Ave Maria and Pater Noster in Scandinavian Runic Inscriptions

Kristel Zilmer

Introduction – vernacular and Latin runic prayers

Christian prayers, invocations and blessings form the most common verbal expression of Christianity in runic inscriptions from the Viking Age and the Middle Ages. Further examples are Christian terms, personal names and references to practices that have received a Christian interpretation. In this study Christian prayers and invocations have been broadly defined. Besides formulas that explicitly solicit divine help and consideration from God or some other holy figure, I have included other formulations of varying content, structure and length; among these there are scriptural quotes, liturgical formulas and (passages of) other texts, which can be understood as expressing the same underlying idea of seeking divine assistance, blessing and protection. Proceeding from a broad definition and including possible fragmentary evidence we can estimate that the ratio of inscriptions containing Christian prayers and invocations is approximately 13 per cent of the runic material from the Viking Age and the early medieval period, up to c. 1150/1200. In inscriptions that date from the High and Late Middle Ages (c. 1150/1200 –1500) the proportion is around 18 per cent. There are, however, more debatable instances among medieval inscriptions; if limiting ourselves to only certain examples, the ratio is around 14 per cent. Two main categories of prayers and invocations can be distinguished using linguistic criteria: firstly, vernacular or vernacularized formulations, and secondly, various quotes and formulas in Church Latin. Besides traditional Latin texts the latter category includes words and expressions that have Hebraic or Greek origin but were used by the Roman Church; in runic inscriptions these elements are often recorded together with Latin formulas.. Besides vernacular and Latin prayers we may also identify a third group, consisting of inscriptions that are formulated in the vernacular, but also contain Latin prayer elements or record requests to pray Pater Noster or Ave Maria . In the examination of Christian prayers and invocations this study does not dissect between their various supplicative and manipulative functions and contexts of usage in terms of traditional dichotomies categorized as religion vs. magic. With certain types of texts, like

1 medieval charms and incantations modelled upon Christian vocabulary, and certain types of objects, such as Christian amulets, their manipulative and ritualistic purpose seems evident. At the same time, various inscriptions and artifacts find themselves somewhere in between the spheres of religion and magic (cf. Spurkland 2012; Steenholt Olesen 2007, 38; on Christian and magic formulas in runic inscriptions, see also MacLeod and Mees 2006, especially 184 – 210; McKinnell, Simek, and Düwel 2004, 147 –61, 172 –89). Furthermore, the scholarship of the past decades has started viewing magic as an inherent part of medieval religion and culture. Studies have concerned what can be described as “the large grey area of popular practices in Christian Europe that are not clearly magic or miracle, but lie on a spectrum in between” (Jolly 2002, 7; cf. Kieckhefer 1989; more specifically on medieval textual amulets, see Skemer 2006). Instead of operating with universal labels such as ‘magic’ and ‘religion’ one needs to examine particular practices in their own contexts (Jolly 2002, 11). In the following I will to a certain degree comment upon what (individual) concerns and practices the inscriptions may cast light upon. As expected vernacular prayers completely dominate the Viking Age and the early medieval material (c. 450 instances). They are recorded in inscriptions on raised rune stones and early Christian grave stones, with a few possible examples occurring on loose items. Vernacular prayers also account for almost 50 per cent (c. 240 instances) of preserved medieval runic prayers and invocations – occurring in inscriptions on medieval grave stones, in stave and stone churches, on ecclesiastical inventory and various types of loose items. Even when excluding fragmentary or questionable evidence – for instance, several Gotlandic grave stone inscriptions which in their present fragmentary state contain vernacular formulations, but may originally have included Latin elements – the ratio is still around 43 per cent. Thus, vernacular formulations continued to be employed in the runic prayer language to a considerable degree also after the era of traditional rune stones. Various types of Latin prayers, invocations and blessings are evidently a medieval phenomenon, and they account for around 41 per cent of the material (c. 200 instances). They occur in the same settings as inscriptions with vernacular prayers, i.e. in medieval churches, on grave stones, ecclesiastical inventory and loose items. Typical examples are inscriptions that contain the prayers Ave Maria (Hail Mary) and Pater Noster (the Lord’s Prayer), but we also find various other scriptural and liturgical citations and expressions as well as different types of incantations and blessings. There are inscriptions that quote the Trinitarian formula In nomine patris et filii et spiritus sancti , various psalms, litanies (e.g. the Ordo Commendationis Animae or the laudes litany starting with the words Christus vincit, Christus

2 regnat, Christus imperat ), hymns and antiphons (e.g. Gloria in excelsis Deo , the Ecce crucem antiphon and the Anthem of the Blessed Virgin or the so-called Five gaude antiphon). Several inscriptions make use of special acronyms and collections of holy names and titles, including a variety of names for God according to the Alma Chorus Domini as well as the names of the apostles, the four evangelists, the archangles, different saints and various biblical figures. Both the vernacular and Latin prayers are examined in more detail in an ongoing study on Christian runic inscriptions. For the purposes of this presentation the discussion is mainly limited to the use of Ave Maria and Pater Noster in Scandinavian runic inscriptions.

Ave Maria and Pater Noster in the Middle Ages

As is known, in its present form Ave Maria is composed of three parts. In the Middle Ages the first two, the so-called scriptural part, were in use – that is, Angel Gabriel’s words in saluting the Virgin (according to Luke 1:28), and the part borrowed from the greeting of St. Elizabeth (Luke 1:42). These two salutations could be attached to each other naturally, as the first one has the words benedicta tu in mulieribus and the second one benedicta tu inter mulieres ‘blessed art thou among women’. Regarding the early origins of the prayer, there is evidence of the reciting of the Marian salutations from the fifth and sixth century onwards, but the use of the joint prayer as an accepted form of private devotion can only be traced from around mid-eleventh century (Helander 1956, 284). The rise and spread of the special formula can be connected to series of verses and responses as used in the Little Office of the Blessed Virgin. In the period that the runic inscriptions reflect, Ave Maria was becoming increasingly popular as a devotional formula in the Catholic tradition. The popularity of the devotion is also attested to by various collections of Mary-legends that started to appear from the early twelfth century. In the High Middle Ages the prayer came to be completed by the adding of Jesus (Christus ) and Amen (Helander 1956, 285). At the same time it is not quite certain how far it was a general custom to include the clause et benedictus fructus ventris tui ‘and blessed is the fruit of thy womb’. The third part, with the petition for Mary’s intercession, was added to the prayer some time in the fifteenth century, with its presently known form being included in the Catechism of the Council of Trent of 1566. Pater Noster is also known under the name Oratio Dominica . Two versions of the prayer occur in the New Testament, a shorter one in the Gospel of Luke 11:2 –4 and a longer, and traditional one in the Sermon on the Mount in the Gospel of Matthew 6:9 –13. In both contexts

3 the prayer is given as an instruction of how to pray. Pater Noster is composed of an introductory formula and seven petitions. The difference between the two versions lies primarily in that the Gospel of Luke has five out of the seven petitions (lacking the third and the seventh). Pater Noster played a central role in the devotional life of the medieval Church. It was part of the Ordinary of the Mass and of most liturgical rites and it also functioned as a liturgical daily prayer and a form of private devotion. In the Nordic countries Ave Maria and Pater Noster formed core elements of the catechetical religious instruction together with Credo (the Apostles’ Creed). Several medieval statutes and laws emphasize the importance of teaching the prayers in the vernacular and describe proper procedures of praying (see Helander 1956, 285; Molland 1968, 130 –31). The Old Norwegian Homily Book (AM 619 4°, from c. 1200) contains vernacular interpretations and commentaries for each of the petitions in Pater Noster which are cited in Latin (cf. also The Old Icelandic Homily Book, Íslensk hómilíubók , Stock. Perg. 4° no. 15). The commentary starts with the words: “VEr ſyngiu m pat er noste r q ui es i n cel is . Dat er ſva a vára tungu. Faðer var ſa er er a hi mnu m” (Indrebø 1931, 153) ‘We sing Pater Noster qui es in cœlis. This is so in our language. Our Father who art in heaven’. In the same source an Old Norse rendering of Ave Maria is provided, as part of a homily for the Christmas Day (Indrebø, 33). Vernacular versions of Ave Maria and Pater Noster are also recorded in various fourteenth- and fifteenth-century manuscripts (see Kilström 1968, 128 –29; Geete 1907 –09, 3 – 5, 94). It is hence of interest that Scandinavian runic inscriptions demonstrate the continuing recital of Pater Noster and Ave Maria in Latin throughout the Middle Ages. The inscriptions that are formulated in the vernacular but contain a request to say the prayers also refer to Pater Noster and Ave Maria . The use of the Latin titles of the prayers is common in the vernacular manuscripts as well, as for example stated in Cod. Ups. C 50 from the latter half of the fifteenth century: “Huru människian skal bidhia til gudh mädh pater noster oc Aue Maria til jomffrw Maria” (Geete 1907 –09, 4) ‘How people are to pray to God with Pater Noster and Ave Maria to the Virgin Mary’ – this is followed by the vernacular renderings of both prayers.

Ave Maria and Pater Noster in the runic corpus

Forming core elements of memorized religious expression most Latin prayers and invocations appear as fixed quotations. The experience of these quotations can in the meantime vary in the sense that most often only some clauses of the texts are cited, perhaps according to what was

4 considered customary or necessary, or simply due to the limitations of the artifacts. This type of variation in length can be best followed in inscriptions that contain parts of Ave Maria and Pater Noster . In the runic material these two prayers are as a rule not quoted in their complete form, as known in the Middle Ages. Various renderings of Ave Maria and Pater Noster in runic inscriptions provide evidence of the use of Latin prayers in Scandinavia during the Middle Ages. The numbers of recorded Ave Maria and Pater Noster prayers in runic inscriptions vary in different studies according to what classification criteria are used and to what extent dubious and corrupt evidence is included (cf. Spurkland 2012; Sidselrud 2000 with references). In the examination of the Norwegian material Sidselrud arrives at fifty-seven Ave Maria -inscriptions (with some additional examples of inscriptions that contain the name in a Latin context) and twenty-one Pater Noster -inscriptions (Sidselrud 2000, 39 –46). However, certain inscriptions that are part of Sidselrud’s corpus have to be excluded from the count or should, in the very least, be further problematized. These are, for example, various inscriptions that may or may not contain some (initial) letters of the prayer formulas, instances of dubious Mary- monograms as well as inscriptions that only consist of (parts of) the name María , with no clear indication of this being part of Ave Maria . I would argue that simple invocations of Mary do not necessarily qualify as renderings of the Latin prayer, since we also have evidence of the name used in connection with vernacular appeals.1 A vernacular invoking of Mary can be seen in connection with the formula Hjalp(i) María ‘Help, Mary’ (e.g. G 104A, G 105). Further examples of vernacular formulations also need to be considered, including: sálug María ‘Blessed Mary’ (Hs 19), Guð María ‘God Mary’ (A 27), María, móðir Guðs ‘Mary, mother of God’ (G 142, cf. G 383, N 289) , María mær ‘Mary the maid’ (Bo NIyR;1, cf. G 104A), Guð minn ok hin helga María ‘My God and the holy Mary’ (N 396). To these medieval examples we can add that vernacular prayers from the Viking Age and the early Middle Ages can be addressed to sankta María . Furthermore, we find the prayer Guð hjalpi ok Mar[í]a ǫnd Sibb[a] ‘May God and Mary help Sibbi’s(?) spirit …’ on one rune stone from Uppland (U 558). Based upon these and other examples, there is nothing conclusive about the use of the name that would automatically suggest it to represent Ave Maria . At the same time, the context in which the name stands is significant in

1 In the Middle Ages the name was holy and therefore not suited to be used for ordinary people. One known exception concerns a certain twelfth-century nun in Lund who according to Necrologium Lundense was called Maria (Otterbjörk 1964, 23, 180). A lost twelfth-century runic grave stone from Öreryd (Sm 117†) may have provided a further exception: Guð, Maríu sonr, signi hústrú Maríu sál af Áslabúðum ‘May God, Mary’s son, bless the soul of housewife María of Áslabúð’. Inscriptions containing the name María are thus generally taken as invocations of the Virgin Mary.

5 defining it either as a vernacular or Latin element. The Scandinavian runic material (based upon Samnordisk runtextdatabas with the addition of a few new finds currently known to me) contains around ninety inscriptions with (parts of) Ave Maria . Eleven inscriptions among these are in this study categorized as belonging to the combined group – besides reciting or referring to Ave Maria the inscriptions may contain vernacular prayers or speak of the practice of praying. The corpus further includes ten to twelve questionable instances, i.e. inscriptions that contain a sequence of letters, possibly indicating Ave [Maria] . Also included are two runic inscriptions from Västergötland (Vg 165 and Vg 221) where the part containing the prayer is in fact carved in roman letters. Inscriptions that only consist of the name María have been left out due to the reasons stated above. The regional distribution of the material cannot be taken as representative of the spread of the prayer as such, but must result from circumstances of preservation and accidents of discovery. For instance, some recent finds of inscriptions with Ave Maria have been made on small metal amulets and on the walls of medieval churches – more similar runic inscriptions may be expected to surface. So far we have most registered finds from Norway, Denmark, Västergötland, Gotland and Småland, with a few known cases of Ave Maria from various other Swedish provinces. The Norwegian material – recorded mainly in churches and on runic sticks and wooden items from Bryggen – accounts for over one-third of the total corpus. It can be pointed out separately that the inscriptions, which refer to the saying of Ave Maria or combine the Latin prayer with vernacular formulas are known from Gotland, with single finds from Östergötland, Västergötland, Småland, Närke and Denmark. More than thirty-five runic inscriptions with Pater Noster are known from Scandinavia. Nineteen of these refer to the opening words Pater Noster or contain parts of the prayer alongside vernacular prayers. Around five inscriptions can be deemed to be of questionable value. Preserved inscriptions are known from Norway – which accounts for almost half of the overall material – Gotland and Västergötland. Occasional finds occur in Östergötland, Närke and Denmark. Inscriptions that refer to Pater Noster in vernacular contexts are mostly Gotlandic, with a few finds from Västergötland, Norway and Östergötland.

The overall evidence shows that Ave Maria is in Scandinavian runic inscriptions usually cited as a separate prayer, but occasionally the inscriptions make use of the title of the prayer in connection with vernacular appeals to pray. Ave Maria is more dominant in the overall material than Pater Noster , and it occurs in inscriptions that originate from different parts of

6 Scandinavia. This does not necessarily indicate a greater spread or popularity of the prayer, but may have to do with types of preserved evidence, forms of textual culture and contexts of usage. Nevertheless, a point can be made that inscriptions with Ave Maria occur in rather different settings; some are directly ecclesiastical and monumental, others are secular and more casual, yet others relate to popular practices with potentially practical or even manipulative concerns (cf. Sidselrud 2000, 64–86). This underlines the nature of Ave Maria as a mode of both public and private devotion. The occurrence of the prayer in a variety of settings may also have to do with the fact that Ave Maria was included in the official liturgy (as part of the Rosary) only in the fifteenth century. Judging from the preserved items, separate citations of Pater Noster are less common than Ave Maria . The inscriptions are recorded in clerical settings and on small Christian (lead) amulets, with a few finds originating from (seemingly) secular contexts. More than half of the Pater Noster -inscriptions use the opening words of the prayer together with vernacular requests to pray. This practice is first and foremost connected to medieval grave monuments where references to the prayer seem to be motivated by a particular type of memorial discourse. This is, for example, illustrated by the early thirteenth-century grave stone from For church in northern Trøndelag (N 536). The grave stone was made after a certain Síra Klemetr the priest, and the inscription includes the request: Biðið Pater Noster fyrir sál hans ‘Pray Pater Noster for his soul’. This text can be compared to the inscription on a grave stone from Fornåsa church in Östergötland (Ög 35) that contains an appeal to pray Pater Noster for the peace and mercy of two people ( Biðjum vára Pater [Nost]er hans sál til ró ok til náða ok Ráðborgar sál ), complemented by a separate vernacular prayer addressed to God ( Guð gefi þeira sál himinríki ). Several corresponding examples are known from the grave stone tradition on Gotland, continuing well into the fourteenth and fifteenth century (and even later). It is known that one could recite Pater Noster on the churchyard with the purpose of benefiting the deceased, this practice is described together with other devotional acts in indulgence privileges for certain churches ( Diplomatarium Norvegicum 3 no. 522 from 1395, and 13 no. 67 from 1408, cf. Molland 1968, 131). Medieval runic grave monuments that include the appeal to say Pater Noster for the deceased probably cast light upon the same tradition. In the following I will look at some of the recorded variants of the prayers, with one or two illustrative examples provided in each case (see Table 1):

7 Table 1. Examples of inscriptions with Ave Maria

Ave N 625, runic stick, c. 1300: aue is carved close to the left end of the stick, one may have intended to carve a longer part of the prayer but did not complete this task. A possible example is Sö FV1974;210, base of a wooden tankard, late medieval?, a sequence of three runes auæ has been identified among various incised lines Ave Maria 2 Vg 164, grave slab, end of eleventh century: (aue maria ; DR EM85;516B, church inscription, 1150 –1300: 0aue(maria ; N 622, base of a wooden stave-tankard, early fifteenth century: | (auem(aria (the line at the start of the inscription may possibly mark a cross) Ave Maria gratia N 531, church inscription: (aue m(aria gracia ; Sm 22, church bell, first half of fourteenth century: afemaria : gracia (with a name of a brother and Jesus Kristus ) Ave Maria gratia plena Vg 210, church bell, 1228: 5 aue 5 maria 5 gracia 5 plena 5; G 127, church inscription, afemaraa : garasia : p !lena Ave Maria gratia plena Dominus DR 50, sword pommel, 1250 –1300: auæ : ma : grasia : btæna : þominu , also in roman letters AV(E) (M)ARIA : O / MR ACIA : PLENA Ave Maria gratia plena Dominus N 307, church inscription: tecum. Benedicta tu in mulieribus auemariagraciablena dominus tecumbene dic tatuin / mu lie ; A 63, wooden plug, fourteenth century: auemariagraciaplenadominustekumbenedictatuinmulieribus Ave Maria gratia plena Dominus N 347, iron door ring: + hafe maria krasia blenatomius tecum. Benedicta tu in mulieribus et stekum benatitaus in mulieribus æþ be benedictus Ave Maria gratia plena Dominus Sm 82†, church bell, second half of twelfth century: [tik(ant 5 tecum. Benedicta tu in mulieribus et omai(an (aue maria 5 grazia 5 plina 5 tominus 5 tekum 5 benedictus fructus ventris tui. Amen benetikta (tu 5 i mulieribus 5 æþ benetik(tus fruk(tus 5 uæn(tris (tui amæn 5 ], with added Dicant omnia ; N 617, runic stick, c. 1250: A a!ue!mariagracia"plenatominustekom B benetikta(tuinmulieribusæþbenetik(tus C fruktusuentristuiamen

The most common variant is as expected Ave Maria , which is recorded in more than 40 percent of the inscriptions. The examples above demonstrate the use of the phrase in a variety of inscriptions. The grave stone from Gretlanda (Vg 164) dating from the end of the eleventh century makes a rather early example, keeping in mind that it was only around this time that Ave Maria as a devotional formula gained popularity. A few fourteenth-century church bell inscriptions from Västergötland (Vg 222, Vg 245, Vg 247, Vg 253) complement the phrase Ave Maria with Jesus , following the practices of the High Middle Ages. Besides Ave Maria we find several inscriptions with either Ave or Ave Maria gratia . When it comes to the former, with the examples above as well as with certain other inscriptions, the interpretation

2 There are inscriptions (church graffiti, inscriptions on loose items) that besides Ave only contain the initial letter(s) of Maria .

8 Ave seems reasonable (see e.g. 8aue in N 343, aue in A 105 and 8aui in A 233). In some cases we cannot be certain that the carved sequence was meant to stand for Ave , but this may be considered an option (e.g. au in N 45 or 0aun in Vg FV2007;37). Other variants of Ave Maria occur more randomly. In the meantime, the complete prayer consisting of both salutations is found in more than ten inscriptions, which is on the same level with the number of inscriptions containing either Ave or Ave Maria gratia . I mentioned earlier that it remains uncertain to what extent it was common to include the clause et benedictus fructus ventris tui in the prayer during the Middle Ages. In this light the runic evidence is important as it demonstrates the use of the complete prayer in different parts of Scandinavia.3 Of further interest is the Lille Myregård lead amulet from Bornholm (Dk Bh36) where the word sanctissima is added to the prayer on side A: Ave sanctissima Maria, gratia plena. Dominus tecum. Benedicta tu in mulieribus et benedictus fructus ventris tui . We can also take a look at a few examples of Pater Noster citations (see Table 2):

Table 2. Examples of inscriptions with Pater Noster

Pater N 555, church inscription: ppatær 5; N 557, church inscription: ppatæ r Pater Noster G 372, church inscription, thirteenth century: ba(trno(tr ; N 79, grave stone: 6 pater 5 noster 5 ; N 616, runic stick, c. 1170: C b batær : nøstær Pater Noster qui es in cælis N 570, church inscription: paternosterkies / inslis Pater Noster qui es in cœlis A 173 (N 816), runic stick, 1150 –1200: bater nuster kuiesinseli : sanctificetur santibisetur

Pater Noster qui es in cœlis N 615, runic stick, c. 1200: pater 6 noster 6 kuisinselo 6 santaf!isetur 6 sanctificetur nomen tuum nomentum 6 aþf!en!iaþr!eno[m]− adveniat regnum Pater Noster qui es in cœlis A 123, lead cross: patern/oster kiesin / celissanctifice)tur / sanctificetur nomen tuum nomen(tuum aduenia/tþregnum(tu/umf−$þ / uoluntas(tu / adveniat regnum tuum fiat −!ku(tþincloæþ / −!rra , the inscription includes other phrases and voluntas tua sicut inn cœlo et formulas, among these Sit super nos! Ab omni malo, amen in terra

Pater Noster qui es in cœlis N 53, lead sheet, + patærnostærkuiæsinnceliss : s/(anktificetur sanctificetur nomen tuum nomen8tu8uum(aþueniaþr/egnum(tuumfi(aþuoluntastuasikuþ / adveniat regnum tuum fiat innseloæþinntærrapanæmnoss(trumkotid/i(anumd(anobisodieæþdimi voluntas tua sicut inn cœlo et tten(obisdebit(anost/rasikuþæþnosdimittimussdebit(oribussnoss/(triss in terra panem nostrum æþnenosinndukassinntæmtaci(onæmsæþli/ber(anosamaloamen , the cotidianum da nobis odie et inscription completes with the names of the four evangelists dimitte nobis debita nostra sicut et nos dimittimus debitoribus nostris et ne nos inducas in temtationem set

3 Besides Sm 82† and N 617, see Sm 38, Sm 145 (adds Amen + In manus tuas D[omine] ), Vg 221 (the prayer is in the roman script), D Fv1980;230 (with Amen. Alfa et o[mega]. Agla. Deus adiuva. Jesus Christus Dominus noster ), DR 166 (contains the complete prayer, a name and additional Ave Maria gr[atia] ), DR 336† (with Amen ), Dk Bh36. Cf. also N 142† and fragmentary N 618, which may have carried the complete prayer.

9 libera nos a malo, amen

It comes as no surprise that more than half of the material uses the first two words of the prayer; as in the case of Ave Maria this can be considered the title of the prayer. This is most common in inscriptions that appeal to pray Pater Noster , although optionally only Pater may be mentioned. As for example said in the inscription on the Backgården stone (Vg 76): Þat er rétt h[v]erjum at biðja Pater ‘That is right for everyone to pray Pater Noster’. Otherwise the single word Pater is recorded in church inscriptions. We also have some inscriptions that cite longer sequences of the prayer. An extended quote is thus found on a lead cross from Osen, Norway (A 123). The complete Pater Noster is carved on a small lead amulet from Ulstad in Oppland (N 53). Some runic items (amulets) use Pater Noster together with a variety of Latin words and expressions, exhibiting themselves as powerful collections of Christian formulas and charms. The Blæsinge lead amulet from Denmark (DR Aarb1987;205), for instance, contains protective formulas against sickness together with the Ecce crucem antiphon, the Trinitarian formula, acclamations of the Christus vincit -type, the holy acronym agla and Pater Noster . Four or five inscriptions have both Pater Noster and Ave Maria recorded. On a runic stick found from Lom stave church in Oppland (A 72) the two prayers are carved on different sides, combined with the names of three evangelists: A + pat8ernos tærgui B esic lismaþeu 5 C markuslukas D aumariagracia . Pater noster qui most likely introduces the inscription, as indicated by the cross sign . Part of the prayer es in cœlis carries on to a different side of the stick where it stands together with the name Matthæus . In three inscriptions on grave monuments from Gotland the formulations Pater Noster (ok) Ave Maria are used together with vernacular appeals (G 60, G 62†, G 168†). Finally, on a fragmentary fourteenth-century knife sheath of leather from Örebro (Nä FV1979;236) the words m8aria p!atær Maria.

Pater(?) occur together on one side, with an additional patær Pater(?) on the other side.

M8aria and patær may be interpreted as references to the prayers, partly for the reason that they are used together. Furthermore, the runic spelling of these words accords with what we can see in various other Ave Maria and Pater Noster -inscriptions (for alternative interpretations on the inscription, see Gustavson and Snædal Brink 1979, 235 –38).

10

Variation in the recording of Ave Maria and Pater Noster

[Analysis of the notable variation across the spectrum of Ave Maria and Pater Noster- inscriptions will be undertaken in further studies – in order to detect possible conventions as well as diverging features in the runic representation of these widely known and cited Latin texts. It would be interesting to compare the occurrence of particular literate features, as for example, dotted runes, bind-runes, word dividers, etc. in inscriptions that cite Latin prayers with the vernacular ones. Corresponding analyses may cast some light upon the literate conventions followed by the people who carved these different texts, which may tell us more about their background. ] One aspect worth of discussion concerns noticeable strategies in the graphematic representation of certain sequences of text. To illustrate the matter briefly, we can look at inscriptions that cite the short sequence Ave Maria . Three examples were provided in Table 1: Vg 164 8auemaria ; DR EM85;516B 0aue8maria and N 622, | 8auem8aria . All three inscriptions use bind-runes in Ave , although alternating in which runes that are written together; two have bind-runes in Maria as well. Looking at all the inscriptions with shorter and longer versions of the prayer, where the phrase Ave Maria is recorded, we can observe the following. In as far as this can be established, roughly 46 percent of the inscriptions use one or more bind-runes in either Ave or Maria or both. However, if we look at inscriptions that record only the sequence Ave Maria with no further part of the prayer added, the ratio of those with bind-runes is nearly 60 per cent, i.e. around three out of five inscriptions. We may here be able to trace a customary technique of carving the short form of the prayer in runes. The material shows that it is common to write together either the first and the second rune or all the three runes in Ave . In the case of Maria the usual option is to use bind-runes in 8ar , but 8ma is in use as well. Bind-runes may be employed even when only the initial letters of Maria are carved, as in the inscription from Borgund stave church (N 383): 0aue8ma . Identical conventions occur in different settings – including graffiti in church buildings, inscriptions on church bells and grave monuments as well as those on runic sticks and loose items. We may here deal with a special visual form of the prayer in runic inscriptions that could be used regardless of the material in question (stone, wood, metal) – a form that could be quickly and

11 easily acquired and (almost mechanically) reproduced. We can take a look at the Ave Maria -inscriptions in the Bryggen material (see Table 3):

Table 3. Ave Maria in inscriptions from Bryggen

N 617, runic stick, A a!ue!mariagracia"plenatominustekom c. 1250 B benetikta(tuinmulieribusæþbenetik(tus C fruktusuentristuiamen N 618, broken runic A −s : æt : benedikdus : fruktus : stick, c. 1250 B −!kus : uilelmus N 619, runic stick, auemariakraciablena c. 1170 –1200? N 620, runic stick, auemaria c. 1375 N 621, runic stick, auemaria shaped as a skewer, c. 1335 N 622, base of a | (auem(aria wooden stave- tankard, c. 1400 N 623, base of a A (aue m(aria wooden stave- tankard (c. 1400 – 1475) N 624, base of a 0auema wooden stave- tankard, c. 1400 N 625, runic stick, aue c. 1300 N 638, folded lead B þ!o$ys!o!i$pie!æeþnnkoapnacsia / (auem(aria!iisuskristr(auem(aria plate, c. 1350 – 1400? B 3, base of a A 0+au+ wooden bowl, c. B + ma 1350 B 422? (base of a ami wooden bowl, c. 1335, doubtful Ave Maria ) B 581? (base of a ui wooden bowl, c. 1300 doubtful Ave ) B 611, runic stick, auema ? c. 1300 B 623, runic stick, A −?: dominus : te ?− fragmentary, c. B −benedictus :− 1250

The list includes fifteen Ave Maria -inscriptions; two among these, B 422 and B 581, are

12 considered questionable.4 The interpretations of ami as A[ve] M[ar]i[a] and ui as [A]ve are not that convincing when comparing these sequences with other runic renderings of Ave Maria . At the same time, both inscriptions are recorded on a type of item (wooden bowls) where runic Ave Maria -prayers are found. For this reason the inscriptions have been included in the overview. Six inscriptions use bind-runes, in five cases this occurs in the actual sequence Ave Maria . If we only consider the inscriptions that contain Ave Ma[ria] and no further part of the prayer, the ratio is five out of eight. The type of artifact may be of importance, since four out of the five inscriptions with bind-runes are recorded on the bases of wooden stave-tankards or bowls (one is on a lead amulet). The numbers are too small to allow for any generalizations, but in the very least they indicate features that may be of interest. A further point to make in connection with the rendering of Ave Maria in the Bryggen material is of chronological nature. The preserved examples demonstrate that longer variants of the prayer are recorded in inscriptions dating from the end of the twelfth and the mid-thirteenth century, whereas the short carvings of Ave Maria appear in inscriptions from the fourteenth and fifteenth century. In future studies it would be interesting to examine shorter and longer versions of Ave Maria and other Latin prayers in order to see whether there occur any differences in the rendering of concentrated phrases as compared to lengthier citations. Hypothetically we may assume that shorter texts may have acquired a particular graphematic form and as such functioned as memorized and easily reproducable carvings, in a sense similar to maker’s and ownership marks. Longer citations, on the other hand, would have required more individual graphophonological analysis on the part of the carvers, as long as they did not copy their text from a pre-existing original, resulting in inscriptions, which as we know, demonstrate varying degrees of literacy and knowledge of Latin.

Ave Maria and Pater Noster and the contexts for Latin prayers and invocations

I will complete this limited overview with some comments on the types of settings in which Latin prayers and invocations are recorded.

4 A further example of a questionable Ave -inscription is the early-fifteenth-century runic stick B 666, with the suggested reading of 0au$þ . Alternative readings of the runic sequence in question are possible, and the inscription has to be considered highly uncertain; hence, it is not included in the table above. Other inscriptions to consider in addition to the Ave Maria -inscriptions are: N 626 (base of a wooden stave-tankard, m8aria ), B 295 (runic stick, c. 1200, mrai :) and B 362 (base of a wooden bowl, c. 1200, ma ). Cf. also N 645 (runic stick, c. 1250, containing the sequence : m8ariuas ).

13 The largest group of Latin prayers, invocations, blessings and other Christian formulas is recorded on runic sticks, metal amulets and pieces of bone, which altogether make up around 37 per cent of the material. It should be noted that on small items like these there occur over three times as many Latin formulations as vernacular prayers and invocations. The textual features of the group are diverse: several inscriptions appear as collections of holy names, references and / or scriptural and liturgical citations. A variety of individual practices are documented, since we are here dealing with religious expressions, blessings, protective formulas and charms. Among common examples are inscriptions that contain Ave Maria and Pater Noster . In several inscriptions the main motivation behind the use of the formulas seems to be a practical concern or need instead of a religious devotion. Some of the texts are corrupt, allowing for the identification of only a few distorted passages. More than half of the material originates from Norway, consisting mainly of runic sticks from Bryggen in Bergen. In addition to that we have several lead amulets that have been found from Denmark as well as other finds from different parts of Scandinavia. Latin prayers and invocations on other types of loose items account for 15 per cent of the material. Most of the finds originate from Norway and Denmark. With this group as well we see that the number of objects carrying Latin prayers and invocations exceeds corresponding finds with vernacular formulations. Besides various everyday objects such as wooden stave- tankards and bowls, knife-hafts, rings, a spindle-whorl and a sword-pommel we find religious texts in Latin carved on lead crosses which must have served as personal amulets. The texts extend from the simple mention of one or two words like Ave + Maria to longer prayers, protective formulas and liturgical passages. Quotes of Ave Maria seem to be particularly common on wooden stave-tankards and bowls, as already noted above. Inscriptions on church furnishings and items that originate from churches make up around 11 per cent of the corpus of Latin prayers and invocations. Although the cases are not many, we can observe that there are somewhat more Latin prayers and invocations recorded than vernacular ones, but this may result from accidents of preservation. It is possible to detect certain practices in connection with certain types of objects. Church bells, for instance, are for the main part equipped with Latin citations, particularly of Ave Maria , with finds from Småland, Västergötland, Värmland, Denmark and Norway. The use of Ave Maria -inscriptions on church bells has also been noted elsewhere; the Scandinavian runic material thus follows a common custom. Inscriptions recorded from actual church buildings account for around 29 per cent of Latin prayers and invocations, making up the second largest group. More examples are known from

14 stone churches thanks to the finds from a number of Danish and Gotlandic churches. The Norwegian material is dominated by inscriptions from stave churches, with occasional finds from a few stone churches. On the whole we find that in Scandinavian churches there are recorded more runic prayers and invocations in the vernacular than in Latin – this applies to both stone and stave churches. Finally, we have a limited number of Latin prayers and invocations preserved on medieval grave stones from different parts of Scandinavia. They form c. 6 per cent of the material (to this we can add a few finds of Latin formulations on other types of medieval stones). This type of artifact is dominated by vernacular prayers and invocations. The texts in Latin cite common prayers like Ave Maria or invoke some divine figure. One example is the grave slab from Öreryd churchyard in Småland (Sm 115), which has the Latin grave formula with HIC IACET and an appeal to read Ave Maria in the roman script, followed by the prayer in runes. In other cases the grave formula may be in the vernacular, concluded by an expression in Latin, as on the grave stone from Øye church in Oppland (N 79): Hér hvílir Þóra, móðir Eiríks prests. Pater Noster ‘Here rests Þóra, mother of Eiríkr the priest. Pater Noster’. This material may be complemented by the group of medieval grave stone inscriptions (c. 25 instances) that combine vernacular and Latin prayers and invocations or include requests to pray Pater Noster or Ave Maria . As mentioned earlier, this practice is particularly common in medieval Gotland, but similar inscriptions occur on grave monuments from Östergötland, Småland, Västergötland and Norway. The number of combined grave stone inscriptions is higher than of those that use separate Latin prayers and invocations. Besides grave stones combined vernacular and Latin formulations are known from churches, and occasional examples are recorded on church furnishings and different types of loose items.

Preliminary concluding remarks

My point of departure in the study of Christian runic inscriptions is a broad definition of vernacular and Latin runic prayers and invocations. The analyzed material encompasses a variety of Christian phrases, formulas and names, connected through the underlying purpose of seeking for divine assistance or blessing, although the exact motives and concerns could differ from one inscription to another. In the overall runic material vernacular prayers and invocations outnumber the Latin ones almost 3.5 times – this is so largely due to their presence on a considerable amount of late Viking Age rune stones and early Christian grave monuments. Prayers of the customary type

15 ‘May God help his spirit / soul’ represent an early phase of vernacular runic praying in Scandinavia, unfolding in the context of commemorative stone monuments. At the same time, the continuing importance of vernacular prayers is clearly documented in different types of medieval inscriptions, especially in stone and stave churches and on grave monuments where they belong into the established setting of medieval Christian culture. A general observation that can be made is that the composition of vernacular prayers in runic inscriptions from different periods of time reveals possibilities for structural and content-related variation. This emphasizes the dynamic nature of vernacular prayers and invocations as used in the context of runic inscriptions. We also observe that over the course of time the vernacular prayer language becomes more varied. In contrast to this, Latin prayer formulations – such as Ave Maria and Pater Noster – appear as more or less fixed citations, but one can find variation in the length of such quotations as well as with regard to their various functions on different types of items, ranging from religious devotion to practical concerns and amuletic-ritualistic usage. Ave Maria and Pater Noster are adapted to the runic context in various forms. The spelling conventions, grammatical forms and vocabulary of these and other preserved runic Latin texts document the knowledge of Latin amongst certain members of the society like the clerics, but these features also cast light upon the acquitance of ordinary people with widely recited Latin texts and even reflect the outcomes of copying and imitating texts by certain illiterate (i.e. non- Latin reading / writing) individuals. The number of recorded Latin prayers and invocations in the medieval material stays somewhat below the number of vernacular prayers and invocations. At the same time, the spread of common Latin prayer formulas is also documented by references that are provided to these prayers in connection with vernacular appeals to pray. Core elements of the Latin prayer tradition, Ave Maria and Pater Noster , occur on numerous occasions – with shorter and longer variants of the prayers being recorded. Most commonly we find the opening two words of the prayers used, but there also occur extended citations, especially of Ave Maria . Inscriptions that cite extended clauses may demonstrate a more specific acquaintance with Latin prayers. However, in comparison to the relatively dynamic nature of vernacular prayers, various Latin formulas still figure primarily as memorized and / or copied quotes that have been transferred into the runic writing. The settings within which both vernacular and Latin runic prayers and invocations occur vary to a great extent – these texts can be carved onto a variety of smaller and larger artifacts of stone, wood, metal, bone and leather. Of special significance is the well-documented use of

16 vernacular prayers and invocations on different types of medieval grave monuments where their number excedes the Latin ones by around six times. It may also be emphasized that both stone and stave churches record more prayers and invocations in the vernacular. On the other hand, Latin prayers and invocations are used to a greater extent on different types of loose items – this concerns various everyday objects as well as items originating from churches. The dominating role of Latin prayers and invocations becomes especially clear when looking at small artifacts that served primarily as a surface for writing, such as runic sticks, lead plates and bands, pieces of bone, etc. As pointed out above, they record around three times as many Latin as vernacular formulas. The use of different Christian words, names and expressions in Latin is also determined by types of objects and the textual culture they represent – this is especially evident in connection with small lead amulets (more about this in Knirk 1998; Ertl 1994). Based upon this data we may to a certain degree speak of alternating forms of runic prayer tradition as represented by different types of artifacts. For one, there is a monumental context of use, connected to objects like rune stones, grave monuments and in a certain sense also church buildings. Despite the fact that numerous inscriptions in churches may be characterized as (personal) graffiti they nevertheless occur in a setting that had a broader public function as well. In this light, it is possible that vernacular prayers and invocations in monumental / public settings may among other factors have been motivated by the wish to reach a potentially wider audience. Secondly, we have the discourse of various loose items – where we find a certain preference for Latin prayers, invocations and blessings. Besides being connected to particular types of objects and textual genres such use of Latin formulas may also have to do with the mediation of specific knowledge and private concerns. The line of distinction between these two roughly outlined spheres is by no means absolute, since we have ample evidence of widely recited Latin prayers and invocations also occuring in church buildings and on grave monuments, as we do of vernacular prayers and invocations used on different types of loose items. This underlines the dynamic and mixed nature of the overall runic prayer tradition during the late Viking Age and the Middle Ages. Its multiple regional, chronological, local and individual manifestations need to be addressed in more detail in future studies.

Selected Bibliography

A + number = Preliminary registration number of runic inscriptions found in Norway outside

17 Bryggen in Bergen. B + number = Preliminary registration number of runic inscriptions found at Bryggen in Bergen. BoNIyR + number = inscription from Bohuslän. Published in Norges innskrifter med de yngre runer , i.e. NIyR . Danske Runeindskrifter , Nationalmuseet and Nordisk Forskningsinstitut, Københavns Universitet. http://runer.ku.dk/ Diplomatarium Norvegicum . Oldbreve til Kundskab om Norges indre og ydre Forhold, Sprog, Slægter, Sæder, Lovgivning og Rettergang i Middelalderen . 1847 –2011. 23 vols. Christiania. D Fv1980;230 = inscription from Västannor, Dalarna. Published in Helmer Gustavson and Thorgunn Snædal Brink. “Runfynd 1979.” Fornvännen 75 (1980), 229 –39. Dk Bh36 = inscription from Lille Myregård, Bornholm. Published in Danske Runeindskrifter . DR + number = inscription published in Danmarks runeindskrifter , i.e. DR . DR = Danmarks runeindskrifter. 3 vols.: Text ; Atlas ; Registre . By Lis Jacobsen and Erik Moltke. København 1941–42. DR Aarb1987;205 = inscription from Blæsinge, Sjælland. Published in Marie Stoklund and Ulla Lund Hansen. “Runefynd” Aarbøger for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie 1986 (1987), 189 –211. DR EM85;516B = inscription from Aggersborg, Nørrejylland. Published in Erik Moltke. 1985. Runes and Their Origin, Denmark and Elsewhere . Copenhagen. Ertl, Karin. 1994. “Runen und Latein: Untersuchungen zu den skandinavischen Runeninschriften des Mittelalters in lateinischer Sprache.” In Runische Schriftkultur in kontinental-skandinavischer und -angelsächsischer Wechselbeziehung; Internationales Symposium in der Werner-Reimers-Stiftung vom 24.–27. Juni 1992 in Bad Homburg , ed. Klaus Düwel, 328–90. ERGA 10. Berlin. G + number = inscription published in Gotlands runinskrifter , i.e. SRI , 11–12. Geete, Robert. 1907–09. Svenska böner från medeltiden : efter gamla handskrifter . Samlingar utgifna af Svenska Fornskrift-Sällskapet 38. Stockholm. Gustavson, Helmer. 1994a: “Latin and Runes in Scandinavian Runic Inscriptions.” In Runische Schriftkultur in kontinental-skandinavischer und -angelsächsischer Wechselbeziehung; Internationales Symposium in der Werner-Reimers-Stiftung vom 24.– 27. Juni 1992 in Bad Homburg , ed. Klaus Düwel, 313–27. ERGA 10. Berlin. ―. 1994b. “Runsk latinitet.” In Medeltida skrift- och språkkultur: Nordisk medeltids-literacy

18 i ett diglossiskt och digrafiskt perspektiv II: Nio förelesningar från ett symposium i Stockholm våren 1992 med en inneledning av Barbro Söderberg , ed. Inger Lindell, 61 –77. Sällskapet Runica et Mediævalia, Opuscula 2. Stockholm. Gustavson, Helmer and Thorgunn Snædal Brink. 1979. “Runfynd 1978.” Fornvännen 74 (1979), 228 –50. Helander, Sven. 1956. “Ave Maria.” In Kulturhistorisk leksikon for nordisk middelalder fra vikingtid til reformasjonstid , i.e. KLNM. 284 –86. Hs + number = inscription from Hälsingland. Published in Marit Åhlén. “Runinskrifter i Hälsingland.” Bebyggelsehistorisk tidskrift 27 (1994). 33 –49. Indrebø, Gustav. 1931. Gamal norsk homiliebok: Cod. AM 619 4° . Oslo. Jolly, Karen. 2002. “Medieval magic: Definitions, beliefs, practices.” In Witchcraft and Magic in Europe. The Middle Ages , by Karen Jolly, Catharina Raudvere, and Edward Peters, 1 –71. London. Kieckhefer, Richard. 1989. Magic in the Middle Ages . Cambridge. Kilström, Bengt Ingmar. 1968. “Pater Noster.” In Kulturhistorisk leksikon for nordisk middelalder fra vikingtid til reformasjonstid , i.e. KLNM. 128 –30. KLNM = Kulturhistorisk leksikon for nordisk middelalder fra vikingtid til reformasjonstid . 1956 –78. Various authors. 22 vols. Oslo. Knirk, James E. 1998. “Runic Inscriptions Containing Latin in Norway.” In Runeninschriften als Quellen interdisziplinärer Forschung: Abhandlungen des Vierten Internationalen Symposiums über Runen und Runeninschriften in Göttingen vom 4.–9. August 1995 , ed. Klaus Düwel, 476–507. ERGA 15. Berlin. MacLeod, Mindy and Bernard Mees. 2006. Runic Amulets and Magic Objects . Woodbridge. McKinnell, John, Rudolf Simek, and Klaus Düwel. 2004. Runes, Magic and Religion: A Sourcebook . Studia Medievalia Septentrionalia 10. Vienna. Molland, Einar. 1968. “Pater Noster. Norge.” In Kulturhistorisk leksikon for nordisk middelalder fra vikingtid til reformasjonstid , i.e. KLNM. 130 –32. N + number = inscription published in Norges innskrifter med de yngre runer , i.e. NIyR . NIyR = Norges innskrifter med de yngre runer . By Magnus Olsen et al. 6 vols. to date. Oslo 1941 ff. Nä + number = inscription published in Närkes runinskrifter , i.e. SRI , 14.1. Nä FV1979;236 = inscription from Örebro, Närke. Published in Helmer Gustavson and Thorgunn Snædal Brink. “Runfynd 1978.” Fornvännen 74 (1979), 228 –50. Otterbjörk, Roland. 1964. Svenska förnamn . Stockholm.

19 Samnordisk runtextdatabas , Department of Scandinavian Languages, Uppsala University. http://www.nordiska.uu.se/forskn/samnord.htm Sidselrud, Agnieszka Ewa. 2000. Religion og magi i nordisk middelalder: “Ave Maria” og “Pater Noster” med runer – bønn eller magisk formula?. Master’s thesis in Nordic Viking and Medieval Culture. University of Oslo. Skemer, Don C. 2006. Binding Words: Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages . Philadelphia. Sm + number = inscription published in Smålands runinskrifter , i.e. SRI , 4. Spurkland, Terje. 2012 (forthcoming). “How Christian were the Norwegians in the Middle Ages? The runic evidence.” In Epigraphic Literacy and Christian Identity: Modes of Written Discourse in the Newly Christian European North , ed. Kristel Zilmer and Judith Jesch, 183 –200. Utrecht Studies in Medieval Literacy. Turnhout SRI = Sveriges runinskrifter . Various authors; published by Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akademien. 14 vols. to date. Stockholm 1900 ff. Steenholt Olesen, Rikke. 2007. Fra biarghrúnar til Ave sanctissima Maria: Studier i danske runeindskrifter fra middelalderen . Ph.D. dissertation. University of Copenhagen. Sö + number = inscription published in Södermanlands runinskrifter , i.e. SRI , 3. U + number = inscription published in Upplands runinskrifter , i.e. SRI , 6–9. Vg + number = inscription published in Västergötlands runinskrifter , i.e. SRI , 5. Vg FV2007;37 = inscription from Kinneved, Västergötland. Published in Dan Malkolmsson. “Runor och andra putsristningar i Kinneveds kyrka i Västergötland.” Fornvännen 102 (2007). 37 –40. Vs + number = inscription published in Västmanlands runinskrifter , i.e. SRI , 13. Ög + number = inscription published in Östergötlands runinskrifter , i.e. SRI , 2. Öl + number = inscription published in Ölands runinskrifter , i.e. SRI , 1.

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