New Perspectives on the Genetic Classification of Manda (Bantu N.11)

DigitalResources Electronic Working Paper 2016-001

New perspectives on the genetic classification of Manda (Bantu N.11)

Hazel Gray and Tim Roth

New perspectives on the genetic classification of Manda (Bantu N.11)

Hazel Gray and Tim Roth

SIL International® 2016

SIL Electronic Working Paper 2016-001

ISSN 1087-9250

Fair Use Policy Documents published in the Electronic Working Paper series are intended for scholarly research and educational use. You may make copies of these publications for research or instructional purposes (under fair use guidelines) free of charge and without further permission. Republication or commercial use of an Electronic Working Paper or the documents contained therein is expressly prohibited without the written consent of the copyright holder(s).

Managing Editor Eric Kindberg

Series Editor Lana Martens

Content/Copy Editor Mary Huttar

Compositor Bonnie Waswick

Abstract

Manda (N.11) is an under-documented Bantu language in southwestern Tanzania, with most mention of its closest genetic affiliation in the work of Nurse (1988). Nurse concludes that Manda belongs with the Southern Tanzania Highlands (SH) subgroup based primarily on phonological evidence. This paper uses new data from workshops and surveys conducted by SIL International to show that Nurse’s conclusion does not take into account the necessary dialectal information, namely that the Matumba dialect (which Nurse uses) is phonologically distinct from the remaining Manda dialects. Lexicostatistical, phonological, and sociohistorical evidence is taken into account. Further, in light of this new evidence, we propose two likely historical scenarios, both of which posit that Manda is most closely genetically affiliated with the Rufiji subgroup. Contents

1 Introduction and background 2 Dialectometry and lexicostatistical evidence 3 Phonological evidence 3.1 Dahl’s Law 3.2 Spirant weakening 3.3 *NC>̥ NC or N 4 Sociohistorical evidence 5 Synthesis and conclusion Appendix A: Lexicostatistics Appendix B: 296-item wordlist for corpus languages References

1 Introduction and background

Manda [ISO 639-3 code: mgs] is a Bantu language (N.11) spoken by the Manda and Matumba language communities located in the area between Lake Nyasa and the Livingstone Mountains (Maho 2009). The language area straddles two administrative regions in Tanzania: Njombe Region, north of the Ruhuhu River, and Ruvuma Region, south of the river. The area is bordered to the north by Kisi (G.67),1 to the east by Pangwa (G.64) and Ngoni (N.12), and to the south by Matengo (N.13) and Mpoto (N.14) (Maho 2009). Lewis et al. (2015) report the Manda (and Matumba) population at 22,000. A previous SIL survey puts the estimate even higher, between 25,000 and 40,000 (Anderson et al. 2003a). This paper uses survey data from four other locations in addition to the Matumba variety in Luilo: Iwela, Lituhi, Litumba Kuhamba and Nsungu (see map below). We examine three streams of evidence (lexicostatistical, phonological, and sociohistorical) in this study to determine the closest genetic relatives of Manda (and Matumba). New data is put forward from survey work conducted by SIL personnel in 2013 and subsequent additional linguistic research (Gray, forthcoming; Gray and Mitterhoffer 2016).

1 The Guthrie codes for Bantu are referential, reflecting geography and not genetic relationship (see Schadeberg 2003: 146).

1 2

The Matumba consider themselves a separate ethnic group from the Manda, but still regard their language to be essentially the same as Manda. The Matumba themselves claim that they were once Manda who moved from the shores of Lake Malawi up into the mountains (Anderson et al. 2003a). The prestige dialect (even according to the Matumba) of Manda is spoken in the area near Ilela and Nsungu, villages on the lakeshore (Gray and Mitterhoffer 2016). Various comparative linguistic studies have included Manda wordlists (Guthrie 1971, Nurse and Philippson 1975) and mention of Manda is made in diachronic studies by Nurse and Philippson (1980) and Nurse (1988, 1999). None of these studies mention the Matumba, so it is quite likely that the Matumba were unintentionally grouped with the Manda in previous studies. As we will see in section 3, this lack of previous dialect research has given rise to some misconceptions about the innovations that Manda shares with its neighbors. Of those who have studied the Manda language with the aim of positing its closest genetic affiliation, Nurse and Philippson (1980) and Nurse (1988, 1999) are in conflict with Ehret (1999, 2009). Ehret (2009:17) puts Manda alongside Ngoni in the Rufiji-Ruvuma (RR) subgroup, whereas Nurse classifies Manda within his Southern (Tanzania) Highlands (SH) subgroup. These are the main hypotheses we evaluate in light of the new data which reflects a better understanding of Manda dialectology. RR consists of two sub-branches. We are concerned primarily with Rufiji, which includes Manda’s immediate neighbors: Ngoni, Matengo, and Mpoto. The SH subgroup includes the G.60 languages, of which we are primarily concerned with Kisi and Pangwa for the same reason. This paper mainly focuses on the arguments put forward by Nurse (1988), since he deals with the question of Manda’s genetic affiliation in the most depth. Ehret primarily relies on stem-morpheme innovations (lexical/semantic evidence) in his (1999) work, and does not offer the same depth of interaction with the corpus most like an SH language that Nurse does. From the Manda data Nurse uses, Manda appears to behave phonologically mostly like an SH language. However, we argue that the Manda data Nurse uses appears to be the Matumba dialect, which phonologically is quite different from the other Manda dialects. In section 3 we see how the features of Dahl’s Law, spirant weakening, and NC̥>NC or N cast doubt on Nurse’s argument for Manda as SH. We offer three scenarios regarding the genetic history of Manda and Matumba in section 5. In section 2 we present initial lexicostatistical evidence using dialectometry. Manda and Matumba varieties are compared to the other corpus languages: Kisi, Matengo, Mpoto, Ngoni, and Pangwa. Section 3 examines the phonological evidence for the corpus languages, while section 4 briefly examines the sociohistorical evidence. Section 5 concludes the paper with a synthesis, preliminary conclusions, and possibilities for future research.

2 Dialectometry and lexicostatistical evidence

Dialectometry is essentially quantitative dialectology. Distance-based networks are examples of such quantitative data explorations. A distance-based network analysis offers ‘‘an introductory visual means of data exploration’’ (Pelkey 2011:279). Subsumed under the rising field of dialectometry are several distance-based algorithmic applications that aim to help researchers explore language variation and/or change, while “making it possible to show more than one evolutionary pathway on a single graph” (Holden and Gray 2006:24). To create a distance-based network the opposite values of regular lexicostatistical percentages are used within a standard matrix (e.g., the Kisi and Pangwa languages in figure 2 are 0.59 similar, but 0.41 dissimilar; see Appendix A). The resulting distance matrix is then subjected to the Neighbor-Net algorithm, as developed by Bryant and Moulton (2004) and implemented within the Splits Tree 4 (4.11.3) software program (see Huson and Bryant 2010). If the lexical relationships are ambiguous, the length of each branch indicates the confidence level of the split. Figure 1 shows such a network using four Bantu lects from southwest Tanzania (Roth 2011:43).

Nyika

Nyiha

Safwa

Malila

Figure 1. Sample network demonstrating ambiguity (adapted from Roth 2011:43).

In figure 1, the middle box indicates the ambiguous relationship: Split A—Nyika and Nyiha/ Safwa and Malila versus Split B—Nyika and Safwa/ Nyiha and Malila. In figure 1, Split A is more likely. Holden and Gray discuss other patterns and their meaning within the network diagram: Rapid radiation may be inferred from a lack of phylogenetic signal, i.e. a rake- or star-shaped phylogeny, whereas reticulation would indicate possible borrowing. Reticulations can also pinpoint those languages which may have been involved in borrowing. Complex chains of conflicting relationships involving numerous languages may indicate that borrowing occurred in the context of dialect chains. (2006:24) If the lexical relationships are more clear, the splits-graph looks more like a regular tree diagram (see Holden and Gray (2006) for further explanation of the Neighbor-Net algorithm, and the unique historical relationships between other Bantu languages). Figure 2 below is based on the lexicostatistical data in Appendix A. The data includes lexical percentages from 313-item wordlists elicited in five locations (Iwela, Lituhi, Litumba Kuhamba, Luilo and Nsungu) during the 2013 dialect survey (Gray and Mitterhoffer 2016). This 313-item wordlist was based on the 100-item Leipzig-Jakarta wordlist (Tadmor 2009). Two hundred ninety-six of the lexical items2 in the 313-item wordlist were compared to data from SIL Fieldworks Language Explorer (FLEx)

2 Some lexical items were omitted due to duplications in the data. 5 databases for Kisi and Pangwa, and CBOLD data for Mpoto, Matengo and Ngoni (supplemented by data from Ngonyani 2003 and Yoneda 2006) using the comparative method as the basis for determining cognacy. The lexical data (the 296-item wordlist) can be found in Appendix B. Consider the distance- based network below in Figure 2.

Matengo

Pangwa Kisi

RR SH Mpoto

Ngoni

Lituhi

Litumba Kuhamba Nsungu

Luilo Iwela (Matumba)

Manda

Figure 2. Distance-based network for SH, Rufiji and Manda corpus languages. From the diagram in figure 2, we can clearly see the split between the branch containing the SH languages (Pangwa and Kisi) on the left and two of the Rufiji languages (Matengo and Mpoto) on the right. We can also see that the Manda dialects, while lexically related to SH and Rufiji, are at the same time lexically distinct, i.e., the Manda dialects seem to have a split-lexicon. Ngoni, while lexically more like Manda, is still split between Manda and the SH languages. (Ngoni is generally classified as RR, but its situation is similar to Manda’s, with the added complication of having an unclear relationship with the South African Nguni, see section 4). In sum, the lexicostatistical evidence for Manda’s closest genetic affiliation is ambiguous as Manda has a split-lexicon. However, we can evaluate Nurse’s claim that Manda is “lexicostatistically a Rufiji 6 language” (1988:70) and say that this more recent wordlist data does not corroborate that claim. Section 3 proceeds with evaluating the phonological evidence that ties Manda to either SH or Rufiji (or both).

3 Phonological evidence

As we discuss in section 1, Nurse (1988) provides the most detailed argument regarding the genetic affiliation of Manda. Table 1 (adapted from Nurse 1988:47)3 is a comparison of what Nurse considers the most relevant phonological features between SH, Rufiji, and Manda, in combination with conclusions from our newer data in italics.

Table 1. Comparison of Manda phonological features with SH and Rufiji (adapted from Nurse 1988:47)

Feature SH Manda Rufiji Spirant-devoicing (Proto-SH) yes yes yes (Proto-R) Class 5 /li-/ (Proto-SH) yes yes yes (Proto-R) NC̥ (Proto-SH) N(h) N and NC NC (Proto-R) Dahl’s Law (Proto-SH) yes yes (minor) no Spirant weakening no no (yes) yes (Proto-R) Loss of preprefix no yes yes (Proto-R)

Nurse concludes that Manda is an SH language primarily based on the phonological evidence represented in this table. Nurse’s argument is as follows: (1) that SH and Rufiji differ in at least four categories (lines 3–6); (2) of those four categories, Manda matches SH in two cases, maybe three (line 5 is ambiguous); (3) thus, if Manda is SH, the only line which needs explanation is line 6 (the loss of the preprefix, or augment); whereas if Manda is Rufiji, lines 3–5 all need explanation. Nurse summarizes as follows: It is therefore simplest to posit Manda, not as an original member of Rufiji, but rather as an original member of SH, which in recent times has undergone lexical change, and loss of preprefix, inherited vowel length (and possibly tones) under the influence of Rufiji, which presumably means Ngoni or Matengo (1988:48). In this paper, we seek as much as possible to distinguish genetic inheritance from contact/areal diffusion, as well as shared innovations from shared retentions. For example, the class 5 *li- feature is a retention (compare Nurse 1988:30 and Nurse 1999:23), and a feature such as the loss of the preprefix (augment) is historically unclear and more likely to have been spread by contact (see Nurse 1988:47). Both are excluded from consideration here on this basis. Furthermore, the spirant-devoicing feature is shared by both subgroups (and most likely necessarily preceded spirant weakening), and so does not factor into the discussion (Nurse 1988:40, 43–44). That leaves Dahl’s Law, spirant weakening, and NC̥>NC or N. Each of them are innovations, but they each also have their own unique considerations regarding the possibility of contact influence. As we see in the remainder of this section, the Manda data Nurse uses appears to be the Matumba dialect. Even though Manda and Matumba are lexically similar (see section 2), Matumba is phonologically quite different from the other Manda lects. This section provides the bulk of the evidence for Manda and Matumba as members of either SH or Rufiji. We examine Dahl’s Law, spirant weakening, and NC̥>NC or N in sections 3.1, 3.2 and 3.3, respectively.

3 The table is duplicated with the exception of the feature “nasal and spirant”. This category is excluded from this study for two main reasons: (1) it is not a proto-SH or proto-Rufiji feature, and (2) it is already sufficiently covered under the “spirant weakening” proto-feature (Nurse 1988: 46–47). 7

3.1 Dahl’s Law

Dahl’s Law is a voicing dissimilation in many Bantu languages in which the first of two voiceless plosives becomes voiced, either within the root or across morpheme boundaries. Table 2 shows the examples of Dahl’s Law in several of the corpus languages. These are the only examples found in the Manda corpus. Nurse reports that there is no Dahl’s Law in Rufiji except for traces in Ngoni and Mbunga (P.15) (1988:103). The examples in italics are the lexical items showing Dahl’s Law. The BLR3 Proto-Bantu form is included in the table as well for comparison (Bastin et al. 2003). The lexical items not in italics are various stems where we might expect Dahl’s Law to operate but where no evidence of Dahl’s Law is found, despite both Proto-Bantu stem consonants being voiceless plosives.

Table 2. Dahl’s Law examples in the corpus languages

BLR3 Manda Kisi Pangwa Ngoni English *kàtɪ́ pagati n/a pakatinakati paɡatipaɡati middle *kèt kuketa kukeːta xuxeːta kuketa to shave *kɪ́t kukɪta kukɪta xuxita kukita to do *kópè lukopi lukopi n/a (nɡ’opi) eyelash *kʊ̀ʊ̀kʊ́ kʊkʊ kʊːkʊ xuxu n/a grandparent *pàk kubaka kubakala xubaxa kubakala to smear *pít kubɪta kubɪta xubita n/a to go *tákò lidakʊ lidaːku n/a lidaku buttock *tátʊ̀ -datu -datu xidatu -datu three *tétè lidete lidete lidete lidete reed

The Manda dialects (including Matumba) share the same expression of Dahl’s Law: traces in the vast majority of the same lexical items and not across morpheme boundaries. Of the SH languages, only Hehe, Bena and Kinga have Dahl’s Law in all stems. Kisi and Pangwa show traces of it as does Manda/Matumba, while Sangu and Vwanji show no evidence of it at all. Based on this geographic distribution, it appears as though those languages with little or no trace of Dahl’s Law were on the outer edge of an earlier dialect continuum where Dahl’s Law was present. Regardless, Kisi, Pangwa, Manda/Matumba and Ngoni all share the same traces of Dahl’s Law. There are two main possibilities that might explain the pattern of Dahl’s Law traces in Manda/Matumba: (1) genetic relationship with SH with (a) inconsistent application and/or (b) early phonological reversal (Nurse 1999:28), or (2) contact. Bantu languages can have inconsistent application of Dahl’s Law due to when the feature became inactive (Batibo 2000). A phonological feature becoming inactive can also be due to contact influences, as Batibo relates for the Sukuma/Nyamwezi languages (F.20) in western Tanzania: The major reason for this inactivity, and therefore incompleteness, may have been the instability that both Sukuma and Nyamwezi experienced in their early years of resettlement due to the influx of intruding groups…The influx of the intruding groups meant the influx of new lexical items by speakers who did not have these rules in their language (2000:25). Dahl’s Law is generally considered to be diagnostic of phylogenetic relationship. However, Nurse says that “I would not claim that these features [Dahl’s Law, Bantu spirantization, *p-lenition] never cross language boundaries but rather that they are more likely to be inherited in our languages from an early stage of common development and thus historically diagnostic for the early period” (1999:20). Thus, it is possible to conclude that traces of Dahl’s Law are due to borrowing. Considered by itself, what the presence of Dahl’s Law traces means for the genetic affiliation (SH or RR) of Manda/Matumba is inconclusive.

3.2 Spirant weakening

Spirant weakening, or lenition, is a process where spirants, such as /s/ and /f/, become weakened to /h/ or are lost entirely. Manda is again characterized by ambiguous data: a large number of lexical items still contain /s/ and /f/, though some have weakened to /h/. Table 3 shows all the relevant examples from the corpus of spirant versus /h/ forms in Matengo, Mpoto and Ngoni (RR), Kisi and Pangwa (SH), as well as Manda.

Table 3. Spirant vs /h/ in corpus languages

English Rufiji-Ruvuma Southern Highlands gloss Matengo Mpoto Ngoni Manda Kisi Pangwa fingernail sô̠bu/hyô̠bu chobu luhyuwu luhʲuwu/lufʲuwu n/c n/c tear lîːholi maholi maholi liholi/ lisoli n/c n/c egg lihó̠mbi lihombi n/c lihombi lifʊmbi n/c milk másiba lihiba n/c lisiva n/c n/c name lihina lihina lihina lihina n/c n/c leaf lihamba lihamba lihamba lihamba n/c n/c grass linyahi linyai linyahi liɲahi / liɲasi linyasi n/c knot lihundu lihundwa lihundu lihundu/lifundu (liputu) lifundo cloud lihundi maundi lihundi lihundi / lifundi n/c n/c dust luhô̠mbi kuhombi luhumbi luhumbi/lufumbi (lifu) mafumbi fish homba homba somba somba somba somba ashes ilîhu iliu n/c lifu n/c n/c to die -ha -wa -fwa -hwa/ -fa/ -fwa -fwa -fwa to choose -hagula -hagula -hagula -hagula -haghula n/c to get lost -hoba -hoba -hova -hova /-sova n/c n/c to remain -higala -higalila -higala -higasa / -sigasa -sighala -sikala to work -henga -henga -henga -henga n/c n/d to pull -huta -huta n/c -huta / -futa n/c n/c

Of the corpus languages, Matengo, Mpoto and Ngoni (all RR) generally use the weakened /h/ forms, while Kisi, Pangwa (SH) and the Manda lects of Iwela, Nsungu, and Luilo (Matumba) generally preserve /s, f/. The Lituhi and Litumba Kuhamba lects are in between, both geographically and in the type of forms they use. The Ruhuhu River separates these Manda dialects from the others. The modern-day distribution of spirant weakening among the corpus languages fits that of a wave (see Mühlhäusler (1996:10) for a summary of Bailey’s dynamic wave model in particular). Thus, the variation within Manda (and to some extent its neighbors) is not entirely unexpected. The distribution of spirant weakening could be explained by one or both of two factors: (1) inconsistent application of the phonological change due to the varied timing of its inactivity, and (2) historical contact. As we saw in section 3.1, contact influences can cause a phonological innovation to become inactive, which is how both inconsistent application and historical contact might have come into play together. If (1) were true, Proto-RR could not have already undergone spirant weakening, as inconsistent application across some lects would presuppose its daughter languages had already started to expand and diversify. Apart from any other evidence, it would also mean that in all likelihood Manda’s closest genetic affiliation would be the Rufiji subgroup due to its shared spirant weakening innovation with Matengo, Mpoto, and other Rufiji. However, there is no way to eliminate the possibility of contact/areal diffusion. In regard to (2), because of the variation in his own Manda data regarding spirant weakening, Nurse (1988:47) says that it “could be explained in either direction by simple borrowing of lexis carrying either spirant or /h/”. In

9 sum, spirant weakening in the corpus languages remains inconclusive in terms of helping to determine the closest genetic affiliation for Manda.

3.3 *NC̥> NC or N

The phonological process whereby the historical sequence of a nasal followed by a voiceless homorganic plosive (*NC̥) has become either a nasal followed by a voiced plosive (NC) or a nasal by itself (N, in which the consonant has deleted altogether) is represented here as *NC̥> NC or N. Once again, the problem is that we need to try to distinguish inheritance/innovation from contact. Nurse explains the historical process as follows:

We assume here that inherited sequences of nasal plus voiceless homorganic stop have undergone one of two major processes: either the stop is voiced…or the sequence is maintained, which, however, can lead to devoicing of the nasal, which in turn can lead to N, Nʰ, C̥ʰ or C̥. Only the proto-languages for [RR] and Nyakyusa/Ndali show the stop voicing, whereas all the others show one or other form of the second process. (Nurse, 1988:31) These processes constitute two very different pathways, and the issue is that we generally see *NC̥>NC in Manda and *NC̥>N in Matumba. Kisi and Pangwa have N like Matumba, while Matengo and Mpoto have NC like the rest of Manda. This is also an area where Nurse (1988) seems to use the Matumba dialect as normative for the entire language. In table 4, this is represented with the CBOLD label, which is the data that Nurse and Philippson collected. Table 4 shows all of the relevant reflexes of *NC̥ across Manda and Matumba from the corpus, and it also includes the CBOLD data and BLR3 references.

Table 4. Class 9/10 across Manda/Matumba dialects

PB stem English Lituhi Litumba Nsungu Luilo Iwela CBOLD (BLR3) gloss Kuhamba (Matumba) Manda *-kʊ́kʊ́ ‘chicken’ ŋguku ŋguku ŋguku ŋuku ŋguku ng’oko *-pépò ‘cold’ mbepʊ mepʊ/ mbepo mepu mbepu mepu mbepʊ *-kópè ‘eyelash’ - - ŋgopi ŋopi ŋgopi (lukopi) *-kómb? ‘finger’ ŋgoɲɟi ŋoɲɟi/ (fiŋgoɲɟi) ŋgoɲɟi ŋgoɲɟi (lukonji) ŋgoɲɟi n/c ‘goat’ mene mene mene mene mene mene n/c ‘lightning’ mbamba mamba mbamba mamba mbamba mamba *-ntù ‘person’ mundu mundu mundu munu mundu munu *-ntù ‘thing’ kindu kindu / kindu kinu kinu kɪnu kinu *-jónk- ‘suck’ -joŋga -ɲoŋga -joŋga -ɲoŋga -joŋga -ɲoŋa / -ɲoŋa We can clearly see from table 4 that the CBOLD data patterns most closely with the Luilo (Matumba) dialect. To a certain extent there are examples of both N and NC in each dialect (often in the form of lexical doublets), but the overall pattern remains. Some of the examples from table 4 could possibly be looked at as the after-effects of either Dahl’s Law or Meinhof’s Rule/Law (Ganda Rule/Law). Since positing Dahl’s Law in class 9/10 roots is not supported by evidence from any other noun or verb roots, it is very unlikely that Dahl’s Law is what is at play here. Meinhof’s Rule would be more likely as it resembles the process *NC>N or NC. Meinhof’s Rule is a process in which a prenasalized voiced consonant elides when followed by a nasal or 10 prenasalized consonant in the subsequent syllable, leaving behind either a simple or geminate nasal. Gray (forthcoming) describes in her Manda phonology sketch that it is not Ganda Law at work, but rather the post-nasal consonant is deleted across the board consistently for classes 1 and 3. There are many words where there is no NCVNC sequence, and yet C1 is deleted (for class 1 and 3), such as *n- dala/nala, and *n-gosi/ŋosi, etc. There are also lots of NCVN(C) sequences that do not become NVNC: ndemba (hen), ngondo (quarrel/war), mbanda (slave), ndongo (relative), ndomondo (hippo). The *NC̥> NC or N evidence in this section is not the silver bullet of clarity to Manda’s genetic relationship to either SH or RR. However, this new research into the *NC̥ process does pose a serious difficulty in any argument for Manda as a SH language. Possible rejoinders to the argument that Manda is not SH on the basis of *NC̥ reflexes are that (1) perhaps Manda and Matumba should not be considered a single historical language variety, in which case Matumba could certainly be SH, or (2) perhaps Manda/Matumba is SH and all the Manda dialects except for Matumba were in contact with RR. We explore these possibilities in our synthesis and conclusion in section 5, after we examine the sociohistorical evidence in section 4.

4 Sociohistorical evidence

While oral traditions do not necessarily prove historical origin, it is worth taking into account what the Manda and Matumba say about their own historical origins. Data gleaned from group questionnaires taken during the 2013 SIL dialect survey of the Manda/Matumba area reveal that the Manda and Matumba have mixed views of their origins. Several groups claim the Manda are partly descended from the Nguni tribe of South Africa; others claim that they were from Malawi or from the Songea region.4 Some claim they are partly descended from the Pangwa and partly from the Matengo language communities. We will briefly comment on these claims. Ngonyani (2003:1), in his explanation of the origins of the Tanzanian Ngoni people, states that the Ngoni people incorporated many indigenous inhabitants of the area from different language groups when they moved into the highlands east of Lake Nyasa. Ngonyani includes Manda in the list of language communities that the Ngoni incorporated. This statement implies there was at least a group called Manda living there at the time the Ngoni invaded, which seems to run counter to claims that the Manda are descended from the Ngoni. Linguistically, Nurse (1999:13) claims that the Ngoni themselves abandoned the Nguni language in favour of the local languages in the nineteenth century when they invaded from the south. Nurse (1988) also made this claim based on the absence of connection between Tanzanian Ngoni and South African Nguni languages. It would seem that the invasion left few linguistic traces from Nguni (Nurse 1988:48), and that the language of the invaders themselves, now known as Tanzanian Ngoni, was more affected by the invasion than the neighboring groups were. However, according to the original SIL sociolinguistic survey (Anderson et al. 2003a), the Manda/Matumba themselves claim to understand Ngoni very well. This holds true even for those villages furthest from the Ngoni language area, with some saying that even children can understand Ngoni. In regard to the claims about the historical relationship to Pangwa, Anderson et al. (2003a:9) state that “historically, people of various ethnic groups (mostly Pangwa) migrated from various areas into the region along the coast (of the lake)”. According to this history, the Manda would be most related to the Pangwa; however, the people’s own perception of the relationship between the languages contradicts these origins. The Pangwa survey report (Anderson et al. 2003b) confirms that currently at least, the Manda and Pangwa people groups have little contact, and that the Pangwa understand very little of the Manda language. The Manda/Matumba themselves claim that there is “no language relationship whatsoever between Manda and Pangwa” (Anderson et al. 2003a:8), even for those villages closest to the Pangwa language area. The intelligibility of Kisi seems more disputed; some villages claimed that there was little resemblance, but some (Matumba villages) claimed to understand Kisi relatively well. All groups that were interviewed during the survey claimed that the lexicon is similar and the difference lies

4 This may also refer to Nguni origins since that is where the Tanzanian Ngoni settled. 11 in pronunciation. Interestingly, the Manda village called Iwela, which has had more contact with Kisi than most of the rest of the Manda area, is considered by some other Manda (Matumba) villages as a place where the people are not ethnically Manda and do not speak the Manda language. The people of Iwela themselves claim to be Manda, but many features of their dialect show the influence of the Kisi language on it. Nurse (1988:70) claims that Kisi has been heavily affected by the N.10 languages, which may be a factor influencing the higher intelligibility with Kisi than with Pangwa. Regarding the possible connection with Matengo, the findings in the 2013 dialect survey were that for those villages south of the Ruhuhu River in the Ruvuma region there is considered to be little intelligibility between Mpoto and Manda and even less between Matengo and Manda. In summary, the sociohistory of the Manda language community is still unclear. General feeling among the Manda/Matumba would connect them most closely to the Ngoni. However, Ngoni appears to have had merely a superstratum influence on Manda and other language communities in the area, and so this would not be an indicator of close genetic affiliation. For Pangwa, one would expect the comprehension with Manda to be higher if the Manda had indeed descended from Pangwa as reported; however, comprehension is quite low as the Livingstone Mountains create a barrier between the Manda and the Pangwa language areas. As an added note, the accessibility of the Kisi area by canoe gives the Manda/Matumba more opportunity for contact with Kisi. We now turn to synthesizing the lexical, phonological, and sociohistorical evidence, and developing some conclusions, specifically in interaction with the results regarding Manda’s historical relationships from Nurse (1988). We will also briefly explore ideas for further research.

5 Synthesis and conclusion

So far, this paper has considered three main streams of evidence (lexicostatistical, phonological, and sociohistorical) in working towards determining whether Manda is most closely genetically affiliated with SH or RR. In isolation, all of the streams have been ambiguous and so far inconclusive. In this section, we seek to synthesize these streams of evidence and arrive at some tentative conclusions. In section 3.3 we encountered evidence that led to the possibility that we should consider Manda and Matumba historically separate languages. The *NC̥> NC or N feature was found to be the significant phonological difference between the Matumba/Luilo dialect (*NC̥>N) and the remaining Manda dialects (*NC̥>NC). In this view, Manda could be historically RR while Matumba could be SH, solving the most pressing difficulty. There are at least two arguments for the historical unity of Manda and Matumba as dialects of one language: (1) the lexicostatistics bear this out (see section 2 and Appendix A), and (2) the testimony of Manda and Matumba native speakers themselves. Frankly, however, this is not enough evidence to eliminate the option that Manda and Matumba were historically separate languages that originally came from different genetic subgroups. If this were indeed the case, it would not change the fact that Matumba can certainly be considered a modern-day dialect of Manda. In regard to (1), as important as lexicostatistics can be, they “can only describe and extend relatedness but cannot establish it” (Nichols 1996:64). The same can be said of native speaker testimony (see Hinnebusch 1999:179). The gold standard of evidence for genetic relatedness is shared innovations, specifically what Nichols (1996) calls ‘individual-identifying’ evidence. The only such evidence that could be considered ‘individual-identifying’ in this paper is the *NC̥ feature, which happens to cut across Manda and Matumba. Part of the reason for the lack of shared innovations could be rooted in the history of these Bantu subgroups. Nurse says of SH that there is “a relative lack of really distinctive innovations. None of the innovations preceding […] is unique, all being shared with some combination of surrounding groups, which raises the possibility that the innovations might be the result of areal spread, or that the Proto-SH period was short, not allowing time for innovation” (1988:40). Rufiji is in a similar situation (see Nurse 1999:31). Normally with such a lack of shared innovations, we could rely even more on paradigmatic grammatical evidence (see Nichols 1996), especially for establishing Matumba historically as a dialect of 12

Manda. But again, the evidence remains ambiguous and inconclusive. We can see this in the clear differences between the personal pronoun set(s) in Manda and Matumba in table 5.

Table 5. Personal pronouns in Manda and Matumba (Gray 2016:148)

Person Manda (Nsungu) Matumba 1SG nenga nene 2SG wenga veve 3SG jʊla mwene 1PL tenga tete 2PL mwenga nyenye/mwemwe 3PL vala vene Obviously, this is just one example of a paradigmatic grammatical set in which Manda and Matumba are in disagreement. More research is needed on the grammar of the Matumba dialect in particular. What we do know is that Manda and Matumba indeed share much in common phonologically and grammatically. That Matumba is a modern-day dialect of Manda is not in dispute. The issue is that we still cannot dismiss the possibility that historically Manda and Matumba did not come from the same recent ancestor—that Manda belonged to the Proto-Rufiji subgroup, while Matumba was a member of Proto-SH. This would entail that Matumba underwent massive relexification, to the point where today the lexicostatistics are indistinguishable. Matumba must have also adopted many grammatical elements from Manda. Under a long period of extreme contact, none of this is out of the question in a geographical area where SH and Rufiji collide. What of the other possibilities? If we set aside the option that Manda and Matumba come from different subgroups historically, we are left with Manda/Matumba as either SH or Rufiji. We saw in section 2 that Manda/Matumba essentially has a split-lexicon between SH and Rufiji, which does not support one subgroup over another. The argument for Manda/Matumba as SH centers around the traces of Dahl’s Law. Under this scenario, spirant weakening is adequately explained due to contact with Rufiji languages to the south. The *NC̥ feature is harder to explain, but not impossible. Its distribution too would have to be the result of contact: *NC̥>N in Matumba represents the original SH feature, while *NC̥>NC in the rest of Manda would be due to contact with Rufiji. The question under this scenario: Why didn’t Matumba adopt NC like the rest of Manda? It would have to have been in contact with Rufiji languages (or the other Manda dialects with NC) to explain the spirant weakening pattern. The argument for Manda/Matumba as Rufiji centers around the majority of Manda dialects showing *NC̥>NC and the spirant weakening pattern representing inconsistent application of the innovation. Dahl’s Law traces are explained by the borrowing of individual lexical items from SH. Given the small amount of the Manda lexicon that has been affected by Dahl’s Law and those traces being in common with the neighboring SH languages, contact influence is reasonable despite Dahl’s Law normally being diagnostic in other branches of Bantu. *NC̥>N in Matumba is due to contact with SH. In this scenario, this borrowing (or reversal) only happens in one dialect instead of several. Dahl’s Law lexical items would have diffused much earlier. Nurse also mentions for Rufiji, “an apparently unique set of allomorphs for the /-ile/ suffix” (1988:45). Manda appears to have these allomorphs (Gray 2016:108), but although their geographical distribution has been clarified (e.g. Nurse 2008:267), it is still unclear whether these /-ile/ allomorphs truly would distinguish Rufiji from SH, but needs to be explored further. Of these three different options, it is difficult to choose between the first scenario of Manda and Matumba as historically different languages and the third scenario of a united Manda/Matumba as Rufiji. Both are not just possible but plausible, even though they have their drawbacks and relatively unusual historical journeys. The second scenario with a united Manda/Matumba as SH seems much more unlikely. Further research is needed on morphosyntactic innovations (e.g. tense/aspect) and tonal data for the corpus languages, especially detailing any further differences in the Matumba lect. 13

In this paper we have explored lexicostatistical, phonological, and sociohistorical evidence in the goal of determining the closest genetic affiliation for Manda (SH or RR). Much of the evidence was ambiguous and inconclusive, but in this section we were able to put together three viable scenarios. Two of those scenarios we found much more likely than the remaining option, and both refine our understanding of Manda’s history and dialectology. We primarily interacted with Nurse (1988) who had given the most in-depth previous account. Most crucially, it appears that the dialect used by Nurse for Manda is actually Matumba, which is phonologically different from the Manda dialects, especially in regard to the reflexes of *NC̥. Regardless which one of the likely options correspond to historical reality, both posit the majority of Manda dialects as historically Rufiji, not SH.

Appendix A: Lexicostatistics

Lituhi

Litumba 75 Kuhamba 77 67 Nsungu

73 76 71 Luilo

75 73 77 78 Iwela

53 54 53 58 58 Kisi

43 44 45 50 48 59 Pangwa

65 65 60 67 63 52 45 Ngoni

47 44 48 43 48 37 26 43 Matengo

53 45 51 42 48 33 26 43 71 Mpoto

14 Appendix B: 296-item wordlist for corpus languages

The wordlist data transcriptions are replicated from the original source databases (see §2), except for the Manda and Matumba varieties which are in IPA. Tone is generally not included due both to the nature of the source databases and the rapid survey word-collection conducted by SIL.

English Litumba Lituhi Nsungu Luilo Iwela Kisi Pangwa Ngoni Matengo Mpoto Gloss Kuhamba 1 eye líhu - míhu liho - mihu lihu - mihu lihu - mihu lihu - mihu liːhu liho lihu lîhu - mîhu liu fíkupalɪlɪ - fikupulila - ng'ope cha 2 eyelid ŋgopi ŋopi ŋgopi lukopi ng'opi ingopi ingopi kíkʊpalɪlɪ kikupulila mumiho líkutu - líkutu - likutu - likutu - likutu - likûtu - 3 ear mbʊlʊkʊtʊ mbulukhutu likutu; ɲɟɛvɛ likutu mákutu makutu makutu makutu makutu makûtu ndomo - ndomo - ndomo - ndomo - ndomo - ndomo - 4 mouth ndomo mlomo m̩ lɔmɔ kukano milomo milomo milomo milomo milomo mílomo (lip) litama - lugômu – 5 *jaw ɲɟeɟe ɲɟeɟe ɲɟege tili taʝa lucheeche njeje lugomo matama ingômu mbúnu - mbunu / ímbulu - 6 nose mbunu mbunu mbunu mheŋelu meng'elo mɛŋɛlu imbulu mbunu meŋelu ímbulu kiɲɟwemba - kiɲɟwemba - kiɲɟwemba - kiɲɟwemba - kiɲɟwemba - 7 *chin kidefu khilefu ciɲɟwɛmba kíleu - íleu kileu - ileu fiɲɟwemba fiɲɟwemba fiɲɟwemba fiɲɟwemba fiɲɟwemba liɲɟwémba - liɲɟwemba - liɲɟwemba - lúnde(b)u - 8 beard maɲɟwemba ndefu ndefu mlefu maɲɟwɛmba indeo maɟwémba maɲɟwemba maɲɟwemba índe(b)u 9 tooth línu - mínu linu - minu linʊ - minʊ linu - minu linu - minu liːnu lino linu lîno - mîno lino

10 tongue lulimi lulími lulimi lulimi lulimi lulimi lulimi lulimi lúlimi - ínimi lulimi umûtu - 11 head mútu - mítu mútu - mítu mutu - mitu mʊtu - mitu mutu - mitu mutu mutwe mutu mmutu mimûtu hair (of lijúɲɟu - lijuɲɟu - ljuɲɟu - lijuɲɟu - líjunzu - 12 lijuɲɟu ɲɟwili njwili ɲɟwili lijunju head) majúɲɟu majuɲɟu majuɲɟu majuɲɟu májunzu 13 neck siŋgu siŋgʊ siŋgʊ siŋgʊ siŋgʊ siŋgu singo siŋgu hîngu-hîngu hingo liléme - liléme - lileme - lileme - lileme - lileme - lileme - 14 stomach lileme lutumbo lutumbu maléme maléme maleme maleme maleme maleme maleme ŋkúfu - nkufu - ŋkufu - ŋkufu - nkuhu - 15 navel ŋkufu nkʊfʊ mdungu lukufu nkuu mikúfu mikufu mikufu mikufu míkuhu

15 16

English Litumba Lituhi Nsungu Luilo Iwela Kisi Pangwa Ngoni Matengo Mpoto Gloss Kuhamba back (of ŋoŋgo - ŋoŋgo - ŋoŋgo - ngongu - 16 ŋoŋgo ŋoŋgo ɲuma mkongo mgɔŋgɔ; msana nngongo body) migoŋgo migoŋgo migoŋgo mígongu lifugumilu – lifugumíɾu - lifugumɪlʊ - lifugumɪlʊ - lifugumɪlu - 17 *knee mafugumilu / goti lifukamilo lifugamilu ligóti - mágǒti lijugwa mafugumíɾu mafugumɪlʊ mafugumɪlʊ mafugumɪlu ligoti kigʊlʊ - kigʊlʊ - kigʊlʊ - kigʊlʊ - kigʊlu - kilʊndi / 18 leg likulu cigendelu kigʊlʊ ligolo magʊlʊ magʊlʊ figʊlʊ figʊlʊ figʊlu kiɣʊlʊ lwaju - lwaju - lwaju - kiɣʊlʊ / lwâgi - hyâgi - 19 foot lwaju luɲajo likulu cigɛndɛlu ligolo ɲaju ɲaju ɲaju kilʊːndi lwâju - hyâju kiwóko - kiwóko - kiwoko - kiwoko - kiwoko - kúboku - lib'oko - 20 arm kiβoko livokho ciwɔkɔ mawóko mawóko mawoko mawoko mawoko máboku mabhoko palm (of kiwóko - lukoɲɟi - kigaɲɟa - kigaɲɟa - kíganza - 21 kigaɲɟa kiɣaɲɟa khikanja cigaɲɟa kig'anja hand) mawóko ŋgoɲɟi figaɲɟa figaɲɟa íganza *finger luhjuwʊ - lukoɲɟi - 22 fjuhʊ fjʊgʊ ŋgoɲɟi lukoɲɟi lukhonji luhyuwu sôbu - hyôbu chobu nail hjowʊ ŋgoɲɟi lúkoɲɟi - lukoɲɟi - kikoɲɟi - lukoɲɟi - ŋgoɲɟi - kikoɲɟi kja lúgonzi - 23 finger khivokho lukɔɲɟi lukonji ŋgóɲɟi ŋoɲɟi fiŋgoɲɟi fikoɲɟi fikoɲɟi kiβoko ngônzi ngwâpa - 24 armpit ŋgwápa ŋgwapa ŋgwapa ŋgwapa ŋgwapa ŋ'hwapa mkhwapa ngwapanilu ingwapa ngwâpa likúmba - likúmba - likumba - likumba - likumba - ŋgosi ja híkanda - 25 skin sonda ya munu cikumba likambila mákumba makúmba makumba makumba makumba mundu ngânda lihúpa - lifupa - lifupa - liɟege - lifupa - lî:hupa - 26 bone lifupa licheke liʄɛgɛ kihupa mahúpa mafupa mafupa maɟege mafupa máhupa mwasi - 27 blood mwasi mwasi - mjasi mwasi mwasi mwasi danda ŋasi mwâhi mwai mjasi lihõli - lisoli - 28 tear maholi maholi mahosi luhosɪ linyochi mahɔli lî:holi - máholi maholi maholi masoli lihuki - lihũki - lifuki - kuhʊma lihógatela - 29 sweat lifuki lifuki -huma ijashu mfutumalu lihogutela mahúki mahúki mafuki lifuki máhogatela kibíndi - liini - ntima - kibindi - kibindi - 30 liver - mtima cibindi lî:mani - ímani imani fibindi maini mitima fibindi fibindi ɲɟwaŋgu / 31 voice ɲɟoʋelu liːsu lilɔvi lîlobi - málobi ɲɟwaʋila liŋelu - liŋélʊ - liŋelu - liŋelʊ - liŋelu - lipembe / 32 horn lupembe liŋɛlu ling’élo liɲelu maŋelu maŋélʊ maŋelu maŋelʊ maŋelu malamala 17

English Litumba Lituhi Nsungu Luilo Iwela Kisi Pangwa Ngoni Matengo Mpoto Gloss Kuhamba lipapanílu - lipapanílʊ - lipapanílu - lipapanilu - lipapanilu - ligwaba; 33 wing kibabatilu lipapatilo kípapatila mapapanílu mapapanílu mapapanílu mapapanilu mapapanilu lipapanilu liŋgóma - liŋgóma - liŋgoma - liŋgoma - liŋgoma - 34 feather liʝoʝa likala liŋgɔma lingôma mangoma maŋgóma maŋgóma maŋgoma maŋgoma maŋgoma ŋkila - ŋkɪla - ŋkila - 35 tail ŋkɪ́la - mikɪ́la ŋkɪla - mikɪla nkɪla mkhila mkila ń̩ke̠la nkela mikila mɪkɪla mikila lihʊ́mbi - lihʊ́mbi - lihʊmbi - lihʊmbi - 36 egg lihʊmbi lifʊmbi likhaang'a likaŋa lihó̠mbi lihombi mahʊ́mbi mahʊ́mbi mahʊmbi mahʊmbi 37 honey wutʃi wuki βwʊki vuukhi wuci búsi busi

lihiba - 38 milk lukáma lukáma lisiʋa lisiʋa lisiʋa lukama machiva lukama másiba lihibha 39 meat ɲama ɲama njama njama ɲama ɲama nyama ɲama ínyama inyana múndu - mundu - mundu - mundu - 40 person munu - ʋanu mundu munu mundu mûndu - bându mundu ʋándu ʋandu ʋandu ʋandu mwánalomi - 41 man ŋósi - ʋagósi ŋosi - ʋagosi ŋosi - ʋagosi ŋosi - ʋagosi ŋosi - ʋagosi munagoːsi mwadaada m̩ g ɔsi mwanalomi ákanálomi ŋgwana ŋgwana ŋgwana ʋaŋgu - waŋgu - ŋgwana ŋgwana ńdomi - álomi, 42 husband ŋgoːsi mkoosi mŋgwana ndomi waŋgu ʋaŋgwana ʋaŋgwana ʋaŋgu waŋgu akaálomi ʋaŋgu ʋaŋgu nala - nala - nala - nala - nala - mwayuva / mbômba - áka 43 woman munadala mdala mbomba ʋadala ʋadala ʋadala ʋadala ʋadala mkhidala mbômba muhana muhana ŋʊli ʋaŋgu - waŋgu - ńhanu, áhanu - 44 wife ŋoli ʋaŋgu ŋoli waŋgu ndala mdala mdala uhwano waŋgu ʋagʊli ʋaŋgu ʋahana ákaáhanu ʋaŋgu atâti - ákatâti - father dádi - dadi - dadi - 45 dadi dadi daːdi daadi dadi áhěngolo - atati b'ango (my) ʋadádi ʋadadi ʋadadi ákahéngolo mother mawu - mawu - mau - amâbu - 46 mau mawu maːβu yuuva mawu amabo (my) ʋamawu ʋamawu ʋamau ákamâbu ndʊmbʊkaja - elder ʋalʊmbʊkaja muhatʃa - mbeli - ábeli - 47 kaka kaka kaka mama mhaacha kaka; mkulu nkoano brother / kaka - ʋahatʃa ákaábeli ʋakaka

English Litumba Lituhi Nsungu Luilo Iwela Kisi Pangwa Ngoni Matengo Mpoto Gloss Kuhamba ánijăja - mother’s mwipa - mwipa - 48 mɟomba jaja jaja ʝaːʝa muyaaya ákaníjăja, brother ʋipa ʋipa ákiníjăja mwana - mwana - mwana - mwana - 49 child (my) mwána - ʋána mwana umwana mwana mwâna - bâna mwana ʋana ʋana ʋana ʋana nséja - nseja - ŋgogolo - nseja - nseja - ŋgogolo mkokolo / vaɲaluhala; 50 elder nsêja - asêja nseja ʋaséja ʋaseja ʋagogolo ʋaseja ʋaseja sehe mkoyo gɔgɔlɔ grand húkuɾu - sʊkʊlʊ - sʊkʊlʊ - sukulu / 51 kʊku kʊːkʊ khukhu hukulu ahokolo parent ʋahukulu ʋasʊkʊlʊ ʋasukulu kʊkʊ ŋgéne - ŋgene - wakuhitʃa - ŋgene - ŋgene - mgɛni; mhɛɲɟa; 52 guest ŋgeɲɟi mkenji ńgeni - ágeni ʋajene ʋajene ʋakuhitʃa ʋajene ʋajene m'yehi mútwa - ɟumbi - mutwa - bambu 53 chief mbaha witu mfalme mutwa n'kosi ʋátwa ʋaɟumbi ʋatwa nkolongu muluŋgu / 54 god tʃapáŋga Muŋgu muŋgu muluŋgu muŋgu linguluvi cimluŋgu ń̩do̠ngu tʃapaŋga kjuta utámu - utamu - utamu - 55 sickness tamu ilwala ntamu tamu utâmu -lwala mátamu ʋatamu matamu kilónda - kilonda - kilonda - kilonda - khivamba / kílonda - 56 wound kilonda kilonda cilɔnda filónda filonda filonda filonda khikhoong'a ílonda nténde - ŋoda - ntende - 57 medicine mitiʃamba ŋoda ŋgoda mkoda mtɛla / migɔda ńtěla - mítěla mitela miténde migoda mitende mbɪlɪ - mbɪlɪ - mbɪlɪ - 58 body mbɪlɪ mbili mβɪlɪ mvili mhwili; mvili hyêga - hyêga yega miʋɪlɪ miʋɪlɪ miʋili lihína - lihína - lihina - lihina - lihina - 59 name litaːβu litaawa lihina lihína - máhĭna lihina mahina mahína mahina mahina mahina lihowo - lihówo - lihowo - mahowo / lihowo - lihowo - 60 *hyena lififi lififi lihɔgɔ lipúndwa lipundwa mahowo mahowo libondela - mahowo mahowo mabondela lipúsi - lipusi - limbuɲali - lipusi - lipusi - kamlamu / pûsi - pusi - 61 cat liɲalu limisi mapúsi mapusi mambuɲali mapusi mapusi kapusi mbunyâli mbunyau kihʊʋi - suʋi - lisuʋi - suʋi - 62 leopard kihʊ́ʋi - fihʊ́ʋi sʊβi liduuma cihuvi kího̠bi kihobi fihʊʋi masuʋi masuʋi masuʋi lihímba - lihimba - lihimba - lihimba - lihimba - 63 lion lisɪmba libonji lihimba líhimba lihimba mahímba mahimba mahimba mahimba mahimba

English Litumba Lituhi Nsungu Luilo Iwela Kisi Pangwa Ngoni Matengo Mpoto Gloss Kuhamba lindʊlindʊli- liniminími - liniminimi - liniminimi - liniminimi - 64 *fruit-bat mandʊlindʊ lindʊlindʊli khindulinduli cinimánima kínǐma maniminími maniminimi maniminimi maniminimi li ligeke - ligeke - ligeke - 65 termite likele likele muhwa mmehe likɛlɛ ń̩keki limea mageke mageke mageke termite kiduli - kidúli - kisʊɣulu - kiduli - kisugulu - 66 kihwa khisukulu ciduli; cidulu kikula hill fiduli fidúli fisuɣulu fiduli ʋisugulu 67 goat mene mene mene mene mene mhene mene mɛnɛ imbuhi imbui isenga indala / 68 cow ŋómbi ŋombi ŋombi ŋombi ŋombi ŋgolombi ŋɔmbɛ ng’ômbi ng'ombi mbukuma likambaku - likambaku - likambaku - likambako - likambaku - ng’ombi 69 bull likambaku likida likambaku ŋombi makambaku makambaku makambaku makambako makambaku lipôngu litoli - litoli - litoli - ŋombi 70 calf litóli - matóli litoli - matoli khikwada litoli litoli litoli matoli matoli matoli ndala ŋguku - 71 chicken ŋgʊ́ku ŋguku ŋuku ŋguku ŋhʊkʊ ng'uukhu ŋguku íngo̠ku ingoko maŋguku liɟogolo - liɟogolo - liɟogolo - liɟogolo - liɟogolo - 72 cock liɟogolo lichokolo liɟogolo likóngobi likoŋgobi maɟogolo maɟogolo maɟogolo maɟogolo maɟogolo lidége - kidege - kidege - lidege - lidege - kijuni - 73 bird kiʝuni khideke cidɛgɛ kíjuni madége fidege madege madege madege ijuni lisatu - lisatu - lisatu - lisatu - 74 *python lisatu - masatu lisatu lihatu lisatu lǐhátu lihatu masatu masatu masatu masatu somba - 75 fish sómba somba somba somba somba somba sɔmba hô̠mba homba masomba ɲɟusi - 76 honey bee ɲɟutʃi (pl) ɲɟutʃi ɲɟusi ɲɟuki luʝʊki luyukhi luɲɟuci lijusi injuchi maɲɟusi louse (of lisosólo - lisosolo - lisosolo - lisosolo - lisosolo - 77 lisosolo sosolo lisɔsɔlɔ imala imala body) masosólo masosolo masosolo masosolo masosolo liʋémbe - liʋembe - liʋembe - liʋembe - liʋembe - 78 house fly liɣʊlʊːsi lihaachi mbuluvuka kibêmbi libembe maʋémbe maʋembe maʋembe maʋembe maʋembe ŋkoŋgo - ukoŋgo / mikoŋgo / libɪki - libɪhi - libɪhɪ - 79 tree mbɪhɪ libihi mkɔŋgɔ / libihi ń̩kongu nkongo libihɪ - mabihi libɪhɪ - mabɪki mabɪhi mabɪhɪ mabɪhɪ

English Litumba Lituhi Nsungu Luilo Iwela Kisi Pangwa Ngoni Matengo Mpoto Gloss Kuhamba libási - libasi - likʊŋguti - libasi - libasi - 80 bark libasi libanji libasi lijobateki lijola mabási mabasi makʊŋguti mabasi mabasi lihámba - lihamba - lihamba - lihamba - lihamba - litʊndʊ lja 81 leaf litundu lihamba líhamba lihamba mahámba mahamba mahamba mahamba mahamba libɪhɪ lindáfi - limbanda - lutafi - lindafi - litafi - 82 branch litaːfi litaafya ndafi limbándi limbandi mandáfi mambanda matafi mandafi matafi khiwili; kihwíli - kimfwili - kimfwili - kimfwili - mfwili - 83 shade mwɪgɪgɪ mwisikhilo; kihwili uhwili fihwili vimfwili fimfwili fimfwili mifwili mwisikhu walking ŋkoŋgotʃi - ŋkoŋgotʃi - ŋkoŋgotʃi - ŋkoŋgosi - 84 ŋkoŋgotʃi stick mikoŋgotʃi mikoŋgotʃi mikoŋgotʃi mikoŋgosi ŋkɪɣa - mzizi - ndela - 85 root mzizi ŋkɪga ndela lilela mkiga ń̩ke̠ga nkega mikɪɣa mizizi milela mbeju - 86 seed mbeju mbeju mbeju mbeju mbeʝu mbeyu mbeyu imbeyu imbeju mambeju liɲasi/liɲahi - liɲáhi - liɲɟasi - liɲahi - liɲasi - 87 *grass maɲasi/ liɲasi litundu liɲahi; ucani linyahi manyai maɲáhi maɲɟasi maɲahi maɲasi maɲahi liluʋa - 88 flower maua liua - maua maluʋa maua lilʊβa liluva liuwa liloba lihua maluʋa mwíʋa - mwiʋa - mwifa - mwifa - 89 thorn mifwa mwifu miifwa lumiŋga mwía mwia míʋa miʋa mifa mif(w)a ŋúnda - ŋʊnda - ŋunda - ŋunda - ŋunda - 90 *field ŋgʊnda lihala mgunda ńgo̠nda ngonda migúnda migʊnda migunda migunda migunda kiʋaja - kiʋaja - kiʋaja - 91 *barn kiʋaja - hiʋaja kiʋaja - fiʋaja luβaɣa luvaka litala; civaya fiʋaja fiʋaja fiʋaja 92 wall luwʊmba luwʊmba luʋumba luwumba luwumba luβʊmba lubumba luhumba lúmatu ukuta kiɟiɟi - likaja - 93 village kiɟiɟi kiɟiɟi - kiɟiɟi khivuuta muɟi kijîji - pákǎja musi hiɟiɟi makaja 94 path ndɪla ndɪla ndɪla ɲɟɪla ndɪla ɲɟɪla injiila ɲɟila kalê̠la - indê̠la indela kíndu - kíndu/kenu - kindu - kɪnu - kɪnu - chindu 95 thing kɪndu khiinu cindu sîndu híndu fíndu/fenu findu fɪnu fɪnu (sindu) ŋgoji - ŋgoji - ŋgojɪ - ŋgoji - ŋgoji - mlekesi / 96 rope ŋgoʝi ɲɔsi n̩tîbi miɣoji miwoji miwoji miwoji miwoji mlekehe 21

English Litumba Lituhi Nsungu Luilo Iwela Kisi Pangwa Ngoni Matengo Mpoto Gloss Kuhamba lihúndu - kifundʊ - lifundu - lifundu - 97 knot liputu lifundo lihundu lihundu lihundwa mahundu fifundʊ mafundu mafundu kitiɪhu - 98 chair kiti kiti tʃa uʋiʋu kiti kiti kiti khideeko citi kitêu kitɪu fitɪhu kigoda - kigoda - kibadaga - 99 stool kigoda kigoda mesa ndebe khideeko citi kitêu kitɪu figoda figoda fibadaga 100 salt mwiɲu mwiɲu mwiɲu mwɪɲu mwiɲu mwiɲu mwinyo mwiɲu mwînyu mwinyu

101 millet lese lese lese lese lese βuseβele vupemba mapɛmba mápemba mapemba liŋgondola - 102 porridge wuɟi koʋa uɟi wuɟi βwʊɟi vungondoli ubaga huɟi ukoβa maŋgondola ɲɟala ji 103 hunger ɲɟála ɲɟala ɲɟala ɲɟala ɲɟala -va ninjala ɲɟala lúlambápahi injala βaβa 104 thirst kujʊmɪla kujumɪla ɲwita kiu kujumɪla kuʝʊmɪlwa -laapa ɲwita nywîta ɲwita kihetulu - 105 *gift humbʊlʊ humbʊlʊ humbulu zawadi mbonolo injombe kíhupo - íhupo fihetulu cooking kiʋega - kiteleku - kiʋɪga - kiʋɪga - 106 kiʋɪga kiβɪɣa khivika civiga kibega kibeɣa pot fiʋega fiteleku fiʋɪga fiʋɪga nsigu - nsigu wa nsigu nsigu - 107 load nsiɣu nsiɣu mchiko mzigu ń̩sigu nsigu misigu pamʊlo (mizigo) misigu kjoma - litʃoma - likjuma - kjuma - kjuma - 108 iron ljuma shuma cuma kípanzi kihano fjóma matʃoma makjuma fjuma fjuma lijela - lijela - lijela - lijela - lijela - likimilo / 109 hoe likʊmbʊlʊ ligɛla lîgela - lîjela lig'ela majela majela majela majela majela lihukha mpámba - mpámba - mpamba - kisu - 110 knife mpamba kipenu mmake cipula m̩ p â m b a mpamba mipamba mipamba mipamba fisu lipáŋga - mpaŋga - lipaŋga - paŋga - lipaŋga - 111 big knife mapaŋga mapaŋga mapaŋga mapaŋga mapaŋga mpamba mpamba blunt mpamba kisu kitema mpamba limbúlu - 112 gubundub- libundub- kuhoŋgola sitema (knife) gutilili lepa gubundwiki limbúndi undu undu sharp mpamba mpamba mpamba mpamba 113 kisu kitema kali khiitema -kali; -tɛma bwǒ̠gi (knife) gutema gwitema utema gwitema liʋagu - liʋagu - liʋagu - liʋagu - liʋagu - 114 axe ndwaŋga livaako livagɔ líbagu lib'ago maʋagu maʋagu maʋagu maʋagu maʋagu 22

English Litumba Lituhi Nsungu Luilo Iwela Kisi Pangwa Ngoni Matengo Mpoto Gloss Kuhamba ŋoha - ŋoha - ŋoha - ŋoha - 115 spear ŋoha - migoha ŋgoha mkoha mgɔha n̩kôa nkoa migoha migoha migoha migoha mʃale - kipindi - 116 arrow pɪndi lupindu mshale mcɔyɔ; nduta n̩sâli - lihônga mpendi miʃale fipindi lilindi - lilɪndi - lilɪndɪ - lilɪndi - lilindi - libó̠mba - 117 hole lilɪndɪ mlindi lilindi libomba malindi malɪndi malɪndɪ malɪndi malindi lihóto duʋi - ndʊwʊ - duʋi - duʋi - 118 enemy duʋi - maduʋi duːβi litavangu maduʋi ʋaluwu maduʋi maduʋi 119 arguments ŋani ŋani lukani ŋani ŋgani nhaːni ng'aani mwoto - mwoto - lilambi - 120 fire moto mwoto mwoto mwoto mwɔtɔ; mbasu mwôto motu mjoto mjoto malambi luʋawu - lubawu - luʋahu - lúhanzu - 121 firewood mbawu mbawu luβaβu luhakala sagala hanju mbawu mbawu mbahu nhânzu ljosi - 122 smoke ljohi ljosi ljosi ljosi ljosi lyosi lyɔhi lihyôi lihyoi maljosi ljeŋge - ljeŋge - lifu - 123 ashes lifu lifu ljeŋge lyenge lyɛŋgɛ / lihu ilîhu iliu maljeŋge maljeŋge malifu 124 night kilu kilu kilu kilu kilu pakilu pakhilo kilu ikîlu ikilu

125 darkness lwisi lwisi lwisi lwisi lwisi ŋgiːsi khutiitu citita lwiê lubendu

126 month mwese - mjese mwesi - mjesi mwese mwese mwesi mwesi mwechi lundóndo - lútǒndo - 127 star ndondʊ ndondo ndondo ndondo lutondo lutondwi lundɔndɔ; ɲɔta ndondwa ndondo lúndǒndo 128 sun ljʊʋa ljoʋa / lijoʋa liɟuʋa liɟuʋa liɟuʋa liɟʊβa lichuva / livala lyuva; lilaŋga lyô̠ba lyoba

129 daytime musi musi musi musi musi pamusi pamunyi necho muhi mûhi lyoba

130 today lelu lelʊ lɪlɪnu lelu lelu leːlu ileelo lɛlɔ lê̠lê̠nu leleno *yester liso - 131 golo golo ɠoɾo golo golo ɣolo ikolo gɔlɔ lǐso day licho *tomor- 132 kilawu kilau kilawu kilau kilahu kilaβu khilaavo cilawu kilâbu kilabo row kulihundi; 133 *sky kunani kunani kunani kunani kunani kukjaɲa khushaanya kunáne kunani kunani

English Litumba Lituhi Nsungu Luilo Iwela Kisi Pangwa Ngoni Matengo Mpoto Gloss Kuhamba 134 *cloud mahundi mahundi mafundi mahundi mafundi liβɪŋgu lifulukha lihundi; liwiŋgu líhundi maundi mepu / 135 wind mpʊŋgʊ mpuŋgu mpuŋgu mpʊŋgʊ mpuŋgu mpʊŋgʊ mpungu / mpuŋgu n̩hwâi mpongu lipalangulu 136 rain hula hula fula fula fula fula fula hula íh(y)ula ihula

137 water matʃi matʃi / masi matʃi masi matʃi maːsi makasi maɲɟi mâsi machi ŋkuka - 138 river ŋkʊka ŋkʊka ŋkuka ŋkemba kihʊlʊ lukasi mfulɛni lô̠si nkoka ̩ mikuka 139 *lake ɲaɲɟa muhaŋga ɲaɲɟa ziwa ɲaɲɟa ɲaɲɟa nyanja gutanda nyânza nhwanga

140 dew ndʊŋgwa metu nduŋgu metu metu nhʊŋʊ limechi mubetu ulumi mahaŋgame kidʊ́nda - kidʊ́nda - kidunda - kidunda - 141 mountain kidunda kidʊnda ikhidunda citumbi kitômbi kitombi fidʊ́nda fidúnda fidunda fidunda ligáŋga - ligaŋga - ligaŋga - ligaŋga - ilibo - 142 stone ligaŋga ligaŋga likanga ligaŋga ílibu magáŋga magaŋga magaŋga magaŋga imago ludʊpi - ludʊpi - lidʊpi - lidupi - matogopi; 143 soil (clay) lidopi kikama umufuumbi madakali úto̠pi madupi madʊpi madʊpi madupi mandakali nsaŋga - nsáŋga - nsaŋga - 144 *sand msaŋga nsaŋga nsaŋga mhanga masavati hǒko - lúhanga luhanga masaŋga masáŋga masaŋga cikuɲɟa; luhúmbi - 145 *dust luhumbi lufumbi lufumbi lufumbi liːfu mafumbi lububu; luhô̠mbi kuhombi maluhúmbi luhumbi mwaka - mwaka - 146 year mwaka mwaka mwaka mwaka mwakha mwaka mwâka chaka miaka miaka 147 me neŋga nene neŋga nene nene neŋɡa uneene nɛnɛ népǎne - ne ne (nenga) weapa - 148 you (sg) weŋga ʋəʋe weŋga ʋeʋe ʋeʋe βeːβe uveeve vɛvɛ gwéhǎpa - gwe wenga 149 he mwene mwene jula mwene jula mwene umwene mwɛnɛ jwǒmbi jwombe twéhǎpa - 150 we teŋga tete teŋga tete tete tweŋɡa uwheewe tɛtɛ twenga twépani mwéhǎpa - 151 you (pl) mweŋga ɲeɲe mweŋga ɲɪɲɪ mwemwe mweŋɡa unyenye ɲɛɲɛ mwenga mwângǎnya

English Litumba Lituhi Nsungu Luilo Iwela Kisi Pangwa Ngoni Matengo Mpoto Gloss Kuhamba 152 they ʋene ʋene ʋala ʋala ʋala βeːne aveene vɛnɛ bômbi - bóbi b'ombe chitayi / 153 four ntʃétʃe ntʃetʃe ntʃetʃe ntʃetʃe ntʃetʃe fina -cɛcɛ ń̩sesi nsesi mtanda 154 five muhanu muhanu muhanu muhanu muhanu fihanu chihanu -mhanu ń̩hanu nhwano kupjupa / 155 hot lupjʊwʊ ljoʋa likali dʒoto lifuki lifuki 156 cold mbepʊ mepʊ mbepo mepu mbepu mhepu -va ng'ala mɛpu +hîmo kipepo

157 long kitali kitaːli kitali kitali kitali tali taali -tali +lasu-nasu +lasu-nasu

158 short kihupi kihupi kifupi kifupi kifupi fupi fupi fupi +jǐpi -jipi kiʋaha / 159 big kiʋaha kiʋaha kiʋaha kiʋaha baha vaha -vaha +ko̠lô̠ngu -kolongwa kikʊlʊŋgʊ kitʃoko / 160 small kitʃoko kitʃoko kidebe kidebe debe deebe -dɛbɛ +sóku -soko kidebe 161 *heavy kitopa kindu kitopa kitopa kitʊpa kindu kitopa bhusitu chito -tɔpa -topa - +tópeu -topa kindu kitopa kindu 162 *light kijʊjʊfʊ kijujufu kijojʊfu ʝʊʝʊfu vevelele -jó̠jo̠hu -pepwa he kijujufu mtihani mtihani 163 difficult kinonono kinonono gunantahu nonono linonono gugumu gugumu 164 good tʃa bwina tʃa bwina kinofu kinoho kindʊ kinofu nofu nofu abwina +nyahi -nyai kindu tʃa 165 bad kinofu lepa kiʋifu kinoho lepe kindʊ kibaja bhibhi viivi baya +nákau -ambone bwina he 166 *bitter giʋaʋa litunda liʋaʋa gaʋaʋa giʋaʋa giʋaʋa kulʊla -vava -baba -bhabha matunda 167 *sweet giɲoŋoɲa ganoga ginoga ginoga kunogha noka -nɔga -noga -nogha giɲoŋoɲa *left pandigwa kúboku 168 maŋgɪjɪ maŋgeɣe maŋgɪgɪ maŋgɪgɪ - khikanja kumaŋgigi kumaŋgeja (hand) kuʃoto kumánangeja *right pandigwa kúboku 169 malɪlu malelu malɪlu malilu - khikanja kumalyɛlɔ kumalelo (hand) kulia kwanámalelelu 170 beneath pahɪ pahi pasi pahi pasi paːsi pa - pahi pahe kui

English Litumba Lituhi Nsungu Luilo Iwela Kisi Pangwa Ngoni Matengo Mpoto Gloss Kuhamba kumkongo 171 behind kuŋoŋgo kuhjetu kuŋoŋgo kuŋoŋgo kuŋoŋgo kuɲuma kunyuma kumbele kumbele khwa 172 in front of kulóŋgolo kuloŋgolo kuloŋgolo kuloŋgolo kuloŋgolo βuloŋgolo khuvolongolo kuloŋgolo kulooŋge kulongi

173 near papipi papipi papipi papipi papipi papiːpi papiipi papipi pámbipi pambipi kindu kja 174 new tʃa mpja kiɲipa kiɲipa kiɲipa pya pya mpya +nyâhi -henu mpja 175 all fjoha findu fjoha fjoha fjoha foha oha ooha -ɔha +ôha -oa findu 176 many fjamahele fjamahele fimehele fimehele -ŋgɪ +olofu máhɛlɛ +íngi ingi fimehele kiduŋu / 177 red kikele kindu kiduŋu kikele kiduŋu dung'hu duung'u -duŋg'u +kêli kikele kipili / 178 black kipili kipili / kititu kipiːli kititu titu tiitu -titu +jilu mbili kititu kindu +hûhu - 179 white kiʋalafu kiʋalafu kiʋalafu kiʋalafu bhalafu valafu amsɔpi nhuo kiʋalafu +hûo weŋga 180 who? jani jani jani jani niaːni yuyaani jani nyane; nya? ɲa? wanani 181 what? kjani kjani / kiki kjani kiki kiki kiki khikhi kjani kiki kwa

182 *dirty ŋgʊwʊ ɟitʃafu ŋgʊwʊ itʃafu ŋgowo itʃafu ɟitʃafu ɟitʃafu chafu -lama -hakala; cafu +bepa usapu to be litunda 183 liwolili liwolili liwolili liboʋu kuβola -vola -wɔla jibolike kiboo rotten libovu kitambala 184 dry kijʊmʊ kijʊmʊ kjumu kijumili -ʝʊmʊ umu -yumu +jǒ̠mu -jomu kjʊmo kitambala 185 wet kivɪsɪ kiʋisi kiʋesi kiʋisi - - kɪʋɪsɪ 186 *to be full imemili tʃupa imemili iméˈmiˑli imemɪli imemili kumema -mema -mɛma -twele -twelela to sit 187 kutama kutama kuˈtama kutama kutama kutaːma -taama -tama -tama -tama down 188 to stand kujima kujɪma kuˈjɪma kujɪma kujɪma kuʝɪma -ima -yima -jema -jema -g'one 189 to sleep kugona kugona kuˈgona kugona kugona kuɣona -kona itulo -gɔna -gɔlɔka lugono

English Litumba Lituhi Nsungu Luilo Iwela Kisi Pangwa Ngoni Matengo Mpoto Gloss Kuhamba 190 to rise up kujumuka kujumuka kujúˈmuka kujumuka kujumuka - -

191 *to ask for kulʊʋa kusʊka kuˈsuka kusuka kusuka kusʊːma -nyilikha -yupa -looba -jopa kuheŋgeles 192 to bring kuleta kuleta kuˈleˑta kuleta letaji -leeta -lɛta -leta -leta ja to get, nipáˈtili 193 kupáta kupata kupata nikaʋili kukaβa -pata -pata -pata receive (kupata) 194 to take kutola kutola kuˈtoˑla kutola kutola kutoːla -toola -tɔla -tola -tola kuˈpɪnda / 195 to carry kupɪnda kupɪnda kupɪnda kupɪnda kupɪnda -pinda -tola -jukua -tola kubapa 196 to hold kukamúla kukamula kukáˈmʊla kukamula kukamula kukamula -khamula -kamula -kamula -kamula

197 to sell kuhemelesa kuhemelesa kuhemelésa kuhemelésa kuhemelesa kuɣʊsja -kucha -gulisa -hemelesa -hemelesa -hemela - - 198 to buy kuhemela kuhemela kuhéˈmela kugula kuhemela kuɣʊla -kula -gula -hemela lomba 199 to give kumpela kumpela kuʋaˈpeˑla kupela anipelili kupeːla -peela -pɛla -pekeka -peke kukosja / 200 to send kutuma kuntuma kulaˈgɪsa kutuma kutuma -seeng'a -tuma -tuma -tuma kulaɣisja kuʋina / kuˈluma / -luma / -vava 201 to bite kuluma kuʋina kuluma kuluma -luma -luma -luma piʋina kuʋɪna ilino 202 to eat kulja kulja kulja kula kulja kulja -lya -lya -lya -lya

203 to drink kuɲwa kuɲwa kuˈhopa kuhopa ɲwai kuɲwa -hopa -ɲwa -ɲwa -ɲa to boil kuteˈleka 204 kupjʊsa kuheʋa kutʃemʃa kuteleka kuheβa -tipula; -lokota -heva -semsa - -tutua -tutua water matʃi -sopelela / - 205 to pour kupʊŋgʊla kujakana kuˈsopa kupʊŋgula kuhumasa kugidisja -yita -jegela -poŋgola dudilila 206 to vomit kudeka kudeka kuˈɗeka kudeka kudeka kudeːka -deekha -dɛka -tapika -tapika

207 *cough kugohomola kugʊhomola kukosóˈmola kugohomola kukosomola kukosomola -kohomola -kɔsɔmɔla -komola -komola -simuka 208 *to sneeze kutjesamula kutʃesamúla kutjésáˈmula kutjesemúla kutjɪsamula kutesemula -tyasamula -tɛsɛmula -sipula (chafya) *to 209 kukeka kuhema kuˈkeka kukéka kukeka kukeːka -kheekha -kɛka -pomola -pomola breathe

English Litumba Lituhi Nsungu Luilo Iwela Kisi Pangwa Ngoni Matengo Mpoto Gloss Kuhamba 210 to suckle kujoŋga kuɲoŋga kuˈjoŋga kuɲoŋga kujoŋga kuʝoːŋga -yong'a -ɲoŋga; -ɲoŋa -joŋga -joŋga kuˈfuɲa 211 to spit kuhuɲa kufuɲa kufuɲa mata kufuɲa mata kubeha -beha -huɲa -huna -huna mata *to blow kupuɾa 212 kututa kututa upiti mpʊŋgʊ kupula - -puka -vuma -po̠ga n̩hwâi -pula (wind) mpuŋgu kukeːta / 213 to shave kumoɣa kuketa kuˈmoɣa kuketa kukasa -timba -keta -moga -moga kukasa kuˈkʊʋa kukuʋa kukʊːβa -tova u 214 to whistle kupjʊla kupjola kufjula lukwilu lulʊhi -jemba luloi lukʊfi kufjuɾu lukʊfi mwiluchi kujajula -ayula; - 215 to yawn mwajulu kujahamúla kujáˈjʊla kujajʊla kuʝaʝula -yahamula -jama -jama mwajulu ayamula 216 to sing kujɪmba kujimba kuˈjimba kujimba kujimba kuʝɪmba -yimba -yimba -jemba -jemba

217 to play kukina kukina kuˈkina kukina kukina kukina -khina -kina -kina kuˈhina kukina kuhina kukina 218 to dance kuhina kukina ŋoma -khina -hina -hina -hina ˈŋóma ŋoma ŋoma liŋoma 219 *to swim kusʊgalila kujogeléla kusʊgaˈlɪla kujogalela kusʊga kusʊːɣa -suuka sambalila -sambila

220 to laugh kuheka kuheka kuˈheka kuheka kuheka kuheka -hekha -hɛka -heka -heka

221 to cry kulila kulɪla kuˈlɪla kulila kulɪla kulɪla -vemba -vɛmba -ng’atalila -lela kudeta kudeta kuɟoʋa 222 to lie kudeta kuɟoʋa uɗese - - majeja (ndese) udese kuɟoʋa / -pwaga - 223 to speak kuɟoʋa kuɟoʋa kuˈɟoʋa kuɟoʋa - -chova -ɟɔva; -luwula -pwaga kuloŋgela kukolob'eka kuˈkota -la:lua, - 224 to ask kukota kukota kukota kukota kukota -levucha -kɔta liˈloʋi lalukila kunihiga kuhɪɣa 225 to answer kuhɪga jibwaji kuˈhɪga ɟibwaji -hika -yidika -koga, kogela lepa maswali 226 to look at kulola kulola kuˈlola kulola kulolakesa -laːŋga -lola -lɔla -lola - -linga -linga kulasa / 227 *to show kulasa kuˈlaˑsa kulasa kulasa kulaːsja -laasa -langia kulaŋgisa -yuhana 228 to hear kujóhana kupilika kujúˈfwana kupɪlɪka kupɪlɪka kupɪlɪka -pulikha -jo̠gwa -jogwa / -pulika

English Litumba Lituhi Nsungu Luilo Iwela Kisi Pangwa Ngoni Matengo Mpoto Gloss Kuhamba 229 to die kuhwa kufa ˈkufwa kufa / afwili kufwa kufwa -fwa -fwa -kuha - -ha kuwa

230 to know kumaɲa kumaɲa kuˈmaɲa kumaɲa kumaɲa kumaɲa -manya -maɲa -manya -manya to be kumaɲá 231 kumanikana kumaɲikana kumaɲakana kumaɲakana known ˈkana kuhaːɣula / 232 to choose kuhagula kuhagula kuhagʊla kuhagula kuhagula -hala -hagula -hagula -haɣula kuhala 233 *to help kutaŋgatila kutaŋgátila kutaŋgaˈtɪːla kusaidila kutaŋgatila kutaŋgatila -tanga -taŋgatila -jangatila

234 to walk kugenda kugenda kugeːnda kugenda kugenda kuɣenda -kenda -gɛnda -lega -jenda to run 235 kukɪmbɪla kukimbila kukɪ́ˈmbɪˑla kukɪ́mbila kukimbila kuhema -hema -ɟumba / -tila -butuka - -tila -butuka away kuhuta / -huta - - 236 to pull kuhuta kuˈfuta kuhuta kufuta kukwaβa -khweka -kwɛga / -huta -huta kufuta hutalila kuhika / kuhida kuhida 237 to come kuhika / hikaji hiˈdáji kuʝisa -icha -hika -hika -hika hikaji (hidaji) (hidaji) 238 to leave kuwʊka kuluta kuˈwʊka kuwuka kuʋʊka kuleka -heka -lɛka -leka -boka

239 to fall kugwa kugwa ˈkuˑgwa kugwa kugwa kuselela -dima -gwa -habuka -hag'uka *to turn kuŋaná kuŋana kuŋana -ng'anam 240 (to kuŋanaˈmbʊka kuŋanamúka kusjʊŋgʊsja -nienga -tindila -hyo̠ngale̠ka ˈmʊka mʊ́ka ˈmʊ́ka buka revolve) *to burn 241 kuˈɲaɲa kuɲaɲa kuˈɲaɲa kuɲaɲa kuˈɲáɲa kuɲaɲa -ɲaɲa; -pya - -belela up 242 to bury kuˈhjɪla kuˈhjɪla kuˈʃiːla kuzika kuˈʃila kusjɪla -siila -higa -taga -tagha liˈɲiɲɟa - 243 grave liˌkaˈbuɾi likabuɾi likabuli likáˈbuɾi likabuli mombwi litinda lítunda maˈɲiɲɟa to dig 244 kuˈgíma kugima kuˈhɪmba kugíma kúˈgima kuhola -kima, -yava -gima -emba -hemba (hole) 245 *to weed kugehela kukwalalila kugehéˈlela kukwalalila kugehéˈleˑla kugehela -chuva -jipa - -kua kuˈpanda kupanda kuˈpanda kupanda 246 to plant kuˈpaˑnda kupanda -yaala -panda -panda -panda mbeju mbeju mbeju mbeʝu -vaambula / - 247 to harvest kuˈɓena kubena kuˈbena kubena kuˈbéna kulɪmula -bɛna -huna -huna limula

English Litumba Lituhi Nsungu Luilo Iwela Kisi Pangwa Ngoni Matengo Mpoto Gloss Kuhamba to grind kuhjaga / kuʃaga / 248 kuˈhjaˑɣa kuˈsaga kuhalula kuhaːlula -haalula -hyaga -hyaga - -pola -hyaga (grain) kuhijaga kuʃjaga 249 to hunt kuˈhjʊːŋga kuhjuŋga kuˈhjʊŋga kuhjʊŋga kuˈhjʊŋga kufwɪma -fwima -hyuŋga; -ziŋga -benga -benga to 250 kuˈlɪma kulima kuˈlɪma kulɪma kuˈlɪma kulɪma -lima -lima -gaba -lema cultivate kuˈheˑŋga kuheŋga kuˈheŋga kuheŋga kuˈheŋga 251 *to work kuβomba -hɛŋga -henga maˈheŋgo maheŋgo liheŋgu liheŋgu liˈheŋgu 252 to build kuˈɟeŋga kuɟeŋga kuˈɟeŋga kuɟeŋga kuˈɟeŋga kuɟeŋga -chenga -ɟeŋga -senga -cheŋga kukaŋga / 253 to push kuˈkaˑŋga kuˈkaŋga kukaŋgá kuˈkaˑŋga kukuŋʊnda -sung'ilichwa -kaŋa -talua - -kanga -kanga kukaŋa 254 to make kutendeˈkesa kuteŋgenesa kuˈwʊmba kuteŋgeneza kutendeˈkesa - -tenda kutota kutota 255 to sew kuˈtota kútota kutota kuhona -hona -tɔta -tota -tota (kuʃona) (nguo) -lahiila / - 256 to throw kuˈtaˑga kutaga kuˈtaga kutaga kuˈtaɣa kutaɣa -taga -lekela toocha 257 to hit kuˈtoʋa kutoʋa kuˈtoʋa kutoʋa kuˈtoʋa kutʊːβa -tova -tɔva -hona; lapu -yatula to 258 kuˈhɪˑɲɟa kutʃiɲɟa kuˈhɪ ́ɲɟa kuhiɲɟa kudúˈmula kuhɪɲɟa -hinja -hinja -sinza -sinza slaughter -kheeta / - -ŋeŋena - - 259 to cut kudúˈmula kudúmula kudúˈmula kudúmula kudúˈmula kudumula ng'enya / - -dumula -heketa chinja dumula to wash kuwújula / 260 kuwʊ́ˈjʊla kuwʊ́ˈjʊla kuʋájila kuwʊ́ˈjʊla - - dishes kuʋajila *to hide -hiha; - 261 kuˈfíha kufiha kuˈfiha kufiha kuˈfiha kufiha -fiha -li-hiha - -joba -hia (s.th.) yuva(lila) -togola - -tola *to marry kutuwula / 262 kutʊ́ˈwʊla kutʊ́ˈwʊˑla kugéga kutʊ́ˈwʊla kugega -keka -gɛga mbômba - - -togola (man) kugega jukua mbômba kuheɟa / 263 to steal kuˈjɪ ́ʋa kujiʋa kuˈhɪɟa kuˈhɪɟa kuhiːɟa -hiicha -yiva -jiba -jiba kuhɪɟa 264 to kill kuˈkoma kukoma kuˈkoma kukoma kuˈkoma kukoma -vulaka / -buda -kɔma -koma -koma kuˈhoma 265 to pierce kuˈhoma kuhoma kuhoma kuˈhoma kuhoma -tolola / -homa -hɔma / -hɔtɔla -hotola -hotola mpamba

English Litumba Lituhi Nsungu Luilo Iwela Kisi Pangwa Ngoni Matengo Mpoto Gloss Kuhamba kuluka / kugoloka / kuɣoloka 266 to fly kuluka kupúpúˈluka kupupuɾuka -wiida mbuluwuka -goloka -goloka kuguluka kugʊlʊka nkjaɲa 267 to enter kujíˈŋgila kujíŋgila kujíˈŋgila kujiŋgila kujiŋgila kuʝiŋgila -ingila -yiŋgila -jingila -jingila

268 to go out kuˈpita kupita kuˈpiˑta kupita kuˈpita kuhʊma -huuma -huma -pita -pita kuˈwʊka / 269 to move kuhama kuhama kuˈwʊˑka kuˈwʊka kuhama -haama -hama -bʊka -hama kuhámili kukɪ́láˈwʊka / 270 to return kuwuja kukɪláˈwʊka kuˈwʊja kukɪɾɪβuka -komokha -kiliwuka -buja -kelauka kuwuja kuˈlota kuˈlota 271 *to dream kuˈlota ˈndoto kulota kulota kuloːta makonafivi -lota -lota ndôtu -lota ndoto ndoto *to wash kuˈtʃapa kufuʋa kutʃapa kufuʋa kuˈtʃapa -khalafya / - 272 kuɲuka -capa -sapa íngo̠bu -sapa clothes ŋgowo ŋgwou ŋgowo ŋgʊwu ŋgowo hokofya to make offerings kuteta kuteta kuˈteta 273 kutáˈmbɪka kuˈteta - - -teta / -peŋga -pɪŋga -teta to the mahoka mahoka mahoka dead kuhasiŋgana kuhasaŋ kuhasaŋ kuhasiŋ -hanjikanyia / - -hangang 274 *to mix kuhasáˈŋgana kuhasaŋgana / kuhasaŋ -haŋgisana -haŋgaŋgana gana gána haɲa timbulania ana gana kudɪndʊla kudɪ́ˈndʊla 275 to open kudɪ́ˈndʊla kudéndula ndjaŋgu / kudindula kudɪndula -sinjila -dindula -hogola -jogola ndjaŋgu litaŋga -dinda / - kudɪnda kudenda / kudɪnda 276 to shut kuˈdɪnda kuɗenda kudɪnda kadikha / - -dinda -jigila -hihila ndjaŋgu kudɪnda ndjaŋgu vopela to kukʊmbʊk 277 kukʊ́ˈmbʊka kukúmbuka kukʊˈmbʊka kukúmbuka kukʊmbʊka -khumbukha -hɔlalɛla -komboka -kombukela remember ɪsa 278 to forget kujɪwʊˈlɪla kujewa kuˈjɪwa kujéwa kujɪwʊ́ˈlɪla kuʝɪβwa -seemwa -kɔsiwa -jegwa -lib'alila to break -denya / - -tunula - - 279 kuˈdeɲa kuɗeɲa kuˈdeɲa kuɗeɲa kuˈɗeɲa kudeɲa -dɛɲa; -kayula -tunula (tr.) khayula kagajula to cover kugubukila / 280 kugúbaˈkila kugubáˈkila kugubákila kugubáˈkila kugubika -kubikha -gubákìla -hyekalela -hyekalela (a pot) kugubikila to raise a kulela 281 kulela mwana kulela kulela kuˈlela kulela -lela -yaŋgalila -tunza--haŋgali -lela child mwana

English Litumba Lituhi Nsungu Luilo Iwela Kisi Pangwa Ngoni Matengo Mpoto Gloss Kuhamba kukɪsa / 282 to follow kufaːta kuˈkɪsa kufaːta kuˈkɪsa kukiːsja -khinja -landa -jengalela -pwata kufaːta 283 to get lost kuˈhoʋa kujaga kuˈsoʋa kujaga kuˈsoʋa kuʝaɣa -yaka -hova / -yaga -hoba -hoba kukoɲɟa 284 to stir kukóɲɟaˈgana kukologa kukoɲɟigana kukíˈɾiga kutimbula -khilika -konjogana -kolog'ana ˈgana kugoŋga kugoŋga kupʊta kuβweʝul- 285 to knock kugoŋga kugoŋga -konga -koŋonda -koŋonda -pota litaŋga kundjaŋgu ndjaŋgu ana to take 286 kuˈlaga kulaga kuˈlaɣa kulaga kuˈlaga kwilaɣa -ilaka -laga -litabuka -lagi leave *to 287 kuˈmila kumila kuˈmila kumila kuˈmila kumila -mila -hɔpa; mila -mila -mila swallow kumpela kumpeːla 288 *to curse kulápaˈkɪsa kulapakisa kundaˑni kulaani -lekha lulekho -luːmba - -loga luˈkoto ljepa 289 to smell kunusa kunusa kuˈnusa kubema kunʊsa kunuːsja -nuusa -nuha -nuha -nua kupiga kupiga kupiga 290 to kneel kufugama kufugama kufugama -fukama -fugama -pega magote mafugamilu magoti mafugáˈmilu to take a 291 kujoɣa kujoga kuˈjoga kujoga kuˈjoɣa kwiʝoɣa -yoka -samba -hoga -joɣa bath kujogelela / kujiʋila -tova 292 to dive kusuɣáˈlɪla kujogelela kujogáˈleˑla kusugalɪla kintʊndʊ ikhimasela 293 to gossip kuˈheha kuheha kuˈheˑha kuhéha kuˈheha kuheːha -heeha kukóˈtoka / 294 to leave kukóˈtoˑka kuleka kuˈleka kuleka kuleka -sikala -lɛka -leka kukotoka kuleka to remain, 295 kuhiˈgasa kubakisa kusíˈɣasa kusigisa kusigasa kusiɣala -sikala -higala -higala higalila stay to scratch 296 kuɲaɣa kuhʊʋa kuˈhʊʋa kuhuʋa ku(ɟi)hʊʋa kuŋwala -khapa -ŋwaɣa -ɲaga -ɲaga onesself References

Anderson, Heidi, Susanne Krüger, and Louise Nagler. 2003a. A sociolinguistic survey of the Manda language community. Unpublished ms. Anderson, Heidi, Susanne Krüger, Joseph W. Gathumbi, and Louise Nagler. 2003b. A sociolinguistic survey of the Pangwa language community. Unpublished ms. Bastin, Yvonne, André Coupez, Evariste Mumba, and Thilo C. Schadeberg, eds. 2003. Bantu lexical reconstructions 3. Tervuren: Royal Museum for Central Africa. http://linguistics.africamuseum.be/BLR3.html, accessed July 29, 2015. Batibo, Herman M. 2000. The state of spirantization in Sukuma-Nyamwezi: A historical account. In Kulikoyela Kanalwanda Kahigi, Yared Kihore, and Maarten Mous (eds.), Lugha za Tanzania/The languages of Tanzania: Papers in memory of C. Maganga, 18–25. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Bryant, David, and Vincent Moulton. 2004. Neighbor-Net: An agglomerative method for the construction of phylogenetic networks. Molecular Biology and Evolution 21 (2): 255–265. Ehret, Christopher. 1999. Sub-classifying Bantu: The evidence of stem-morpheme innovations. In Hombert and Hyman (eds.), Bantu historical linguistics: Theoretical and empirical perspectives, 43–147. Stanford: CSLI. Ehret, Christopher. 2009. Bantu subclassifications. http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/history/ehret/BantuClassification%204-09.pdf, accessed October 18, 2010. Gray, Hazel. Forthcoming. A grammar sketch of Manda. Unpublished ms. Gray, Hazel, and B. Mitterhoffer. 2016. A sociolinguistic survey of the Manda/Matumba language communities. Ms. Guthrie, Malcolm. 1971. Comparative Bantu: An introduction to the comparative languages and prehistory of the Bantu languages. Vol. 2. London: Gregg International Publishers Ltd. Hinnebusch, Thomas. 1999. Contact and lexicostatistics in comparative Bantu studies. In Hombert and Hyman (eds.), Bantu historical linguistics: Theoretical and empirical perspectives, 173–205. Stanford: CSLI. Holden, Clare J., and Russell D. Gray. 2006. Rapid radiation, borrowing and dialect continua in the Bantu languages. In Peter Forster, and Colin Renfrew (eds.), Phylogenetic methods and the prehistory of languages, 19–31. Cambridge: McDonald Institute for Archeological Research. Hombert, Jean-Marie, and Larry M. Hyman, eds. 1999. Bantu historical linguistics: Theoretical and empirical perspectives. Stanford: CSLI. Huson, Daniel H., and David Bryant. 2010. SplitsTree4, Version 4.11.3 Downloaded from: http://www.splitstree.org/; February 1, 2011. Lewis, M. Paul, Gary F. Simons, and Charles D. Fennig, eds. 2015. Ethnologue: Languages of the world, Eighteenth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Online version: http://www.ethnologue.com. Maho, Jouni Filip. 2009. New Updated Guthrie List, NUGL Online. http://goto.glocalnet.net/mahopapers/nuglonline.pdf, accessed October 18, 2010. Mühlhäusler, Peter. 1996. Introduction. In Charles-James N. Bailey, Essays on time-based linguistic analysis. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Ngonyani, Deogratias. 2003. A grammar of Chingoni. LINCOM Europa.

32 33

Nichols, Johanna. 1996. The comparative method as heuristic. In Mark Durie, and Malcolm Ross (eds.), The comparative method reviewed: Regularity and irregularity in language change, 39–71. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Nurse, Derek. 1988. The diachronic background to the language communities of SW Tanzania. Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika, 9: 15–115. Nurse, Derek. 1999. Towards a historical classification of East African Bantu languages. In Hombert and Hyman (eds.), Bantu historical linguistics: Theoretical and empirical perspectives, 1–41. Stanford: CSLI. Nurse, Derek. 2008. Tense and aspect in Bantu. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Nurse, Derek, and Gerard Philippson. 1975. Bantu dictionary and wordlist databases. http://www.cbold.ish-lyon.cnrs.fr/, accessed July 29, 2015. Nurse, Derek, and Gerard Philippson. 1980. The Bantu languages of East Africa: A lexicostatistical survey. In E. C. Polomé, and C. P. Hill (eds.), Language in Tanzania, 22–67. Oxford: Oxford University Press / International African Institute. Pelkey, Jamin R. 2011. Dialectology as dialectic: Interpreting Phula variation. Berlin, New York: De Gruyter Mouton. Roth, Tim. 2011. The genetic classification of Wungu: Implications for Bantu historical linguistics. M.A. thesis. Trinity Western University, Langley. Schadeberg, Thilo C. 2003. Historical linguistics. In D. Nurse, and G. Philippson (eds.), The Bantu languages, 143–163. London: Routledge. Tadmor, Uri. 2009. Loanwords in the world’s languages: Findings and results. In M. Haspelmath, and U. Tadmor (eds.), Loanwords in the world’s languages: A comparative handbook, 55–75. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton. Yoneda, Nobuko. 2006. A classified vocabulary of the Matengo language. Bantu vocabulary series, 12.12.262. Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa (ILCAA), Tokyo University of Foreign Studies.