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Journal of Maritime Archaeology (2018) 13:247–261 https://doi.org/10.1007/s11457-018-9211-5

ORIGINAL PAPER

Garum and Liquamen, What’s in a Name?

Sally Grainger1

Published online: 15 November 2018 © The Author(s) 2018

Abstract There is a dilemma at the heart of the study of the Roman fsh trade. The meaning of the Greek and words used to name the fsh is still contested: currently there is much confusion and contradiction between modern scholars and ancient commentators about the use of the terms garum and liquamen. It is also not readily recognised that the ancients themselves were less than clear as to the exact meaning of the terms that they used, and this confusion has informed and exacerbated our own. In this paper some of the key texts that have been used to defne fsh sauce are re-evaluated in light of the need to distinguish and separate them out into the distinct types and sub-types.

Keywords Garum · Liquamen · · Tituli picti · Ancient Roman and Greek

Introduction to a Confusing Terminology

There is a dilemma at the heart of the study of the Roman fsh sauce trade. The meaning of the Greek and Latin words used to name the fsh sauces is still a contested issue. I seem to recall Robert Curtis once saying that distinguishing fsh sauce terminology is like pinning jelly to the wall, but pinning allec to the wall would seem more appropriate. It would be helpful for practitioners in the felds of archaeology, economic history and zooarchaeology to be in agreement about what we mean when we use the terms garum and liquamen, but currently there is much confusion and contradiction between modern scholars and ancient commentators. It is also not readily recognised that the ancients themselves were less than clear as to the exact meaning of the terms that they used, and this confusion has informed and exacerbated our own. The current approach to the defnition of garum and liquamen is based on the idea of a single ancient fsh sauce that is derived, in the frst instance, from the description of fsh sauce in ’s (Pliny HN 31.93f). We understand from HN and other sources that this fsh sauce was called garos in Greek and this was later transliterated

* Sally Grainger [email protected]

1 Grayshott Hindhead, UK

Vol.:(0123456789)1 3 248 Journal of Maritime Archaeology (2018) 13:247–261 into garum in Latin and even later changed again into liquamen. The later term for fsh sauce: liquamen is not defned satisfactorily in an early Roman context and is always con- sidered obscure by modern scholars (Curtis 2016: 175). Curtis considered it a second and subsequent washing of the residue of the primary product i.e. garum when it was diferent from this, though he does acknowledge that this is a guess based on the apparent coherence of the terms. In the later empire, liquamen appears to have functioned in exactly the same way as garum, i.e. generic usage in a later Latin context (Curtis 1991: 13, 2009: 713). This does seem to be an over simplifed approach to the problems we face in understanding garum and it might be worth considering whether the two names always represented two distinct sauces. Quite how many forms of fsh sauce existed is a controversial issue. Are we dealing with one essential substance and numerous subtypes or were there multiple recog- nised varieties that we cannot attribute to the surviving names? Currently we are unable to answer these questions. The single sauce with three names (garos/garum/liquamen) is frst identifed by Etienne and Mayet (2002: 50). They compared the evidence from texts and inscriptions and saw that liquamen is not used at all in texts in the early period (late Republic to ca. mid 3rd century AD) and garum is rare in late texts (i.e. after ca. 3rd century AD), particularly in where the liquamen fsh sauce completely dominates the reci- pes, although garum is not absent from this text. In inscriptional evidence, garum is found on the Zarai tax tarif (AD 202, CIL VIII 4508) from the Roman Berber town in Numidia but is not found on Diocletian’s price edict (AD 301). This inscription was installed throughout the empire, and on it we fnd liquamen is equivalent to garos in the Greek versions that survived and garum per se is absent (Darmon 1964; Laufer 1971: 3.6–7). From these citations it is understood that sometime in the mid to late 3rd century the Latin terms were switched, while the Greek remains the same, though why is never really addressed. The early elite consumption texts of and Hor- ace appear to use garum exclusively with no mention of liquamen at all, and many early medicinal and agricultural texts similarly seem to demonstrate that liquamen is unknown in the late Republic and early empire. It will become clear that Greek garos and Latin liquamen became, in later didactic text, the standard terms for a common fsh sauce while the Latin garum, often with descriptive adjective, is typically applied to blood/viscera fsh sauces in consumption texts. Liquamen is clearly a separate and dis- tinct and popular sauce alongside garum in the mid 1st century AD in and the wider , as demonstrated by the tituli picti evidence (Curtis 1991: 195).1 The question remains, why the discrepancy? It is in fact impossible to date precisely the individual snippets of practical knowledge such as recipes contained in didactic texts with any accuracy and as a result the neat sep- aration of garum as the early term and liquamen as the later one, does not always work.2 The Apicius recipe book is assumed to be from the 4th century but a signifcant number of recipes can be placed in earlier centuries including the 1st (Grocock and Grainger 2006: 15). There is a very simple explanation for the complete absence of the term

1 CIL XV 4719 liq(uamen) fos excel(ense); CIL IV 5716 liq(uamen) f(los) excl(ense) scom; CIL 1V 5714 liquamen fos optimum. 2 Late didactic texts and Byzantine Greek material may often contain information long in the public domain that has been copied and repeated for centuries. It must also be recognised that the compil- ers of these texts do not necessarily compose the knowledge they collect (Grocock and Grainger 2006: 62). 1 3 Journal of Maritime Archaeology (2018) 13:247–261 249 liquamen in early texts as we will see, while the alleged absence of garum in the later period is simpler to deal with as it is not absent at all. It is rare undoubtedly; it is found without ambiguity in one Apician recipe and in one other which is less secure (Apicius 7.13.1, Excerpta 29). There are also regular occurrences of both garum and liquamen in late Imperial and Byzantine medicinal and veterinary texts where the use of both terms suggests that there has been a continuity of meaning: garum and liquamen represented the same two separate sauces that they referred to in Pompeii.3 When one views the evi- dence from a purely practical and empirical perspective it can be demonstrated that there were just two basic types which correspond to the two names that we have. The two sub- types allec and muria are only somewhat less problematic and space constraints limit discussion to the two main terms: garum and liquamen. The ‘single sauce hypothesis’ is founded on the elite Romano-centric literary per- spective that we see from ‘consumption texts’ where the only term we fnd used is garum.4 In contrast, in the didactic texts there does not appear to be a generic term for fsh sauce at all. The two terms in question are used with precision on amphorae and the same precision is apparent in the recipes with only rare anomalies which are dealt with here as they appear in the review of the texts in question. Using garum as a generic term for fsh sauce is fne in a discussion of fsh sauce generally but it is inad- equate for a detailed analysis of these commodities. The complexity of the debate is outlined in Table 1 where the various potential defnitions of the two terms in the cur- rent debate are outlined. In what follows, some of the key texts that have been used to defne fsh sauce are re- evaluated in light of the need to distinguish and separate them out into the distinct types and sub-types.

Fish Sauce: The Basics

There are two key texts preserving recipes for fsh sauce. The most reliable evidence for the manufacture of these sauces is found, not in Latin sources, but in a 10th century Byzantine Greek agricultural manual, the Geoponica (Dalby 2011). Despite its medieval date, it actu- ally preserves Greek material from much earlier in the Roman period and is therefore a valuable source. It is clear that, if these fsh sauces were not Greek in origin, their use was at least spread by Greek cooks through their recipes. The defnitions in the Geoponica are

3 Pelagonius 4th century horse doctor, De veterinaria medicina liquamen: 9; 11.2; 13; 98; 455; 457, garum: 428;13. Vegetius Mulomedicinae: liquamen: 1.10.1; 1.17.10, 16; 2.91.2; 2.108.2; 2.132.4; 4.6.1, garum: 2.28.8; 3.28.10. is a contemporary of the father of late 4th early 5th century , De medicamentis. liquamen 20.119; 23.51; 26.93; 30.52. Garum: 9.14; 9.36; 9.112; 16.90; 30.1. A medieval medicinal text attributed ultimately to Pliny (Winkler 1984), Physicae quae fertur Pli- nii Florentino-Pragensis liber primus: Liquamen: 1.5.17; 1.10.19;1.50.19; 2.9.1; 3.14.45; 3.15.17; 3.12.14; 3.43.6; 3.43.5; 3.43.9. Garum: 1.9.1; 1.43.6; 2.18.18; 3.34.13. 4 The process of defning garum begins with Pliny HN, 31.93f. He states it is “a choice liquor called garum consisting of the guts of fsh and the other parts that would otherwise be considered refuse”. He is describ- ing the blood viscera sauce. It is assumed by many that little fsh are included in this. Little fsh may be undervalued but they are not rubbish. Additionally, he does not mention blood directly which would be crucial for an understanding of the best garum, but he does use sanies meaning a bloody exudate. He does not seem to recognise the distinction between the best garum sociorum and the ordinary small, whole fsh sauce.

1 3 250 Journal of Maritime Archaeology (2018) 13:247–261 ​ ​ i.info/ddbdp i.info liquamen fos optimum 5714 liquamen cus (see note 6) cus (see note /p.herm;;23 Sem . 44 (AD 500–599) ; Cappelletto et al. 2013 ; Bernal-Casasola et al. 2009 ; Cappelletto 2016 ; Nielson and Gertwagen 2015 ; Bekker et al. Curtis 2016 : 159 References Athenaeus 67c Athenaeus 1.6a Sat . 11. 8. 42–53 Horace Celsus De Med. 2.25 Martial Epi. 13.82 13.102 HN 9.66 Pliny CIL IV 10269-77 G(arum) F(los) Geoponica 46 ​ Sem . 44. 500–599 AD http://papyr SB 1411340 P. liq(uamen) fos excel(ense); CIL 1V CIL XV 4719 liq(uamen) fos excel(ense); Apicius 1.16; 7.1.1; 8.7.16; 5.4.2 Pelagonius, Vegetius, Marcellus Empiri Marcellus - Vegetius, Apicius, Pelagonius, 1411340, Amsterdam, University Library P. University SB 1411340, Amsterdam, P. Herm 23 (AD 300–399) http://papyr P. Caelius Aurelianus 2.3.70 Caelius Aurelianus Curtis 2000 ; Botte and Desse 1991 ; Desse Berset Defnition A small-whole-fsh sauce A small-whole-fsh sauce Blood viscera sauce withBlood viscera sauce withBlood viscera mullet sauce multiple species Blood viscera Blood viscera sauce Blood viscera A small whole fsh sauce A small whole fsh sauce Small whole fsh sauce or Blood viscera sauce Small whole fsh sauce or Blood viscera A small-whole-fsh sauce A small whole fsh sauce sauce A blood viscera whole fsh sauce A mackerel and undefned Obscure arcana, Term Garos/on Garum Garum Garum nobile, Garum sociorum Garum Garos haimation Garos Liquamen Liquamen Garos leukos Garos haimatitou Garou Garum Garum Liquamen A table of the proposed diferent ways in which fsh sauce is named by date and by literary and inscriptional date and by in this source fsh sauce is named by paper in which A table ways of the diferent proposed Greece/Greek-speaking and ancient history 1 Table Date and place 3rd century3rd BC Greece/Greek-speaking 1st century1st BC century1st AD Rome Undated conception of the conception sauce blood viscera Undated Empire Late Republic/early Rome Undated conception of blood viscera sauce of blood viscera conception Undated Undated coining of new term coining of new Undated century half 1st AD Rome First 2–4th empire centuries AD Roman Late Empire Egyptian Greek culture Greek Egyptian Late Empire Late Empire/early Byzantine Late Empire/early 20th century and 21st academia in archaeology

1 3 Journal of Maritime Archaeology (2018) 13:247–261 251 coherent and are not contradicted by any other didactic text. There are four separate meth- ods to make various types of fsh sauce. The making of gara5. The so-called liquamen is made thus. Fish entrails are put in a container and salted; and little fsh, especially sand-smelt or small red mullet or men- dole or , or any small enough, are all similarly salted; and left to pickle in the sun, stirring frequently. When the heat has pickled them, the garos is got from them thus: a deep close-woven basket is inserted into the centre of the vessel containing these fsh, and the garos fows into the basket. This, then, is how the liquamen is obtained by fltering through the basket; the residue makes alix. (Geoponica 20.46; Dalby 2011). The text goes on to describe a similar method but with no extra viscera, where small and larger fsh, that we can assume were cut open, are used and the method of making garos is described whereby whole fsh are boiled in brine. This is mirrored in a recipe from the obscure Brevorum of Ps Rufus (Curtis 1991: 192; Eadie 1967) which is considered a Medieval gloss, as is the other recipe source, found in two of the manuscripts attributed to Gargilius Martialis’ Medicinae ex holeribus et pomis (Ps Gargilius 62; Rose 1875: 209) where a similar fermented sauce made in an enclosed vessel with many herbs is described (Maire 2002; Curtis 1984). The defnition from ’s 6th century encyclopae- dia recalls these recipes: ‘liquamen is so called because little fsh dissolved during salting produce the liquid of that name’ (20.3.19f). That this dissolved liquamen sauce could also be made from much larger fsh such as mackerel (Scomber sp.) is clear from the tituli picti where occasionally liquamen scombri fos occurs.6 However the bone residues of fsh sauce that are found throughout the Mediterranean at production and consumption sites are domi- nated by the small fsh species such as and anchovy (Engraulidae, Clupeidae) and it is these that are used for the mass produced liquamen (Desse-Berset and Desse 2000). It is apparent from the frst three instructions in the Geoponica and from the Gargilius technique that a sauce derived from whole dissolved small fsh, whether with extra viscera or not, can be made by three methods: fermentation of the small fsh (5–20 cm) with extra viscera and salt in bulk, open to the sun; fermentation of fsh in an enclosed vessel, cut in pieces if large; making a sauce by boiling fsh in brine. The result is the same. In my exper- iments to make fsh sauces, all these methods have resulted in sauces of a similar nature, once the bones were removed: a light or darker brown clear liquid containing very small particles of the fsh residue foating in it (Grainger 2016).7 Later sources state that the term garos had a generic meaning in Greek for any salty liquid, even one extracted from meat, and in Latin a liquamen derived from salting and fermenting pears is found in Palladius.8 We can see from this and from the Geoponica that a generic usage indicating a salty liquid seasoning works with garos and liquamen. The question is does it also work with garum? I would suggest not!

5 Gara is plural for garos. 6 CIL IV 5716. 7 Pliny states that ‘garum’ could be diluted to look like aged honey and was actually drunk (HN 31.95.8). Research has demonstrated that nutritionally rich sauces and aged sauces can become darker in colour (Lopetcharat et al. 2001). I have personally noted that sauces kept away from sun light can retain their lighter colour when aged. 8 Liquamen ex piris Paladius Opus Agricultura 3.25.12; Garos from meat: Pseudo-. De remediis parabilibus vol. 14 546-8. A liquamine raparum is cited in Hermeneumata (a Latin Greek phrase book). Earlier attempts at interpreting liquamine raparum as a liquamen made from turnips are unconvincing. The genitive raparum is better interpreted as an objective genitive, meaning a sauce for turnips. Alternatively, the Latin text may be a misunderstanding of an alternative in the Greek where, in typical phrase book fash-

1 3 252 Journal of Maritime Archaeology (2018) 13:247–261

A very diferent fsh sauce results from the fourth instruction in the Geoponica which constitutes the second type of sauce thus: A rather high quality garos called haimation is made thus: Take tunny entrails with gills fuid and blood, sprinkle with sufcient salt, leave in a vessel for two months at the most; then pierce the jar and the garos called haimation fows out (26–29). This blood/viscera sauce is a dark and rich and packs a powerful punch. It is iron rich and hav- ing made such a sauce I can confrm that it is very diferent in to any of the whole fsh sauces. This is largely due to the blood which we learn has to be harvested while the fsh is freshly killed otherwise the blood coagulates and is unobtainable (Van Neer and Parker 2008). Garos haimation is certainly sufciently diferent from a whole fsh sauce to justify the need for a clear distinction in the terminology essential in the manufacturing process and in terms of trade. The distinctiveness is also apparent when we see how these sauces were used (see below). This second type of sauce is also described as a garon melan (black) in Greek and vari- ously rendered in Latin as garum/garum sociorum or nigrum (black). We do not fnd the word haimation (bloody) transliterated in Latin sources, it is not known on tituli picti and it is quite rare, with one known reference in Egyptian papyri.9 The identifcation of the sauce known as garum sociorum is greatly disputed (Leon 2001: 176). It is not generally accepted that it is the same as the haimation sauce and it may represent another product although, as we shall see, the ancient writers identifed a sauce made with blood with the label sociorum. There is by no means universal agreement on this basic issue of the two types of sauce being distinguished in this way. The three diferent production methods, noted above, are viewed as producing distinct sauces, while there is a failure in current literature to rec- ognise the distinctiveness of the blood viscera sauce (Lowe 2017: 309; Botte 2009: 19). The blood viscera garum is recognised as special and high quality but it is rare to see an acknowledgment that it is sufciently diferent to have required its own terminology, in production and in trade (as expressed on tituli picti). In the Geoponica we see that liqua- men is only used to designate the whole-small-fsh sauce and is never seen to indicate the blood viscera sauce in any ancient context, which clearly demonstrates that liquamen does not function as a generic term in relation to this issue. One must always bear in mind that if these terms were used generally in all contexts it would have been impossible to distin- guish one product from another. There are other approaches that stress the potential diver- sity in fsh sauce such as the one proposed by Bernal-Casasola (2009), who has identifed mixed sauces containing meat, fsh and shell fsh in residues.10 Bernal-Casasola

Footnote 8 (continued) ion, a choice of ‘with garos’ and ‘with turnips’ was intended Quotidiana Locutio 112v—Index lectionum Hibernarum. Haupt. M 1871, Opuscula II. Leipzig 1876. 9 γά̣ρου αἱματίτου, garou haimatitou, bloody garos: SB 14 11340, (AD 500–599) http://papyr​i.info/ddbdp​ /sb;14;11340.​ 10 The evidence for ‘mixed sauce’ containing pork alongside fsh and shellfsh (Arévalo-González and Bernal- Casasola 2008: 17) is not convincing. The combination of meat and fsh elements within the amphorae may refect an accumulation of discarded rubbish inside the vessel and not a ‘regular’ mixed product. My hypothesis is strengthened by the fact that the primary evidence at cited by Arévalo-González and Bernal-Casasola (2008: 17) is mid 2nd century BC and therefore too early to expect a great diversity in fsh sauce, which began in the late Republic according to literary evidence. Even greater variety of sauces has been suggested from tituli picti from the Pilar of amphora at the garum shop in Pompeii (Bernal-Casasola et al. 2014: 231, 2015). There are brief acronyms on Sicilian Dres.22 amphora (CE,COP, AB, MAL, SPA) which are interpreted as sauce names, while Botte (2009: 140) considers them salted fsh products rather than sauce. I would suggest the fsh bones resi- dues found within these garum shop amphorae are more likely a refll product. 1 3 Journal of Maritime Archaeology (2018) 13:247–261 253 also recognises a ‘garum efect bias’ in current research that is restricting our perception of fsh sauce diversity, while I would counter that the potential diversity of fsh sauces stems from the creativity of the cook when handling fsh sauce before consumption rather than the manufacture of the essential substance (Bernal-Casasola 2016). In a poem by Manilius which describes scenes of fshing and fsh sauce manufacture we can see that the ancients saw these sauces in terms of two basic types. The poem is immensely complex and space restraints prevent a detailed analysis (see Lowe this vol- ume). The catch is initially but these are butchered and cut up and their blood stains the sea (line 666). We then change almost seamlessly to a diferent scene indicated by tum quoque (then again). This change in scene has not been noted before but is of fundamental importance as I think it also means a change of fsh species. when the catch is brought ashore whole (it therefore cannot be tuna?) and a second slaughter is done to the slain: they are cut into pieces and from the one body diferent purposes are allotted. One type (i.e. sauce) is better with its juices removed another with them retained.’ (Manilius Astro. 5. 664–72). Other interpretations have been given,11 but I see this as a clear reference to the manu- facture of the two types of better quality fsh sauce from mackerel (Scomber sp.), one using the juices separately (garum), the other using whole fsh including the juices (liquamen). In another change of scene signifed by aut cum (676 alternatively when), Manilius describes a sauce derived from crowds of little fsh dissolving into what we can assuredly call a more commonplace liquamen (Astro. 5.680). In the Geoponica garos and liquamen are completely interchangeable terms. Diocle- tian’s price edict carries the same fundamental information: liquamen is rendered in Greek as garos. The late Roman medical text On Chronic Diseases by Caelius Aurelianus is often quoted to assert that ‘garum is commonly called liquamen’ (2.3.70), but this work is described by Caelius as a direct translation from the Greek of a work by Soranus in the 2nd century AD (Drabkin 1950). The scarcity of the term garum in Caelius’ time (late 4th/5th century) would suggest that he may not have had knowledge of this separate product. He would logically transliterate garos into garum, unaware that they did not always mean the same thing. There is no reference to a Latin garum in any of these three important sources, and the question has always been: if this is all about Roman fsh sauce, where is the garum? The answer is essentially very simple and is concerned with when and how the blood viscera fsh sauce was invented and introduced onto the Roman market, and more impor- tantly how long it stayed popular and commercially viable. For there was a time before it arrived and a time when it became less popular, which we need to recognise, if the later scarcity of the term, and in fact the product itself, is to be understood properly. The remaining evidence for the ‘other’ blood viscera sauce is obscure. It appears on amphora tituli picti alongside liquamen and in elite consumption satire but when and how it came into being is unknown. Pliny the Elder tells a story of an invented garum dated very cautiously to the frst part of the 1st century AD. We are told of Apicius’s death occurring prior to AD 42/43 by Seneca (Sen Ad helv. 10.8-9; Costa 1994) but we have no other dating evidence. Marcus Apicius… thought it especially desirable for mullets to be killed in a garum sociorum – for this thing also has procured a designation (Pliny HN 9.66.4).

11 Botte (2009: 19) and Lowe (2017: pers comm). They both consider that the contrast here is between a single type of sauce and a salted tuna product referring back to the original catch. 1 3 254 Journal of Maritime Archaeology (2018) 13:247–261

This appears to be our earliest textual reference to a sociorum sauce. The excerpt gener- ates a number of questions. Was Apicius responsible for inventing the very idea of a blood viscera sauce or was it already being made and he suggested using mullet and only coined the term sociorum for this fsh? Garum was later made from the otherwise unused parts of mackerel and tuna, and tuna would appear to be particularly suitable providing the highest ratio of waste volume per fsh. Was the very concept of garum entirely a led inno- vation? The impetus for this kind of culinary innovation may have come directly from the elite gourmet community as it clearly becomes very fashionable to use this kind of bloody sauce. How was the idea conceived? Logic would suggest that a manufacturer triggered the process given that it is made from the apparently inedible elements of fsh which would otherwise be discarded or buried. Should we consider Apicius’s killing of the mullet just a form of cooking and does that mean garum sociorum was a legitimate cooking medium? These will probably remain unanswered questions. The use of the obscure term sociorum in this Apicius quote, which is generally rendered as ‘of our allies’ was originally assumed, from a reference in Pliny (HN 31.94), to be linked with trading associations. Leon (2001: 176) has suggested that it is a general term to desig- nate all Spanish fsh sauces; but this is another example of the tendency of modern schol- arship to see all these terms as generic. It is better interpreted as a very specifc name for a very specifc sauce, i.e. a mullet blood viscera garum and in this case it is used to cook/ kill ‘their fellows’, in other words more mullet. Sociorum is subsequently used by Martial and Seneca to designate a sauce derived not from mullet but from mackerel and its blood (Martial Sat. 2.102; Sen Ad helv. 10.8-9). In this view the Latin term garum was eventu- ally retained and/or appropriated by the elite and the selling these products to designate blood viscera sauces generally; that means one made from the waste products of multiple species as well as specifcally mackerel, mullet or tuna. This unusual situation efectively forced the manufacturers of garos to coin a word to designate the primary prod- uct in order to separate garum/garos and distinguish it in trade. What also seems apparent is that there was great diversity and specialisation in relation to the species utilised to make these sauces but not, I would argue, over their principle nature. Once this distinction is recognised it allows us to clarify many puzzling issues but it also raises many questions. The very fact of so many complex contemporaneous garum and liquamen tituli picti on urceii from Pompeii only make sense if they represent distinc- tive products rather than one being a by-product of the other. However, we must ask how the change in meaning was managed, on the ground, among the traders and merchants. Were there tituli picti designating a garum before the switch in meaning? The dating of tit- uli picti is not accurate enough to pinpoint the change. These questions must remain unan- swered but do require consideration. A rare bilingual titulus pictus from an amphora from Masada and associated with King Herod the Great has caused many interpretative problems but may shed a little light on this issue. It reads “garum,” two unknown symbols, followed by Bασιλέω(ς). With a putative genitive ending it is said to mean ‘garum of (or for) the king’ but why is it bilingual, and why is it not written as garon or haimation…? I suspect that this label indicated that the content was a blood/viscera sauce not an ordinary garos and the use of the Latin signifed this. Herod the Great lived in Rome for some time during the early 40s BC and may have acquired a love of this new sauce. This may explain why this sauce was identifed using the new fashionable Latin usage i.e. garum (Berdowski 2008: 116). Herod was dead by about 4-1 BC and so if this interpretation is correct it may be the earliest evidence for the ‘other’ garum in the Late Republic (Cotton et al. 1996).

1 3 Journal of Maritime Archaeology (2018) 13:247–261 255

There is also an increasing body of evidence from papyri for the use of the term garos in Egypt. A fask of garou haimatitou—bloody garos—appears on a fragmentary receipt from the 4th century AD (see note 8). The vast majority of references (57) are to garos alone with occasional references to leukos meaning ‘clear’ or ‘bright’ and in one instance this is listed with another bottle described as simply melanos—black. That garos could be either dark in colour or in contrast paler is apparent from modern experiments and must surely refer to the two types of sauce that were available at the time, i.e. ca. 4th century Egypt, one dark and one light in colour.12 In elite Roman consumption texts, garum occurs largely on its own but it is also described as luxuriosa (expensive, Martial Epi. 13.102) as well as arcanum (secret, mys- terious, Martial Epi. 7.27.8), yet also nobile (renowned, Martial Epi. 13.82.2). Pliny and Martial also use the term sociorum (Pliny HN 31.93-94; Martial Epi. 13.102). Seneca talks of this ‘so-called garum sociorum, the costly extract of poisonous fsh, (which) burns up the stomach with its salted putrefaction?’ and refers back to the cooking/killing of the mul- let in the garum sauce (Sen Ep. 95.25; NQ 3.17.2-3). Martial says of his garum socio- rum that it is specifcally ‘made from the blood of a still breathing mackerel’ (Martial Epi. 13.102) linking the fne blood/viscera sauce with this term at least in the minds of elite consumers. The perceived absence of the term liquamen in early Latin texts can now be better understood. Fish sauce was originally a singular essential substance: a small-whole dis- solved fsh sauce and it is perfectly understandable that late Republican and even Augus- tan writers should transliterate garos into garum as they perceived this product in this way. The blood viscera sauce was invented some time at the end of the Republic but it was much later when this new garum became integrated into culinary use and recorded in culinary, medicinal and veterinary texts where it would be visible to us. The switch in usage was gradual, being consumer-led, and created much confusion which can be seen in the way garum is depicted and utilised in early 1st century consumption texts. We do not see liquamen meaning a specifc fsh sauce referred to in any kind of text, other than Apicius, until very much later in the empire with Palladius in the 4th century (Palladius Opus Agri. 3.25.12).13 The collections of colloquia, daily conversations to aid learning of Greek and Latin, loosely dated from the 2nd to the 5th centuries AD, contain many refer- ences to garos which are translated in Latin by liquamen. These texts give information about daily tasks associated with Roman life and we can see how ancient peoples engaged with fsh sauce each time they ate. Garum and or an alternative to garos is conspicuous by its absence (Dickey 2012).14 These texts reveal that a blood viscera sauce did not fgure in daily eating any more.

12 γάρου λευ̣κ̣οῦ λαγοίνι̣α̣ μ̣έλανο̣[ς] λ̣α̣[γο]ί̣νια (garou leukou lagoinia melanos lagoinia) ‘jug (of) light garos, jug (of) black’. (AD 300–399) P. Herm. 23.5 http://papyr​i.info/ddbdp​/p.herm;;23. 13 There are a number of references to liquamen in but in each example the context makes it clear that the term is used to mean a non-specifc liquid. De re rust. 7.4.7.7; 7.5.9.5; 9.8.9.8; 9.14.17.8. The use of the term at 9.14.3.5 discusses the fact that a man looking after hives must not consume strong favours such as pickled fsh ‘et eorum omnia liquamina’ ‘and all the liquids associated with them’, which despite the connection, is used to signify liquids generally and not specifcally a fsh sauce. 14 The Colloquia text follows the same familiar formula as the Geoponica and Diocletian’s edict: μετὰ γάρου/cum liquamine/with fsh sauce. Using garum in English in this context would be entirely inappropri- ate. Dickey 2012: 127. 1 3 256 Journal of Maritime Archaeology (2018) 13:247–261

Garum and Liquamen in Use

The two fsh sauces were, in practise, used in very distinct ways. What is most apparent is that blood/viscera garum had a limited role in the during the cooking process. It is discussed in elite consumption literature, but it is very difcult to determine precisely how it was used. There are hints that garum was a table sauce that was poured on to ; its black glossy appearance will have made it particularly visible to elite consumers. Garos/ liquamen on the other hand appears to have been used predominantly in the kitchen and it is therefore quite understandable that the elite failed to recognise its existence as they never saw it in use. It functioned both as a general salt seasoning in cooking and as an ingredient in the oenogaros/um compound dressings that were served as dips and also poured over cooked meat, fsh and prepared dishes.15 What is most apparent from Apicius is that blood/ viscera garum was never used as a basic cooking liquor despite the suggestion that Apicius wanted to cook/kill his mullet in it: it was too rich, too dark, too intense, and too expensive! That these sauces played diferent culinary roles is made apparent from the Manilius poem: the sauce that is made from the ‘juices removed’ i.e. the blood/viscera sauce, ‘balances taste in the mouth’ which certainly suggest this ‘balance’ of taste occurs during the eating process at table. The product that is made from the ‘juices retained’ i.e. a whole-fsh sauce, is described as a ‘liquor for food’ (5.675), indicating a cooking ingredient. All fsh sauces add salt favour but they also contribute that elusive and highly desirable ; a meaty-cheesy-fshy complexity which is the taste of the amino acid L-glutamate. This forms during fermentation and preservation of fsh and also and meat. It is experienced as a combination of the four basic of salt, sweet, sour and bitter and it is essential in any defnition of deliciousness.16 That garos served primarily as a liq- uid seasoning is clear from the story in Athenaeus of Philoxenus (early 4th century BC), who is said to have entered other people’s homes with oil, garos, wine and so that he could correct the seasoning of the household cook (Ath 1.6a). When and how it frst entered Roman is lost to us as there is no garos or garum in either Cato (150 BC) or (f. 210–180 BC), although we must assume that such a product was available as allec: the residue of fsh sauce, mentioned in both texts, is considered a commonplace item, ofered to slaves and served as a dip with and with ham to the Plautan pro- tagonists (Cato Agr. 58; Persa 1.III.107; frag. Aulularia V.1 840). We have an early snapshot of fsh sauce in Roman cuisine at the end of the Repub- lic from Horace’s satires published 35–33 BC. The gourmet Nasidienus serves a banquet in which allec is an appetiser (Hor Sat. 2.8.9) but the interest he shows in the compound sauces he is serving to his guests which we know were called oenogaros/um is very tell- ing. His sauce contained garo de sucis piscis hiberi, ‘garum from the juices of a Spanish fsh’, along with oil vinegar and wine (Hor Sat. 11. 8. 42–53). I had long assumed that this ‘juice’ was blood and viscera and that this was therefore a very early reference to a blood viscera garum but now I think that this is in error. Leon (2001: 175) has suggested that we should expect sociorum indicative of elite garum here but this product had not yet become fashionable and may not have been even invented. There are certainly no frmly

15 The presence of the term oenogarum alongside liquamen in Apicius was admittedly quite perplexing but, as we fnd many original Greek culinary terms are adopted wholesale, it can now be seen for what it was: a convenient transliteration from the Greek oenogaros οενογαρον for within the recipes each oenogarum cited has liquamen in the body of the recipe. 16 Space constraints at this point prevent an extensive discussion. 1 3 Journal of Maritime Archaeology (2018) 13:247–261 257 datable tituli picti for garum in the Republican period: they are all from the early Empire. Elsewhere in Horace’s Satires he suggests that muria, salted fsh brine, was a desirable sauce to blend with oil and wine and this has been noted to be out of keeping with later fashion as muria was considered lower status. Using muria recalls earlier Hellenistic cui- sine and it was the Spanish and Sicilian salted tuna trade in the 3rd–1st century BC that provided this sauce. Muria is also associated with the 4th century BC gastronomic tastes of Archestratus on Sicily (Wilkins and Hill 2011). This suggest that the culinary culture of Horace’s poetry looks back to Hellenistic practices and that his garum is actually still an early Greek garos, later named liquamen, and not the blood viscera sauce. Therefore, we cannot be sure which sauce is being referred to when we see garum in consumption texts and this is probably true for all periods. The compound sauce that Horace is describing is an oenogarum, a blend of wine or vinegar or both, oil and fsh sauce, sometimes with various herbs and . The term is a transliterated Greek word not a translation so in efect every reference to oenogarum in Apicius is not a reference to a blood/viscera garum but to a liquamen. Such mentions are very common in Apicius and Galen as well, but we do not know the origin of the prod- uct. We cannot categorically say they were a Greek culinary invention though the term is undoubtedly Greek. It is very likely that the techniques of using fsh sauce and incorporat- ing it into a was well advanced before it arrived in Rome. These sauces were predominantly used as a dressing for vegetables but also for meat and fsh.17 Galen consistently recommends these light, simple dressings for vegetables in his dietary advice, each time using garos to mean the whole-small-fsh sauce, while only on one occa- sion does he refer to a black garos which is used to make a remedy called an oxyporium.18 We can see the same usage of garos in recipes from Celsus, who is writing in the early 1st century AD. Celsus used the Latinized form garum but in a context suggesting the primary fsh sauce i.e. liquamen used as a simple dressing holus ex oleo garove estur, ‘vegetables eaten with oil and garum,’ and in Apicius we fnd the same formula19 (Celsus Med. 2.25). The Greek and Latin Colloquia (phrasebooks), which are 1st–4th cen- tury in date also just refer to oil and garos combinations as the normal dressing (Dickey 2012: note 20). Pliny’s references to fsh sauce demonstrate that he largely regards garum as a garos too. It is used in a dressing of oil and wine for parsnips (HN 20.34.4); in a dressing of oil, wine, honey for opsonia (meat pieces, HN 27.136.6); and for snails served with wine (HN 30.44.4). The later recipes in Galen and Apicius for simple dressing of oil, wine and fsh sauce are reminiscent of the type of compound sauces that we fnd in Celsus and Pliny. Columella has one recipe for an oxyporium—digestive remedy, which is diluted with garum and vinegar (Rust. 12.4.13) and this recipe is mirrored in Apicius using liqua- men and vinegar (Apicius 1.34). It is not absolutely certain that Columella is advocating a

17 Galen on garos see Grant (2000): where lettuce is served with oil, garos and vinegar. p. 138; Cooked cabbage with blended with garos, p. 141. Radish: is eaten with oil, garos and vinegar p.152. See also Powell and Wilkens (2003: 158) where the authors interpret Galen’s garos as a sauce made with predominantly fsh viscera rather than fsh meat. 18 Kuhn 1833: Bk 12: 637 (comp.med.sec.loc.) ‘For the stench of wounds that (remedy) which is called "of the Spanish". Take: black garos, called oxyporum by the Romans, 1 sextarius, squill vinegar, 1 sextarius, Attic honey, 1½; boil until it binds, and put it away in a glass vessel and use’. A 17th century or earlier Latin translation of Galen includes the extra lines ‘black garum which the Romans call sociorum’’gari nigri quod Romani sociorum appellant’. 19 Of many: Apicius 3.16 Herbae rustica: liquamine oleo aceto a manu ‘serve with liquamen, oil and vin- egar.’ See Grocock and Grainger 2006: 373. 1 3 258 Journal of Maritime Archaeology (2018) 13:247–261 whole fsh sauce here, however by the time that Galen is writing (AD 160) the only refer- ence to black garum in his work appears to suggest that it has become a legitimate ingredi- ent in these particular medicinal compounds. In subsequent medicinal texts, where liqua- men has become the primary fsh sauce we see that garum exists as a separate product and becomes more frequently utilised. We can now understand the rarity of black garum in 1st century didactic texts: as it was simply too new a product to be incorporated into this kind of literature. To sum up, it would seem possible that these compound oenogarum dressings could not have been originally made with a black garum: it did not appear to exist when these sauces were introduced into Roman culture. I would suggest they were developed in the Hellen- istic era and that garum sociorum was not part of the that came to Rome. It became a fashionable sauce only under Roman infuence some time during the late Repub- lic/early Empire. In previously published work I have interpreted Horace’s Satire 2.8 as indicating that black garum was used in these oenogarum dressings, but if it is a garos, i.e. whole-fsh sauce, then the sole possible instance that garum sociorum was used in these compound dressings disappears. In fact, it becomes very difcult to work out just how it was used, even when its presence is attested. So where is the real garum in Apicius? It is defnitely present in just one recipe: ‘fungis farneis: elixir calidi exsiccati in garo, accipiuntur, ita ut piper cum liquamine teres’ Ash-tree fungi: boil and serve while hot and dry with garum and pepper so long as you pound the pepper with liquamen (Apicius 7.13.1) The recipe is perplexing but a pepper mash occurs elsewhere and the idea of pouring the glossy black garum on to the mushroom at/or during service is not without culinary logic. The concept of using a table sauce to pour onto food just before service or at the table is a familiar culinary practice in modern cuisine using dark . The dark ishiri squid viscera sauce unique to Japanese cooking is also used in a similar way as a seasoning to fnish a dish.20 When garum is nobile it is poured onto (Martial Epi. 13.82). By nobile I am assuming expensive and inferring sociorum i.e. a blood/viscera sauce. We see that a garum sauce is poured on to cooked food in the well-known letter by Ausonius from the early 3rd century AD (Aus Epis. 25.21). This is a highly complex text which deals with the very issue of fsh sauce nomenclature and deserves a more detailed treatment than is possible here. The gift he has received, however, is almost certainly a garum sociorum, i.e. a blood viscera sauce, given he uses that term in relation to it (the gift) and entirely ignores the pos- sibility of naming the sauce he has received as a liquamen, even though this term is appar- ently current usage in the 3rd century AD. It cannot therefore be a small-whole-fsh sauce that he has received and the only other option is a blood/viscera garum. He also rejects the term muria which is a far more complex issue, and as we are not discussing this sauce here, the argument as to what muria was in this context must remain for future debate.21 It is quite clear in this letter that Ausonius expects to be able to pour the sauce on to his patina (frittata) himself. In ’ Satiricon a garum piperatum (pepper sauce) is contrived to pour down from a small bottle on to fsh at the banquet (Petr Sat. 36.3.2). This garum might have been a black garum; the details are somewhat ambiguous. This is all the direct

20 Ishiri: http://www.ishir​i.jp/en/. 21 Some scholars consider that muria is another form of blood/viscera sauce with reference to Martial (Epi. 13.103) while others consider it is a by-product of liquamen/garum (Studer 1994: 195; Corcoran 1962: 204). These issues will be fully discussed in Grainger S (forthcoming) The Story of Garum: fsh sauces and salted fsh in the Roman world. Routledge. 1 3 Journal of Maritime Archaeology (2018) 13:247–261 259 evidence we have for black garum in culinary use in the 1st century. Given how popular it seems to be in Pompeii, on the basis of archaeological fnds, mostly tituli picti, it is cer- tainly strange that we are so much in the dark over its uses. One may postulate that garum sauce was available in bars and dining clubs for the consumer to pour or dribble onto their food in what was a conspicuous act of consumption. This issue would be greatly enhanced by further studies into the relative volume of the vessels associated with garum and liqua- men, known as urceii. These small one handled table top jugs were used to sell fsh sauces in Pompeii. A recent study of 146 vessels with no tituli, found that 95 (66%) had capacity of between 1.9 and 3.4 litres, although the capacity ranges from under 2 litres and a maxi- mum of 7 litres (Cappelletto et al. 2013). Unfortunately, the survival of labels on urceii, as on amphora, is unpredictable, which means that an estimation of the relative volume of each vessel and the sauce it held in each context is impossible.22 Later medicinal and veterinary remedies refer to black garum but there is little to fnd within these obscure texts that would illuminate aspects of its culinary use any further. What does seem clear, however, from these later medical texts is that black garum had become established as a medicinal ingredient and its use at table and its culinary role had diminished. The mere fact that it does not appear on Diocletian’s price edict (4th century AD) demonstrates that it had little economic value. This is why we fnd relatively little ref- erence to it in the late Empire, why Ausonius was so pleased to receive his bottle and why so many authors were confused.

Conclusion

It is clear that black garum was pre-eminent at the tables of the elite in Roman satire of the 1st century AD and it appears it was hugely popular on the streets of Pompeii. However, it is now necessary to recognise that the essential substance that dominated the Roman fsh sauce trade may not have been a garum but a liquamen type of sauce. The consequences of this are profound for the study of archaeological fsh remains related to fsh processing, of amphora and of tituli picti. It is very probable that there will be very diferent processors involved in the manufacture of each sauce, as is demonstrated by Manilus’s poem: what species were utilised, how they were butchered, the size and shape of the processing vats/ containers (cetaria/dolia), the volume of product in each batch, duration of fermentation, harvesting techniques, and the amphora chosen to store and transport the product in and how the shape and function of these vessels was infuenced by the texture and consistency of the fnished sauce. Further research is required to clarify these issues. One key point to stress is the need to be specifc in how we use the terminology. Garum no longer serves as an all-purpose generic term.

22 It would be of great interest to know for instance if an expensive sauce such as a garum scombri fos excellense would be sold in smaller vessels than a more ordinary liquamen fos. Curtis (1991) has noted that urceii were found in relatively modest bars and houses in Pompeii. He does not recognise the distinction between the two types however and we cannot know whether size of vessel, complexity of tituli pict and named product are connected. 1 3 260 Journal of Maritime Archaeology (2018) 13:247–261

A Note on Sources

For the Latin and Greek texts used in this paper the following publications have been fol- lowed: Apicius: Grocock and Grainger 2006; Athenaeus: Gulick 1928; Aurelianus Caelius: Drabkin 1950; Ausonius: Green 1999; Galen: Kuhn 1821–33; Gargilius Martialis: Maire 2002; Geoponica: Dalby 2011; Horace: Fairclough 2005; Isidore of Saville: Barney 2006; Manilius Goold 1977; Martial: Shackleton-Bailey 2006; Pelagonius Fischer 1980; Pliny: Jones 1989; Seneca: Costa 1994; Vegetius Renatus: Lommatzsch 1903. The papyri cited in this article were sourced at http://papyr​i.info/ (accessed 11/2018).

Open Access This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 Interna- tional License (http://creat​iveco​mmons​.org/licen​ses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons license, and indicate if changes were made.

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