Paramita:Paramita: Historical Historical Studies Studies Journal, Journal, 29(2) 29(2) 2019: 2019 190 -203 ISSN: 0854-0039, E-ISSN: 2407-5825 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/paramita.v29i1.17717

DEFINING ARABISM: THE CONTESTATION OF ARAB IDENTITY IN THE HADRAMI COMMUNITY IN BETAWI

Fajar Syarif Institut Ilmu al- (IIQ)

ABSTRACT ABSTRAK

This study of defining Arabism aims to ana- Kajian tentang mendefinisikan arabisme ini lyze Arab identity in the hadrami community bertujuan untuk menganalisis identitas Arab in Betawi. Arab identity in the hadrami com- pada komunitas hadrami di Betawi. Identitas munity in Betawi could be seen in the use of Arab pada komunitas hadrami di Betawi dapat the marriage title, and their respect for the dilihat pada pemakaian gelar pernikahan, dan ‘alawiyyin community. The hadrami commu- penghormatan mereka terhadap kelompok nity in Betawi made religion a distinctive fea- ‘alawiyyin. Komunitas hadrami di Betawi ture of Arab identity, thus causing conflict menjadikan agama sebagai bahan dari identi- between the hadrami community in defining tas Arab, sehingga menyebabkan konflik dian- Arabism. The problem in this study is events tara komunitas hadrami untuk mendefinisikan that occurred in the past, thus materials such arabisme pada identitas Arab tersebut. Masa- as archives, books, journals, and newspapers lah pada penelitian ini adalah segala peristiwa related to the theme were used as sources in yang telah terjadi di masa lampau, maka ba- this study. The analysis of this study uses the han-bahan seperti arsip, buku, jurnal, dan su- hermeneutic phenomenology method in order rat kabar yang terkait dengan tema digunakan to obtain a reconstruction of the history of sebagai sumber dalam penelitian ini. Analisis Arabism that is close to the truth. This study penelitian ini menggunakan metode fenome- provides the conclusion that identity is a nologi hermeneutik agar dapat diperoleh source of conflict, resulting contestation in the rekonstruksi sejarah arabisme yang mendekati hadrami community in Betawi. dengan kebenaran. Penelitian ini memberikan kesimpulan bahwa identitas adalah sumber Keywords: identity, hadrami, arab and betawi konflik sehingga menimbulkan kontestasi pada komunitas hadrami di Betawi.

Kata kunci: identitas, hadrami, arab dan be- tawi

Author correspondence Email: [email protected] 190 Available online at http://journal.unnes.ac.id/nju/index.php/paramita Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 29(2) 2019

INTRODUCTION at the end of the 18th century and the be- Watzlawik in his research stated that reli- ginning of the 19th century were very gion is used as part of an identity identical to the identity of the hadrami (Watzlawik: 2012). This is proven by community (Nottingham, 1981: 32-45). Meuleman in his research that persever- On this basic principle, many people from ance in carrying out religious lesson will the hadrami community strive to maintain become an identity inherent in someone their prestige (Aziz, 2002: 39; Alatas, (Meuleman: 2011). Likewise, as Kholiq 2010: xxxiv; xxxiv; Berg, 1989: 122-123), said when constructing the Kalang com- so that it looks exclusive (Berg, 1989: munity identity based on cultural values 122). By safeguarding these aspects, they inherited from their ancestors that ancient have tried to keep their identity as hadra- Javanese religious values (Kapitayan) be- mi. come the identity of the Kalang communi- As a result of the social reality, the ty (Kholiq: 2015). identity that occurs in Betawi is based on However, Schiefer in his research the identity of the hadrami community. refuted the above statement by revealing This can be seen in the form of respect for that identity was always associated with them such as calling them , , the environment (Schiefer: 2013). This sharif, and sidi; kiss their hands (taqbīl); was confirmed by Mohd Roslan Mohd and respecting the kafā'ah marriage system Nor and Maksum Malim in their research by the way sharīfah women are prohibited that the public had an influence on their from marrying non-habib men. Likewise, identity (Nor: 2015). For this reason, ac- with privileges such as placing a habib as a cording to Hatina, it was necessary to car- religious leader and welcoming him with a ry out continuous restorative education for standing attitude if a habib is present at a the community, so that they did not lose religious meeting (Federspiel, 1996: 84- their identity (Hatina: 2016), as well as to 87). strengthen the identity of the institution This study discusses the definition (Kim: 2010). of Arab identity using the hadrami com- The identity of the hadrami commu- munity in the 18th and 19th century Be- nity in Betawi is known as a group of reli- tawi as a case study. This study aims to gionists (Alatas, 2002: 39). The govern- show the existence of contestation in the ment then responds to this, recognizing hadrami community in Betawi. To facili- that they are part of cultural diversity in tate it, the writer presents a description of Betawi. Government recognition is given the social identity of the hadrami commu- in the form of providing space for them to nity, the identity politics of the hadrami socialize, just like what other ethnic community and the social interactions of groups do. In the socialization, the hadra- the hadrami community as well as the in- mi community was required to conduct a ternal and external challenges faced by the learning process on the values and views hadrami community in defining the Arab of the community in Betawi (Putra: 2013). identity in Betawi. The study concludes by This, according to Agustin Rebecca Laka- asserting that genealogy is an important wa and Rita Walaretina, is reflected in the aspect of the hadrami community because routine activities, programs, and special it aims to preserve their existence as Ar- monthly ceremonies (Lakawa: 2016). abs. This hadrami community has influ- enced the religious social values in Be- RESEARCH METHOD tawi, such as the principles of the virtue of This study uses a historical approach to the Prophet's descent and the textuality of discuss various events by focusing on ele- the conservative prophetic religious tradi- ments of place, time, object, background tions (Berg, 1989: 63; Ibrahim, 2001: 5). and figures of events (Nata, 2000: 46). For this reason, identities formed in Be- Through this historical approach, it can be tawi such as norms, systems and behavior known the origin of certain thoughts or

191 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 29(2) 2019 opinions and attitudes of a figure, sect or Amran, 2012: 54). In addition, the hadra- community and the religious stereotype of mi community in Pekojan also established a group and the attitude of a group to an- places for praying such as establishing the other (Prayogo, 2003: 66). In addition, "Langgar Tinggi Pekojan" which was used through this historical approach, it can by them as a center of praying and their also be traced to the origin of a situation religious social interaction (Berg, 1989: where an idea emerges from a figure, and 73; Team, 2006: 41). it can be seen that an act and thought of a As for the behavior aspect, many figure is actually forced by the desires and hadrami people who lived in Pekojan pressures that arise from himself (Prayogo, maintain their behavior in accordance 2003: 67). with the ‘alawiyyin tradition, for example This research uses hermeneutic phe- they often held meetings at the home of an nomenology method in interpreting and ‘alawiyyin figure (Badjerei, 1996: 32). Not analyzing data (Lubis, 2004: 100-146). only meetings, they also did religious ac- This refers to Martin Heidegger's theory tivities based on their traditions such as which explains that phenomenological the recitation of qaṣīdah in the birthday of descriptions (Fromme, 2011: 263) are in- the Prophet Muhammad, the zapin dance terpretations or hermeneutics (Heidegger, performance and the music of gambus 1962: 61-62), hermeneutic phenomenolo- during the wedding. Especially in art gy in this study is used to understand a events, seniors from ‘alawiyyin and also person’s social thinking by giving interpre- people from religious circles rarely attend- tations of meaning contained in it ed the events (Berg, 1989: 124-125; Abu (Marriam, 2009: 205). Interpretation is Bakar bin ‘Ali: 25-26,57). The behavior of conducted to find a new understanding those who maintained the ‘alawiyyin tra- that there is a contestation of Arab identi- dition was expressed by various things ty in the hadrami community in Betawi, such as avoiding gambling, smoking as formulated by Gadamer (Lubis, 2004: drugs, buying and drinking wine, eating 130), about existing values, for example, pork, living a luxurious life and also tak- values that underlie one's views about in- ing care of their daughters from prostitu- dividuals, community, social interaction, tion and marrying their daughters to social problems and others. ‘alawiyyin only (Nottigham, 1985). The identity of the Arabs as the con- RESULTS AND DISCUSSION text of the "Arab nation" has a special vir- The Social Identity of Hadrami Commu- tue, namely in terms of nasab. The nasab of nity the Arabs is more noble than the others Social identity in this section refers to the because the Arabs are the chosen ones Ahimsha Putera research who stated that from Prophethood and their devotion. Be- identity is a collection of symbols or signs cause of this basis, the giving of the title both materially and behavior that make an habib as an identity has occurred since the individual or group of individuals look days of the previous salaf when the proph- different from the others with various et companions also received the title raḏi- scales and forms (Ahimsa, 2013). Even ya allāhu ‘anhu (Bin Yaḥ yā , n.d.: 27). Sinisa Malesevic explains that identity is a The virtues of the nasab of "ahlul basic ingredient that cannot be negotiated bait" as well as hadrami as a descendant of by any human, so claiming not to have or the prophet have been recognized and do not want an identity can be considered agreed upon for centuries (Bin Yaḥ yā , a strange thing (Sinisa, 2008: 13-14). n.d.: 27: Bin Yaḥ yā , 1317/1900: 5-7; Bin In the material aspect, the hadrami Yaḥ yā , 1323/1905: 5; Bin Yaḥ yā , community in Pekojan built many houses 1329/1911: 14-16). The virtues of the ha- using high and closed fences, this was drami are; first, the hadrami community is done to protect hadrami girls from boys the successor of the struggle of the proph- who were not mahram (Berg, 1989: 72-73; ets. Second, the hadrami community is a

192 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 29(2) 2019 sunni group (ahl al- wa al-jamā 'ah) cational institutions (Khasinah, 2013). who survived. Third, the leading group in Because education is not only to gain in- following the prophet, and the fourth, the tellectual knowledge, but also to the for- group that is obliged to be respected and mation of individual characters, so that loved (Bin Yaḥ yā , 1329/1911: 56). In humans can behave as khalīfah fî al-arḏ terms of the level (maqām) of religious glo- (Allah's caliph on earth) (Jani, 2010). Ad- ry, they are the rulers of three maqā m ditionally, this is also as an effort to build (levels) of religious knowledge, namely human adab (Umar, 2013), and the view knowledge that is both physical and spir- at the human reality (Sanusy, 2013). itual, shari'a and nature (Bin Yaḥ yā , t.th: Even ‘Uthmā n bin Yaḥ yā also stat- 3). ed that the honor of the Arabs, especially With the various virtues mentioned the ‘Alawiyyin community, was deter- above, the habib and sharīfah in the hadra- mined by their behavior in daily life by not mi community are proud of their socio- deceiving in trade activities that would religious identity. For that pride, the ha- make their honor descend (Bin Yaḥ yā , drami always safeguard these various glo- 1311/1894: 2). ries while remaining consistent in uphold- At that time many Arabs committed ing the lessons of the previous salaf from fraud on the basis of their status, because; the ancestors of the Banī ‘Alawī (Bin first, if they were ‘alawiyyin then the pur- Yaḥ yā , t.th: 26). pose of committing fraud was to seek per- ‘Alawiyyin wear the title habib in sonal gain for themselves by claiming to front of their names. Thus, the ‘alawiyyin be guardians or saints (Bin Yaḥ yā , community will always maintain their 1297/1880: 39). The fraud was carried out honor and avoid humiliation (Bin Yaḥ yā , by claiming that they had a sacred duty as 1317/1900: 5-7). Ahmad Soorkatti strong- a guardian (wilā yah), becoming a leader ly opposed the word habib used as a title. or elder (mashā yikh), reaching the highest The original meaning of the word habib is level in (wuṣ ū l), gaining reliable the same as mijnheer in Dutch or mon- knowledge (sanad) and making friends sieur in French (De Jonge, 2000: 161-162). and meeting the Prophet Khidir (Bin He stated that championed the Yaḥ yā , 1297/1880: 39-40). They tried to equality of fellow Muslims and did not make the fraud by adding religious texts recognize the position that discriminated about the sacred meanings obtained by the against various groups, caused by heredi- saints and guardians, which in the end tary blood, wealth or rank (Noer, 1973: they made amulets to sell to their follow- 72). Thus, that the origin of a person is not ers. The case of Arabs who committed important except his or her intellectuality fraud was mentioned in the government (Morin, 2005: 53), and also kindness is archive report about an Arab named very important (Hadiwardoyo, 1994: 14). Kasyiem bin Ismail Mansoek who copied Because the strong brain and heart move a and sent the "Prophet's will" into Indone- person to speak and act (Soeratman, 1989: sia to his brother (an Arab too) named 33). Hasan Soerati who worked as a local trad- Ahmad Soorkatti stated that no one er and distributed the letter to all corners has the right to get a special position of the country through a native named (Affandi, 1976: 56; De Jonge, 2000: 161). Haji Rais (Bin Yaḥ yā , 1309/1891: 8, 16; Because humans (material) can experience Bin Yaḥ yā , 1297/1880: 50; Besluit Gouver- a process to progressively in a better direc- neur Generaal (BT), August, 30 1894, No. tion (Langgulung, 2003: 290). Humans 294; Missive Gouvernements Secretaris have certain traits that are naturally differ- (MGS), February 21, 1892, No. 1534; Mis- ent from animals. They have the potential sive Gouvernements Secretaris (MGS), De- (inner potential) that can be developed cember 12, 1891, No. 292; Missive Gou- through life experience or through formal vernements Secretaris (MGS), February 19, education such as schools and other edu- 1892, No. 51).

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Second, people who were not from related to cultural identity as an expres- the ‘alawiyyin community that claimed to sion of belief (Berstein, 2005). be an ‘alawiyyin. For example, there was This identity politics carries an iden- an Arab named Abu Bakar bin Sungkar tity fanaticism where identity politics who claimed to be a "habib" named Abd. comes from the ideological belief that I or al-Mu’in. The fake habib just returned we understand better, are more correct, from and visited Aji's house in Be- know better what means (Faiz, 2005: tawi. Abd. al-Mu’in asked Aji to respect xix). Thus, they were consciously driven him (Bin Yaḥ yā , 1297/1880: 48-50). to direct other people and communities to From the basic principle of "Habib", follow their beliefs. The problem accord- many Arabs from the ‘alawiyyin commu- ing to Musdah Mulia was the tendency to nity strived to maintain their prestige. It establish their identity by denying others. was shown when they refused to do man- One community was seeded, relied upon, ual labor as slaves or laborers. Therefore, while the other communities were hum- many of the ‘alawiyyin individuals re- bled, marginalized and dispensed (Mulia, mained in their profession as traders, ship- 2010: 48), so the marriage between a ping entrepreneurs and other types of busi- sharīfah and a non-habib man was not legal nesses in the late 18th and early 19th cen- (fasakh) and the two brides who were tury in Betawi (Alatas, 2010: xxxiv; Berg, bound by marriage must be separated if 1989: 122-123) . As in Betawi, the habib necessary by means of violence (Azra, became important religious symbols that 1995). cause them to unite to maintain their so- ‘Uthmā n bin Yaḥ yā stated that mar- cial identity. riage between sharīfah and non-habib was The basic principle formed from the immoral act and despised their existence. above elements succeeded in making the He quoted what was described in Bughyah social identity of the ‘alawiyyin communi- al-Mustarshidīn, what he meant was that ty the highest and exclusive in religion (al- there had been a marriage in Mecca be- Gadri, 1984: 53). Because of the domi- tween sharīfah and non-habib. Where at nance of the religious identity of the once the habib and in Mecca can- ‘alawiyyin community, the conservative celed the marriage, because the habib and exclusive social religious values were group was of noble descent and should then integrated with the order and system not be humiliated by non-habib groups of society in Betawi. Hence, that the di- who did not have blood related to the verse socio-religious identity of the Betawi Prophet Muhammad (Bin Yaḥ yā , community from various communities 1312/1894: 97-98). According to him, this and groups in general became lost because kind of marriage would make the Prophet it merged into the religious identity of the Muhammad angry and Allah would curse ‘alawiyyin community. them. Therefore, ‘Uthmā n bin Yaḥ yā made the rule that marriage between Political Identity of the Hadrami Com- sharīfah and non-habib was haram munity (forbidden) (Bin Yaḥ yā , 1312/1894: 97- Identity politics in this section refers to 101; Azra, 2002: 145). Dana D. Nelson's research which states According to ‘Uthmā n bin Yaḥ yā , that identity politics is an act of someone the marriage between sharīfah and non- or a community to prioritize the interests habib would greatly hurt the , and of their members on the basis of similarity humiliated their sacred descendants. Even of identity or characteristics, based on though sharīfah and his guardian wanted race, ethnicity, gender, or religion to ob- the marriage, the habibs had the right to tain justice, equality, recognition with the prevent it, on the grounds that they were aim of maintaining their cultural existence both from noble descendants. Although (Nelson, 2002). This is reinforced by Bary according to "fuqahā " (religious jurist), the Berstein's research, that identity politics is

194 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 29(2) 2019 marriage between sharīfah and non-habib is caused by hereditary blood, wealth or lev- legitimate, but according to ‘Uthmā n bin els. This fatwa related to the fate of Yaḥ yā , the 'Ulama of ahl al-bait have ijti- sharīfah who lived with a Chinese in Solo. hād and ikhtiyār in shar'i cases (Bin Yaḥ yā , In a meeting attended by many Arabs, 1312/1894 : 97-98). However, ‘Uthmā n Ahmad Soorkatti advised those present to bin Yaḥ yā also did not reject the excep- collect money, so that the sharīfah could tion of this problem that if it was not car- leave the Chinese, but because no one ried out the marriage would cause dam- gave the money for their benefit, Ahmad age, then it would be permissible for emer- Soorkatti suggested again to find a Mus- gency reasons (Bin Yaḥ yā , 1331/1913: 2). lim who was willing to marry the sharīfah. The fatwa of ‘Uthmā n bin Yaḥ yā All habibs objected to this for reasons of caused debate among Muslims. Even the kafā'ah, a sharīfah could only marry sharīf. reforming ulama like Rashīd Riḍ ā also That same night the habib group in Solo argued in this matter. As the fatwa issued reported to the habib in Betawi about Ah- by Rashīd Riḍ ā stated that marriage be- mad Soorkatti's fatwa, which resulted in tween Muslim non-habib and sharīfah was the people giving Ahmad Soorkatti's job. jāiz (permissible). This issue was based on When Ahmad Soorkatti returned to Be- marriage between a Muslim from India tawi, they welcomed him coldly (Noer, and sharīfah in . The fatwa of 1973: 72). Rashīd Riḍ ā was rejected by ‘Umar bin Ahmad Soorkatti's fatwa about Sā lim al-Attas from Padang, who said that kafā'ah delivered in Solo then spread to all Muslims were from servants and de- Betawi and caused him to leave Jamiet scendants of ‘Alī ibn Abī Ṯ ā lib (Noer, Kheir in 1914 (Bruinessen, 2011: 9). He 1973: 71-72). Therefore, it was clear that stated that he did not agree if the religious the descendants of ‘Alī ibn Abī Ṯ ā lib were culture of the Arab community, such as more noble and higher than those who did the implementation of the kafā'ah law in not have the blood of the descendants of marriage, was used in the midst of diverse ‘Alī ibn Abī Ṯ ā lib, the fourth caliph. communities in Betawi (Snouck Hur- The members of the tribe of the gronje Letter to E. Gobee, July 5, 1931; Prophet Muhammad, especially his de- Bin Yaḥ yā , 1330/1912: 2, 11, 13). The scendants, considered themselves to be reason for the resignation of Ahmad Soor- religious nobles. Marriage between an Ar- katti was caused by his fatwa which al- ab woman who had "blue blood" and a lay lowed a sharīfah for kafā'ah in Solo in man was considered despicable. In this 1912. The news then spread to the case, Ahmad Soorkatti who became a fol- ‘alawiyyin in Betawi (Badjerei, 1996: 28- lower of Rashīd Riḍ ā (Egyptian modernist 31). figures) who taught the equality of all It could be estimated that inter- Muslims and who carried progressive ide- community marriages were most preva- as about observing Islam according to gen- lent among indigenous people. Inter- eral demands, stated that marriage be- community marriage was not recommend- tween sharīfah and non-habib was permis- ed by the colonial government, but it was sible (Jonge, 2000: 161), so the fatwa from also not prohibited. Thus, the community Rashīd Riḍ ā relating to the kafā'ah was living in Betawi had the freedom to supported by Ahmad Soorkatti's fatwa choose their own spouse. For example, (Jonge, 2000: 160). according to the document College van The problem about kafā'ah began Heemraden Lieutenant Tsitra married a when Ahmad Soorkatti in Solo in 1912 Makassar woman named Simba (Resoluti (Badjerei, 1996: 28-31). He stated that Is- College van Heemraden (RCH), September lam championed the equality of fellow 1, 1703, No. 8). Another Makassar wom- Muslims and did not recognize a position an married Captain Buton Abdul Jalaly that discriminated against various groups, (Resoluti College van Heemraden (RCH), July 9, 1706, No. 9). Lieutenant Buton

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Mohammad Sakkie had a wife of a Java- aims to create an orderly, harmonious and nese named Alima (Raben, 1996: 99). united life (al-Aqqâd, 1947: 79-80). Ked- Whereas Intje Cadier a Javanese woman die Nehli stated that to create social stabil- married Norsay ban Batavia (Minut Akten ity, the relationship (interaction) of hu- van Transport Notary Carel Schoute, April 6, mans must be placed within the frame- 1728, No. 3950). work of religion (Nehli, 1983: 153). Based on the identity politics of the Social interaction is a dynamic rela- hadrami community, it does not just stop tionship between people, groups, or be- at the aspect ratio (intellectual) but also tween people and groups. The absolute other aspects to see human potential as a requirement for social interaction is the whole, namely personality, moral, and existence of contact and communication spiritual (Susari, 2012: 23-27). This con- between humans that result social net- firms that the system must reflect human works (Yusuf, 2016). Social interaction is perfection (Husen, 2009: 43-46), which a relationship between two or more hu- aims to maintain the physical and mental mans, where in these behaviors influence development of humans (Badhshah, each other, change the behavior of other 2011), and also to maintain and to devel- individuals or vice versa (Purwanti, 2012). op human nature (Kurniawan, 2016). The hadrami community questioned the Political identity is an important kiss of the hand (taqbīl) when there was a part of the hadrami community. Kafā'ah is social interaction between them and even a legitimacy for some of the hadrami com- remained a problem which was always a munity to express themselves between one discussion in the government especially in community and another community. the parliament until the 1930s (Bin Yaḥ yā , Even if this happens to followers of reli- 1330/1912: 2, 11, 13). gion, then it can also happen to other The problem about kissing hands communities (Vaezi, 2004: 183). (taqbīl) is opposed by Ahmad Soorkatti This identity politics is used as a (Jonge, 2000: 160). His fatwa caused him "black campaign" tool which is one strate- to leave Jamiet Kheir in 1914 (Bruinessen, gy in defeating other communities. This is 2011: 9). He expressed his attitude that dangerous for the continuity of religion disagreed if the religious culture of Arab itself, especially Islam (Syarif, 2017). society such as kissing hands (taqbīl) was Markus V. Höhne said that when conflict used in the midst of the Betawi communi- in a community increases at a certain level ty (Snouck Hurgronje to E. Gobee, July 5, of violence, political identity exacerbates it 1931; Bin Yaḥ yā , 1330/1912: 2, 11, 13). on a larger scale and becomes a real threat ‘Uthmā n bin Yaḥ yā has highlighted this (Höhne, 2006). How can religion seem to since 1906. The efforts of this opposition be the cause of discordance, even though could be seen in the leaflets containing the Qur'an highlights diversity as a sun- which question the accuracy of the natullah (QS. al-Mā idah [5]: 48; QS. Hū d habib's nasab which were attached to the [11]: 118; QS. al-Naḥ l [16]: 93; QS. al- walls of in Betawi (Bin Yaḥ yā , Shū rā [42]: 8). 1324/1906: 23 , 34). In his opinion, ‘Uthmā n bin Yaḥ yā said that their goal Social Interaction of the Hadrami Com- was to demean and to eliminate the cul- munity ture of Arab society in Betawi (Bin Yaḥ yā , While Social Interaction refers to the re- 1331/1913: 6, 9). Ahmad Soorkatti urged search of Yaghoob Foroutan which stated to leave the habit of kissing the hands of that social interactions in society are not the habibs. One of the first to follow his out of control from the noble values of advice was ‘Umar Mangusy (Affandi, religious lessons, thus the role of religion 1976: 56; Jonge, 2000: 161). in responding to and facing social change ‘Umar Mangusy was not from the in society is very important (Foroutan, habib group who was appointed by the 2014). This is because social interaction Dutch Government to be an Arab captain

196 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 29(2) 2019 in Betawi. Even though ‘Umar Mangusy group". The Shaikh group under the lead- was not a habib, but the non-habib group ership of Ahmad Soorkatti later estab- was aware of their position and power. lished an educational institution called Similar to Ahmad Soorkatti who was also Madrasah al-Irsyad al-Islamiyyah in Septem- not a habib, but he was respected by Arabs ber 1914. The then became an and non-Arabs, and was considered a per- official organization of the non-'alawiyyin son who had a lot of knowledge. Thus, hadrami community named Jam'iyyah al- when there was a tension between the Ishlah wa al-Irsyad al-' Arabiyyah. The al- habib and the non-habib, ‘Umar Mangusy Irsyad association was inaugurated on 11 did not kiss the hand of a habib named August 1915 where the chair was Sā lim ‘Umar bin Sā lim al-Attas, when they met bin Awad Balweel, a former deputy chair- on one occasion. Kissing hand (taqbīl) man of , then Saleh bin was something that must be done when a 'Ubaid bin Abdat (deputy chairman), Mu- non-habib meets a habib, but ‘Umar Man- hammad Ubaid bin Abud (secretary), Said gusy did not do that, as the advice deliv- bin Salim Masy'abi (treasurer) and 19 ered by Ahmad Soorkatti (Noer, 1973: 72- commissioners, all of them from non- 73). habib groups. After the madrasa was es- Because of the differences of reli- tablished, Ahmad Soorkatti continued to gious opinion between ‘Uthmā n bin try to ask the government to help his ef- Yaḥ yā and Ahmad Soorkatti, Ahmad forts in making a new scheme about reli- Soorkatti resigned from Jamiat Kheir. The gion by promising not to cause riots. news then spread to the ‘alawiyyin com- (Badjerei, 1996: 32, 74, 76; Letter of munity in Betawi (Badjerei, 1996: 28-31). ‘Uthmā n bin Yaḥ yā , June 11, 1931; Letter Ahmad Soorkatti's ideas raised the debate of Ahmad Soorkatti to Dr. Rinkes, Febru- in the Hadrami community and resulted ary 22, 1918). powerful opinions. Ahmad Soorkatti's ide- With the emergence of the shaikh as which made the habib angry were not group, the hadrami community was divid- ideas that dealt with pure religious issues ed into two groups, namely the ‘alawiyyin such as the rejection of and habib group and the non-‘Alawiyyin bid'ah, but the ideas related to social is- shaikh group. The shaikh group wanted sues. The controversial ideas were related the hadrami culture not to be used again. to the noble position that Bā ’alwī claimed From the problems mentioned above, the as their right. The most important issues position of ‘Uthmā n bin Yaḥ yā occupied were the habit of kissing hands (taqbīl), the main part that "held" hadrami culture equality of position between married cou- (Letter of ‘Uthmā n bin Yaḥ yā to Snouck ples (kafâ'ah), and the use of habib titles Hurgronje, March 22, 1901). (Badjerei, 1996: 28-31). Based on this, the social interaction Thus, Ahmad Soorkatti became the in society is inseparable from the noble main character who seemed to oppose the values of religious lessons, so the role of dominant role of ‘alawiyyin. His depar- religion in responding to and facing social ture from Jamiat Kheir then invited sym- reality in society is very important pathy from the non-ʻalawiyyîn group, es- (Foroutan, 2014). Social interactions are pecially Yū suf bin ‘Umar Mangusy who formed genetically and geographically so held back Ahmad Soorkatti's return after that there is a shared awareness of the im- he left Jamiat Kheir and gave a house on portance of a social relationship to regu- Jalan Jatibaru no. 12 Jakarta, besides that, late various problems that arise in the financial support was also given to Ah- midst of such interactions. Thus, the mad Soorkatti by Abdullah bin ‘Alwi meanings of community, organizational Alatas in the amount of f 60,000. This system, civilization and social interaction group that supported Ahmad Soorkatti in sociology are the core of a community from the non-ʻalawiyyîn was finally re- (Safe’i, 2001: 5). All forms of human inter- ferred to as "The Shaikh or Non-Habib action aim to create a tidy, harmonious

197 Paramita: Historical Studies Journal, 29(2) 2019 and united life. This is contained in QS. al elements in a series of conflicts not only -Hujurât [49]:13 which is aimed at all hu- increases the escalation of conflict but also manity, not only to the Muslims. There- causes conflicts that are not easy to solve fore, there is no reason to obstruct interna- (Brian, 2012). tional unity for believers who believe in Jean Gelman Taylor explained that the truth of all the Prophets and who view the people in Betawi during the colonial all humans can be united as one (al- period consisted of various groups, one of Aqqā d, 1947: 79-80). Keddie Nehli said which was European society. However, in that to create social stability, the relation- this society the wives of Asia and Mestizo ship (interaction) of humans must be were a majority partner for men and they placed within the framework of religion gave a great influence to the elite in terms (Nehli, 1983: 153). of habits and lifestyles (Taylor, 1983: 61). The hadrami community makes re- It was only at the beginning of the 18th ligion a part of the hadrami identity to century that Europeans occupying the strengthen the pre-existing identity. The highest positions in colonial society began meeting of various cultures produces a to live permanently in Betawi. So at that model of adaptation that is different or time, the government determined the even completely new to that which al- types of clothing based on their respective ready exists. In the early stages it will cer- identities. Clothes with suits, hats, caps tainly cause conflict as mentioned earlier, and clothes belonging to Europeans; robes but in the process that occurs next is re- were owned by Arabs; kebaya and stagen structuring (Watzlawik, 2012). This is re- were clothes of the (Bin inforced by Nicola in his research that the Yaḥ yā , 1316/1904: 5-7) although there differences in perspectives in religion often were Betawi people who dressed in robes become the root of conflict (Colbran, or turban after returning from the pilgrim- 2010). In the context of the hadrami com- age (Noupal, 2008: 201). munity case, the involvement of religious However, it turned out that there factors in a series of conflicts not only in- were many hadrami communities who creases conflict escalation but also causes changed their clothes with European iden- conflicts that are not easy to solve (Grim, tity clothing. Their aim to use European 2012), and will also increase the under- clothing was to make them more free and standing of conflict relief solutions not ashamed of their social interactions. It (Chuang, 2017). was rare for Arabs in Betawi in the early 20th century to wear skullcaps, robes, tur- Arab identity in the Betawi Community ban and replaced them with Turkish or Schiefer in his study said that immigrants European clothes. With their new clothes, cause problems of inequality and conflict they could be free when walking in vari- over identity (Schiefer, 2013). This opin- ous places such as public roads and alleys ion is supported by Kholiq in his research of towns and villages in Betawi. In addi- that there are consequences of the encoun- tion, with their new clothes, they were no ter of different identity, first; previous longer ashamed and more flexible in inter- identity wins; second, the new identity acting socially because their char- wins; third, there is a compromise acteristics were gone. Thus, they could do (Kholiq, 2015). In the initial stage accord- things that were initially considered taboo ing to Meike, of course it will cause con- if done by Arabs in Betawi, for example flict, but in the process there is a restruc- singing, playing tanji and gambus, hang- turing process (Watzlawik, 2012). ing out (tongkrong) on the roadside with Nicola in his research explained that chess, playing top, drinking wine, sitting the differences in perspectives in religion on the sidewalk streets and bridges, urinat- are often the root of conflict (Colbran, ing on street corners and sheltering on 2010). This is reinforced by Brian in his crowded streets where people pass by and research that the involvement of religious eat at markets or roadside stalls (Bin

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Yaḥ yā , Plano 53, F1. No. 31). Changes in exchanged their clothing identities would Arabian clothing which were replaced never even attain a commendable moral with European and Turkish clothing be- (Bin Yaḥ yā , 1329/1911: 11-12). At that gan in 1901, so they would be quickly fa- time, the ‘alawiyyin community should vored by the dignitaries and get honor have continued to obey the rules made by (Bin Yaḥ yā , 1316/1904: 4; Kaoem the government instead of participating in Moeda, 20 January 1914). changing the clothes of Arab identity with The use of European and Turkish others (Bin Yaḥ yā , 1327/1909: 10). Ac- clothes by the hadrami community has cording to him, the hadrami community also made various conflicts and social who exchanged their clothes would only problems in Betawi such as debate, slan- cause shame and expel them from the der and crime, although many have been lucky and safe groups of people (Bin overcome. Such an example happened in Yaḥ yā , 1316/1904: 2-4). 1904, where a young Arab who was a Hadrami people who did not have graduate of a Turkish school wearing his commendable morals and special skills or Turkish outfit pretended to be a new mas- intelligence, there was no way they would ter (bey) and beat a landlord in Menteng. get a place in the eyes of Europeans. Even For this act, he and his father were put in though the Arabs were already wearing prison for half a month (‘Uthmā n bin European clothes, if they did not have the Yaḥ yā 's letter to Snouck Hurgronje, 22 intelligence and expertise, it would only March 1901). make them pay cheap sado, tram and train Snouck Hurgronje also reported the costs and be respected by coolies and la- incident in a letter sent to the governor on borers. They should not have needed to June 12, 1905. According to Snouck Hur- change their Arab clothes, unless they gronje, the young man was named Ahmad wanted to be more free and not ashamed Ba Junaid and Said Ba Junaid and also to go to places of immorality such as gam- the son of Bin Sunkar who had just re- bling, wine shops and prostitution because turned from Constantinople (). they no longer wore robes and turban (Bin The three of them then showed off their Yaḥ yā , 1316/1904: 5 -7). This was rein- Turkish clothes to the people in Betawi forced by Deliar Noer that people who and behaved disrespectfully to the rebuke wore European-style clothing were consid- of the assistant resident of the Betawi po- ered to imitate Europeans, namely Chris- lice. The assistant was named J. Eithoven tians and were sometimes considered to who rebuked the three of them with a gov- have been infidels. Even people who tried ernment circular letter dated June 2, 1903 to wear European ties, trousers and hats, no. 1844 about not getting clothes that did are more despised by the people who give not fit their identity. Finally, the three Ar- illegitimate laws in the use of ties, panties ab youths and their parents were sen- and caps (Noer, 1973: 9). tenced to fines by the police due to their In the 19th century, hadrami men actions. In another case, Snouck Hur- still retained their original culture by never gronje also reported the incident that hap- using headbands as a substitute for turban. pened to a young ‘alawiyyin named Abd. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, al-Raḥ mā n bin Abd. al-Qā dir Alaidrus in its development many distinguished who also wore Turkish clothes. Abd. al- Arabs often wore pantalons with shoes Qā dir Alaidrus faced his son's behavior and socks like Europeans rather than trying not to force his son to take off his wearing futah. National clothing was rare- clothes. Therefore, he would ask the assis- ly used by the hadrami community be- tance of the Turkish consul general if there cause it was often a mockery of children. were problems regarding the clothes worn Habib clothing and middle class also expe- by his son (Andrianse, 1994: 1706). rienced adjustments at the end of the 19th Hadrami people who constantly century, such as the replacement of robes with long white (qamis) shirts to ankles.

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Under their robes, they wear sirwal instead cial identity, identity politics and social of futah, but the use of vests was still com- interaction of the hadrami community monly worn. The robe and sudairiah were have always been the root of the conflict. only worn among the elderly, radi was Even the involvement of religious ele- rarely used and switches to the handker- ments in a series of conflicts not only in- chief (rumal) worn on the shoulder to tie creases the escalation of conflict but also the key. Serban was used in the context of causes conflicts that are not easy to solve. official events while skullcap was used Then combining two different cultures when in a relaxed condition with hair that will lead to conflict but can also increase was always shaved short (Berg, 1989: 122- understanding in the search for solutions 124). to eliminate conflict. Based on these data it can be said For the hadrami community, Islam that Arab identity with ‘alawiyyin culture is a part of an Arab identity to strengthen makes Arabs look exclusive because they a pre-existing identity. The meeting of var- try to maintain material aspects such as ious cultures results a model of adaptation clothing (Berg, 1989: 121). In matters of that can be different, or even completely clothing, they must wear robes and turban new to that which already existed. In the for men, while Arab women must contin- early stages, this cause conflict, but t in the ue to wear a veil (Berg, 1989: 122-124), process, there is a restructuring process. even though they have also worn kebaya Therefore, social skills are needed, namely like a Betawi woman. By safeguarding this oral and written skills. Communication aspect, they have tried to maintain their that can be understood by various kinds of identity as individuals and communities communities from the lower, middle and who always uphold the culture of the ha- upper strata. Besides that, they are also drami community based on the values of skilled at working with other people, and the ‘alawiyyin lessons. are willing to correct mistakes, as well as Thus, combining two different skilled in lobbying others to resolve con- things will lead to conflict or can also in- flicts. crease the understanding of solutions to The process of defining Arab identi- eliminate conflict (Sarah Rasmi et al., ty in Betawi led to a contestation in the 2017). Thus, social skills are needed, hadrami community, namely the habib namely oral and written skills. Besides ‘alawiyyin group and the Shaikh non- that, also skills in working with others, ‘alawiyyin group. The Shaikh group want- willing to correct mistakes, skill at lobby- ed the Arab identity of the hadrami com- ing others to solve problems. This includes munity to be discontinued while the habib being skilled in managing conflicts, disa- ‘alawiyyin group wanted to hold back and greements, discussions, etc., and also preserve the Arab identity of the hadrami skilled in influencing others to be able to community as it was at their origin, Ha- support their ideas (Howard, 2015). dramaut.

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