DOCSLIB.ORG

The Use of the Augment in Nguni Languages with Special Reference to the Referentiality of the Noun Eva-Marie Bloom Ström & Matti Miestamo

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Use of the Augment in Nguni Languages with Special Reference to the Referentiality of the Noun Eva-Marie Bloom Ström & Matti Miestamo [Draft, August 2020; to appear in Lutz Marten, Rozenn Guérois, Hannah Gibson & Eva-Marie Bloom-Ström (eds), Morphosyntactic Variation in Bantu. Oxford: Oxford University Press.] The use of the augment in Nguni languages with special reference to the referentiality of the noun Eva-Marie Bloom Ström & Matti Miestamo Abstract This chapter examines the use of the augment, a prefix preceding the noun class prefix, in a number of language varieties in the Nguni subgroup of Bantu languages. The study of these closely related varieties, which show striking similarities as well as differences in the use of the augment, gives new insights into developmental tendencies of the augment. All contexts in which the augment can be omitted are non-fact contexts. Contrary to what has previously been argued for some varieties, however, we find that the presence vs. absence of the augment does not mark a referentiality distinction. It is argued that referentiality constitutes a semantic and pragmatic explanation to the absence and presence of the augment in different contexts in a diachronic perspective, but that this function is eroded in present-day Nguni. What remains is a limited referentiality distinction for some speakers in some varieties. The loss of function explains why the augment is included in the noun in nearly all contexts in some varieties, and omitted everywhere in others. Due to its loss of function, the augment has become free to participate in sociolinguistic and stylistic variation in some Bantu languages. Key-words: negation, non-fact, referentiality, augment, morphosyntax, Nguni 1. Introduction The aim of this paper is to explore the connection between the use of a nominal prefix in Bantu referred to as the augment1 and (non-)referentiality, such as has been claimed to exist in Swati: 2 (1) a. a-ba-hlab-i i-n-komo (ref, indef) [Swati] NEG-SM2-slaughter-NEG 9AUG-9-cow ‘They do not slaughter a beast.’ b. a-ba-hlab-i n-komo (non-ref) NEG-SM2-slaugher-NEG 9-cow ‘They do not slaughter any beast.’ c. a-ba-yi-hlab-i i-n-komo (ref, def) NEG-SM2-OM9-slaugher-NEG 9AUG-9-cow ‘They do not slaughter the beast.’ (Ziervogel 1952: 187) 1 Also referred to as pre-prefix or initial vowel. 2 We use the following additional abbreviations in this paper: AS= associative; CONN= connective; IDEO= ideophone; IT= itive; OBL= obligative mood; PRT= participial; RC=relative concord; REC= recent past; REF= referential demonstrative. When interlinear glossings are available in publications we have adhered to the categories used by the author in question, with slight adaptation to our abbreviations. In other cases, such as with Swati examples in Ziervogel and Mabuza (1976), we have added glossing based on their grammatical description, with additional help from the dictionary by Rycroft (1981). 1 In the negative and other irrealis contexts, the omission of the augment such as in ((1)b) gives a non-referential meaning as opposed to when the augment is present ((1)a). The cross- reference of the object noun on the verb, in combination with the presence of the augment, gives a definite meaning ((1)c). Similar distinctions are reported for Xhosa, Zulu and many other Bantu languages, as we shall see below. We take a referential noun to be a noun that is used by the speaker when s/he has a specific referent in mind. With a non-referential noun this is not the case. In order to examine the connection between the augment and referentiality further, we zoom in on the Nguni subgroup (S40) of Bantu languages. The Nguni group consists of a number of closely related languages and varieties, some of which are relatively well studied. This makes this group especially well fitted for a micro- comparative approach to the use of the augment. In such an approach we can study minimally varying systems, most other things being equal. The Nguni group shows striking similarities as well as contrasts in the shape and the use of the augment across the varieties and is thereby optimal for a micro-comparative approach to the augment. The nouns in Bantu languages are categorized in noun classes; each noun class is characterized by its specific noun class prefix. In a subset of Bantu languages this noun class prefix is preceded by a morpheme that often consists of a single vowel and is referred to as the augment (de Blois 1970). There has been considerable interest in this morpheme in the literature on Bantu languages. Its occurrence vs. non-occurrence “often involves an intricate interplay between phonological, morphological, syntactic and semantic/pragmatic factors” (Hyman and Katamba 1993: 209) as well as perhaps sociolinguistic factors (Petzell and Kühl 2017). The contexts in which the augment is used vary across the language family and it has proved difficult to give a unified syntactic or semantic/pragmatic account of its function (van de Velde 2018; Halpert Forthcoming). The link between the augment and (non-)referentiality as exemplified in ((1)) and previously suggested for Bantu languages (Givón 1973; 1978; Ndayiragije et al. 2012) has in our view not been enough explored. In a recent typological survey, the presence vs. absence of the augment in nouns under negation was related to the way in which other languages mark a noun phrase as non-referential under negation (Miestamo 2014). In this paper we develop this idea and analyze the use of the augment in negation and other non-fact contexts in Nguni. We argue that in the contemporary Nguni varieties surveyed, the presence vs. absence of the augment on the clausal level is synchronically determined mainly by the morpho-syntactic construction used. There is a functional and semantic explanation as to why the augment is dropped in certain contexts, i.e. to signal non-referentiality, but this function of the augment has largely eroded and is no longer prominent in the varieties we have studied. The functional explanation of the synchronic distributions is thus mainly of a diachronic nature. The loss of this distinguishing semantic function of the augment can explain why its use has taken such wildly different courses in even very closely related varieties. It can also explain why the patterns underlying its (non-)use are sometimes hard to capture and why it has assumed sociolinguistic functions for speakers of some Bantu languages. We suggest that the results of this paper are indicative of a grammatical change reducing the functional load of the augment, but it is outside our present scope to develop a comparative-historical analysis of such a change. However, a semantic/pragmatic distinction still remains in certain morphosyntactic environments, but possibly not for all speakers of the respective varieties. There is also a distinction present – at least for some speakers – relating to information structure, in that contrastive focus can be expressed by the use of the augment in the negative. Our study adds to the typological knowledge of how the languages of the world mark referentiality. Also, while not providing a systematic and detailed account of how 2 referentiality and definiteness are expressed in the Nguni varieties, it aims to contribute to solving the puzzle of how the Bantu languages – which lack articles – express these distinctions. The augment has long been assumed to play a large role in this, see section 2.2. Other elements with relevance for marking the referentiality of the nominal element in Bantu, although this is still an under-researched topic, include the demonstrative (e.g. Visser 2008; Asiimwe 2014) as well as the role of word order and different kinds of morphosyntactic constructions such as the existential (Bloom Ström Forthcoming 2020). Their role will only be discussed in this paper to the extent that it pertains to the discussion of the augment. The main languages covered in our survey are Xhosa, Zulu, Swati and Southern Ndebele3. For Southern Ndebele and Xhosa, most of our data comes from recent fieldwork, whereas for Zulu and Swati, data is taken from published sources. The Xhosa data, including data from its varieties such as Bhaca, is taken from a corpus of recorded, transcribed and glossed discourse, collected in different parts of the Eastern Cape by the first author (Bloom Ström 2018). As there is very little morphosyntactic variation in the Eastern Cape – the existing variation is rather phonological and in the lexicon – examples from different parts of the province are used as instances of Xhosa in a wide sense (Bloom Ström 2018). The Nguni languages in general are for the most part mutually intelligible and rather form a dialect continuum. For this reason – although we name the varieties as separate entities – we consider the data in this paper in a micro-variation perspective without aiming at determining dialect borders and isoglosses. The data we rely on here for Southern Ndebele has been gathered in the Mpumalanga province by a team of researchers from the University of Helsinki and is published in Miestamo et al. (2019). Additional data for Southern Ndebele in the present paper (coded in the same way as the Xhosa examples, see footnote 6) is from the same fieldwork period, during which the two authors of this paper collaborated. The chapter is structured as follows. In section (2), we will first give a background to the different analyses offered in the literature with regards to the use of the augment in Nguni (2.1) and in Bantu languages more generally (2.2), and then discuss the theoretical preliminaries on which our proposal is based (2.3). In section (3) we present the results of our survey of the use of the augment and its relation to referentiality in Nguni languages.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Word-List Data Used to Support One Lexically-Based Classification
    Chapter 1 Introduction “Uyadl[h]ala muthfu lotsi kugarudwa ջathfwana udlhala gematshe emati akona” 1 John Mbenyane Gqada, 1949, Tshepisong, Matatiele (quoted in Mzamane 1949:248) ‘The person who says children should not be educated is just playing; he plays with spittle when there is water’ This chapter is presented in three parts: §1.1 includes an overview of previous sources on the language (§1.1.1), a profile of the extant Phuthi communities (§1.1.2), an outline history of the speakers (§1.1.3), some insight into the maintenance of the Phuthi language (§1.1.4), the effects displayed from contact with other languages (§1.1.5), possible obsolescence (§1.1.6), and a classification (§1.1.7) of Phuthi as Nguni (§1.1.7.2), then more specifically Tekela Nguni (§1.1.7.3). §1.2 outlines the methodology used (§1.2.1), the empirical tradition into which the work fits (§1.2.2) and a brief overview of salient theoretical issues that will be raised in this work (§1.2.3). Finally, §1.3 outlines the structure of the dissertation. 1 The quote would be written in my Phuthi orthography with morpheme and interlinear glosses (breathy voice/depression diacritics, morpheme boundaries have been added, but not tone): u- ya- dl al-a mu-tfu lo- tshi ku- ga- rud - w - a (e)ba- tfwana SP 1-T/A-play-T/A NC 1-person NC 1REL -say NC 17- NEG -teach- PASS -T/A NC 2-children He - plays person who-says there-should-not-be-taught children u- dl al-a ge- ma- tshe ema-ti a- kona SP _NC 1-play-T/A INSTR -NC 6-water NC 6- water SP (P)6-there [SP (P)6 = ‘subject prefix he-plays with-spittle water it-being-there.
    [Show full text]
  • Some Principles of the Use of Macro-Areas Language Dynamics &A
    Online Appendix for Harald Hammarstr¨om& Mark Donohue (2014) Some Principles of the Use of Macro-Areas Language Dynamics & Change Harald Hammarstr¨om& Mark Donohue The following document lists the languages of the world and their as- signment to the macro-areas described in the main body of the paper as well as the WALS macro-area for languages featured in the WALS 2005 edi- tion. 7160 languages are included, which represent all languages for which we had coordinates available1. Every language is given with its ISO-639-3 code (if it has one) for proper identification. The mapping between WALS languages and ISO-codes was done by using the mapping downloadable from the 2011 online WALS edition2 (because a number of errors in the mapping were corrected for the 2011 edition). 38 WALS languages are not given an ISO-code in the 2011 mapping, 36 of these have been assigned their appropri- ate iso-code based on the sources the WALS lists for the respective language. This was not possible for Tasmanian (WALS-code: tsm) because the WALS mixes data from very different Tasmanian languages and for Kualan (WALS- code: kua) because no source is given. 17 WALS-languages were assigned ISO-codes which have subsequently been retired { these have been assigned their appropriate updated ISO-code. In many cases, a WALS-language is mapped to several ISO-codes. As this has no bearing for the assignment to macro-areas, multiple mappings have been retained. 1There are another couple of hundred languages which are attested but for which our database currently lacks coordinates.
    [Show full text]
  • Lunyole Phonology Statement App 1.Doc
    Date: 4 th September, 2006 Issue: 1 Status: Approved SIL Uganda-Tanzania Branch Lunyole Project Lunyole Phonology Statement Author: Rev. Enoch Wandera Namulemu Approvers: Steve Nicolle – Linguistics Consultant © SIL International 2006 Document Title: Lunyole Date:4 th September, 2006 Phonology Statement Issue: 1 Status: Approved Table of Contents 1 Distribution List ............................................................................................................................ 5 2 Document Storage: ........................................................................................................................ 6 3 Document History Log .................................................................................................................. 6 4 Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................................... 7 5 INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................................... 8 5.1 Name of the Language and its speakers ................................................................................ 8 5.2 Geography ............................................................................................................................. 8 5.3 Demography .......................................................................................................................... 8 5.4 Language family ...................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • A Linguistic and Anthropological Approach to Isingqumo, South Africa’S Gay Black Language
    “WHERE THERE’S GAYS, THERE’S ISINGQUMO”: A LINGUISTIC AND ANTHROPOLOGICAL APPROACH TO ISINGQUMO, SOUTH AFRICA’S GAY BLACK LANGUAGE Word count: 25 081 Jan Raeymaekers Student number: 01607927 Supervisor(s): Prof. Dr. Maud Devos, Prof. Dr. Hugo DeBlock A dissertation submitted to Ghent University in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in African Studies Academic year: 2019 - 2020 Table of Contents Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................... 3 1. Introduction ............................................................................................................................. 4 2. Theoretical Framework ....................................................................................................... 8 2.1. Lavender Languages...................................................................................................... 8 2.1.1. What are Lavender Languages? ....................................................................... 8 2.1.2. How Are Languages Categorized? ................................................................ 12 2.1.3. Documenting Undocumented Languages ................................................. 17 2.2. Case Study: IsiNgqumo .............................................................................................. 18 2.2.1. Homosexuality in the African Community ................................................ 18 2.2.2. Homosexuality in the IsiNgqumo Community
    [Show full text]
  • Prioritizing African Languages: Challenges to Macro-Level Planning for Resourcing and Capacity Building
    Prioritizing African Languages: Challenges to macro-level planning for resourcing and capacity building Tristan M. Purvis Christopher R. Green Gregory K. Iverson University of Maryland Center for Advanced Study of Language Abstract This paper addresses key considerations and challenges involved in the process of prioritizing languages in an area of high linguistic di- versity like Africa alongside other world regions. The paper identifies general considerations that must be taken into account in this process and reviews the placement of African languages on priority lists over the years and across different agencies and organizations. An outline of factors is presented that is used when organizing resources and planning research on African languages that categorizes major or crit- ical languages within a framework that allows for broad coverage of the full linguistic diversity of the continent. Keywords: language prioritization, African languages, capacity building, language diversity, language documentation When building language capacity on an individual or localized level, the question of which languages matter most is relatively less complicated than it is for those planning and providing for language capabilities at the macro level. An American anthropology student working with Sierra Leonean refugees in Forecariah, Guinea, for ex- ample, will likely know how to address and balance needs for lan- guage skills in French, Susu, Krio, and a set of other languages such as Temne and Mandinka. An education official or activist in Mwanza, Tanzania, will be concerned primarily with English, Swahili, and Su- kuma. An administrator of a grant program for Less Commonly Taught Languages, or LCTLs, or a newly appointed language authori- ty for the United States Department of Education, Department of Commerce, or U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Deverbal Nominals in Xhosa
    DEVERBAL NOMINALS IN XHOSA BY LOYISO KEVIN MLETSHE Dissertation presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (African Languages) at Stellenbosch University Supervisor: Prof M.W. Visser DECEMBER 2010 ii DECLARATION By submitting this dissertation electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the owner of the copyright thereof (unless to the extent explicitly otherwise stated) and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. Date: November 2010 Copyright © 2010 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved iii ABSTRACT The relationship between deverbative noun classification and their effect on the semantic meaning of the derived deverbal nominal has been the focus of many studies in linguistics, with special reference to African languages in recent years. The study maintains that the descriptive analysis of deverbal nominals in African languages does not fully interrogate the predicate argument structures of the verbs that host these deverbal nominals. This thesis is an investigation of how the syntactic properties of verbs from which deverbal nouns are derived are invoked in explaining the argument structure and event structure properties of deverbal nouns, particularly in Xhosa. The analysis presented here is situated in terms of a lexical semantic representation drawing on Pustejovsky (1996) and Busa (1996), which aims to capture linguistically relevant components of meaning. Chapter 1 presents the purpose and aims of the study, and states the theoretical paradigm on which this study is couched, namely Pustejovsky’s (1996) generative lexicon theory as well as the methodology for conducting the research.
    [Show full text]
  • Language Policy: Legal Aid South Africa
    130 No. 40733 GOVERNMENT GAZETTE, 31 MARCH 2017 GENERAL NOTICES • ALGEMENE KENNISGEWINGS Board / Raad/ Board / Raad BOARD / RAAD NOTICE 244 OF 2017 244 Constitution of the Republic of South Afric (108/1996): Legal Aid South Africa: Language Policy 40733 Pv'\ Legal Aid A/ South Africa Your voice. For justice. Independent and within reach. LANGUAGE POLICY TERMS OF REFERENCE Initiated By: Approved By: Date Approved: Version Number: Malebogo Mahape- Board 30 July 2016 Version 1 Marimo: CE Janeske Botes: Board 26 November 2016 Version 2 A/CE This gazette is also available free online at www.gpwonline.co.za 1 | P a g e Final Legal Aid SA Language Policy STAATSKOERANT, 31 MAART 2017 No. 40733 131 PV'\..LegalAid A/ South Africa Your voice. For justice. Independent and within reach. LEGAL AID SOUTH AFRICA: LANGUAGE POLICY 1. Introduction 1.1. South Africa is a multilingual country and Section 6 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (Act No. 108 of 1996) grants official language status to 11 languages, namely Sepedi, Sesotho, Setswana, siSwati, Tshivenda, Xitsonga, Afrikaans, English, isiNdebele, isiXhosa and isiZulu. 1.2. There is increased awareness of the need to intensify efforts to develop the previously marginalised indigenous languages and to promote multilingualism. 1.3. The Use of Official Languages Act, 2012 (Act No. 12 of 2012) strives to give effect to the constitutional obligation of multilingualism. This Act requires that every national department, national public entity and national public enterprise must adopt a language policy and establish language units. 1.4. Legal Aid South Africa has a constitutional mandate and a legislative mandate (Legal Aid South Africa Act (39 of 2014)) to provide legal representation to persons at state expense, to provide legal aid and legal advice and to provide education and information concerning legal rights and obligations.
    [Show full text]
  • Hyman Paris Bantu PLAR
    UC Berkeley UC Berkeley PhonLab Annual Report Title Disentangling Conjoint, Disjoint, Metatony, Tone Cases, Augments, Prosody, and Focus in Bantu Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/37p3m2gg Journal UC Berkeley PhonLab Annual Report, 9(9) ISSN 2768-5047 Author Hyman, Larry M Publication Date 2013 DOI 10.5070/P737p3m2gg eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UC Berkeley Phonology Lab Annual Report (2013) Disentangling Conjoint, Disjoint, Metatony, Tone Cases, Augments, Prosody, and Focus in Bantu Larry M. Hyman University of California, Berkeley Presented at the Workshop on Prosodic Constituents in Bantu languages: Metatony and Dislocations Université de Paris 3, June 28-29, 2012 1. Introduction The purpose of this paper is to disentangle a number of overlapping concepts that have been invoked in Bantu studies to characterize the relation between a verb and what follows it. Starting with the conjoint/disjoint distinction, I will then consider its potential relation to “metatony”, “tone cases”, “augments”, prosody, and focus in Bantu. 2. Conjoint/disjoint (CJ/DJ)1 In many Bantu languages TAM and negative paradigms have been shown to exhibit suppletive allomorphy, as in the following oft-cited Chibemba sentences, which illustrate a prefixal difference in marking present tense, corresponding with differences in focus (Sharman 1956: 30): (1) a. disjoint -la- : bus&é mu-la-peep-a ‘do you (pl.) smoke’? b. conjoint -Ø- : ee tu-peep-a sekelééti ‘yes, we smoke cigarettes’ c. disjoint -la- : bámó bá-la-ly-á ínsoka ‘some people actually eat snakes’ In (1a) the verb is final in its main clause and must therefore occur in the disjoint form, marked by the prefix -la-.
    [Show full text]
  • (Bantugent – Ugent Centre for Bantu Studies) Digital Colloquium on African Languages and Linguistics Humboldt University, Berlin – 19 May 2020 OVERVIEW
    DEPARTMENT OF LANGUAGES AND CULTURES AFRICAN LANGUAGES AND CULTURES THE HISTORY OF CLICKS IN NGUNI LANGUAGES Hilde Gunnink – Ghent University (BantUGent – UGent centre for Bantu Studies) Digital colloquium on African languages and linguistics Humboldt University, Berlin – 19 May 2020 OVERVIEW 1. Bantu/Khoisan language contact 2. Clicks in Bantu languages 3. The Nguni languages 1. Click inventories 2. Subclassification 3. Reconstruction of Proto-Nguni clicks When did clicks enter the Nguni languages and what does this tell us about the contact history between Nguni and Khoisan speakers? 3 PRE-BANTU SOUTHERN AFRICA “Khoisan”: languages with phonemic clicks that do not belong to another language family (e.g. Bantu or Cushitic) Southern Africa: ̶ Kx’a (Northern Khoisan) ̶ Khoe-Kwadi (Central Khoisan) ̶ Tuu (Southern Khoisan) Most Khoisan languages are endangered/extinct Güldemann, T. 2014. 'Khoisan' linguistic classification today. In Güldemann, T & A.-M. Fehn (eds.), Beyond 'Khoisan': historical relations in the Kalahari 4 basin, 1-40. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company. BANTU/KHOISAN LANGUAGE CONTACT ̶ Lexicon: ̶ loanwords ̶ lexical semantics ̶ Phonology ̶ clicks ̶ other rare consonants ̶ Morphology ̶ borrowed affixes ̶ contact-induced grammaticalization 5 CLICKS Clicks are unique to: ̶ “Khoisan” languages: Khoe-Kwadi, Kx’a, Tuu families + Sandawe, Hadza ̶ Bantu languages in southern Africa ̶ The Cushitic language Dahalo in east Africa ̶ Damin, ritual register of Australian language Lardil Very unique so clear hallmark of Khoisan contact! 6 CLICKS South East Bantu click languages - Nguni: Xhosa, Phuthi, Zulu, Swati, Southern Ndebele, Zimbabwean Ndebele - Sotho: Southern Sotho South West Bantu click languages - Kavango: Kwangali, Manyo, Mbukushu - Bantu Botatwe: Fwe - Yeyi Adapted from: Pakendorf, B., et al.
    [Show full text]
  • A Statistical Comparison of the Physical Features of the Zulu
    0 A STATISTICAL COr~ARISON OF THE PHYSiCAL FEATURES OF . ~ . THE ZULU-XHOSA AND SOUTH SOTHO-TSWANA PEOPLES OF' SOUTH AFRICA by Frederick Wilhelm Strydom Thesis submitted I'or the degree.of. .DoctorPhil.oso12hiae oi the University of Cape Town; October, 1951 • . I - - The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. ' , '•-.., __ ,. ...... - ... ,._ ...... ' ... , " ..... ~ .- '" ..... .... _ ............... ·- ........ ...... ..... f .. •' 0 The author wishes to express his sincere appre~iation to 'I lY The South African Cotmcil for Scientific and Industrial •. I Research for a sen~cr research grant which made this sur~ . vey possible.· .. 2) The Administrations of Basutoland and the Bechuanaland Pro- . t·ectorate. and t-he· Native CorEmi.ssioners of the· Uniori in the thi~ districts visited, for their. co-.operation whiie.. survey was being carried. ou·t •. 3) Dr. J .A. Keen and .Professor· M.R. Dr·ennan of the Unive·rsi ty · of Cape Town for their very h.elpful guiQ.ance in connection with this :study.· .• 4) Hi;s ·~wife who 3:ccornpanied him to the Nati,ve Reserves, tabu­ lated ~11 t~e data, did a l.arge part of the calculations, and prepared the album of photographs. ·• p . ' CONTENTS INTRODUCTION. • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • Page 4 Mf~ TERIL.L . AND lVIbTHODS. • • • • • . • • • • • •. •. • 5 Ethnic and Historical Background of each Tribe .
    [Show full text]
  • [.35 **Natural Language Processing Class Here Computational Linguistics See Manual at 006.35 Vs
    006 006 006 DeweyiDecimaliClassification006 006 [.35 **Natural language processing Class here computational linguistics See Manual at 006.35 vs. 410.285 *Use notation 019 from Table 1 as modified at 004.019 400 DeweyiDecimaliClassification 400 400 DeweyiDecimali400Classification Language 400 [400 [400 *‡Language Class here interdisciplinary works on language and literature For literature, see 800; for rhetoric, see 808. For the language of a specific discipline or subject, see the discipline or subject, plus notation 014 from Table 1, e.g., language of science 501.4 (Option A: To give local emphasis or a shorter number to a specific language, class in 410, where full instructions appear (Option B: To give local emphasis or a shorter number to a specific language, place before 420 through use of a letter or other symbol. Full instructions appear under 420–490) 400 DeweyiDecimali400Classification Language 400 SUMMARY [401–409 Standard subdivisions and bilingualism [410 Linguistics [420 English and Old English (Anglo-Saxon) [430 German and related languages [440 French and related Romance languages [450 Italian, Dalmatian, Romanian, Rhaetian, Sardinian, Corsican [460 Spanish, Portuguese, Galician [470 Latin and related Italic languages [480 Classical Greek and related Hellenic languages [490 Other languages 401 DeweyiDecimali401Classification Language 401 [401 *‡Philosophy and theory See Manual at 401 vs. 121.68, 149.94, 410.1 401 DeweyiDecimali401Classification Language 401 [.3 *‡International languages Class here universal languages; general
    [Show full text]
  • Diminutive and Augmentative Functions of Some Luganda Noun Class Markers Samuel Namugala MA Thesis in Linguistics Norwegian Un
    Diminutive and Augmentative Functions of some Luganda Noun Class Markers Samuel Namugala MA Thesis in Linguistics Norwegian University of Science and Technology (NTNU) Faculty of Humanities Department of Language and Literature Trondheim, April, 2014 To my parents, Mr. and Mrs. Wampamba, and my siblings, Polycarp, Lydia, Christine, Violet, and Joyce ii Acknowledgements I wish to express my gratitude to The Norwegian Government for offering me a grant to pursue the master’s program at NTNU. Without this support, I would perhaps not have achieved my dream of pursuing the master’s degree in Norway. Special words of thanks go to my supervisors, Professor Kaja Borthen and Professor Assibi Amidu for guiding me in writing this thesis. Your scholarly guidance, constructive comments and critical revision of the drafts has made it possible for me to complete this thesis. I appreciate the support and the knowledge that you have shared with me. I look forward to learn more from you. My appreciation also goes to my lecturers and the entire staff at the Department of Language and Literature. I am grateful to Professor Lars Hellan, Assoc. Professor Dorothee Beermann, Professor Wim Van Dommelen, and Assoc. Professor Jardar Abrahamsen for the knowledge you have shared with me since I joined NTNU. You have made me the linguist that I desired to be. I also wish to thank the authors that didn’t mind to help me when contacted for possible relevant literature for my thesis. My appreciation goes to Prof. Nana Aba Appiah Amfo (University of Ghana), Assistant Prof. George J. Xydopoulos (Linguistics School of Philology, University of Patras, Greece), Prof.
    [Show full text]