Maturus Fecit - [Jnwod Made
Runic Inscriptions on Fibulae in the Late Roman Iron Age
BYLISBETH M.IMER
Imer Li.sbeth M. 201l. Maturus Fecit - Unwod Made: Runic Insniptions on Fibuhe in the Abstract Late Roman lron Age. Lund Archaeological Reuiew ** (201 1), pp. I I-27. This paper is an analysis of runic inscriptions on Late Roman Iron Age fibulae. tVhen discussing the meaning and function of the inscriptions, it is suggested that we use a con- textual approach referring to the Roman use of writing instead of discussing the function on the basis of each individual inscription, especially when the fibulae are very alike. It is concluded that the fibulae inscriptions are most likely craftsmant inscriptions added to the fibula as a kind of qualiry mark, just as is the case on much of the military equip- ment from the same period and fibulae from the Roman Empire. Finally, the tradition of writing in the Late Roman Iron Age is discussed in a broader perspective, including other inscriptions from the period. Lisbeth M. Imer, Department of fusearch and Exhibitions, National Museum of Denmarh, Frederiksholms Kanal 12, DK-1220 Copenhagen K, Denmark. [email protected]
Runic writing was invented at the begin- writing system(s) that served as model(s) for ning of the first millennium AD. This hap- the runes (y' Stoklund 2003, p. 172). Literate pened in a non-literary sociery where oral persons were very scarce in the analphabetic communication or signs and gesticulations Nordic society, and no doubt the develop- were the only means of passing on messages. ment took place in one of the chiefdoms that The root in the word 'rune' can be traced back appeared on the verge of the Late Roman Iron to the Indo-European *rDH-, which means Age. It seems that there was a fundamental 'make a sound', 'mumble' or 'mutter', and it wish to develop a writing system of their own may also be connected to Latin rumzr, which to emphasize the power of the chieftain in an originally meant 'noise' or 'mumbling'. This is attempt to imitate the much coveted Roman exactly what the runes were: sounds in writ- Iifestyle. ing. The Greek and Latin alphabets served as The oldest known runic inscription harja models for the construction of the runes, and is on a little twoJayer comb from the weapon the runic alphabet - the futhark - consisted deposit in Vimose, Funen. Here harja is in- of 24 characrers, jusr like the Mediterranean terpreted as a short form of a man's name, de- alphabets, and was adapted to the Nordic riving from Hari-,'Army-', just like the name language in the Iron Age. In principle, the de- harija'\Tarrior' on the stone from Skidng in velopment of the writing system could have Sweden (Krause 1956, pp. 191 f,; Stoklund taken place anywhere, but it would involve 1995, p. 333).The comb is dated to the 2nd a person with a good sense of the sounds in century AD (Pauli Jensen 2008, p. 237), i.e. his own language and of the sounds and the at the transition from the Early Roman Iron
MATIIRUS FF.cTT - IJNwoD MADE 1 1 Age to the Late Roman Iron Age. It was a time it is important information that the runes when changes took place in the village struc- were developed in the North at a time in his- ture and in the farming; the farm units grew tory when Europe was strongly infuenced by larger, and the cultivation of crops intensified. the Roman Empire and Roman tradition. In At the same time, the rotary mill replaced the some cases, areas under direct Roman domi- hand mill - supposedly a technological leap nance, the Provinces, were totally Romanized, adopted from the Romans - so that it became and Roman villas, amphitheatres, and cities possible to produce larger amounts of four in with Roman adminisration, infrastructure, a shorter space of time. In this period, weal- and military installations were built. Outside thy sites such as Himlingoje, Gudme, and the Provinces, in Germania, the infuence Sorte Muld prospered, and contacts with the was very sffong. Roman luxury goods such Roman Empire were very strong. At trading as bronze vessels and glass reached far ends of sites like Gudme, trade was the primary pro- Scandinavia just like the lively traffic of Ro- fession, not farming, and on sites like these man weapons. In the Germanic armies, they the first specialized craftsmen in the Iron Age used Roman swords, imported in great num- appear (Storgaard 2003, pp. 108 f.). It was in bers as blades without handles and knobs, this period that most of the Danish and South and in richly furnished graves we find glass, Swedish weapon depositions were sacrificed. bronze vessels, and Samian ware. In addition This custom began in the Early Roman Iron to this, thousands of Roman coins are found Age, and it contrasted with the Pre-Roman in Scandinavia (Horsnes 2009, p.34). depositions consisting of humans and smal- During the first four centuries AD, Scan- Ier deposits of assorted war equipment. The dinaviawas in contactwith Roman and Greek weapon depositions in the Roman Iron Age, writing, in the form of craftsment imprints, especially in the Late Roman Iron Age, refect owner's inscriptions, and weight depictions a highly standardized and specialized army that were imported into Scandinavia with structure, where weapons were produced at the Roman luxury goods, weapons and coins. central smithies or even factories (Pauli Jensen The oldest known are the Hoby cups that et al, 2003, pp.3l4 tr.). were produced in Rome or Campania around In order to understand the background to the time of the birth of Christ by the Greek the development of runic writing and the fun- craftsman Cheirisiphos (Fig. 1). They were ction of the runic inscriptions in the North, buried in the Hoby grave together with the
Fig. 1. The silver beakers from Hoby. Photo: The National Museum.
12 LISBETH M, IMER magnate or prince around the middle of the Germanic areas from Roman factories, legally first century AD. On the sides of these silver or illegally. The majority of the swords that cups, scenes from the lliad are depicted, and carry manufactory imprints are found in the between the friezes Cheirisiphos punched his weapon deposits at Illerup Add, Vi-ose, He- master's mark, on one cup in Greek letters, delisker, Illemose, Ejsbol, and Nydam; more on the other in Latin letters. Under the bot- than 90 swords with letter imprints derive tom of each cup, the Roman name 'silius' is from these sites (Biborski and lll
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Map 1. The distribution of the Roman Iron Age Greek and Latin inscriptions in the North (apart from the thousands of Roman coins). Illustration: The author. the inscriptions on the precious fibulae from long to the grave (Lund Hansen et al. 1995, the Late Roman Iron Age, and I will argue p. 477).The crossbow fibula from Girdlosa that these are to be interpreted as fabrication in Scania is dated to C1b and derives from a marks as well. womant grave, no. 2, which is a richly furnis- Seven fibulae with runic inscriptions hed grave by Scanian standards (Stjernquist have hitherto been dated to the Late Roman 1951, pp. 159 tr.). The rosette fibulae make up Iron Age: a crossbow fibula, a bow fibula of a group of monstrous fibulae, characteristic of Mackeprang'r typ. IX, and five rosette fibu- phase C1b (Lund Hansen et al. 1995, p.213). lae. The bow fibula from Himlingoie grave In Denmark 60 copies have been registered, 1835-1 is dated to Clb-C2. This grave was whereas Norway and Sweden have only seven unearthed unprofessionally in 1835, and it is and nine copies respectively (Skjodr.2009, p' uncertain how many and what artefacts be- i55).The runic inscriptions are found on the
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Map 2. The distribution of the Late Roman Iron Age runic inscriptions in the North. Grey dots: Grave finds or bog finds; Black dots: Runestones; Black stars: Fibulae (also deriving from graves). Illustration: The author.
Danish copies only (Map 2). The five rosette of Jutland as well. Nrsbjerg belongs to the fibulae are regarded as a special group in Clb, south-western workshop in Jutland, whereas with the exception that Nasbjerg from the the four remaining ones - Himlingoje, Skov- western part of Jutland belongs to a Jutlandic gfude,Yrrlose, and Lundegirde - all belong workshop (y' Ethelberg2000, pp. 51 ff.). In to the workshops in Zealand (Skjodt 2009, p. her master's thesis from 2006 (published post- 16e f.). humously in 2009), Annagrete Skjodt made The fibulae carry runic inscriptions on the it clear that rosette fibulae were produced in pin-casing, except for Himlingoje 1, where three superior groups of workshops, two in the inscription, naturally, is placed on rhe Jutland and one in Zealand, the latter ha- back of the foot plate. Apparently, it was of no ving distributed fibulae to the northern parr significance on which side of the pin-casing
MiruRUS FECrr uNvoD MADE 15 NAME TYPE TRANSLITERAIION TRANSLATION Himlingoie 2 Rosette fibula (...) (w)iduhudaR (...) WiduhundaR Skovgirde Rosette fibula lamo : talgida Lamd cut Varlsse Rosette fibula alugod Alugod Lundegirde Rosette fibula bidawariiaR talgidai BindawarijaR cut
1. -ara-(is)- Nrsbjerg Rosette fibula 2. -ara- -- bi- l -aru -- bi-
Himlingoie 1 Bow fibula hariso Hariso Girdl6sa Crossbow fibula ek unwod (w) I Unwod (made/wrote)(?)
Thble 1. Runic inscriptions on fibulae from the Late Roman Iron Age; transliteration and translation.
Fig. 2. The rosette fibula from Himlingoje with the inscription (...) (w)iduhudaR. Photo: The National Museum.
T6 LIsBETH M. IMER the inscriptions were placed. The inscriptions tion. Marie Stoklund states explicitly that on Vrrlose and Lundegi.rde are carved on the there is not much evidence that the carving outside of the pin-casing, whereas the inscrip- of the runes was based in a craftsman's tradi- tions on Himlingoje 2, Nrsbjerg, Skovgirde, tion, and she cannot suppoft Moltket theory and Girdlosa are carved on the inside. The that most metal inscriptions were carried out inscriptions on Himlingoje 2, Nesbjerg, and by nonJiterate craftsmen on the model of a Girdlosa are badly worn, as a consequence of literate one (Stoklund 1995, p. 320). Hence, the pin being pushed up and down inside the the interpretations of the fibula inscriptions casing. This is an observation of significance arc very different, as they are carried out with for the reading of the inscriptions. The in- the single fibula as a point of departure, How- scription on Skovgirde is very clear and does ever, since five ofthe fibulae are rosette fibulae not seem to have been worn at all, but we - four of them even from the same workshop must bear in mind that it was buried with a - it seems adequate to analyse them as a com- 20 -year-old woman (Ethelberg 2000, pp. 287 plete group in order to investigate what the ff.) and has not been exposed to as much wear purpose of the inscriptions might have been. as the others. The earliest interpretations are characte- In connection with my PhD project rized by the fact that names with o-endings 2004-2007,I investigated the fibulae Yr,rls- were not supposed to be masculine (cf. An- se, Lundegirde, Nesbjerg, Himlingoje 1, and tonsen 2002, p.252). Hence, Himlingoje 1, Girdlosa, using a microscope. The fibula from with the inscription hariso (Fig. 3), was first Skovgirde, with the very explicit inscription, interpreted as a womant name, the name of I have not examined, and Himlingoje is faste- the owner (e.g. \Timmer 1857, p.55; Krause ned to the grave of its owner, the rich woman & Jankuhn 1956, p.31; Diiwel 1992, p. 47). from Himlingoje, grave 1949-2. However, Stoklund, who presented the runic inscrip- close-up photographs have been at my dispo- tions from the Late Roman Iron Age in con- sal. Following these inspections, I have cor- nection with the publication of Himlingoje rected the readings for Nasbjerg and Gird- - Sjrlland - Europe, did not decide whether kisa, and I agree with IGause & Jankuhn and Moltke in their transliteration of Himlingoje 2.The pin-casing of this fibula is so destroyed that we cannot decide whether there have been runes on the first part (y' Krause & Jankuhn 1955, p. 32; MoItke 1985, p. 122); in fact, regarding the proposed length of the pin-casing and the position of the inscription, it seems to have been longer (see Thble 1, Fig. 2). Since the discovery of the first fibula in 1835 (Himlingoje 1), the interpretations of the inscriptions have been discussed. General- I ly, the inscriptions have not been interpreted s as a complete group of inscriptions. On the contrarlz, the discussion has rypically proceed- ed from the individual inscription, or rather Fig. 3. The bow fibula from Himlingoje with the the textual content of the individual inscrip- inscription hariso. Photo: The National Museum.
MATURUSFECTT-uN\ToDMADE 17 the inscription was a male or a female name name can be paraphrased as '\folf', and this (Stoklund 1995, p.319). On the contrary, El- may represent the rune master himself (Diiwel mer Antonsen thought that the name Hariso 1992, p. 47).In this interpretation he agrees could be translated as 'warrior' and that it was with Krause, who writes that this must be the a mant name (Antonsen 2002, pp.252 [., p. rune magician's naming of himself; sugges- 27r). ting his dangerous, magical powers (Krause & Like Himlingoje 1, the inscription on Jankuhn 1966, p.33). If we really are dealing Varlose, alugod, was first interpreted as the with a magical inscription on Himlingoje 2, ownert name, actually alugodo, which the it seems odd, though, that the rune magician silversmith had tried to write, but did not would name himself on the fibula and not achieve because of the lack of space (Fig. 4) put his magical powers on the amulet which (Moltke 1985, p. 126, cf.Imer 2010, pp.1l2 the woman was wearing in death. Besides, f.). IGause regarded the inscription as a mant we need an explanation why this magician name in the vocative (Krause & Jankuhn should put his name on this particular piece 1966, p.34), andAntonsen thought that the of jewellery. name was a \fest Germanic nominative form According to IGause, the inscription on because of the lack of an ending (Antonsen the Girdliisa fibula is also the rune magician's 2002, pp.273 tr.). depiction of himself, the name meaning the Generally, researchers agree that the name un-raging' (ibid., p. 35). Below, I shall return on Himlingoje 2, (w)iilrhudaR, is a man's to the inscription and its reading. name meaning '\food hound' or 'Forest To -y mind, the inscription on the fibula dog', and it has been interpreted either as the from Nasbjerg is so worn that it cannot be donort or the craftsman's name (Stoklund read and interpreted (Fig. 5). It should be 1995, p.322). According to Klaus Diiwel, the transliterated -ara:(is)- (see Krause & Jan-
Fig. 4. The rosette fibula from Verlose with the inscription alugod. Photo: The National Museum.
18 LTsBETH M. rMER kuhn 1966, p.36), if we are not dealing with 7964, p.38; Krause & Jankuhn 7966, p. 3B), an inscription to be read partly from the left and the last part is translated as -warijaR'de- to the right, partly from the right to the left fender' (Moltke 1964, p.38; Antonsen 2002, just like the inscription on Skovgirde. In this p. 10). This part is also known from runesto- case, the inscription should be read -ara--bi-, nes in Norway and Sweden: the Ttirvika stone alternatively -ara--bi--. The inscription is car- with ladawarijaR and the Ro stone with the ried out in wiggle-engraving technique and is inscription stainawarijaR (Krause & Jankuhn disrupted by a number of vertical lines and 1966, p.3B). Gronvik interprets the two verbs a hatched pattern. Several other readings and as nouns meaning'the rune carver' (Gronvik interpretations have been put forward (see 1994, pp.51 tr). Stoklund thinks that the Stoklund 1995, pp. 325 tr. for further refe- inscription on Skovgirde could either be the rences); Stoklund has suggested the reading womant name or that of the donor/carver, as -ara(f)n(i)s-, but she underlines that this the o-ending could be both male and fema- reading is so uncertain that it does not pro- le. Further, she thinks that it is semantically vide a linguistic interpretation (ibid., p.325). unlikely that the verb "talgijaz would take *taujan In the inscriptions on Skovgirde lamo : the fibula as its object, like the verb talgida 'Lamo (the paralysed one) cut' and 'to make' (Stoklund 1995, p.323). Grcnvik Lundegirde bidawarijaR talgidai'Binda-i thought that the inscriptions on both Skov- BidawarijaR cut', the names are followed by girde and Lundegirde were produced just the verb *talgijan in the 3rd pers. sing. pret. before the inhumation, as he assumed that (Stoklund 1995, pp. 322 f.)- Binda-/Bida- runes were primarily used in the contact with warijaR is not easily translated. The first part gods and deceased. Lamo, he thought, was a might have something to do with either'oath' mant name (Gronvik 7994, p.48). In cont- (Antonsen 2002, p. 10) or wish (Moltke rast to this, Diiwel believes that the inscrip-
Fig. 5. The rosette fibula from Nasbjergwith the illegible inscription -ara-(is)- or -ara'-bi-, alternatively -ara-bi--. Photo: The National Museum.
MATURUSFECIT-uN\ToDMADE 19 tion on Lundegirde is a donort inscription or it makes it possible for the names in -o on the a carver's formula (Diiwel 1992, pp. 48 f.). fibulae, i.e. Hariso in Himlingoje I and Lamo From the examination above, we can de- in Skovgirde, to be masculine. duce that the fibula inscriptions from the Late It is widely disputed how to interpret the Roman Iron Age have been interpreted very inscription on the Vrrlose fibula alugod ling- differently as craftsmen's inscriptions, ownert uistically. The first paft alu is known mainly inscriptions, donort inscriptions, inscriptions from bracteate inscriptions from the Mig- carved by the rune magician (whoever he is), ration Period, but the word is also known and inscriptions of religious character, added from inscriptions on gravestones in Norway, to the fibulae just before the inhumation. Es- dated to either the Late Roman Iron Age or pecially the names and their meaning together the Migration Period, from the Lindholmen with the verb *talgijan have been significant amulet (Migration Period) in Scania and from for the different interpretations. an axe shaft from Nydam bog, dated to the The confusion concerning the interpreta- Late Roman IronAge. According to \Wolfgang tion of the names as being either masculine Krause, the word could have the meaning or feminine has caused the above-mentioned 'rage, ecstasy' or'protection, defence' (Krause interpretations of the inscriptions as ownert & Jankuhn 7965, p. 239). Others believe it inscriptions. There has never been any doubt could mean 'sanctuary' or'temple', and that it that the names on Himlingoje 2 (w)iduhu- can be traced in place-names in Al- (cf. Brink daR and Lundegirde bidawarijaR are male 1992, pp. 107 tr.). A prevalent interpretation names (e.g. Krause & Jankuhn 7955, p. 38; of the word is that it should be translated Moltke 1985, p. 129; Stoklund 1995, p. 32I, with 'ale', ON ,/ (Host Heyerdahl 1991, pp. p. 323). The problems concerning the in- 188 ff.), because this is the most logical deve- terpretations of the names have arisen from lopment of the word, linguistically speaking. the fact that names in -o can be interpreted Howeve! this linguistic interpretation seems as feminine, if Proto-Nordic, or masculine, if to fit very poorly with the contextual use, as \fest Germanic (Krause & Jankuhn 7956, p. the word appears on bracteates, gravestones, 31). In recent years, researchers broadly agree amulets and weapons. In addition to this, we that names in -o must be masculine, especi- do not know when 'ale' was introduced as a ally with the finds from Illerup Add, *h... drink in Prehistoric times - maybe it was at these names appear on equipment belong- late stage, and we have no direct evidence of a ing to the male sphere; Wagnijo on the lance link between the drink and the word. It might heads and Nilud on the shield handle fitting well be that the word alu would have develo- (Stoklund 1995, p. 335;2004, p.726; An- ped into ql'ale', if it had lived in a younger dersson 2006, p.560). From this, other na- stage of the language. Therefore, I think the mes in -o have been interpreted as masculine, arguments for interpreting it as a kind of e.g. Lamo (Skovgirde) and Le|ro (Strirup) word of protection are better. Regardless of (Gronvik 1987, p. 180, Antonsen 2002, pp. these linguistic circumstances, the inscription 267 tr.). Gronvik suggested that names in -o on the Vrrlose fibula can be interpreted as a could be a relic of an older group of masculine man's name, ON Qgodr, 'Algod' or 'Algod'. names (Gronvik 1987, p. 180), and Anton- Krause thought that alugod could be a man's sen argued that they could be masculine with name in the vocative because of the lack of feminine forms and compares this to other an ending (Krause & Jankuhn 1955, p.34), languages like Latin (Antonsen 2002, p.263 while Antonsen thought that it was a typical ff.). These are important observations in that \fest Germanic inscription with a man's name
20 LISBETH M. IMER without an ending (Antonsen 2002, pp.278 pin-casing was much more worn than the rest f.).To my mind, Antonsent explanation se- of the fat part of the casing. This was a result ems most likely, as the inscription on Vrdose of the pin being pushed back and forth when has a direct parallel on Girdlosa. the fibula was in use. For example, the top Hitherto, the Girdlosa inscription has branch of the e-rune has almost vanished, and been transliterated as either ek unwod(R) clearly the upper right corner of the d-rune is and thereby compared to the name gaupR also very worn (Fig. 7) . Hence, there is reason on rhe strike-a-light from Illerup Ad"l (Sto- to believe that the last rune has had another klund 1995, p. 324;2003, p. 175) or as ek branch at the top, and thereby Marstrander's unwodi=R (Krause & Jankuhn 1966, p. 35, reading is a possibility. The inscription should Moltke 1985, p. I27) where the last two ru- be transliterated ek unwod (w), and, as I have nes are the ligature i=R. First, the problem stated above, the reading of the name unwod with these transliterations is that the left without an ending does not seem to be a pro- branch is clearly missing on the last rune, and blem, as it corresponds to the inscription on we have to presuppose that it has been forgot- Varlose. Therefore it is possible that Unwod ten in order to read Y, l.r. R. Secondly, the is a masculine name without an ending (cf. inscription lacks an 'i' in order to interpret it Antonsen 2002, pp.278 f.). as the name UnwAdiR, but this lack has been However, I do not agree with Marstrander's ascribed the lack of space on the pin-casing interpretation of the inscription on Girdlosa. (Krause & Jankuhn 7956, p.35). Ligatures Presumably, it has been constructed from the containing the graph 'i' are always problema- idea of the use of single runes in the Iron Age, tic, since the 'i', which is only a vertical line, i.e. runes that are not transliterated on the can be part of any connection, in principle. grounds of their sound values, but in using Therefore, the interpretation of a text where their rune names, e,g. the f-rune for fehu or 'i' is part of a ligature, can always be used as a quite simple way of explaining a text or a word that does not make any linguistic sense at first sight. Marstrande! on the other hand, read the last rune as a w, thereby interpreting the inscription eh Unwodagar wunju'I, Un- wodag bring joy' (Marstrander 1952, p. 110), Fig. 6. The crossbow fibula from Girdlcjsa with the where the last w was interpreted as a single inscription ek unwod (w). Drawing: The author. rune, rePresenting its name * wunju. Marstrander's reading has never gained a footing in the literature, and this is a piry since his reading, to my mind, seems the most plausible, inasmuch as it does not presuppose a ligature with an 'i' or a botch in a most mea- ningful inscription. The problem with reading the last rune as P w is that the upper part of the pocket is missing so that the rune resem- bles aVikingAge k Y (Fig. 6). However, the- re is a very logical explanation for this. \7hen examining the fibula, it was very clear to me Fig. 7. Close-up of the very worn section of the pin- that the top of the slighdy curved edge of the casing on the Girdl6sa fibula. Photo: The author.
MATURUS FECrr- uNlroD MADE 2L the o-rune for odal (Diiwel 1975, pp.150 f.). husband to his wife, or from a father to his The names of the runes are known from med- daughter - it makes sense if the inscriptions ieval manuscripts from Iceland and the Bri- on Skovgirde and Lundegirde are to be trans- tish Isles; a thorough investigation has been Iated 'Bida-/BindawarijaR cut (the runes)' carried out by \Tilhelm Heizmann (1998). and 'Lam6 cut (the runes)', the verb *talgijan The names of the runes were documented taking'the runes' as the object, as suggested quite late, but there is much in favour of the by Stoklund (1995, p.323). But how can we *talgijan fact that these rune names originate from the be sure that the verb takes'the runes' *talgi- oldest futhark (Looijenga 2003, p. 6), and as the object instead ofthe object itselP researchers believe that single runes were so- jan develops into ON teQjawhich, if you look metimes used in the meaning of their names at the semantic content of the word, means in the oldest inscriptions (Krause & Jankuhn 'to cut out, to carve, to plane, to give the in- 1965, p.5 f; Dtiwel 1975, p.151, Stoklund tended form (Fritzner 1896, pp.582 f.). The 2003, p. 173).To my mind, it is questiona- word has no parallel in Gothic but in Indo- ble if single runes were used to denote their European the verb is connected to the root names in the runic inscriptions from the Late *del-/*d.ol- with the meaning 'make skilfully'. Roman Iron Age at all, as the single runes can Nothing points in the direction that the verb be interpreted in a more natural way, conside- demands a connection with writing. On the ring the Roman fabrication marks that enter contrary, when referring to runic writing in Germania Libera in the course of the first cen- the Proto-Nordic texts, words like fahijan'to turies AD (Imer 2007, pp. 76 tr.). paint' or *writan 'to write' are used. The word If you hold this more chronological view *talgijan is probably used as a noun talijo on of the earliest runic inscriptions, the interpre- the contemporary plane from Vimose, and tation eh Unwod. w(orohta)'I Unwod made' or here it is translated as plane' (Krause & Jan- ek Unwod w(ritu),'I Unwod wrote' seems to kuhn 1966, p. 62; Stoklund 1995, pp. 332 f.). fit into the textual content of other inscrip- This particular plane is a specialized one for tions from the same period. In most inscrip- the manufacturing of lance and spear shafts. tions, the actual act is important, i.e. putting Tirrning to the rosette fibulae, one might oneself as rune carver in connection with the wonder how they were produced. In her ana- inscriptions or, more likely, putting oneself lyses, Skjodt has shown that a rosette fibula as a craftsman in connection with the object. consists of many different elements (Fig. B). The shield handle from Illerup Ad^I Ntp4a ta- The basic element is a bow which is cast alo- wide and the rosette fibulae from Skovgirde ne or with the pin-casing, and then a lot of Lamo talgida and Lundegirde Bida-/Bindawa- spirals, rivets and rosettes, and a plate for the rijaR talgidai are good examples of this. back with decorated fittings is added. All the- From this outline of the inscriptions on se individual elements were cut out of sheet fibulae it is clear that there is only weak evi- metal and not cast together with the basic ele- dence of interpreting the names as feminine, ments of the fibula (Skjodt2009, pp. 156 tr). *talgijan. which means that most likely the inscriptions If we assume that the verb means on the fibulae are not ownert inscriptions. 'to cut out, to carve, to plane, to give the in- This means that the inscriptions are to be in- tended form and that the verb might take the terpreted as donor's inscriptions or craftsmant piece of jewellery as its object, there is a pos- inscriptions. sibiliry to interpret the inscriptions on the ro- If the inscriptions on fibulae are to be in- sette fibulae Skovgirde and Lundegirde as the terpreted as donor's inscriptions - e.g. from a craftsmant inscriptions. This interpretation
22 LTsBETH M- rMER Profileret knoP B0ile Perletrid Solvl€ppe Lang gennemgiende nitte
Tvartdd Lodretstillet ro$et
Splralakse Boilens nedre Presblik, spiraldekkets bagside Basisskive spiraldekkets bagside Spiraldekkets bagside Skinne, spiraldakkets overside Afstandsholder
Fig. 8. Standardized sketch showing the complexiry of a rosette fibula. From A. Skjodt 2009, p. 157
corresponds very well with the fibulae that we In this respect, it is remarkable that the in- know from the Roman Empire (y' B.hretts scription on the rosette fibula from Nesbjerg 1950, pp. 1 ff.), where fibulae with craftsman's has quite a different character from the fibulae inscriptions and imprints are common. produced in Zealand, as the inscription has As mentioned above, the four rosette fibu- been carried out in wiggle engraving. This lae from Himlingoje 2, Yrrlose, Skovgirde, underlines the fact that this particular fibula and Lundegirde all belong to the same circle belongs to a different group of workshops. *tal- of workshops in Zealand, and rwo of them, Some might protest that if the verb Himlingoje 2 and Skovgi,rde, are so alike that gijan was to take the fibula as an object, you they could have been produced at the same would expect to find the same verb on the fi- workshop. The only difference is the position bula from Girdlosa. But this fibula is not cut of the die-stamped plaque on the back of the out of sheet metal like the rosette fibulae; on spiral cover (cf Lund Hansen et al. 1995, p. the contrary, it is cast in one piece like cross- 213). There is no reason to conclude that the bow fibulae in general. Therefore, it is only two fibulae were produced by the same per- to be expected to find the abbreviation for *wurhian son, which I have previously taken as a fact another verb (probably) ON yrkja, (Imer 2003, p. 66), but one could imagine which means 'to work'. In addition, you could that the craftsmen within this group of work- argue that it is unlikely that the craftsmen shops had good contact with each other and were allowed to 'deface' the precious fibulae were inspired by each other to put their fa- by putting their names on the pin-casing, but brication marks on the precious fibulae they this is a thought grounded in pure speculation produced, just like the weapon smiths in the about what Iron Age people believed to be Roman provincial workshops (cf Ptald 1994, pretry and prestige. Almost half of the rosette pp.23r f.). fibulae in Denmark carry ornamentation in
MATURUSFECIT-uN\roDMADE 23 the form of either hatching or wiggle engra- More than half of the 50 inscriptions pre- ving on the pin-casing (Skjodt 2009, p. \64), served in a period of about 350 years, c. 160 and it is very likely that the presence of runes - c. 400 AD, derive from a single generation, was thought to be some kind of decoration namely phase C1b. Among these are the fi- that emphasized the uniqueness of the fibula. bulae and most of the military equipment The runic inscriptions on fibulae in the discussed above. This means that between 20 Late Roman Iron Age are an important con- and 30 inscriptions derive from a period of tribution to drawing a picture of the tradition more than 200 years, and it is evident that or writing where writing was used by the elite this number of inscriptions is noi enough for and the craftsmen, in principle. Almost half keeping a tradition alive. The knowledge and of the roughly 50 runic inscriptions of the pe- the technique must be kept in use, and you riod (Map 2) can be interpreted as craftsmen's have to make sure that knowledge is passed inscriptions where the craftsman put his mark on to students. Therefore, we must assume of quality on the object before distributing it. that the inscriptions preserved make up only In one case we might even see the same crafts- a small percentage of the whole tradition of man on rwo objects of very different kinds, writing, which musr have existed in the Late namely, the necklace from Strirup and the Roman Iron Age. One must also bear in mind shield boss fitting from Gudme (Imer 2006a, that the present picture of the tradition of wri- pp. 11 f.). ting might change radically if the right condi- Many other inscriptions from the period tions of preservation allow new finds of runic can be interpreted as ownert inscriptions, e.g. inscriptions, such as the numerous wooden on the sword equipment like the sheath, the letters that were found in the Roman fortress chape, the bandoleer, etc., and maybe we see of Vindolanda in the north of England (Bow- the rest of a godt name on the back of the litt- man 7994). These are the terms when wor- le statuette from Kong (Fig. 9) which can be king with the earliest tradition of writing in compared to the Roman lares (Imer 2006b). the North, where so relatively scanty material Practice inscriptions, i. e. inscriptions where is at hand. the rune carver has practised writing, or where Still, we can elaborate on the function of the master has taught the student, are totally writing when referring to the fact that writ- absent in the runic material. Not a single bone ing is connected to a rather limited circle of or a piece of wood with inscriptions pointing people; writing is found on precious objects, to this very important process in learning to e.g. thewomen's rosette fibulae and the parade write has been retrieved, but they must have equipment of silver in the male sphere. Runic existed. No accounts of trade, cattle or hous- inscriptions are almost only present on silver ehold are found in the material, just as writing fibulae (the fibulae from Nasbjerg being an connected to administration, legislation etc. exception), and if we turn to the male sphere, is absent. In fact, it seems that runic writing the inscriptions appear on silver and bronze was developed exclusively to imitate the part shield bosses, normally connecred to the up- of Roman traditions of writing that the Nor- per levels of the armies (Carnap-Bornheim semen knew, namely the writing that appea- and Ilkjar 1995, p.481); no inscription has red on luxury goods imported into the Nordic ever been found on shield bosses of iron, alt- areas. Apparently, writing was nor developed hough the preservation conditions in the bogs out of a practical need for administration or would allow them to be preserved. This indi- written legislation, and writing was very rare, cates that the elite had the need for and access oFten connected to crafrsmen. to the new means of communication, runic
24 LISBETH M. IMER LtIr to6
Fig. 9. The statuette from Kong. Drawing: The author.
writing, whereas, to a great extent, the crafts- that followed the magnate or the prince into men had the knowledge to use it. Perhaps the his grave. Here the magnare is presented as a tradition was kept alive among the craftsmen? diplomat with grand foreign relations, show- 'When looking at the relationship berween ing his wealth and status by the exclusive Ro- runic inscriptions and inscriptions written man imports. On the other hand, if he was with Greek and Latin letters, there is another to present himself as a Germanic warrior and detail worth mentioning. Runic inscripdons show his strength towards his Nordic neigh- are characterized by the fact that they ap- bours, he presented himself with the domesti- pear on objects belonging to rhe elite and on cally produced warrior equipment, the runic military parade equipment produced in the inscriptions underlining his importance as a North. On the other hand, if we turn to the Germanic warrior. To a high extenr, writing male graves from the period, we find the Latin was used to underline the status that was so and Greek inscriptions on the Roman import important for presenting the elite, and in the
MATURUSFECTT-uN\ToDMADE 25 Late Roman Iron Age it was very convenient Forschung. Ergtinzungsbtinde zum Reallexihon 15, pp. to choose between different systems of writ- der Germanischen Altertumshunde 513- 535. Berlin New York. ing, depending on the image a person wanted - Henriksen, M. B. & H. Horsnrs 2004. Guldskat- to present. ten fra Boltinggird Skov pi Midtfyn. Fynshe Minder 2004, pp. 123-l5L Horsnas, H.2009. Crossing Boundaries. An Ana' Contexts. PNM References lysis of Roman Coins in Danish Studies, vol. l8:1. Copenhagen. Host Heyerdahl, G. 1991. Runeordene laukaRog Andersson, T. 2006. Urnordische Sprache. Reallex- alu. Maal ogMinne, pp. )OOO( ihon d.er Germanischen Altertumskunde, Band Imer, L. M. 2003. En arkaolog i runologernes 31,pp. 559-562, fodspor. In Lyngstrom, H. & Storgaard, B. Antonsen, Elmer H. 2002. Runes and Germanic (eds.), Specialer Vandkunsten 1999-2003, Linguistics. Tiends in Linguistics. Studies and fa pp.55-70. Copenhagen. Monograp hs 1 40. Berlin, New York. 2006a. Sydostfrnske runeindskrifter. Arbog for Behrens, G. 1950. Rrimische Fibeln mit Inschrift' - Suendborg og Omegns Museum2005, PP.7-14. Reinecke Festschrifi, pp. l-12, Mainz. 2006b. Med runer pi ryggen. In Lyngstrom, Bowman, A. K. 1994. Life and Letters on the Ro' - H., E. Brinch Petersen, B. Storgaard 6. O. T. man Frontien Vondolanda and its People. Lon- Kastholm Hansen (eds.), Fra Vandhunsten til don. *al Wstplnten. E*tt jio Saxo-institunet 2006, pp. Brink, S. l992.Har vihaft ett kultisk i Norden? 67-71.. Ksbenhavn. In Fellows-Jensen, G. & B. Holmberg, Sahrale 2007. Latin og gresk i romersk jernalder. Frem- NORNAIs sekstende slmpo' - naane. Rapport fa med indfydelse pi Nordens tidligste rune- sium Gilleleje 30.11.-2.12. 1990. NORNA- i sfuift. Aarboger Nordisk Oldfundighed og Rapporter 48, pp. 107-121. Uppsala. for Historie 2004, pp. 63-105. Diiwel, K. 1975. Begriffsrunen. Reallexihon der 2010. Rosetfiblen fra Verlsse og hindverkere Germanischen Ahertumshunde, Band 2, pp. - i romertid. In Danefa. Skane den danshe r50-t53. fa muld. Til Hendes Maiestet Dronning Margrethe 1992. Zur Auswertung der Brakteateninschrif- - 2,pp. lll-114. Nationalmuseet Gyldendal' ten. Runenkenntnis und Runeninschriften als - Krause, \7. & H. Jankuhn 1955. Die Runeninschrif' Oberschichten-Merkmale. In K. Hauck (ed.), ten im tilteren FutharZ. Abhandlungen der Der historische Horizont der Gdnerbild-Aruulette Akademie der \Tissenschaften in G6ttingen aus der Ubergangsepoche uon der Sptitantike zum philologisch-historische Klasse. Dritte Folge, Frilhmittelaber. Bericht ilber das Colloquiunt No.65. G 26 LISBETH M, IMER G. Thomsen (eds.), Sejrens Tiiumf Norden i skygen af de romershe imperium. Sarudstilling pi Nationalmuseet 10/5-2177 2003, 44-64. Copenhagen. Rald, U. 1994. The Roman Swords from Danish Bog Finds. In van Driel-Murray, C. (ed.), Mi- litary Equipment in Context. Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies, voI. 5. 1994, pp. 227-241. Skjodt, A. 2009. Rosetfiblens "anaromi". Kurnl 2009, pp.153-181. Stjernquist, B. 1951. A Scanian Grave with a Ru- ne-inscribed Brooch. Meddelanden fr,in Lunds Uniuersitets Historiska Museum 1951, pp. 159- 178. Stoklund, M. 1995. Die Runen der r6mischen Kaiserzeit, In Lund Hansen, U. et al., Him- lingoje - Seeland - Europa. Ein Grnberfeld drr jiingeren riimischen Kaiserzeit auf Seeknd, seine Bedeutung und internationalen Beziehungen, pp. 3 17 -346. Copenhagen. - 2003. De forste runer - germanernes sftriftsprog. In Jorgensen, L., B. Storgaard & L. G. Thom- sen (eds.), Sejrens Tiiumf, Nord.en i sfuggen af de romerske imperium. Sarudstilling pi Na- tionalmuseet l0l5-2lll 2003, pp. 172-178, Copenhagen. - 2004. NavnestofFet fra Nydamindskrifterne og et fragment fra Sorte Muld. In Beck, H., D. Geuenich & H. Steuer (eds.), Namenwehen. Ergdnzungsbrind.e zum Reallexihon der Germa- nischen Abertums kunde 44, pp. 7 22-7 29. Be.. lin - NewYork. Storgaard, B. 2003. Kosmopolitiske aristokrater. In Jorgensen, L., B. Storgaard 8c L. G. Thom- sen (eds.), Sejrens Tiiumf, Norden i shyggen af de romershe imperium. Srrudstilling pi Na- tionalmuseet l0l5-2lll 2003, pp. 106-125. Copenhagen. \flernet J. 1966. Das AuJbommen uon Bild und Schri.rt in Nordeuropa. Bayerische Ahadernie der lYissenschafien, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse. Situnesberichte, Jahrgang 1966, heft 4. Miinchen. -Williams, H. 2006. Runinskriften frin Falleseje. En urnordisk annons eller ett personnamn? In Petersen, L., S. Strandberg & H. \fi[i- ams (eds.), Namn och runon Uppsalastudier i onomastik och runologi. till Lennart Elmeuih pd 70-d.rsdagen 2 februari 2006, pp. 267-281. Uppsala. MATURUSFECIT_UN\TODMADE 27