Runes in the Hobbit Tolkien Introduces His Readers to the Use of RUNES
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Article Fairy Marriages in Tolkien’S Works GIOVANNI C
article Fairy marriages in Tolkien’s works GIOVANNI C. COSTABILE Both in its Celtic and non-Celtic declinations, the motif the daughter of the King of Faerie, who bestows on him a of the fairy mistress has an ancient tradition stretching magical source of wealth, and will visit him whenever he throughout different areas, ages, genres, media and cul- wants, so long as he never tells anybody about her.5 Going tures. Tolkien was always fascinated by the motif, and used further back, the nymph Calypso, who keeps Odysseus on it throughout his works, conceiving the romances of Beren her island Ogygia on an attempt to make him her immortal and Lúthien, and Aragorn and Arwen. In this article I wish husband,6 can be taken as a further (and older) version of to point out some minor expressions of the same motif in the same motif. Tolkien’s major works, as well as to reflect on some over- But more pertinent is the idea of someone’s ancestor being looked aspects in the stories of those couples, in the light of considered as having married a fairy. Here we can turn to the often neglected influence of Celtic and romance cultures the legend of Sir Gawain, as Jessie Weston and John R. Hul- on Tolkien. The reader should also be aware that I am going bert interpret Gawain’s story in Sir Gawain and the Green to reference much outdated scholarship, that being my pre- Knight as a late, Christianised version of what once was a cise intent, though, at least since this sort of background fairy-mistress tale in which the hero had to prove his worth may conveniently help us in better understanding Tolkien’s through the undertaking of the Beheading Test in order to reading of both his theoretical and actual sources. -
The Anglo-Saxon Transformations of the Biblical Themes in the Old English Poem the Dream of the Rood
Zeszyty Naukowe Towarzystwa Doktorantów UJ Nauki Humanistyczne, Nr 8 (1/2014) ALEKSANDRA MRÓWKA (JAGIELLONIAN UNIVERSITY) THE ANGLO-SAXON TRANSFORMATIONS OF THE BIBLICAL THEMES IN THE OLD ENGLISH POEM THE DREAM OF THE ROOD ABSTRACT The main aim of this article is to present the Old English poem The Dream of the Rood as a literary work successfully mingling Christian and Germanic tradi- tions. The poet very skillfully applies the pattern of traditional secular heroic poetry to Christian subject-matter creating a coherent unity. The Biblical themes and motifs are shaped by the Germanic frame of mind because the addressees of the poem were a warrior society with a developed ethos of honour and cour- age, quite likely to identify with a god who professed the same values. Although the Christian story of the Passion is narrated from the Anglo-Saxon point of view, the most fundamental values coming from the suffering of Jesus and his key role in God’s plan to redeem mankind remain unchanged: the universal notions of Redemption, Salvation and Heavenly Kingdom do not lose their pri- mary meaning. KEY WORDS Bible, rood, crucifixion, Anglo-Saxon, transformation ABOUT THE AUTHOR Aleksandra Mrówka The Department of the History of British Literature and Culture Jagiellonian University in Kraków e-mail: [email protected] 125 Aleksandra Mrówka __________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ The Dream of the Rood is a masterpiece of Old English religious poetry. Written in alliterative verse and maintained in the convention of dream allegory, this piece of early medieval literature is a mixture of Christian and Anglo-Saxon traditions. Although they seem to be contrasting, they are not antagonistic: these two worlds mingle together creating a coherent unity. -
Number Symbolism in Old Norse Literature
Háskóli Íslands Hugvísindasvið Medieval Icelandic Studies Number Symbolism in Old Norse Literature A Brief Study Ritgerð til MA-prófs í íslenskum miðaldafræðum Li Tang Kt.: 270988-5049 Leiðbeinandi: Torfi H. Tulinius September 2015 Acknowledgements I would like to thank firstly my supervisor, Torfi H. Tulinius for his confidence and counsels which have greatly encouraged my writing of this paper. Because of this confidence, I have been able to explore a domain almost unstudied which attracts me the most. Thanks to his counsels (such as his advice on the “Blóð-Egill” Episode in Knýtlinga saga and the reading of important references), my work has been able to find its way through the different numbers. My thanks also go to Haraldur Bernharðsson whose courses on Old Icelandic have been helpful to the translations in this paper and have become an unforgettable memory for me. I‟m indebted to Moritz as well for our interesting discussion about the translation of some paragraphs, and to Capucine and Luis for their meticulous reading. Any fault, however, is my own. Abstract It is generally agreed that some numbers such as three and nine which appear frequently in the two Eddas hold special significances in Norse mythology. Furthermore, numbers appearing in sagas not only denote factual quantity, but also stand for specific symbolic meanings. This tradition of number symbolism could be traced to Pythagorean thought and to St. Augustine‟s writings. But the result in Old Norse literature is its own system influenced both by Nordic beliefs and Christianity. This double influence complicates the intertextuality in the light of which the symbolic meanings of numbers should be interpreted. -
The Ogham-Runes and El-Mushajjar
c L ite atu e Vo l x a t n t r n o . o R So . u P R e i t ed m he T a s . 1 1 87 " p r f ro y f r r , , r , THE OGHAM - RUNES AND EL - MUSHAJJAR A D STU Y . BY RICH A R D B URTO N F . , e ad J an uar 22 (R y , PART I . The O ham-Run es g . e n u IN tr ating this first portio of my s bj ect, the - I of i Ogham Runes , have made free use the mater als r John collected by Dr . Cha les Graves , Prof. Rhys , and other students, ending it with my own work in the Orkney Islands . i The Ogham character, the fair wr ting of ' Babel - loth ancient Irish literature , is called the , ’ Bethluis Bethlm snion e or , from its initial lett rs, like “ ” Gree co- oe Al hab e t a an d the Ph nician p , the Arabo “ ” Ab ad fl d H ebrew j . It may brie y be describe as f b ormed y straight or curved strokes , of various lengths , disposed either perpendicularly or obliquely to an angle of the substa nce upon which the letters n . were i cised , punched, or rubbed In monuments supposed to be more modern , the letters were traced , b T - N E E - A HE OGHAM RU S AND L M USH JJ A R . n not on the edge , but upon the face of the recipie t f n l o t sur ace ; the latter was origi al y wo d , s aves and tablets ; then stone, rude or worked ; and , lastly, metal , Th . -
Dennis Investigates Anglo-Saxon Dragons
What does an Anglo-Saxon have in common with the staff at Lincoln Castle? They both love stories Dennis the Investigate dragon has been finding out Dennis The Dragon’s about dragons! about the history of dragons. It turns out that people way back in Anglo-Saxon times were telling stories Delicious Claw Cookies about dragons too! ~ Who were the Anglo-Saxons? ~ Well they were a mixture. Sometime after the end of Roman rule in Britain some groups of people who had been raiding Roman Britain turned up and settled down. They came from across the North Sea, northwest Germany, western Denmark and northern Netherlands. They were a mixture of tribes that included Angles, Saxons, Jutes, and Frisians. As well as mixing together, they mixed with the locals (though there was some fighting). Later on, when Vikings settled parts of England (especially here in Lincolnshire) the two groups mixed again. In 1066 the last Anglo-Saxon king was killed at the Battle of Hastings and the Normans took over. An Anglo-Saxon church once stood where the Castle is now. ~ Anglo-Saxon Dragons ~ In the year 793 the Anglo-Saxons wrote in their Chronicle that they saw fiery dragons in the sky. It sounds incredible to us, but it was probably a real thing that they saw. In northern Europe you sometimes see strange red lights in the sky; we call them the Northern Lights and we know they are caused by sunspots which are more active about every 11 years. When we consult the charts, it seems 793 is very close to a peak in sunspots, so the Anglo-Saxons weren't seeing things that did not exist, just things they couldn't explain so they thought the lights were dragons! (although, of course, we aren’t saying dragons don’t exist!) ~ Beowulf and the Dragon ~ This story is adapted from Beowulf, a poem from the Dark Ages. -
Widsith Beowulf. Beowulf Beowulf
CHAPTER 1 OLD ENGLISH LITERATURE The Old English language or Anglo-Saxon is the earliest form of English. The period is a long one and it is generally considered that Old English was spoken from about A.D. 600 to about 1100. Many of the poems of the period are pagan, in particular Widsith and Beowulf. The greatest English poem, Beowulf is the first English epic. The author of Beowulf is anonymous. It is a story of a brave young man Beowulf in 3182 lines. In this epic poem, Beowulf sails to Denmark with a band of warriors to save the King of Denmark, Hrothgar. Beowulf saves Danish King Hrothgar from a terrible monster called Grendel. The mother of Grendel who sought vengeance for the death of her son was also killed by Beowulf. Beowulf was rewarded and became King. After a prosperous reign of some forty years, Beowulf slays a dragon but in the fight he himself receives a mortal wound and dies. The poem concludes with the funeral ceremonies in honour of the dead hero. Though the poem Beowulf is little interesting to contemporary readers, it is a very important poem in the Old English period because it gives an interesting picture of the life and practices of old days. The difficulty encountered in reading Old English Literature lies in the fact that the language is very different from that of today. There was no rhyme in Old English poems. Instead they used alliteration. Besides Beowulf, there are many other Old English poems. Widsith, Genesis A, Genesis B, Exodus, The Wanderer, The Seafarer, Wife’s Lament, Husband’s Message, Christ and Satan, Daniel, Andreas, Guthlac, The Dream of the Rood, The Battle of Maldon etc. -
Assessment of Options for Handling Full Unicode Character Encodings in MARC21 a Study for the Library of Congress
1 Assessment of Options for Handling Full Unicode Character Encodings in MARC21 A Study for the Library of Congress Part 1: New Scripts Jack Cain Senior Consultant Trylus Computing, Toronto 1 Purpose This assessment intends to study the issues and make recommendations on the possible expansion of the character set repertoire for bibliographic records in MARC21 format. 1.1 “Encoding Scheme” vs. “Repertoire” An encoding scheme contains codes by which characters are represented in computer memory. These codes are organized according to a certain methodology called an encoding scheme. The list of all characters so encoded is referred to as the “repertoire” of characters in the given encoding schemes. For example, ASCII is one encoding scheme, perhaps the one best known to the average non-technical person in North America. “A”, “B”, & “C” are three characters in the repertoire of this encoding scheme. These three characters are assigned encodings 41, 42 & 43 in ASCII (expressed here in hexadecimal). 1.2 MARC8 "MARC8" is the term commonly used to refer both to the encoding scheme and its repertoire as used in MARC records up to 1998. The ‘8’ refers to the fact that, unlike Unicode which is a multi-byte per character code set, the MARC8 encoding scheme is principally made up of multiple one byte tables in which each character is encoded using a single 8 bit byte. (It also includes the EACC set which actually uses fixed length 3 bytes per character.) (For details on MARC8 and its specifications see: http://www.loc.gov/marc/.) MARC8 was introduced around 1968 and was initially limited to essentially Latin script only. -
Henrik Williams. Scripta Islandica 65/2014
Comments on Michael Lerche Nielsen’s Paper HENRIK WILLIAMS The most significant results of Michael Lerche Nielsen’s contribution are two fold: (1) There is a fair amount of interaction between Scandinavians and Western Slavs in the Late Viking Age and Early Middle Ages — other than that recorded in later medieval texts (and through archaeology), and (2) This interaction seems to be quite peaceful, at least. Lerche Nielsen’s inventory of runic inscriptions and name material with a West Slavic connection is also good and very useful. The most important evidence to be studied further is that of the place names, especially Vinderup and Vindeboder. The former is by Lerche Niel sen (p. 156) interpreted to contain vindi ‘the western Slav’ which would mean a settlement by a member of this group. He compares (p. 156) it to names such as Saxi ‘person from Saxony’, Æistr/Æisti/Æist maðr ‘person from Estonia’ and Tafæistr ‘person from Tavastland (in Finland)’. The problem here, of course, is that we do not know for sure if these persons really, as suggested by Lerche Nielsen, stem ethnically from the regions suggested by their names or if they are ethnic Scandi navians having been given names because of some connection with nonScandi navian areas.1 Personally, I lean towards the view that names of this sort are of the latter type rather than the former, but that is not crucial here. The importance of names such as Æisti is that it does prove a rather intimate connection on the personal plane between Scandinavians and nonScan dinavians. -
Chronology and Typology of the Danish Runic Inscriptions
Chronology and Typology of the Danish Runic Inscriptions Marie Stoklund Since c. 1980 a number of important new archaeological runic finds from the old Danish area have been made. Together with revised datings, based for instance on dendrochronology or 14c-analysis, recent historical as well as archaeological research, these have lead to new results, which have made it evident that the chronology and typology of the Danish rune material needed adjustment. It has been my aim here to sketch the most important changes and consequences of this new chronology compared with the earlier absolute and relative ones. It might look like hubris to try to outline the chronology of the Danish runic inscriptions for a period of nearly 1,500 years, especially since in recent years the lack of a cogent distinction between absolute and relative chronology in runological datings has been criticized so severely that one might ask if it is possible within a sufficiently wide framework to establish a trustworthy chro- nology of runic inscriptions at all. However, in my opinion it is possible to outline a chronology on an interdisciplinary basis, founded on valid non-runo- logical, external datings, combined with reliable linguistic and typological cri- teria deduced from the inscriptions, even though there will always be a risk of arguing in a circle. Danmarks runeindskrifter A natural point of departure for such a project consists in the important attempt made in Danmarks runeindskrifter (DR) to set up an outline of an overall chro- nology of the Danish runic inscriptions. The article by Lis Jacobsen, Tidsfæst- else og typologi (DR:1013–1042 cf. -
Europe-II 8 Ancient and Other Scripts
The Unicode® Standard Version 12.0 – Core Specification To learn about the latest version of the Unicode Standard, see http://www.unicode.org/versions/latest/. Many of the designations used by manufacturers and sellers to distinguish their products are claimed as trademarks. Where those designations appear in this book, and the publisher was aware of a trade- mark claim, the designations have been printed with initial capital letters or in all capitals. Unicode and the Unicode Logo are registered trademarks of Unicode, Inc., in the United States and other countries. The authors and publisher have taken care in the preparation of this specification, but make no expressed or implied warranty of any kind and assume no responsibility for errors or omissions. No liability is assumed for incidental or consequential damages in connection with or arising out of the use of the information or programs contained herein. The Unicode Character Database and other files are provided as-is by Unicode, Inc. No claims are made as to fitness for any particular purpose. No warranties of any kind are expressed or implied. The recipient agrees to determine applicability of information provided. © 2019 Unicode, Inc. All rights reserved. This publication is protected by copyright, and permission must be obtained from the publisher prior to any prohibited reproduction. For information regarding permissions, inquire at http://www.unicode.org/reporting.html. For information about the Unicode terms of use, please see http://www.unicode.org/copyright.html. The Unicode Standard / the Unicode Consortium; edited by the Unicode Consortium. — Version 12.0. Includes index. ISBN 978-1-936213-22-1 (http://www.unicode.org/versions/Unicode12.0.0/) 1. -
Richard Wilbur's 'Junk'
15 Recycling Anglo-Saxon Poetry: Richard Wilbur’s ‘Junk’ and a Self Study Chris Jones University of St Andrews Ever since scraps, both literal and metaphorical, of Anglo-Saxon (also called Old English) verse began to be recovered and edited in more systematic fashion, modern poets have tried to imagine and recreate its sounds in their own work.1 Often the manuscript materials in which Anglo-Saxon poetry survives show signs of having been uncared for and even mistreated; the tenth-century Exeter Book of poetry, for example, which preserves many of the texts now taught in universities as canonical, is scarred with the stains of having had some kind of vessel laid on it, as if it were a drinks mat, with knife-scores, as if it were a chopping board, and with singe marks, as if some red-hot object was temporarily rested on its back (Muir 2000: II, 2). Such treatment is scarce wonder, given that changes in both language and handwriting must have made such manuscripts unintelligible to all but a few until the studies of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century antiquarians began to render them legible again. But it is salutary to remember that fragments of the past which we hold valuable now have often been the junk of intervening ages, waste materials for which only some alternative function might save them from disposal. Recycled, however, fresh uses may be found for Anglo-Saxon poetry, uses that generate for it new currency, in addition to whatever independent value its stock possesses. This essay sets out to examine some of the generative possibilities of recycling Anglo-Saxon poetry, both from a critic’s perspective and a practitioner’s. -
The Lord of the Rings: the Tale of a Text by Pat Reynolds
The Tolkien Society – Essays www.tolkiensociety.org The Lord of the Rings: The Tale of a Text By Pat Reynolds This paper was first read at the launch of the celebration of the 50th anniversary of the first appearance of The Lord of the Rings, organized by the Società Tolkieniana Italiana at European Parliament, Rome, on Monday 19th January. My paper is very largely based on a 'Note on the Text' written by Douglas Anderson for the one- volume deluxe "collectors'" edition of The Lord of the Rings, published by the Houghton Mifflin Company in 1987 (pages v-viii), and on the detailed commentary by Wayne Hammond in J.R.R. Tolkien: A Descriptive Bibliography. The Tolkien Collector, published by Wayne Hammond and his wife, Christina Scull, has been used extensively for more recent changes. The Lord of the Rings is not a trilogy: by the time it was being prepared for publication in 1950, Tolkien was thinking of it as a duology: a book of two parts, the other being The Silmarillion - a work conceived of as being of equal size to The Lord of the Rings (Letter 126 to Milton Waldon, 10/3/1950). Already, by that time, the text had grown. In October 1937 Tolkien thought he had nothing more to say about hobbits, but by December 19th he had written the first chapter of The Lord of the Rings (Letter 17 to Stanley Unwin, 15/10/1937; Letter 20 to C.A. Furth, 19/12/1937). His subsequent letters are full of hopes that he will finish it off early next year (Letter 47 to Stanley Unwin, 7/12/1942) - 'next year', of course, always being 'next year'.