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2007 Childhood among the Etruscans: Mortuary Programs at as Indicators of the Transition to Adult Status Marshall Joseph Becker West Chester University of Pennsylvania, [email protected]

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Recommended Citation Becker, M. J. (2007). Childhood among the Etruscans: Mortuary Programs at Tarquinia as Indicators of the Transition to Adult Status. , 281-292. Retrieved from http://digitalcommons.wcupa.edu/anthrosoc_facpub/16

This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Sciences at Digital Commons @ West Chester University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Anthropology & Sociology by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ West Chester University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Hesperia Supplement 41

CONSTRUCTIONS OF CHILDHOOD IN ancient and

edited by Ada Cohen and Jeremy B. Rutter

This article is © The American School of Classical Studies at Athens. This offprint is supplied for personal, non-commercial use only.

The American School of Classical Studies at Athens 2007 In memory of Paul Rehak

Copyright © 2007 The American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Princeton, New Jersey

All rights reserved.

Cover illustration: Roman portrait head of a young boy, marble, ca. 20 b.c.– a.d. 60, Hood Museum of Art, Dartmouth College, Hanover, New Hamp- shire, S.965.90.14, gift of Mrs. William Dexter. Photo by Jeffrey Nintzel

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Constructions of childhood in and Italy / edited by Ada Cohen and Jeremy B. Rutter. p. cm. — (Hesperia supplement ; 41) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-87661-541-6 (alk. paper) 1. Children—Mediterranean Region—History—to 1500. I. Cohen, Ada. II. Rutter, Jeremy B. DE61.C4C66 2007 305.23o938—dc22 2007027062 Contents

List of Illustrations ix List of Tables xvii Preface by Jeremy B. Rutter xix Acknowledgments xxv

Introduction: Childhood between Past and Present by Ada Cohen 1

Part I: Families Chapter 1 The Parental Ethos of the Iliad by Louise Pratt 25 Chapter 2 Children in Classical Attic Votive Reliefs by Carol L. Lawton 41 Chapter 3 The Power of Parenthood in Official by Jeannine Diddle Uzzi 61

Part II: Socialization and Enculturation Chapter 4 Behaving Like a Child: Immature Gestures in Athenian Vase Painting by Timothy J. McNiven 85 Chapter 5 Paideia’s Children: Childhood Education on a Group of Late Antique by Constantin A. Marinescu, Sarah E. Cox, and Rudolf Wachter 101 iv content s

Chapter 6 Educating Paula: A Proposed Curriculum for Raising a 4th-Century Christian Infant by Phyllis B. Katz 115

Part III: Rituals and Life Transitions Chapter 7 Children at Risk: Votive Terracottas and the Welfare of Infants at by Rebecca Miller Ammerman 131 Chapter 8 Komos Growing Up among and Children by Amy C. Smith 153 Chapter 9 The Awkward Age: Art and Maturation in Early Greece by Susan Langdon 173 Chapter 10 Age and Innocence: Female Transitions to Adulthood in Late Antiquity by Lisa A. Alberici and Mary Harlow 193 Chapter 11 Children’s Work: Girls as Acolytes in Aegean Ritual and Cult by Paul Rehak 205

Part IV: Gender and Representation Chapter 12 Boys Will Be Boys: Youth and Gender Identity in the Theran Frescoes by Anne P. Chapin 229 Chapter 13 Gendering the Age Gap: Boys, Girls, and Abduction in by Ada Cohen 257

Part V: BURIAL Chapter 14 Childhood among the Etruscans: Mortuary Programs at Tarquinia as Indicators of the Transition to Adult Status by Marshall Joseph Becker 281 content s 

Chapter 15 Notions of Childhood in the Classical Polis: Evidence from the Bioarchaeological Record by Anna Lagia 293

Part VI: Commemoration Chapter 16 Forever Young: An Investigation of the Depictions of Children on Classical Attic Funerary Monuments by Janet Burnett Grossman 309 Chapter 17 Constructing Childhood on Roman Funerary Memorials by Janet Huskinson 323 Chapter 18 Racing with Death: Circus Sarcophagi and the Commemoration of Children in Roman Italy by Eve D’Ambra 339 Chapter 19 and the Lizard: Children, Animals, and Roman Funerary Sculpture by Jean Sorabella 353

Part VII: Childhood and the Classical Tradition Chapter 20 Children as Poets—Poets as Children? Romantic Constructions of Childhood and Hellenistic Poetry by Annemarie Ambühl 373

References 385 Index 413 chapter 14

Childhood among the Etruscans: Mortuary Programs at Tarquinia as Indicators of the Transition to Adult Status

by Marshall Joseph Becker

“Where have all the children gone?” This question has commonly emerged during the analysis of human skeletal populations in as well as at many archaeological sites throughout the world.1 Perinatal and young children’s remains often are absent from among the recovered skeletons. Lawrence Angel, as well as some recent scholars, believes that these fragile bones simply decayed past recognition or were lost as a result of imperfect skeletal recovery techniques. In much of Italy, however, the small bones of perinatals are not less well preserved than those of adults and are as likely to survive as any others. The absence of perinatal remains in a cemetery often reflects the use of separate burial locations for the bodies of “people” at this stage of life.2 In , and other culture areas, the bodies of peri- natals, infants, and even children up to the age of five may be interred in contexts that are removed from the formal cemeteries used for “adults,” or individuals who have passed to the next stage of life.3 Evaluations of perinatal skeletons are essential to the discussion of “infant” mortality rates. The absence of infant remains from a cemetery

1. This contribution derives from John K. Papadopoulos, Susan Rotroff, Jackes 1993; Herring, Saunders, a paper presented at the Dartmouth and Ann M. E. Haentjens, as well as and Boyce 1991, p. 60. See also College symposium “Constructions several helpful colleagues who provided Bourbou’s brief review (2000, p. 187), of Childhood in the Ancient World” me with reprints and assisted me in which addresses poor skeletal survival (Hood Museum, November 6–8, 2003). processing these data, including A. B. in regions of acid soils, a factor that My sincere thanks go to Ada Cohen Chiarelli (Florence) and, in Cremona, rarely applies in areas of limestone-rich and Jeremy Rutter for the opportunity Marina Voluntè and Daniele Generali geology such as are found in most of to contribute to that program and for and his associates. I would also like to Italy. Bourbou also notes the sugges- their outstanding editorial efforts. thank the directors of the F. W. Gillon tion made by Lucy (1994) and Evison Special thanks go to Maria Cataldi and Foundation for their contributions to (1987, p. 146) that if infants are buried Gabriella Barbieri for their continued this effort, as well as Donald White in shallow graves they are more likely concern with the recovery and evalu- and Jeremy Sabloff of the University to be damaged by subsequent plowing, ation of human skeletal remains from Museum of the University of Penn- a taphonomic process that applies in their many excavations, and to Philip sylvania. The author’s final season some cases. Ethnographic or other evi- Perkins (Open University) for his many of research at Tarquinia was entirely dence for such shallow graves, however, helpful suggestions. I also wish to funded by a generous grant from the is wanting. thank Jean M. Turfa, R. Ross Hol- National Geographic Society (5326- 2. Angel 1969, 1971; Bello 2004. loway, Pedar W. Foss, Helle Horsnaes, 94). 3. Becker 1995a. 282 marshall joseph becker population produces a common distortion in the expected percentages of age groups, a skewing often called “the osteometric paradox.” Biological studies of nonindustrial societies reveal normal infant mortality rates of 50 percent or greater, with perinatal mortality accounting for most of these figures. The last months of a pregnancy, the process of parturition, and various stresses during the months after birth provide a frightening trio of challenges that lead to what is commonly called “infant mortality.” For clarity in the use of terms, “perinatal” deaths (perinatal mortality) will include all aborted or stillborn children from the third trimester of pregnancy to those who survive through the first month (28 days) after a live birth. The designation of “infant mortality” will be used only for those deaths that take place from age 29 days to one year. Perinatal and infant mortality are usually combined, and sometimes include children who die at the age of weaning,4 under the term “child mortality.” Expected child mortality rates of 50 percent or greater are considerably higher than those generally estimated by historians.5 High rates of infant mortality can be inferred without elaborate studies, based solely on what is known of pres- ent third world nations. “Life expectancy” is the average age of all the people who are born into the society. Since high infant mortality significantly lowers the av- erage, what we call life expectancy strongly reflects perinatal and child mortality rates. A low life expectancy indicates a high death rate among children. Life expectancy also varies depending on whether an infant is calculated as a live birth if it survives for only a few hours or days after birth. Thus various definitions of when life begins impact calculated life expectancy. In premodern or traditional societies a person surviving to age twenty-five can be expected to live to age sixty-five to seventy-five or longer with nearly the same probability as people in modern societies. Data on the people in ancient Tarquinia and elsewhere who can be docu- mented to have lived longer than seventy-five years, and some as many as ninety or more, reflect the potential of survival and are important to our general understanding of population dynamics. Yet studies of infants may be much more revealing of archaeological populations that we find—or do not find—in cemeteries. Reports of finds of perinatal burials may be absent from the archaeological literature because of the limited attention previously directed to this subject, or alternatively because there genuinely are no burials of children to report. With all the above considerations in mind, archaeologists working in Etruria should indeed wonder, “Where have all the children gone?” 4. For data on “child mortality,” see Moggi-Cecchi, Pacciani, and Pinto Cisternas 1994; Herring, Saunders, Ethnographic Data: Ancient and and Boyce 1991, p. 54; Katzenberg, Recent Texts Herring, and Saunders 1996; Herring, Saunders, and Katzenberg 1998; Becker Perinatal mortality rates are so high in preindustrial societies that disposal of 2006a. 5. E.g., Russell 1958, p. 25; Durand the tiny bodies is a significant task for the poor. Finding even a simple place 1960, pp. 371–372. to bury, or dispose of, a small corpse can be a serious concern. Placement 6. Angel 1945, pp. 311–312, fig. 12; in construction fills, abandoned wells,6 and other non-cemetery locations Little 1999. childhood among the etruscans 283

often resolved the problem in antiquity, as in colonial America7 and even in many parts of the modern world. The disposal of these great numbers of stillborns, plus infants who died soon after birth, forms a principal “birthing” role for the male members of the society.8 Despite the considerable numbers of small bodies involved, only recently have scholars in the Mediterranean area become interested in this basic aspect of mortuary behavior.9 Information on perinatal mortality rates rarely appears in the ancient texts. David Miles’s study of high infant mortality rates in antiquity quotes the two most frequently noted comments on the subject from ancient Greece.10 The earlier is Aristotle’s observation (Hist. an. 588a 8–10) that for infants in Athens in the 4th century b.c., “Most are carried off before the seventh day; that is why they give the child its name then, as by that time they have more confidence in its survival.” Hundreds of years later the Greek moralist (ca. 46–ca. 120) observed (Num. 12. 2) that there was no formal mourning for children who die under three years, an age probably relating to the weaning process. Miles notes that later in antiquity, perhaps by the 4th century, this ancient “cut-off ” age had been changed to one year, suggesting that the age of weaning may have changed or that survival rates may have improved. The rich collection of surviving Roman documents relating to the Ro- man child generally pertains to those between the ages of five and fifteen. The fetal stage of development is rarely noted, and then only in relationship to matters of abortion. Newborn children in commonly are noted as having been subject to sale or fatal exposure, but their status was subject to the laws that covered these matters.11 By the 3rd century deliberate ex- posure of newborns had become a crime in Rome.12 An excellent review of what is known about the Roman birthing process is provided by Beryl Rawson. Of particular interest to this study of infant mortality rates is the ritual of lustratio that took place 8 (for a girl) and 9 (for a boy) days after birth. The difference of a single day may reflect a Roman awareness of the greater biological fragility of males. The lustratio ritual involved conferring a name on the child after which, as Rawson notes, “the infants ‘existed’ in a formal sense.”13 The ethnographic literature, most of which was gathered prior to the emergence of interest in the lives of women and children in traditional 7. Burnston 1982. societies, includes only a few brief observations on the customs involved 8. Hanson 1994. in disposing of the bodies of children who die at birth, or before the age 9. Becker 1983; Bassett 1995. of weaning. Data from living cultures provide important insights into 10. Miles 1986; Hooper 1975. ancient behaviors and beliefs. One of the more extensively documented 11. Rawson 1991c, p. 4; Rawson ethnographic accounts relating to perinatal mortuary activities derives 1991b, pp. 9–10. 14 12. Eyben 1991, p. 123. from modern India. In the early 20th century in the area of Dacca, now 13. Rawson 1991b, pp. 11–14. Pakistan, the differential disposal of “babies and little children” had been 14. N. Kelly 1975. recorded.15 Hooper’s study, using data from a historical context, employs 15. Godden and Godden 1966, the London Bills of Mortality for 1762–1771 as a direct piece of evidence pp. 149–151. for mortality patterns.16 These data indicate that in the urban environment 16. Hooper 1975, p. 375, who derives his data from Still 1931. of London some 50 percent of all live births died by the age of two; by the 17 17. Steel 1988, pp. 150–155; Rous- age of five this had grown to 67 percent. A complete skeletal record for seau 1762, vol. 2, p. 189. any city, town, or other community would include very large numbers of 284 marshall joseph becker perinatals, so that the total subadult population (16.5 years and younger) would exceed 50 percent of the total. What is commonly described as a “normal” or expected cemetery population lacks most if not all of the remains of perinatals.18 The question “Where have all the children gone?” thus becomes a matter relevant to all cemetery sites, not just the many associated with ancient Tarquinia. In a personal communication, Philip Perkins suggested that this question might be asked in a different way, namely, “What does one have to do, or to be, in order to be buried in a cemetery?” Posing the question in this way not only helps us understand why perinatals may not appear at expected rates in a cemetery, but also provides for a broader archaeological concern involving outcasts and other persons excluded from a community and how they may be buried.

Archaeological Evidence for High Infant Mortality and Separate Burial Areas

High rates of child mortality were noted as a factor in the archaeological interpretation of cemeteries more than three decades ago.19 These rates, however, continue to be overlooked in discussions of cemetery populations and child burials. Failure to recover every scrap of bone, any of which might provide vital evidence regarding an individual, may allow the pres- ence of perinatals and other interesting cultural information to be missed. Complete absence of the remains of infants and children from a skeletal collection often is ignored by archaeologists who may assume that their small skeletons will not or cannot be found. This approach confounds any attempt to reconstruct the age structure of that population.20 Richard Reece’s expressions of concern for the integration of all the data recovered in cemetery excavations commonly are ignored.21 Today, the publication of a cemetery’s excavation without reference to the skeletal material, or what I call the “boneless cemetery,” reflects a dated approach to archaeology. Only the recovery and evaluation of all skeletal fragments and the integration of these data with the archaeological record can provide confirmation of the many hypotheses offered by the excavators in matters relating to hu- man biology. Archaeologists involved in the excavation of human skeletal remains from any site should consider documentation of culture-specific mortuary patterns rather than borrowing data or models from other areas. Special attention needs to be directed toward locating the bones of sub- adults, here defined as persons up to 16.5 years of age. Children’s roles in every society vary with age, but few skeletal studies are oriented toward eliciting cultural information from the biological evidence derived from 18. Boric and Stefanovic 2004; living populations. Murail et al. 2004; Liston and Papado- In the reconstruction of an ancient society, archaeological finds of poulos 2004. clusters of perinatal burials rarely have been contextualized using basic 19. Angel 1971, p. 93. information on expected morbidity patterns. Published reports lacking 20. Konigsberg and Frankenberg 1992. specific analysis of skeletal materials from any cemetery render difficult 21. Reece 1995, 2001. an evaluation of what authors mean when they identify the remains 22. Eyben 1991, p. 123; Dixon of “children.”22 Finds of specialized cemeteries, including Phoenician 1992, pp. 101–102. childhood among the etruscans 285

tophets, often are interpreted as evidence for infanticide.23 Gowland and Chamberlain addressed this question by reassessing the data relating to 396 perinatal burials from 19 Romano-British sites, using modern evalu- ative techniques.24 Finding that the age distributions for these children are similar to natural mortality profiles, they conclude that these deaths cannot be attributed to anything but natural causes. The specific context reviewed by Gowland and Chamberlain, as it relates to child morbidity patterns, is important in addressing any example of ancient demography, particularly those that relate to finds of clustered infant burials. Myths relating to the supposedly extensive practice of infanticide, in ancient Greece as well as in , are continually discussed using only texts as sources of evidence. The archaeological evidence, in the form of skeletal remains, points to a very different, but less dramatic, interpretation of the data.25 The perinatals in specialized cemeteries died from normal causes or from diseases that were extremely common, and which remain so in parts of the modern world. These separate cemeteries are a function of cultural rules regarding the burial of perinatals and should not be interpreted as evidence for infant sacrifice.26 These pieces of direct evidence suggest that historians and others studying the social histories of Rome and Etruria might wish to consider how the available biological evidence relates to their interpreta- tions of the written records.

Tarquinia and Children’s Burials

Study of the skeletal material recovered from several major cemetery areas of Tarquinia (Fig. 14.1) provides a significant database from a major South Etruscan city.27 In addition to 62 individuals identified from early excava- tions, over 200 individuals have been identified from recent excavation of 77 tombs of all sizes. Two points of interest emerge from the data from Tarquinia. First, perinatals are not represented at all. Second, subadults (children 5.5 to 16.5 years of age) are represented in normal numbers as an expected percentage of the total population. These percentages for subadults apply equally to cremations as well as to inhumations, with only 4 of the 23 cremations excavated at Tarquinia after 1981 (17 percent of the total) being subadults. These 4 cluster between 13 and 16 years of age. These observations regarding a largely ignored part of daily life among the Etruscans help us formulate questions about boundaries and tradi- tions that require new considerations in conducting excavations in this and other parts of Italy.

23. The best-known specialized used for sacrificial victims. Boric and Kinnes, and Randsborg 1981. cemeteries for perinatals are the Stefanovic 2004, in their study of sub- 25. Becker 1995b; K. Hopkins tophets used by Carthaginians. Tophets floor perinatal burials at Mesolithic and 1966. generally have been interpreted as Neolithic sites, also reject the idea that 26. Engels 1980; Pomeroy 1997, burial areas for sacrificed infants (e.g., these were the result of infant sacrifice p. 79; Haentjens 2000. S. Brown 1991), following Roman (see Becker 1996). 27. Mallegni, Fornaciari, and Tara- claims regarding Carthaginian barbari- 24. Gowland and Chamberlain bella 1980; Becker 1990, 1993, 2002, ties. I have suggested that tophets were 2002; Orton and Hodson 1981; 2005a. simply cemeteries for perinatals and not selected contributions in Chapman, 286 marshall joseph becker

Florence

Lake Trasimeno

Lake E

A C F Rome B D

Figure 14.1. Map of central Italy: (A) Cazzanello; (B) Ficana (on Monte Cugno); (C) Narce; (D) Osteria del’Osa (ancient Gabii); (E) Poggio 0 50 200 Gramignano; (F) Tarquinia. Drawing kms R. J. Robertson

Despite the high rate of infant mortality in preindustrial societies, rela- tively few subadults die between the ages of weaning and 16.5 years (ca. 10 to 15 percent of the total population). Generally the age group from 5.5 to 16.5 years is well represented in cemeteries, as is the case at Tarquinia and at other Etruscan sites for which we have data. Of a total of 62 individu- als from excavations at Tarquinia dating from before 1981, 6 (9.7 percent) were found to be subadults between the ages of 11.5 (the youngest) and 16.5 years (Table 14.1).28 In a second sample (Table 14.2), three times as large (198 individuals), studied in a later program of skeletal research, a total of 19 subadults (ages 5.5–16.5) were identified (9.6 percent), a figure in remarkably close agreement with the earlier study. Similar percentages are found in the Hellenistic sample from (Table 14.3), another South Etruscan site. At Blera the 7 children between 5.4 and 16.5 years of age form 16 percent of the available population and so are within the range of expected mortality figures for this age group.29 These mortality rates for children ca. 5.0 to 16.5 years of age are similar to those inferred from the Isola Sacra (Rome) cemetery populations of Roman imperial date.30 At Blera, as at Tarquinia, no children under the age of five were interred in the “adult” cemetery.

28. The early literature relating to 1980). The two burials identified in ally is older than 16.5 years, this would analyses of human skeletal remains Table 14.1 only as “juveniles” are both lower the percentage to near 12 percent recovered from Tarquinia covers tomb cremations. Sex was not evaluated for (Becker 2004). numbers up to and including T 6101 these subadults. 30. Calza 1940, pp. 268–269. (Mallegni, Fornaciari, and Tarabella 29. If the individual in Tomb 7 actu- childhood among the etruscans 287

Table 14.1. Children 16.5 Years and Younger from Tombs at Tarquinia Identified from Excavations Prior to 1981 (N = 6)

Tomb No. Age Cremation/Inhumation

3855 13 I 5070E Juv. C 5511D 16 I 5672A 16.5 I 5859C 11.5 I 6020A Juv. C

Table 14.2. Children 16.5 Years and Younger from Tombs at Tarquinia Excavated between 1982 and 1995 (N = 19)

Tomb No. Age Sex Cremation/Inhumation

6179B 11 F I 6191 10 F? C 6192 Subad. (12–15 years?) ? I 6203 16? M? C 6204 Adol. M? C 6205 13 M? C 6225B 14.5 F? I 6251 16? F? I 6254G 8 ? I 6255B 12 ? I 6262C 15 M? I 6264H 10 ? I 6268D 15 ? I 6272E 15.5 F I 6276D2 11 ? I 6316B 8 ? I 6330A 9 ? I 6330D 5.5 F? I 6355 Child? I

Intensive studies of the bones from newly discovered chamber tombs at Tarquinia that all date from after the 6th century b.c. produced notable results.31 The complete absence of skeletal remains of children below the age of 5.5 years indicates that the Tarquinians, and perhaps all South Etruscans, treated children and infants under the age of 5.5 years in the same way that they treated stillborn perinatals. Of note are findings that the population age 5.5 to 16.5 years has a normal (expected) distribution. In cases such as Tarquinia where we lack direct archaeological evidence for high infant mortality rates, what can archaeologists do to estimate such rates? Consideration of cases where we do have direct skeletal evidence for 31. Becker 2002. high infant mortality rates is a first step. 288 marshall joseph becker table 14.3. Children 16.5 Years and Younger Identified in Five Hellenistic Tombs at the Casacce Necropolis at Blera ( ) Excavated by G. Barbieri

Tomb No. of People Adults Children Locus of Child Age of Child Sex of Child

1 13 13 0 - - - 3 11 8 3 2 7.5 ? 4 5.6 F 10 5.4 M 4 11 8 3 9 15 F 10B 8 ? 14 7.5 F? 7 8 7 1 4 15? ? 9 2 2 0 - - -

N = 5 N = 45 N = 38 N = 7 Range: F = 3, (84%) (16%) 5.4–15 M = 1, ? = 3

Skeletal populations recovered from the extensive Etruscan-period cemeteries that are the usual focus of excavations in this region uniformly lack any evidence for the remains of perinatals, infants, and younger chil- dren. Two “children” reported from the 19th-century excavations at an adult cemetery near Tarquinia both date from the Villanovan period and their ages have not been verified.32 The evidence for children’s burials in Etruria during the Villanovan period (Prima Età del Ferro or ca. 900–800 b.c.) and immediately thereafter remains poor. Bartoloni discusses child burials of the Villanovan period, commonly inhumed within amphoras, but without citing specific examples.33 The use of amphoras for the interment of peri- natals and small children provides archaeologists with an easily identifiable context from which tiny skeletons may be recovered.34 Extensive as well as careful excavations in settlement areas of the Archaic period in central Italy have yielded numbers of infant burials from the vicinity of houses. Prayon’s study of early Etruscan grave and house architecture provides considerable evidence for the burial of perinatals within residential areas.35 32. Dasti 1877, pp. 56–57; Hencken Extensive recent excavations within the actual ancient city of Tarquinia 1968, pp. 159–160, 307, 431, fig.146:a–n. 36 have been conducted under the direction of Maria Bonghi Jovino. The 33. Bartoloni 1989, p. 31. discovery of several neonates and young children interred in rude graves 34. E.g., D. Ridgway 1992, p. 117. within the walled area of Tarquinia (Fig. 14.2) provides evidence for early 35. Prayon 1975, esp. pp. 149–181; mortuary practices at the site.37 All of these date from before the 6th Jarva 1981a, 1981b; Becker 1996. century b.c.38 This evidence suggests that up to the early 7th century, sug- 36. Bonghi Jovino 1987; Chiara- monte Treré 1999, p. ix. grundaria burial, or the inhumation of perinatals “beneath the eaves” of 37. Colonna 1987, p. 156. These the house, was the norm at Tarquinia as well as at Ficana, while children subfloor, or intramural, burials of of 5.5 years and older were buried in “adult” cemeteries.39 Special, separate children within the ancient city of cemeteries for perinatals developed at Tarquinia after the 7th century b.c. Tarquinia may represent the presence with the rise of the . Is the perinatal mortuary pattern at of proto-Romans, not simply Roman influence. Tarquinia similar to that known from Rome and Latium in general, or do 38. Chiaramonte Treré 1987, 1995, specialized perinatal cemeteries in southern Etruria predate the period of 1999; Bonghi Jovino and Chiaramonte Roman domination as part of a long tradition that continues into the early Treré 1987. Christian era and beyond? 39. Becker 1996. childhood among the etruscans 289

S

Q A H Figure 14.2. Schematic diagram R E locating the children’s burials found B D in the excavations in the urban area G of ancient Tarquinia, with letter C designations after Chiaramonte T F Treré (1987, Pl. XXX). All appear to predate the 7th century. Squares represent neonates. Ages for the oth- ers have not been determined, except 0 5 meters for “C,” a child 7 to 8 years of age. Drawing R. J. Robertson

Cultural rules regarding the separate interment of perinatals and infants might be expected to include a few individual or special exceptions in any society. The unfortunate death of the mother, from childbed fever or other causes, at about the same time as the newborn, for example, might result in both mother and child being consigned to a common grave, unless a strong 40. Smithson (1968, p. 81, n. 18) cultural rule expressly forbade this type of interment. The death of a woman notes that Angel reviewed the cremated before the delivery of her child or in the process of childbirth might leave remains from the upscale tomb of an the bones of the unborn child within those of the mother, as is reported in Athenian woman in September 1967 a Greek example recently published by Liston and Papadopoulos.40 and declared them to derive from a woman ca. 30 years of age (range 24–40 Data on selective placement of the dead by age or sex help clarify years). Angel carefully noted that there problems relating to the age structure of a population. There are a number was no trace of a human infant or fetus of challenges that distort our ability to use the dead to reconstruct the lives but that a few animal bones were pres- of the living population. These include mortuary customs that distort the ent. Recent examination of these same skeletal record, such as cremation and selective cremation, and intracultural remains, said to have been cremated at the gravesite ca. 850 b.c. (Geometric differentials in mortuary customs for perinatals or other members of the period), suggest that a perinatal skel- society, such as women who died in childbirth. In combination with social eton is present: Liston and Papadopou- class differences in the use of burial containers, or placement within large los (2004) suggest that the woman was tombs as distinct from rude graves, these cultural rules create difficulties probably pregnant, rather than dying in understanding population dynamics. after giving birth, based on the condi- The complete absence to date of any example of the burial of a mother tion of the child’s burned bones. 41. Noted in Becker 1986. Stud- with an infant or perinatal at Tarquinia leads me to suggest that a separate ies of women from Tarquinian tombs cemetery may exist for women who died in childbirth, distinct from the are reviewed in Becker 2005b, 2006b; cemetery predicted for children under 5.5 years of age. We simply do not Vargiu and Becker 2005. know why no examples of mother plus infant burials have been found, but 42. Soren 1999; Soren, Fenton, and an example of a cemetery for young adult women only has been identified Birkby 1995; Becker 2005a. The lack 41 of data from the five centuries between at Late Roman Anemur in Turkey. The possibility of a separate cemetery the later phases of occupation at Tar- for women who died in childbirth could explain why the numbers of adult quinia and the two perinatal cemeteries women from the tombs at Tarquinia are far lower than the numbers of now identified provide a gap that is adult males. expected to be filled by future excava- The identification and publication of two specialized infant cemeteries tions. Numbers of infant cemeteries in Etruria provide direct evidence for separate burial programs for children have been reported to me verbally, but 42 their publication remains a low priority below 5.5 years of age during the Late Roman period, suggesting cultural among archaeologists. continuities within the entire Etruscan realm. At Poggio Gramignano in 290 marshall joseph becker

8 1 3 9 10 2 11

4 1 3

2 12

0 5 10 meters

Figure 14.3. Cazzanello infant burial Lugano in Teverina, Soren, Fenton, and Birkby43 have identified 50 small area in the general area of the two children, including 44 perinatals, 5 infants aged from one to five months, cisterns. Burial numbers 1 through and one aged two to three years, probably a weanling death. A second 3 are repeated, but no burials were infant cemetery, at Cazzanello near Tarquinia, includes only 12 burials, 11 numbered 5 through 7. The pair of perinatals and one weanling (Fig. 14.3). The find of four “adults” in another cisterns, built onto the “east” apse of burial area at Cazzanello provides evidence for two separate burial locations the 4th-century a.d. bath, predate at this one site for population subgroups differentiated most obviously by the burials. Many of the bodies of the perinatals in this 6th–7th century age. The Cazzanello and Poggio Gramignano cases provide important a.d. infant cemetery were placed into evidence that in the South Etruscan region all children up to the age of old or broken transport amphoras for perhaps 5.4 years were interred in special cemeteries. Since perinatals, as burial. Drawing R. J. Robertson well as foreigners, are buried in specialized areas distinct from that used for the other residents of the community in modern Italian cemeteries, it is possible that this behavior represents a continuity in basic mortuary practice extending back in time for two millennia or more. 43. Soren, Fenton, and Birkby 1995. childhood among the etruscans 291

table 14.4. Children 16.5 Years and Younger from Graves at Pithekoussai

Children Ages 5.6 – 16.5 Children Ages 2.0 – 5.4 Tomb Cremation/ Cremation/ Number Age Sex Inhumation Age Sex Inhumation

4 5.8 M I 22 3.8 F? I 23 3.5 M? I 29 6.8 F I 53 4 F? I 78 10 M? I 93 10 ? C 140 8 ? C 168 14 M C 389 7 M? I 390 4 ? I 470 2 ? I 515 11 ? I 519 5.5 ? I 529 7.5 M I

N = 15 Range: F = 1 N = 10 Range: F = 2 N = 5 5.5–14 M = 5 C: 3 2.0–4.0 M = 1 C: 0 ? = 4 I: 7 ? = 2 I: 5

The two principal studies of skeletons from extensive excavations in cemeteries that have produced only the remains of adults and children above the age of weaning are of cemeteries from Etruscan Tarquinia and Punic Marsala.44 In both cases the absence of perinatals as well as children of less than 5.4 years of age provides indirect evidence for the existence of separate perinatal burial areas. The possibility that perinatal and infant skeletons, or parts thereof, were missed appears improbable. The ages of the youngest children found in these cemeteries is evidence for an age of transition to a new social status.

Discussion

Every culture has its own complex set of beliefs and rituals surrounding birth, often including specific treatment for stillbirths and those who die 44. See Vargiu and Becker 2005. soon after birth. The length of time that a surviving neonate remains in the 45. There are numerous indications perinatal category is a cultural belief that can be identified by archaeological that Etruscan perinatal cemeteries were located with an eye to nearby water research and subsequent skeletal analysis. Interesting cultural variations in sources, as distinct from the cemetery these beliefs may enable us to use archaeology to define cultural boundaries, areas used for all other members of or borders, as they existed in the past.45 the community. This placement differs Mortuary rituals at Tarquinia and in several other specific cultural considerably from that of the Archaic areas of Italy during the period from ca. 700 b.c. to the Late Roman period period Romans, who buried perina- tals outside their houses, beneath the (ca. a.d. 600) involved the disposal of bodies of infants and children who eaves, as suggrundaria, or sub-grundaria died before their second year of life, or before weaning. The negative (Becker 1996, 2005a). evidence from Tarquinia, in the form of absence of bones from the main 292 marshall joseph becker cemeteries from which we have nearly 300 people represented, suggests that children below the age of 5.5 years were buried elsewhere. The absence of children below the age of two years has also been reported at Pithekoussai, where the bones of 134 individuals have been identified (Table 14.4).46

Conclusions

Infant “cemeteries” at Tarquinia may be inferred from the evidence for separate burial areas for perinatals, such as those found elsewhere in Etruria, although at later periods. At Tarquinia the absence of remains represent- ing children below the age of 5.5 years from the principal cemeteries leads 46. The remains of these people are me to expect that separate means of disposal were used for the remains believed to represent Greek colonists, of children who died before reaching 5.5 years of age. As of this date we but other ethnic groups also may be have not located any infant cemeteries for ancient Tarquinia, suggesting present. A total of 134 people, from that they were located some distance from the principal burial areas used 127 tombs, were studied, with the age of 133 evaluated. All the bones recovered for older children and adults. and preserved from 113 cremations The burials now identified from tombs at Tarquinia indicate that ap- were studied. Twenty-one of the many proximately 10 percent of the population died between the ages of 5.5 and extremely fragmentary inhumations 16.5 years of age. This percentage is consistent with rates found elsewhere, recovered from this site were studied such as at Pithekoussai, as well as with our expectations of mortality profiles before the research program was can- from preindustrial societies. These percentages indicate that all children in celed. A total of 15 subadults (11 percent) were among the 133 people this age range known from cemeteries at ancient Tarquinia were afforded from the cemetery area for whom age a place of burial along with adults in this population. could be determined. This percentage of High infant mortality rates were normal in antiquity. Cultural rules the total population is within the normal that cluster perinatals and small children in specialized cemeteries should range, but as J. Rutter points out, the not be taken as indicators of human sacrifice or infanticide. Specialized fact that 12 (i.e., 7 plus 5 Is from Table 14.4) of the 21 inhumations were sub- infant cemeteries should be recognized as providing important insights adults is noteworthy. The distribution into each culture’s views of life and death. within the cemetery should be examined The evidence suggests that the use of special cemeteries for very young (see Ridgway 1992). Children as young children is a pre-Christian trait observable in Etruria by the 7th century as two years of age are represented. b.c., not one introduced to Italy as a Christian custom, as I once believed. Possibly children below two years of age Disposal of perinatals outside the traditional or principal cemeteries is were buried elsewhere, perhaps interred beneath house floors. Ten individuals, indicated for Tarquinia and other Etruscan cities. While this Etruscan or 7.5 percent of all the 133 evaluated pattern is known elsewhere in Italy, the Messapians included perinatals individuals in this sample, died between within their principal cemeteries. 5.6 and 16.5 years of age. references

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