagecho where he stated: ‘Jetzt sind wir in einer Situation, in der wieder zusammenwächst, was zusammengehört’ (‘Now we are in a situation in which again will grow together what belongs together’). 3. The Treaty of Prague with Czechoslovakia, signed 11 December 1973, finalized the Eastern Treaties. 4. By doing this, I aim to contribute to both theory formation concerning inter- national politics and foreign policy and add to the historiography of the German question and reunification policy. Not only is it important to com- pare theoretical assumptions against empirical data, by making the theoretical assumptions that guide the historical research explicit, other scholars are enabled to better judge the quality of the research. In the words of King et al. (1994, p. 8): ‘If the method and logic of a researcher’s observations and infer- ences are left implicit, the scholarly community has no way of judging the validity of what was done.’ This does not mean that the historical research itself only serves theory formation. -
Building a Social Democratic Hall of Fame
Peter Merseburger. Willy Brandt 1913-1992: Visionär und Realist. München: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 2002. 927 S. EUR 32.00, gebunden, ISBN 978-3-421-05328-2. Martin Rupps. Helmut Schmidt: Eine politische Biographie. Stuttgart: Hohenheim Verlag, 2002. 488 S. EUR 24.00, broschiert, ISBN 978-3-89850-073-9. Michael Schwelien. Helmut Schmidt: Ein Leben fÖ¼r den Frieden. Hamburg: Hoffmann und Campe, 2003. 368 pp. EUR 22.90, cloth, ISBN 978-3-455-09409-1. Hartmut Soell. Helmut Schmidt: Macht und Verantwortung. 1969 bis heute. München: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 2008. 1082 S. EUR 39.90, broschiert, ISBN 978-3-421-05352-7. H-Net Reviews Bundeskanzler Willy Brandt Stiftung, ed.. Die Entspannung unzerstÖ¶rbar machen: Internationale Beziehungen und deutsche Frage, 1974-1982. Bonn: Dietz, 2003. 500 pp. EUR 27.60, cloth, ISBN 978-3-8012-0309-2. Reviewed by Ronald J. Granieri Published on H-German (October, 2005) In a democratic society, the passing of a politi‐ tivated. Not all of the scholars involved are active cal generation is always fascinating to watch, partisans, but there is an interesting congruence since it usually happens in multiple stages on between the cycles of politics and the politics of both a political and historical level. First, the old historical production. politicians leave the active political scene and are In Germany, the models for this process in‐ replaced by a new group of leaders. More often clude Helmut Kohl, who rebuilt the CDU after the than not, if the older politicians did great things, retirement of Konrad Adenauer and the failure of the successors, seeking in distance from their im‐ the immediate successors, and, more recently, mediate predecessors a surer way to their own Gerhard Schröder, who took a SPD rent by inter‐ path, run from the past. -
Security Versus Unity: Germany's Dilemma II
NOT FOR PUBLICATION INSTITUTE OF CURRENT VORLD AFFAIRS DB- 8 Plockstrasse 8 Security versus Unity: Gie ssen, Germany Germany' s Dilemma II April l, 19G8 Mr. Walter S. Rogers Institute of Current World Affairs 522 Fifth Avenue ew York 36, Eew York Dear Mr. Rogers: A few months before the -arch Bundestag debate on atomic weapons I Islted a local civil defense meeting. The group leader enthusiastically painted a hideous picture of atomic devastation; the audience remained dumb arid expressionless. Film and magazine reports on hydrogen bombs, fall-out, radiation effects they all seeme to fall on plugged ears in Germany. "at can one do?"'asked Kurt Odrig, who sells me vegetables. "Yhen it comes, we're all goers anyway." The Germans were not uique in that attitude. Along with this nuclear numbness there was the dazed resignation towards the question of reunification. Everybody was for it like the fiv cent clgar. Any West German politlclan who wanted to make the rade had to master the sacred roeunification phase: "Let us not forget our seventeen-million German brothe.,,_s over there..." Uttered ith solen reverence, it had an effect tho same as ,'poor starving rmenlans" ,once had paralysis. The Test Germans felt, rightly so, that there ,sn't much they could do about uifying their country. But since the arch debate their ,reaction to atoms and reunificatoa has changed from palsy to St. Vitus Dance. Germany's basic dilemma has not changed since 1949 security could not be had without sending reunifi- cation a begging; reunification could not be had without sacrificing security. -
Selling the Economic Miracle Economic Reconstruction and Politics in West Germany, 1949-1957 Monograph Mark E
MONOGRAPHS IN GERMAN HISTORY VOLUME 18 MONOGRAPHS Selling the Economic Miracle Economic the Selling IN GERMAN HISTORY Selling The Economic Miracle VOLUME 18 Economic Reconstruction and Politics in West Germany, 1949-1957 Mark E. Spicka The origins and nature of the “economic miracle” in Germany in the 1950s continue to attract great interest from historians, economists, and political scientists. Examining election campaign propaganda and various public relations campaigns during this period, the author explores ways that conservative political and economic groups sought to construct and Selling the sell a political meaning of the Social Market Economy and the Economic Miracle, which contributed to conservative electoral success, constructed a Economic new understanding of economics by West German society, and provided legitimacy for the new Federal Republic Germany. In particular, the Miracle author focuses on the Christian Democratic Union/Christian Social Union’s (CDU/CSU) approach to electoral politics, which represented the creation of a more “Americanized” political culture reflected in the Economic Reconstruction borrowing of many techniques in electioneering from the United States, and Politics in West such as public opinion polling and advertising techniques. Germany, 1949-1957 Mark E. Spicka is Associate Professor of History at Shippensburg University in Pennsylvania. He received his Ph.D. from the Ohio State University in 2000 and was a Fulbright Scholar in Germany in 1996/1997. He has published a number of articles that have appeared in German Politics and Society, German Studies Review, and The Historian. Spicka E. Mark Cover Image: “Erhard keeps his promises: Prosperity for all through the social market economy” 1957 Bundestag election poster by Die Waage, Plakatsammlung, BA Koblenz. -
The German Bundestag in the Reichstag Building
The German Bundestag in the Reichstag Building The German Bundestag in the Reichstag Building 6 Foreword by the President of the German Bundestag, Wolfgang Schäuble Hans Wilderotter 9 “Here beats the heart of democracy” Structure and function of the Bundestag 10 The ‘forum of the nation’: the Bundestag at the heart of the German Constitution 14 “Representatives of the whole people”: the Members of Parliament 22 “The President shall represent the Bundestag”: the President of the Bundestag, the Presidium and the Council of Elders 32 “Permanent subdivisions of the Bundestag”: the parliamentary groups 40 “Microcosms of the Chamber”: the committees 48 Strategy and scrutiny: study commissions, committees of inquiry, the Parliamentary Oversight Panel and the Parliamentary Commissioner for the Armed Forces 54 “The visible hub of parliamentary business”: the plenary chamber 62 “Federal laws shall be adopted by the Bundestag”: legislation and legislative processes 76 “Establishing a united Europe”: Bundestag participation in the process of European integration Content Hans Wilderotter 83 The long road to democracy Milestones in Germany’s parliamentary history 84 “... the real school of Vormärz liberalism”: parliaments in Germany before 1848 88 “We will create a constitution for Germany”: the German National Assembly in St Paul’s Church, Frankfurt am Main 106 A “written document as the Constitution of the Prussian Kingdom”: the constituent National Assembly and the Prussian House of Representatives in Berlin 122 Democracy without parliamentarianism: -
The Postwar Transformation of German Protestantism
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Carolina Digital Repository FAITH AND DEMOCRACY: POLITICAL TRANSFORMATIONS AT THE GERMAN PROTESTANT KIRCHENTAG, 1949-1969 Benjamin Carl Pearson A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2007 Approved by: Dr. Konrad H. Jarausch Dr. Christopher Browning Dr. Chad Bryant Dr. Lloyd Kramer Dr. Terence McIntosh ©2007 Benjamin Carl Pearson ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT BENJAMIN CARL PEARSON: Faith and Democracy: Political Transformations at the German Protestant Kirchentag, 1949-1969 (Under the direction of Konrad H. Jarausch) In the decades following World War II, German Protestants worked to transform their religious tradition. While this tradition had been previously characterized by rigidly hierarchical institutional structures, strong nationalist leanings, and authoritarian political tendencies, the experiences of dictatorship and defeat caused many Protestants to question their earlier beliefs. Motivated by the desire to overcome the burden of the Nazi past and by the opportunity to play a major role in postwar rebuilding efforts, several groups within the churches worked to reform Protestant social and political attitudes. As a result of their efforts, the churches came to play an important role in the ultimate success and stability of West German democracy. This study examines this transformation at the meetings of the German Protestant Kirchentag, one of the largest and most diverse postwar gatherings of Protestant laity. After situating the Kirchentag within the theological and political debates of the immediate postwar years, it focuses on changing understandings of the role of the church in society, the pluralization of Protestant political attitudes, and the shift from national to international self-understandings within the churches. -
Jay Lovestone Papers
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf4q2nb077 Online items available Register of the Jay Lovestone papers Finding aid prepared by Grace M. Hawes and Hoover Institution Library and Archives Staff Hoover Institution Library and Archives © 2008 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA 94305-6003 [email protected] URL: http://www.hoover.org/library-and-archives Register of the Jay Lovestone 75091 1 papers Title: Jay Lovestone papers Date (inclusive): 1904-1989 Collection Number: 75091 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Library and Archives Language of Material: English Physical Description: 896 manuscript boxes, 4 oversize boxes, 49 envelopes, 3 sound tape reels, 1 framed map(364.2 Linear Feet) Abstract: Correspondence, reports, memoranda, bulletins, clippings, serial issues, pamphlets, other printed matter, photographs, and sound recordings relating to the Communist International, the communist movement in the United States and elsewhere, communist influence in American and foreign trade unions, and organized labor movements in the United States and abroad. Digital copies of select records also available at https://digitalcollections.hoover.org. Creator: Lovestone, Jay Hoover Institution Library & Archives Access The collection is open for research; materials must be requested at least two business days in advance of intended use. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Library & Archives. Acquisition Information Materials were acquired by the Hoover Institution Library & Archives in 1975. Preferred Citation [Identification of item], Jay Lovestone papers, [Box no., Folder no. or title], Hoover Institution Library & Archives. Location of Original Materials Digital copies of select records also available at https://digitalcollections.hoover.org. 1907 or Moved to the United States 1908 1913-1915 In his early teens, became interested in the DeLeonite Socialist Labor Party and shortly thereafter joined the Socialist Party. -
Verzeichnis Der Briefe
Verzeichnis der Briefe Nr. Datum Adressat/Dokument 1 1.10.1953 Staatssekretär a. D. Dr. Otto Lenz, Bonn 2 2.10.1953 Vorsitzender der SPD, Erich Ollenhauer, Bonn 3 5.10.1953 Bundesminister der Justiz, Dr. Thomas Dehler, Bonn 4 6.10.1953 Rechtsanwalt Kurt Georg Kiesinger, Bonn 5 6.10.1953 Vorsitzender des Sachverständigen- Ausschusses für die Neugliederung des Bundesgebietes, Reichskanzler a. D. Dr. Hans Luther, Bonn 6 13.10.1953 Bundestagsabgeordneter Dr. Heinrich von Brentano, Bonn 7 18.10.1953 Bayerischer Ministerpräsident und Vorsitzender der CSU, Dr. Hans Ehard, München 8 18.10.1953 Stellvertretender Landesvorsitzender der CSU, Franz Josef Strauß, Bonn 9 19.10.1953 Bundesminister für besondere Aufgaben, Waldemar Kraft, Bonn 10 19.10.1953 Bundesminister für Verkehr, Dr. Hans-Christoph Seebohm, Bonn 11 20.10.1953 Bayerischer Ministerpräsident, Dr. Hans Ehard, München 12 20./21.10. Bundestagsabgeordneter Dr. Heinrich 1953 von Brentano, Bonn 13 21.10.1953 Bundesminister der Finanzen, Fritz Schäffer, Bonn 14 26.10.1953 Bundesminister a. D. Dr. Thomas Dehler, Bonn 15 29.10.1953 Bundesminister für Verkehr, Dr. Hans-Christoph Seebohm, Bonn 16 30.10.1953 Regierungsbaurat a. D. Dr. Friedrich Spennrath, Berlin-Dahlem 17 3.11.1953 Präsident des Bundesverfassungsgerichts, Professor Dr. Hermann Höpker Aschoff, Heidelberg 18 3.11.1953 Bundesminister der Finanzen, Fritz Schäffer, Bonn 19 3.11.1953 Bundesminister für Arbeit, Anton Storch, Bonn 20 4.11.1953 Bundestagsabgeordneter Dr. Linus Kather, Bonn 21 8.11.1953 Nordrhein-westfälischer Innenminister, Dr. Franz Meyers, Düsseldorf 22 9.11.1953 Professor Dr. Ferdinand Friedensburg, Berlin-Dahlem 23 9.11.1953 Teilnehmer der Kabinettssitzung vom 4.11.1953 24 9.11.1953 Baden-württembergischer Landtagsab- geordneter, Josef Vogt, Stuttgart 25 10.11.1953 Dr. -
The Resurgence and Decline of the Social Democratic Party in the Berlin Republic (1990–2020)
1 The Resurgence and Decline of the Social Democratic Party in the Berlin Republic (1990–2020) Abstract: The “misery of Social Democracy” has causes that go back further than reunification and even beyond. In historical retrospect, the SPD has already experienced its rise and fall in the Bonn Republic, which will be briefly recalled here. The history of Social Democrats in the Bonn Republic represents the backdrop against which the resurgence of the SPD took place in the first decade after reunification, culminating in the “red-green project” and the adoption of “Agenda 2010”, the hotly contested political program to renew the welfare state. The new decline of the SPD from 2003 to the present has many causes, most of them unconnected to reunification. The explanations offered by the literature on the decline of Social Democracy can be sorted into five approaches: materialist, ideational, electoral, institutional, and personal (biographical). Particular attention will be paid to the extent to which each approach considers the decline of Social Democracy fateful and irreversible. The article concludes with an outlook on the 2021 Bundestag election. Key Words: Agenda 2010, Bundestag Elections, Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU), Explanatory Approaches for the Decline of Social Democracy, Grand Coalition, Hartz Reforms, Party Membership, Red-Green Coalition, Gerhard Schröder, Social Democracy, Social Democrats (SPD), “Volkspartei” Winand Gellner's and John Robertson's (2003: 2) conclusion from the previous volume that even after a decade of reunification, “the real costs” of this successful political transformation would not be foreseeable for years to come, could be described as almost clairvoyant with regard to the fate of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) as well as the development of Germany’s party system. -
Anti-Communism in the Federal Republic of Germany
ANTI-COMMUNISM IN THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY William D. Graf Anti-communism is the most powerful political force in the world. Endowed with an imposing ideology, and a set of vivid images and sacred dogmas, it commands the psychic and material resources of the most potent industrial-military arsenal in the history of mankind. Its forces are deployed on every continent, its influence is felt in every major region, and it is capable of acts which-when ascribed to the communists -are considered violent and venal. Our fear that communism might someday take over most of the world blinds us to the fact that anti-communism already has. -Michael parenti' The Communists at least talk about the problems. We too often just talk about the Communists. -Richard ~ixon' It is scarcely an exaggeration to state that the ideological foundation of the West German partial state has been, and is anti-communism. Although anti-communism in the FRG performs substantially the same social functions as it does in advanced capitalist countries elsewhere-ersatz ideology, social discipline, rationale for class domination-the special conditions prevailing there since 1945 have formed and developed it in specific, distinguishable ways. And like the other elements of class domina- tion, it is dynamic, evolving and hence constantly being reproduced and transformed. It is these special conditions and this dynamic quality (which for now might be summed up as the post-fascist society, the country's position as 'front line' in the Cold War, the 'internalization' of class conflict and the 'successful' capitalist political economy) that lend West German anti-communism its peculiar shape and substance. -
• Thomas Scheffler Die SPD Und Der Algerienkrieg Arbeitshefte 7
Forschungsschwerpunkt Moderner Orient Förderungsgesellschaft Wissenschaftliche Neuvorhaben mbH • Thomas Scheffler Die SPD und der Algerienkrieg (1954-1962) Arbeitshefte 7 Q Verlag Das Arabische Buch Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaurnahme Schefner, Thomas: Die SPD und der Algerienkrieg (1954 -1962) Thomas Scheffler. - Berlin: Verl. Das Arabische Buch, 1995 (Arbeitshefte / Forschungsschwerpunkt Moderner Orient, Förderungsgesellschaft Wissenschaftliche Neuvorhaben mbH; Nr. 7) ISBN 3-86093-074-5 NE: Förderungsgesellschaft Wissenschaftliche Neuvorhaben <München> / Forschungsschwerpunkt Moderner Orient: Arbeitshefte Forschungsschwerpunkt Moderner Orient Förderungsgesellschaft Wissenschaftliche Neuvorhaben mbH Kommissarischer Leiter: Prof. Dr. Peter Heine Prenzlauer Promenade 149-152 13189 Berlin Tel. 030 I 4797319 ISBN 3-86093-074-5 ARBEITS HEFTE Bestellungen: Das Arabische Buch Horstweg 2 14059 Berlin Tel. 030 I 3228523 Redaktion und Satz: Margret Liepach, Helga Ileher Druck: Druckerei Weinert, Berlin Printed in Germany 1995 Inhalt Verzeichnis der wichtigsten Abkürzungen 5 Vorbemerkung 9 Einleitung 10 Der Algerienkrieg als historische Zäsur 10 Sozialdemokratische Algeriensolidarität - ein Projekt von Außenseitern? 13 "Internationale Solidarität" und Antikolonialismus in der Geschichte der deutschen Sozialdemokratie 17 "Geschichtslose Völker" und internationale Solidarität 19 Das "Erwachen Asiens" und die bolschewistische Herausforderung 20 Antikolonialismus im Zeichen des Kalten Krieges: die SPD nach 1945 23 Nationale Unabhängigkeit