Decomposing Partial Wh-Movement in Shona

Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Decomposing partial wh-movement in Shona

Jason Zentz Yale University

Queens College March 16, 2015

1 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Wh-questions

scopal thematic (1) What do Youyou think I found mywhat phone yesterday.?

The what is interpreted in two positions: ▶ It fulfills the thematic role of the “findee.” ▶ It takes scope over the whole sentence, turning it into a question.

2 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Wh-question formation strategies

(2) Full wh-movement in English What do you think [cp we found ]?

(3) Wh-in-situ in Mandarin Chinese Huǎngróng xiāngxìn [cp Guójìng mǎile shěnme]? Huangrong believe Guojing bought what ‘What does Huangrong believe that Guojing bought?’ (Cheng 2009: 770 (9))

(4) Right-peripheral wh-phrase in American Sign Language IX2 BUY YESTERDAY WHAT you buy yesterday what ‘What did you buy yesterday?’ (Abner 2011: 25 (5a))

3 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Wh-question formation strategies

(5) Wh-copying in Romani Kas o Demìri mislinola [cp kas i Arìfa dikhla ]? who the Demir think who the Arifa saw ‘Who(m) does Demir think Arifa saw?’ (McDaniel 1989: 569 n.5 (ii))

(6) Partial wh-movement in Singaporean Malay Kamu percaya [cp ke mana Mary pergi ]? you believe to where Mary go ‘Where do you believe Mary went?’ (Cole & Hermon 1998: 225 (3b))

4 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Main idea

Question: In a language that has several wh-question strategies, are they all derived in different ways, or can we reduce the number of independent mechanisms neededto explain them?

Claim: In Shona, a Bantu language spoken by about 14 million people in Zimbabwe and Mozambique, partial wh-movement is a composite of wh-in-situ and full wh-movement.

5 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Roadmap

Bantu wh-questions

Island effects as a diagnostic for movement

Island sensitivity in Shona

Composite derivation of Shona partial wh-movement

Conclusion

6 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Outline

Bantu wh-questions

Island effects as a diagnostic for movement

Island sensitivity in Shona

Composite derivation of Shona partial wh-movement

Conclusion

7 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

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Nyanja Makhuwa-Shirima Luvale Mbowe Mbunda Nsenga Mbunda Yao Nkoya Lenje Makhuwa Nyanja Luyana KaondeShona Nsenga Tsimihety Malagasy Nkumbi Luyana Nyungwe Soli KundaKunda Nyemba Simaa Ila Sala Dema Lomwe Oung Shona Phimbi English Mashi Ta w ara Kokola Nathembo Nyaneka Lozi Kunda Mashi To tel a MarenjeTa kw a ne KotiKoti Mbunda Nyungwe Zemba Nsenga Kokola Manyawa Makhuwa-Marrevone Mbukushu Malawi Sena To ng a Makhuwa-Moniga Oshiwambo Oung NyengoMbukushu Lolo Ndonga Oung Chuwabu Kwangali Kuhane Khwe Diriku FweKuhane Barwe Khwe Lozi To ng a Sakalava Malagasy Ndonga Kwambi Ndonga Yeyi Lozi Sena Zemba Mbukushu Kuhane Manyika Northern Betsimisaraka Malagasy Kwanyama Kwangali Nambya Shona Lozi Manyika Te w e Maindo Mbukushu Herero Diriku Gciriku Khwe Ani Plateau Malagasy Kung-Ekoka Haiom Juhoan Yeyi Zezuru Juhoan Ndebele Ts oa Ndebele Ndau Nambya Bara Malagasy Ndau Southern Betsimisaraka Malagasy Nama Herero Kxauein Shua Kalanga Kxauein Kalanga Ts w a Herero Venda Kung-Ekoka Gana Ts w an a Naro Naro Kua Afrikaans Gwi Birwa Masikoro Malagasy Bara Malagasy Ts oa Venda Ts w a Tswapong Afrikaans Tsonga Ts w an a Tsonga Ta no sy M al ag as y Kgalagadi Tsonga Afrikaans To ng a Hua Tsonga Ta no sy M al ag as y Xoo Xoo Languages of Africa Nama Ts w an a Tandroy-Mahafaly Malagasy Northern Sotho Tsonga Chopi Ndebele Nama Swati Swati English Ronga Ts w an a Swati Zulu Language Families Ronga

Zulu Southern Sotho AfroAsiatic Nama Zulu

Southern Sotho English English NigerCongo, Non-Bantu Nama Xhosa XhosaPhuthi NiloSaharan Afrikaans Phuthi English

Bantu Xhosa Khoisan

English Austronesian English IndoEuropean

English

0 250 500 750 1,000 Map by Steve Huffman Miles Data from World Language Mapping System 16 - www.worldgeodatasets.com

The languages of Africa. The Bantu language area.

8 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Shona

9 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Shona elicitation with Thabani Dhlakama.

10 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Wh-in-situ in Bantu

Akɔɔse Duala Gyeli (7) Shona wh-in-situ Likila Runyoro Lubukusu Dzamba Kinande K̂̂tharaka Gichuka a. In-situ wh-indirect object Kikuyu Kilega Kuria Vakatengera ani rokwe? Lingala Sambaa they.bought.for who dress Swahili Bena ‘Who(m) did they buy a dress (for)?’ Wh-in-situ Lunda No wh-in-situ b. Long-distance in-situ wh-indirect object Chichêa

Waifunga [cp kuti vakatengera ani you.thought that they.bought.for who Shona rokwe]? Ikalanga dress

‘Who(m) did you think they bought a dress Sotho Zulu

(for)?’ Xhosa

11 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Full wh-movement in Bantu

Akɔɔse Duala Gyeli (8) Shona full wh-movement Likila Runyoro Lubukusu Dzamba Kinande K̂̂tharaka Gichuka Kikuyu a. Full movement of a wh-indirect object Kilega Kuria Ndi-ani wavakatengera rokwe? Lingala Sambaa Swahili be-who that.they.bought.for dress Bena Full Lunda ‘Who(m) did they buy a dress (for)?’ wh-movement b. Long-distance full movement of a wh-indirect object Chichêa Ndi-ani wawaifunga [ kuti vakatengera cp Shona be-who that.you.thought that they.bought.for Ikalanga rokwe]? dress ‘Who(m) did you think they bought a dress (for)?’ Sotho Zulu Xhosa

12 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Partial wh-movement in Bantu

Duala (9) Shona partial wh-movement Lubukusu K̂̂tharaka a. Partial movement of a wh-indirect object Gichuka Kikuyu Waifunga [cp kuti ndi-ani you.thought that be-who Partial wavakatengera rokwe]? wh-movement that.they.bought.for dress No partial wh-movement ‘Who(m) did you think they bought a dress (for)?’ b. Partial movement of a wh-indirect object Shona Waifunga [cp kuti ndi-ani watakafembera [cp kuti you.thought that be-who that.we.guessed that Ikalanga vakatengera rokwe]]?

they.bought.for dress Zulu ‘Who(m) did you think we guessed they bought a dress (for)?’

13 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Summary Shona wh-question formation strategies

scopal thematic

(10) a. In Situ: [cp Waifunga [cp kuti vakatengera ani rokwe]]? like the higher relation

b. Full: [cp Ndiani wawaifunga [cp kuti vakatengera rokwe]]? like the lower relation

c. Partial: [cp Waifunga [cp kuti ndiani wavakatengera rokwe]]? higher lower ‘Who(m) do you think they bought a dress (for)?’

14 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Outline

Bantu wh-questions

Island effects as a diagnostic for movement

Island sensitivity in Shona

Composite derivation of Shona partial wh-movement

Conclusion

15 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Islands in English Ross 1967

(11) a. No island

What do Youyou think [cp I found mywhat phone yesterday].? ok b. Adjunct island

*Who(m) didYou you called call Emily [island[cp afterafter you you sawsaw who(m)Aaron ]].]?? × c. Complex NP island

*What did MateoMateo choose chose[island[np thethe T-shirt T-shirt that that said said Iwhat❤ NY]].]?? × d. Coordinate structure island *Where didThey they went go to [island[np thethe pet pet store store and and the grocerywhere store]].]?? ×

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Island sensitivity of Vietnamese wh-in-situ Tran 2009

(12) a. Adjunct island

* Tân sẽ thua cuộc [island vì ai làm hư xe của anh.ta]? Tan will lose event because who make damage vehicle belong he × ‘Who will Tan lose the race because will damage his car?’ (Tran 2009: 175 (10a)) b. Complex NP island

* Tân sẽ chụp hình [island con hổ đã dọa ai]? Tan will catch picture clf tiger asp scare who × ‘Who(m) will Tan take a picture of the tiger that scared ?’ (Tran 2009: 174 (8a))

Islands can diagnose silent movement.

17 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Island sensitivity in Singaporean Malay Cole & Hermon 1998

(13) Complex NP island

a. Wh-in-situ within a complex NP scopal thematic

Kamu sayang [island perempuan yang Ali a. In Situ: [cp … [island … [cp … wh]]] you love woman that Ali ok fikir [cp yang telah makan apa]]? b. Full: *[cp wh … [cp … [island … ]]] thinks that already eat what ×

‘What do you love the woman who Ali c. Partial: *[cp … [cp wh … [island … ]]] thinks ate ?’ ×

(Cole & Hermon 1998: 235 (34b)) d. Partial: *[cp … [island … [cp wh … ]]] ×

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Island sensitivity in Singaporean Malay Cole & Hermon 1998

(13) Complex NP island

b. Full wh-movement out of a complex NP scopal thematic

*Di mana kamu fikir [cp Ali suka a. In Situ: [cp … [island … [cp … wh]]] at where you think Ali like ok [ perempuan yang tinggal ]]? b. Full: *[cp wh … [cp … [island … ]]] island × woman that live ‘Where do you think Ali likes the woman c. Partial: *[cp … [cp wh … [island … ]]] × who lives ?’ (Cole & Hermon 1998: 227 (7a)) d. Partial: *[cp … [island … [cp wh … ]]] ×

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Island sensitivity in Singaporean Malay Cole & Hermon 1998

(13) Complex NP island

c. Partial wh-movement out of a complex NP scopal thematic

*Ali memberitahu kamu [cp apa yang a. In Situ: [cp … [island … [cp … wh]]] Ali told you what that ok Mari fikir [cp dia suka b. Full: *[cp wh … [cp … [island … ]]] Mari think he likes ×

c. Partial: *[cp … [cp wh … [island … ]]] [island perempuan yang beli ]]]? × woman that buy d. Partial: *[cp … [island … [cp wh … ]]] ‘What did Ali tell you that Mary thinks that × he likes a woman who bought ?’ (Cole & Hermon 1998: 235 (33))

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Island sensitivity in Singaporean Malay Cole & Hermon 1998

(13) Complex NP island

d. Partial wh-movement within a complex NP scopal thematic

*Kamu sayang [island perempuan yang a. In Situ: [cp … [island … [cp … wh]]] you love woman that ok Ali fikir [ apa yang telah b. Full: *[cp wh … [cp … [island … ]]] cp × Ali thinks what that already c. Partial: *[cp … [cp wh … [island … ]]] makan ]]? × eat d. Partial: *[cp … [island … [cp wh … ]]] ‘What do you love the woman who Ali × thinks ate ?’ (Cole & Hermon 1998: 235 (35b))

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Attested patterns vs. theoretical predictions

(14) Fanselow’s (2006) Generalization S4: A wh-phrase that has undergone (partial) wh-movement must not be separated from its scope position by an island for movement. But…

Theoretical analyses proposed by Sabel (2000: 441), Sabel & Zeller (2006: 280), and Abels (2012: 155–156) predict there to be languages that falsify this empirical generalization.

Shona is one such language.

19 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Outline

Bantu wh-questions

Island effects as a diagnostic for movement

Island sensitivity in Shona

Composite derivation of Shona partial wh-movement

Conclusion

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Island sensitivity The Shona pattern

(15) Adjunct island

a. Wh-in-situ within an adverbial clause scopal thematic

Waifunga [cp kuti vakafonera mapurisa a. In Situ: [cp … [cp … [island … wh …]]] you.thought that they.called police ok [ nokuti vakaona ani]]? b. Full: *[cp wh … [cp … [island … …]]] island × because they.saw who ‘Who(m) did you think they called the police c. Partial: *[cp … [cp wh … [island … …]]] × because they saw ?’ d. Partial: [cp … [cp … [island wh … …]]] ok

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Island sensitivity The Shona pattern

(15) Adjunct island

b. Full wh-movement out of an adverbial clause scopal thematic

*Ndi-ani wawaifunga [cp kuti vakafonera a. In Situ: [cp … [cp … [island … wh …]]] be-who that.you.thought that they.called ok mapurisa [ nokuti vakaona ]]? b. Full: *[cp wh … [cp … [island … …]]] island × police because they.saw ‘Who(m) did you think they called the police c. Partial: *[cp … [cp wh … [island … …]]] × because they saw ?’ d. Partial: [cp … [cp … [island wh … …]]] ok

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Island sensitivity The Shona pattern

(15) Adjunct island

c. Partial wh-movement out of an adverbial clause scopal thematic

*Waifunga [cp kuti ndi-ani wavakafonera a. In Situ: [cp … [cp … [island … wh …]]] you.thought that be-who that.they.called ok mapurisa [ nokuti vakaona ]]? b. Full: *[cp wh … [cp … [island … …]]] island × police because they.saw ‘Who(m) did you think they called the police c. Partial: *[cp … [cp wh … [island … …]]] × because they saw ?’ d. Partial: [cp … [cp … [island wh … …]]] ok

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Island sensitivity The Shona pattern

(15) Adjunct island

d. Partial wh-movement within an adverbial clause scopal thematic

Waifunga [cp kuti vakafonera mapurisa a. In Situ: [cp … [cp … [island … wh …]]] you.thought that they.called police ok [ nokuti ndi-ani b. Full: *[cp wh … [cp … [island … …]]] island × because be-who c. Partial: *[cp … [cp wh … [island … …]]] wavakaona ]]? × that.they.saw d. Partial: [ … [ … [ wh … …]]] ‘Who(m) did you think they called the police cp cp island because they saw ?’ ok

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Island sensitivity The Shona pattern

(16) Complex NP island

a. Wh-in-situ within a complex NP scopal thematic

Wakanzwa [cp kuti vakaramba [island nyaya a. In Situ: [cp … [cp … [island … wh …]]] you.heard that they.denied story ok yekuti yakaruma ani pagumbo]]? b. Full: *[cp wh … [cp … [island … …]]] × of.that it.bit who on.leg ‘Who(m) did you hear that they denied the story c. Partial: *[cp … [cp wh … [island … …]]] × that it (their dog) bit on the leg?’ d. Partial: [cp … [cp … [island wh … …]]] ok

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Island sensitivity The Shona pattern

(16) Complex NP island

b. Full wh-movement out of a complex NP scopal thematic

*Ndi-ani wawakanzwa [cp kuti vakaramba a. In Situ: [cp … [cp … [island … wh …]]] be-who that.you.heard that they.denied ok [ nyaya yekuti yakaruma b. Full: *[cp wh … [cp … [island … …]]] island × story of.that it.bit c. Partial: *[cp … [cp wh … [island … …]]] pagumbo]]? × on.leg ‘Who(m) did you hear that they denied the story d. Partial: [cp … [cp … [island wh … …]]] that it (their dog) bit on the leg?’ ok

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Island sensitivity The Shona pattern

(16) Complex NP island

c. Partial wh-movement out of a complex NP scopal thematic

*Wakanzwa [cp kuti ndi-ani wavakaramba a. In Situ: [cp … [cp … [island … wh …]]] you.heard that be-who that.they.denied ok [ nyaya yekuti yakaruma b. Full: *[cp wh … [cp … [island … …]]] island × story of.that it.bit c. Partial: *[cp … [cp wh … [island … …]]] pagumbo]]? × on.leg ‘Who(m) did you hear that they denied the story d. Partial: [cp … [cp … [island wh … …]]] that it (their dog) bit on the leg?’ ok

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Island sensitivity The Shona pattern

(16) Complex NP island

d. Partial wh-movement within a complex NP scopal thematic

Wakanzwa [cp kuti vakaramba a. In Situ: [cp … [cp … [island … wh …]]] you.heard that they.denied ok b. Full: *[cp wh … [cp … [island … …]]] [island nyaya yekuti ndi-ani wayakaruma × story of.that be-who that.it.bit c. Partial: *[cp … [cp wh … [island … …]]] pagumbo]]? × on.leg d. Partial: [ … [ … [ wh … …]]] ‘Who(m) did you hear that they denied the story cp cp island that it (their dog) bit on the leg?’ ok

22 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Outline

Bantu wh-questions

Island effects as a diagnostic for movement

Island sensitivity in Shona

Composite derivation of Shona partial wh-movement

Conclusion

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Composite derivation of partial wh-movement

▶ Lower relation: (17) Proposal for Shona like full wh-movement scopal thematic ▶ syntactic movement a. In Situ: [cp Op … [cp … [island … wh …]]] (Sabel 2000, 2006, Sabel & Zeller scopal ok thematic 2006, Abels & Muriungi 2008, Abels non-movement b. Full: *[cp wh … [cp … [island … …]]] 2012, among others) × movement ▶ Higher relation: c. Partial: *[cp Op … [cp wh … [island … …]]] like wh-in-situ × movement ▶ semantic non-movement d. Partial: [cp Op … [cp … [island wh … …]]] relation ok (Sabel 2000, Sabel & Zeller 2006) non-movement

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Lower relation assimilated to full wh-movement

Evidence: ▶ Island sensitivity ▶ Cleft structure ▶ Extraction marking ▶ Reconstruction effects

25 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Lower relation assimilated to full wh-movement Island sensitivity

(18) Wh-phrases cannot be extracted from islands scopal thematic

b. Full: *[cp wh … [cp … [island … …]]] ×

c. Partial: *[cp … [cp wh … [island … …]]] ×

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Lower relation assimilated to full wh-movement Cleft structure

(19) Wh-phrases marked with ndi- a. Full wh-movement requires ndi-

*(Ndi)-ani wawaifunga [cp kuti takatengera rokwe]? be-who that.you.thought that we.bought.for dress ‘Who(m) did you think we bought a dress (for)?’ b. Partial wh-movement requires ndi-

Waifunga [cp kuti *(ndi)-ani watakatengera rokwe]? you.thought that be-who that.we.bought.for dress ‘Who(m) did you think we bought a dress (for)?’

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Lower relation assimilated to full wh-movement Extraction marking (Zentz in press)

(20) Extraction marking a. Full wh-movement requires extraction marking in the pronunciation clause

Ndi-ani *(wa)-waifunga [cp kuti takatengera rokwe]? be-1a.who 1a.exm-you.thought that we.bought.for dress ‘Who(m) did you think we bought a dress (for)?’ b. Partial wh-movement requires extraction marking in the pronunciation clause

Waifunga [cp kuti ndi-ani *(wa)-takatengera rokwe]? you.thought that be-1a.who 1a.exm-we.bought.for dress ‘Who(m) did you think we bought a dress (for)?’

28 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Higher relation assimilated to wh-in-situ

Evidence: ▶ Lack of island sensitivity ▶ Lack of extraction marking

29 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Lower relation assimilated to full wh-movement Lack of island sensitivity

(21) Wh-phrases can remain within islands scopal thematic

a. In Situ: [cp … [cp … [island … wh …]]] ok

d. Partial: [cp … [cp … [island wh … …]]] ok

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Higher relation assimilated to wh-in-situ Lack of extraction marking (Zentz in press)

(22) Extraction marking a. Wh-in-situ cannot have extraction marking

(*Wa)-waifunga [cp kuti (*wa)-takatengera ani rokwe]? 1a.exm-you.thought that 1a.exm-we.bought.for 1a.who dress ‘Who(m) did you think we bought a dress (for)?’ b. Partial wh-movement cannot have extraction marking above the pronunciation site

(*Wa)-waifunga [cp kuti ndi-ani *(wa)-takatengera rokwe]? 1a.exm-you.thought that be-1a.who 1a.exm-we.bought.for dress ‘Who(m) did you think we bought a dress (for)?’

31 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Outline

Bantu wh-questions

Island effects as a diagnostic for movement

Island sensitivity in Shona

Composite derivation of Shona partial wh-movement

Conclusion

32 / 37 Introduction Bantu Wh-Questions Island Effects Shona Islands Composite Derivation Conclusion References

Conclusion

Open questions: ▶ Why do some languages have more than one strategy for forming wh-questions? ▶ What governs the choice to use one strategy instead of another? ▶ Can we predict whether a language will allow partial wh-movement within islands?

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Conclusion

Old news: ▶ Languages vary considerably in how they construct wh-questions. ▶ Islands can be used as a diagnostic for movement. New news: ▶ Shona allows partial wh-movement within islands, as predicted by several analyses. ▶ This provides support for a composite derivation of partial wh-movement, where the higher relation can be assimilated to wh-in-situ and the lower relation to full wh-movement.

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Acknowledgments

Thank you to: ▶ Thabani Dhlakama for Shona data and judgments ▶ Yale Linguistics Department for consultant payment funding ▶ Yale University Dissertation Fellowship and Yale University Teaching Fellowship ▶ Vicki Carstens, Jessica Coon, Dave Embick, Michael Yoshitaka Erlewine, Bob Frank, Jason Kandybowicz, Richie Kayne, Hadas Kotek, David Pesetsky, Jim Wood, and Raffaella Zanuttini, the audience at LSA 2015, and three anonymous LSA abstract referees ▶ Ryan Bennett, Sarah Culbertson, Mike Diercks, Rikker Dockum, Bob Frank, Martin Fuchs, Chris Geissler, Patti Gonzalez, Jim Wood, Raffaella Zanuttini, and KimZentz for presentation advice

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References I

Abels, Klaus. 2012. Phases: An essay on cyclicity in syntax. (Linguistische Arbeiten 543). Berlin: De Gruyter. Abels, Klaus & Peter Muriungi. 2008. The focus marker in Kîîtharaka: Syntax and semantics. Lingua 118(5). 687–731. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.lingua.2007.09.003. Abner, Natasha. 2011. WH-words that go bump in the right. In Mary Byram Washburn, Katherine McKinney-Bock, Erika Varis, Ann Sawyer & Barbara Tomaszewicz (eds.), Proceedings of the 28th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics (WCCFL), 24–32. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. Cheng, Lisa Lai-Shen. 2009. Wh-in-situ, from the 1980s to now. Language and Linguistics Compass 3(3). 767–791. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1749-818X.2009.00133.x. Cole, Peter & Gabriella Hermon. 1998. The typology of wh-movement: Wh-questions in Malay. Syntax 1(3). 221–258. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9612.00009. Fanselow, Gisbert. 2006. Partial wh-movement. In Martin Everaert & Henk van Riemsdijk (eds.), The Blackwell companion to syntax, vol. 3 (Blackwell Handbooks in Linguistics 19), 437–492. Malden, MA: Blackwell.

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References II McDaniel, Dana. 1989. Partial and multiple Wh-movement. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 7(4). 565–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/BF00205158. Ross, John Robert. 1967. Constraints on variables in syntax. Cambridge, MA: MIT PhD thesis. Sabel, Joachim. 2000. Partial wh-movement and the typology of wh-questions. In Uli Lutz, Gereon Müller & Arnim von Stechow (eds.), Wh-scope marking (Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 37), 409–446. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Sabel, Joachim. 2006. Typologie des W-Fragesatzes. Linguistische Berichte 2006(206). 147–194. Sabel, Joachim & Jochen Zeller. 2006. Wh-question formation in Nguni. In John Mugane, John P. Hutchison & Dee A. Worman (eds.), Selected proceedings of the 35th Annual Conference on African Linguistics (ACAL), 271–283. Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project. Tran, Thuan. 2009. Wh-quantification in Vietnamese. Newark, DE: University of Delaware PhD thesis. Zentz, Jason. in press. Bantu wh-agreement and the case against probe impoverishment. In Ruth Kramer, Elizabeth Zsiga & One Boyer (eds.), Selected proceedings of the 44rd Annual Conference on African Linguistics (ACAL). Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Proceedings Project.

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Island sensitivity The Shona pattern

(23) Complex NP island (relative clause) a. Wh-in-situ within a relative clause scopal thematic Unofunga [ kuti anofarira cp a. In Situ: [ … [ … [ … wh …]]] you.think that s/he.likes cp cp island ok [island chikwata chìnobva kupi]]? b. Full: *[cp wh … [cp … [island … …]]] team that.is.from where ×

‘Where do you think s/he likes the team that is c. Partial: *[cp … [cp wh … [island … …]]] from ?’ ×

1 / 2 More Shona Islands

Island sensitivity The Shona pattern

(23) Complex NP island (relative clause) b. Full wh-movement out of a relative clause scopal thematic *Nde-kupi kwaunofunga a. In Situ: [ … [ … [ … wh …]]] be-where that.you.think cp cp island ok [cp kuti anofarira [island chikwata b. Full: *[cp wh … [cp … [island … …]]] that s/he.likes team ×

chìnobva ]]? c. Partial: *[cp … [cp wh … [island … …]]] that.is.from × ‘Where do you think s/he likes the team that is from ?’

1 / 2 More Shona Islands

Island sensitivity The Shona pattern

(23) Complex NP island (relative clause) c. Partial wh-movement out of a relative clause scopal thematic *Unofunga [ kuti nde-kupi kwaanofarira cp a. In Situ: [ … [ … [ … wh …]]] you.think that be-where that.s/he.likes cp cp island ok [ chikwata chìnobva ]]? island b. Full: *[cp wh … [cp … [island … …]]] team that.is.from × ‘Where do you think s/he likes the team that is c. Partial: *[cp … [cp wh … [island … …]]] from ?’ ×

1 / 2 More Shona Islands

Island sensitivity The Shona pattern

(24) Complex NP island (relative clause) a. Wh-in-situ within a relative clause scopal thematic a. In Situ: [cp … [island … [cp … wh … ]]] Anofarira [island chikwata chaunofunga s/he.likes team that.you.think ok b. Full: *[cp wh … [island … [cp … … ]]] × [cp kuti chinobva kupi]]? that it.is.from where d. Partial: [cp … [island … [cp wh … … ]]] ‘Where does s/he like the team that you think is ok from ?’

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Island sensitivity The Shona pattern

(24) Complex NP island (relative clause) b. Full wh-movement out of a relative scopal thematic clause a. In Situ: [cp … [island … [cp … wh … ]]] ok *Nde-kupi kwaanofarira [island chikwata b. Full: *[cp wh … [island … [cp … … ]]] be-where that.s/he.likes team × chaunofunga [ kuti chinobva ]]? cp d. Partial: [ … [ … [ wh … … ]]] that.you.think that it.is.from cp island cp ‘Where does s/he like the team that you think is ok from ?’

2 / 2 More Shona Islands

Island sensitivity The Shona pattern

(24) Complex NP island (relative clause) d. Partial wh-movement within a relative clause scopal thematic a. In Situ: [cp … [island … [cp … wh … ]]] ?Anofarira [island chikwata chaunofunga s/he.likes team that.you.think ok b. Full: *[cp wh … [island … [cp … … ]]] × [cp kuti nde-kupi kwachinobva ]]? that be-where that.it.is.from d. Partial: [cp … [island … [cp wh … … ]]] ‘Where does s/he like the team that you think is ok from ?’

2 / 2