From Bodhidharma to Daruma: the Hidden Life of a Zen Patriarch Author(S): Bernard Faure Reviewed Work(S): Source: Japan Review, No

International Research Centre for Japanese Studies, National Institute for the Humanities

From Bodhidharma to Daruma: The Hidden Life of a Zen Patriarch Author(s): Bernard Faure Reviewed work(s): Source: Japan Review, No. 23 (2011), pp. 45-71 Published by: International Research Centre for Japanese Studies, National Institute for the Humanities Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41304923 . Accessed: 14/11/2012 01:08

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From Bodhidharma to Daruma: The Hidden Life of a Zen Patriarch

Bernard Faure ColumbiaUniversity, U.S.A.

The monkBodhidharma (Jap. Daruma) is usuallypresented as thefounding patriarchof the Chan/Zentradition and he has becomea favoritetheme of Zen ink-paintings.In earlymodern Japan, however, another image of Bodhidharmabecame immensely popular: that of the tumblingDaruma dolls,which were initially used as charmsto protectchildren against smallpox. Darumathus became a protectorof childrenand bringerof good luck, and his imagewas also fraughtwith sexual connotations (as attestedby the widespreadmotif of "Daruma with a courtesan")and embryologicalsymbol- ism.This paper is an attemptto understandthe evolution that led fromthe orthodoxZen patriarchto thesmallpox deity and fortunegod ofthe Edo period.A clueis foundin theChan traditionaccording to whichBodhidharma had beenpoisoned by his rivals.From the likelihood that the circumstances ofhis death led to thebelief that he becamea malevolentspirit that needed to be propitiated,the image develops into that of a crossroaddeity, an epidemic deity,and a god of fortune.Other legends and mythslike those of Shotoku Taishi and ShinraMyojin may have contributedto thisdevelopment. By removingDaruma fromhis habitualcontext (that of theZen tradition)to placehim in anothercontext (that of popularreligion and folklore),we are betterable to understandhis emergenceas a "fashionablegod" (hayarigami ) in Edo culture.The heuristicinterpretation suggested here also allowsus to reconsiderone widespreadartistic motif, that of "Bodhidharmacrossing the YangziRiver on a reed."

Key words: BodhidharmaiHHf, Daruma iSJif,Daruma dolls jitlUA®, Chan/Zen#,Shotoku Taishi ShinraMyojin Juzenji+ smallpoxdeity (hosogami) crossroaddeity ( dosojin ) iltffi#, epidemics(ekibyd ) JSS, smallpox(hdsd ) fSSf

The patriarchBodhidharma is a well-knownfigure of Chan/Zen,and one of thefavorite themesof the so-called"ink-painting" (suibokuga ^KfiB). His sternface is supposedto representthe Zen practitioner'sdetermination to reachawakening through the practice ofseated meditation. Yet, as we will see,it mayhave another, darker meaning. By making Bodhidharmaits founding father, the new Chan schoolthat emerged in China aroundthe

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seventhcentury defined itself as a distinctreligious current, keen on its orthodoxy.It is this "will to orthodoxy"that led thisschool, even as it multipliedthe icono- graphicvariants of the imageof its foundingpatriarch, to main- tainit withina strictframework definedby Zen practice.But the imageof Bodhidharma, or rather of Daruma jSt® (Ch. Damo), as he cameto be calledin Japan, veryearly on overflowedthat frameworkand went through Figure1. Daruma dolls. (Photo: B. Faure) strangereincarnations (Figure 1). I willtherefore not deal herewith the Bodhidharma of the Zen tradition,but with his elusivedouble, as it developedin thepopular culture of theEdo period.The questionthat we haveto answeris twofold:"How did theBodhidharma of Zen givebirth to thepopular Daruma?"and "Whatexplains the latter'spopularity in the Edo period?"After all, the Daruma appearsmost notably under the unexpected form of a smallpoxdeity and eventu- allybecame a popularicon of culture and politics:one adds pupilsto theeyes of theblind Darumadoll to ensurethe success of enterprises(for instance, in contemporaryJapan, on theevening of an electoralvictory).1 Thislatter image seems to haveappeared, as if fromnowhere, after a longperiod of incubation.The lack of documentationin thisdomain - whichis thatof the historyof symbolsand of mentalites- condemns us to speculationsand to a heuristicmethod that mayseem frustrating to the traditionalhistorian in searchof textualevidence. Even if I seemto proceedchronologically in my attempt to bridgethe gap betweenthe Tang and the Edo periods,between the Chan patriarchand the"deity in vogue"(hayarigami my aim is notto tracea genealogy- as one coulddo in thecase of theChan/Zen patriarch - butrather to suggestthe sinuous and shiftingcontours of a network,of what one couldcall, to borrowa termfrom Gilles Deleuze and FelixGuattari, a "rhizome."2One can ofcourse, wheneverpossible, emphasize the roleof certainindividuals, institutions, or groupsthat havecontributed to thisevolution. But theirhinterland must remain anonymous, and the methodologicalindividualism of traditionalscholarship is potentiallymisleading in this case.As in anyemergence, the true logic is elsewhere;it is a formof "swarm thinking" that requiresa differentapproach. What is therelationship between the Bodhidharma legend, as it developsinitially in Chan duringthe Tang period,and Daruma,the popular deity of theEdo period?In other words,how did theaustere Chan patriarchever become a tumblerdoll? It is a complicated, and obscurestory. To understandit, we have to unravelmany strands that were woven togetherinto one figure. Daruma will thus appear to us successivelyas:

1 Thispractice goes back to "dotting" the eyes of Buddhist statues to animate them. On this question, see Faure1991 and Strickmann 1996. 2 Deleuzeand Guattari 1987.

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- a malevolentspirit (onryo ^§11) - a crossroaddeity (dosojin iSfi#) associatedwith sexuality - a placentagod (ena kdjin - an astralgod ofdestiny controlling human destiny (shukujin ?§#) - a "foreign"epidemic deity (ekijin ®#): god of Mt. Song relatedto ShinraMyojin rnmww - a smallpoxdeity {hosdgami or hososhin - a god offortune {fukujin te#)

Otherelements contributed to his posthumoussuccess, among which, somewhat at randomare:

- sexualsymbolism - thesymbolism of komorifl, incubation,reclusion, gestation, and itsrelation with easychildbirth on theone hand, silkworms and sericultureon theother - thecolor code (red)and thespatial code (south):fire, exorcism, yang, smallpox - thetumbling doll device(with its sexual connotations and itssymbolism of rebirth orrecovery)

This gradualintertwining of motifswas essentiallyrealized during the medieval period.We will examinethe main ones, following an approximatelychronological order. Thereare only a fewclues, revealing symbolic associations that may never have come to the forefront- or, if theydid, wereeventually overshadowed by the "official"Zen interpretation.This interpretationprevailed even within Tendai, which transmitted the "one mind preceptsof Bodhidharma" (Daruma isshinkai JitHS- and fromwhich emerged the first Zen schoolcalled, precisely, the "Daruma school" (Darumashu iS®^).3 Becausethe "other side"of Bodhidharma- thedark side - was alwayssubmerged, the following reconstruc- tionis perhapsmore an exercisein heuristicimagination than an accuratedescription of historicalreality. But at least,it raisesa legitimatequestion, and mayindicate the direction in whichwe lookfor an answer.Let us thereforestart at thebeginning, if there ever is such a thingin therealm of myth and legend.

The Legendof Bodhidharma The Buddhistmonk Bodhidharma, an Indianmissionary to China whomChristian missionarieslong mistook for the apostle Thomas, was seenas an arhatand an avatarof the bodhisattvaAvalokitesvara.4 As the founding patriarch of the Chan/Zen school, he cameto be reveredeventually as an equal (andalmost a double)of the Buddha himself. According to theGolden Legend of Chan, Bodhidharma was theson ofa southernIndian king. Having obtainedenlightenment, he left for China in orderto convertthe Chinese, and arrivedin Cantonat the beginningof the sixthcentury. His encounterwith Emperor Liang Wudi ISSS'Sr(r. 502-49), a rulerwho prided himself on beinga piousBuddhist, was a shortand

3 Onthis school, see Faure 1987. 4 SeeFaure 1993, pp. 45-50.

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inauspiciousone. Bodhidharma,showing what somewould consider a certainlack of tactfulness, declaredthat the emperor's pious works were of no valuewhatsoever. The latter,not surprisingly,was notpleased, and Bodhidharmadeemed it prudent to leaveright away for North China. He is saidto have crossedthe Yangzi River on a reed,an elementthat madeits way into Zen iconography.He eventually settledon Mt. Song,where he practicedmeditation duringnine years facing a wall. His uncompromis- ing teachingwon him a fewdisciples, but also some powerfulenemies, and we are told thathe was eventuallypoisoned by two rivals.Soon after his death,however, a Chineseemissary returning fromIndia claimedto havemet him on thePamir plateau.When Bodhidharma's grave was opened,it was foundto be empty- withthe exception of one of his shoes.This episodeled to thebelief that he was a sortof Immortal, and thathis death had been Figure2. BodhidharmabyKitsusan Mincho rflil^lS (1352-1431). Collection ofTofukuji. a feigneddeath. (Reproducedwithpermission) Such, in its outline,is the imageof Bodhid- harmaas it had developedin the Chan tradition towardthe eighth century.5 The legend of the Indian patriarch, however, continued to develop outsideof Buddhism,as shownby the attribution to thismaster of several Daoist works, as wellas hispromotion to therank of founder of martial arts.6 If the Bodhidharma worshiped as thefirst patriarch of Chan in Chinahas littleto do withthe Indian monk of the same name, mentionedas admiringthe pagoda of the Yongning monasteryin Luoyang$5® at the beginningof the sixth century, the distance between the Japanese Daruma and his Chinese prototypeseems even greater. Accordingto a laterJapanese tradition, Bodhidharma did notreturn to Indiabut trav- eled on to Japan.This version, propagated by theTendai school, associates Bodhidharma withShotoku Taishi (574-622),who camehimself to be consideredan avatarof theTiantai master, Nanyue Huisi (517-77).We aretold that Shotoku Taishi one daymet a starvingbeggar at thefoot of Mt. Kataoka(in Nara),and exchangeda poemwith him.The strangeliterate beggar was firstidentified as an immortalin theNihon shoki 0^ HIE. His furtheridentification with Bodhidharma rested upon another widespread legend, accordingto which Huisi had oncebeen Bodhidharma's disciple. When the two first met on MountTiantai , Bodhidharmapredicted that they would both meet again in a nextlife inJapan. This legend grew with the cult of Shotoku Taishi in themedieval period, and there is stilla Daruma temple at Kataoka,not farfrom Horyuji - a monastery associatedwith Shotoku Taishi.7

5 Onthis legend, see Faure 1986a and 1986b. 6 Onthe development ofthe legend in China, see Durant-Dastes 2000. On Bodhidharma andthe martial traditionofShaolin monastery, seeShahar 2008. 7 Nishimura1985, pp. 299-310.

Let us leap tencenturies forward. Daruma becamean extremelypopular deity during the Edo periodas a protectorof children and bringer ofgood luck. In thisfolkloric version, the Indian patriarchof Chan/Zen has comea longway. He has beenrepresented since that time as a legless, tumblingtalisman doll which, as thesaying goes, "fallsseven times and riseseight times" {nana korobiyaoki Thispopular representationof Daruma traces its origin back to thebelief accordingto which Bodhidharma, after sitting in meditationfor nine years in a caveon Songshan SiU-J,came to lose his legs. This representationlent itselfto sexual symbolism:thus, until the Meiji period,phallic representationsof Daruma in stoneor papier machewere sold.9 The name"Daruma" was also a nicknamegiven in theEdo periodto prostitutes, perhapsbecause, like the doll, these specialists of tumblecould raise the oftheir customers.10 Figure 3. Darumadoll - pointingthe way. energy (Photo:B. Faure) Daruma is indeedoften represented in comical fashionin thecompany of a prostitute- some- timeseven as a transvestiteoras a woman.He is alsosometimes part of a moreor less legitimate couplecalled "Mr. and Mrs.Daruma." In somecases his partner is no otherthan the chubby Okame (a.k.a.Otafuku thepopular representation of the goddess Ame no Uzume no Mikoto These Daruma dollsprotected childrenagainst illnesses such as smallpoxand weresupposed, amongother things, to facilitate childbirth,bring good harvests, and more generally bring prosperitytotheir owners. There is also in Zen iconographya representationof the "erect Bodhidharma." The sexual 4. OnnaDaruma is out in Figure (Courtesanimpersonating Daruma) symbolism played byKitagawa Utamaro (1753?- 1806). Collection ofTochigi ukiyo-e,where Daruma appears City.(Reproduced with permission)

8 Accordingtoa variant,"Daruma grows every time he falls." See also the variant provided bythe childrens' song,whose syllables - "Da.ru. ma. sa.n.ga. ko.ro. n.da ("Darumahas fallen down") - were used by children tocount from one to ten in games of hide and seek. 9 SeeRichie and Ito 1967, p. 226. 10 McFarland1986, p. 171.

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Figure6. Daruma ga te o dasu (GivingDaruma a Smoke), 1765 by Suzuki Harunobu (1725-1770).27.6 x 19.3 Figure5.Daruma cross-dressing asa courte- cm.Woodblock print (nishiki-e ); ink and sanby Takeda Harunobu (mid-Edo coloron paper. Collection ofTabacco & Salt period).Color on silk; hanging scroll. 62.5 x Museum.(Reproduced with permission) 31.6cm. Joe and Etsuko Price collection, Los FromChiba City Museum of Art and Hagi Angeles.(Reproduced withpermission) UragamiMuseum, eds. and pub., Seishun no ukiyo-eshiSuzuki Harunobu , 2002,p. 65.

as a woman- a courtesan- ora transvestite(Figures 4, 5 and6). A representationinwhich one seeshim in thecompany of two prostitutes - male and female- on a boatmade from a reed- leafassociates the sexual motif with that of the crossing of the Yangzi River. As HartmutRotermund has pointedout, the image of Daruma standing up (okiagari Daruma connotesmetaphorically the factof recoveringfrom an illness,of overcomingit rapidlyand lightly.11Before becoming mere toys, Daruma dolls seem to havebeen initially good luckobjects ( engimono) placed on domesticaltars (kamidana). The okiagariDaruma also becamea popularsymbol of perseverance (okiagari ) and newbegin- nings.Another association, at firstglance surprising, is thatwhich, in the Kanto region, connectsDaruma withsilkworms, and transformshim into a talismanfor sericulture: thewhite cocoons have the formof a Daruma,or perhapsone shouldsay thatDaruma is cocoon-like.12Engimono cocoons called mayuDaruma, on whichDaruma featuresare painted,are stillsold today;and thisis perhapsrelated to the factthat, as we will see, bothDaruma and thesilkworm were symbols of gestation.However, this embryological symbolism,which connects Daruma with the silkworm, refers also perhapsto thepractice of mushiokuri 9 or "insectdispatching": it maybe a kindof funerary ritual for these creatures,which are sacrificedin largenumbers during the spinning process, and which

11 Rotermund1991, p. 196. 12 Bycontrast, inthe Kansai region, Daruma was above all related to the merchant class, and apparently unrelatedtothe agricultural cycle(in particular tothe New Year Festival).

one mayfear lest they become "resentful spirits." The imagesused in thesymbolic fight against smallpoxduring the Edo periodoften show a Daruma dolland a puppydog, symbol of good health. In one example,one childstands on hishands on Daruma's head,another rides on thedog. They are accompanied by poemssuch as: "Near the sickchild, struck by smallpox/playinga light game, a paperDaruma and thelucky charm dog." Or: "Thefellow Daruma, with hisgentle face, does not stay lying in bed."Behind the notionof game, one findsthe magical invocation of healthfor children. The image of Daruma rising again alsosuggested a rapid recovery. There werealso children'sillustrated books againstsmallpox. In one of them,Daruma and his friends,the toys,organize a bazaar in conjunction withthe festival of the in smallpoxdeities; another, Figure7.Detail of Hdsdgami (1843-47) Daruma and his fellows,among which is an owl, byUtagawa Kuniyoshi Nishiki- e,Color ofinfections. 32 x 42 cm. arescolded by the warrior Minamoto no Tametomo prints CollectionofKatagiri Seiryudo forgiving free rein to thesmallpox demons, (Reproducedwithpermission) From Hayari- therebyprovoking ravages among the infantile yamaito nishiki-e *9^ p. 19. NaitoMuseum of Pharmaceutical Science population.13 andIndustry, 2001. Thesestories, studied in detailby Rotermund, show that,by the beginningof the Edo period, Daruma had becomea protectoragainst smallpox, and his role consistedin watching thesmallpox demons so thatthey would not harm children. This suggests, however, that Darumahimself was initiallyperceived as a kindof god ofsmallpox (hdsdgami We recallthat the same spiritual entities - herethe hdsdgami - who wereseen as thecause of epidemicdiseases were eventually transformed into protectors against these same diseases. Likethem, Daruma was enrolledin thefight against evil, but he retainssome aspects from hispast. For instance, while appearing to followthe orders of Tametomo, he is shownplay- inga doublegame and implicitlysiding with the demons. At anyrate, in Edo Japana Daruma doll was usuallyoffered with other auspicious toysto sickchildren. We mustnote in thiscontext the importance of thecolor red which symbolizes,among other things, measles. The altarto thesmallpox god was decoratedwith redpaper strips ( gohei), a darumadoll, and an owl; sometimealso witha doll calledshojo (orang-outan).Furthermore, the sick child had to weara redhood (Figure7).

A MalevolentSpirit Evenbefore encountering the Japanese materials, I have suspected that the choice, at firstglance rather arbitrary, of theIndian monk Bodhidharma as thefirst patriarch of the Chan schoolmay be the resultof a scapegoatmechanism of the typedescribed by Rene

13 Rotermund1991, pp. 162-78.

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Girardin Violenceand theSacred.u Whatever happened to the real Bodhidharma,the beliefthat he had been poisonedby rivalsspread very early on, and it was in a waythe logical conclusion of theseries of hardships metby theforeign monk. The rumorabout this tragic figuremay be echoedcenturies later in Edo Japanby thescholar Tominaga Nakamoto (1715-46), whosaw him as a pitifulfigure. His attemptto convert theChinese was doomedfrom the start, and resulted in his murder"Pitiful Bodhidharma!"15 Thus, it seems plausiblethat some of Bodhidharma'scontemporaries consideredhim to be a potentiallydangerous spirit, intenton revenge. The Japanesetradition abounds in storiesabout charismaticmonks who, because of the resentment they feltat the timeof deathfor some injusticesuffered, returnas malevolentspirits (onryo or goryo ), or succumb to evildestinies, in particularthat of tengu^$0, those 8. Totd zo awW demoniacbeings represented with a beakor a longphal- Figure Tenjin (SugawaranoMichizane). Collection of lic nose.Although Bodhidharma is neverdescribed as KyotoCity University ofArts. a tenguas such,the association was suggestedto me by a verybeautiful netsuke kept in theVictoria and Albert Museum(signed Masakazu, 19th century). This netsuke represents a bird-like tengu hatching froman egg,yet this egg-shaped figure strikingly resembles the popular representations of Daruma. However,the affinities between Bodhidharma and the tengumay not matterso much:what is essentialis thatBodhidharma's death, in as muchas itwas notsimply denied byits presumed immortality, gave him the aura of a vengefulspirit. The importance of these spirits,divinized under the name of goryo , grew considerably during the Nara and Heian periods.The mostfamous case is thatof thestatesman Sugawara no MichizaneIfJJKiliJf (845-903),whose spirit was placatedafter he was elevatedto therank of HeavenlyDeity 16 (tenjin^tt) and theKitano shrine was consecratedto him (Figure8). Bodhidharmawas to takea differentpath, more obscure and tortuous.

Daruma at theCrossroads We haveseen how the figure of Bodhidharma inserted itself into the legend of Shotoku Taishithrough the intermediary ofthe Kataoka beggar. According to Rotermund,Shotoku Taishi'sgift of a poem was perhapsaimed at revivifyingthe vital spirits( tama) of the starvingman. ShotokuTaishi also allegedlygave his coat to thebeggar. This act,which calls to mindSaint Martin's gift, has givenrise to all kindsof interpretationsinto which I cannotenter here. Rotermund notes that cloth offerings were made in placesdeemed dangerous,such as crossroadsand passes,and he suggeststhat we maybe dealinghere with

14 SeeGirard 1979. 15 Ibid. 16 Onthis question, seeComo 2008, pp. 107-108.

an actdestined to placatethe dead.17 Accordingto MichaelComo, this episode of Shotoku's legend may have been intended to cooptpreexisting rites of purificationat thecrossroad (chimata ft).18 At theintersection ofroads connecting Naniwa with the Asuka region, where the court was locatedat thetime, Kataokawas an importantritual space. Scholars have often argued that the Shotoku Taishi cultitself may have intended to placatethe vengeful spirit of the regent, whose entire family had beendecimated by his political opponents. However, Shotoku himself was byno means an innocentruler, and itis plausiblethat he tookpreexisting purification rites at Kataoka,in orderto placate the vengeful spirits of his defeated enemies, like Mononobe no Moriya vfll. Kataokawas a sitewhere rituals of spirit quelling were regularly undertaken by the Yamato court.These purification rites, centering upon thefire god (a reddeity), were designed to purifythe land by sendingevil spiritsto the netherworldknown as Ne no kuni Theyinvolved the use of ritualdolls {hitogata A®)> substitutebodies that were dressed in theruler's clothes before being sent off, like scapegoats, as bearersof collectivedefilement. In thiscontext, Shotoku Taishi offering his robe to thebeggar on theroadside is no longera sublimeact of charity, it is a riteof purification and ofworld renewal, connected to theNew Year.If Bodhidharmawas perceivedas a victimof untimelydeath, a potentiallydangerous "foreign"spirit or god,it is notsurprising that, after various symbolic drifts, he cameto be identifiedwith the Kataoka beggar, a threateningfigure who had to be propitiated.19 The factthat the Kataoka rituals were performed at a crossroadconnects them to those of thecrossroad deities (< dosojin ). As we haveseen, these gods, also calledsae no kami18# ("road-blockingdeities"), were believed to protectvillages and townsagainst calamities such as epidemics,insects, and drought.Often represented by a man and a woman,engaged in implicitor explicitsexual behavior, they served to ensurefecundity in womenand sexual potencyin men.We recallthat they were sometimes "personalized" as Ame no Uzumeno Mikoto and Sarutahikono Mikoto Uzumeis famousfor the lascivious danceshe performedin frontof theheavenly cave wherethe sun goddessAmaterasu had withdrawn.Another famous episode, however, which led to herulterior transformation intoa crossroaddeity, is herencounter with Sarutahiko. When Amaterasu decided to send hergrandson Ninigi no Mikotodown to theearth to ruleJapan, she heardthat a strange and potentiallythreatening, simian-looking deity was standingat theeightfold crossroad betweenheaven and earth.Uzume was sentto checkout his intention,and thetwo eventu- allybecame husband and wife.20In Japanesefolklore, Sarutahiko is usuallydescribed as a kindof tengu , with a long,eminently phallic red nose.21

17 Rotermund1998, pp. 19-20. The offering tothe deity usually consisted instrips of cloth (nusa ), hence theidea expressed inthe legend to cut a partof one's robe to offer it.This is the origin of theidea that the deityto which such offerings weremade was "one who strips away the sleeves" (sodemogi sama who requiredfrom the traveler a part of his robe, lest the traveler bethrown toearth and the sleeves ofhis robe be tornaway. (See Rotermund, ibid., p. 39.) This deity also calls to mind Datsueba, the "old hag who snatched theclothes" ofthe recently dead. In one source atleast, these clothes are described asthe counterpart ofthe placentathat Datsueba gave to the fetus in the womb, and she therefore belongs tothe category ofdeities thatI describe below as "placenta deities." 18 Onthis question, seeComo 2008, pp. 107-108. 19 SeeComo 2008. 20 Aston1972, pp. 77-79. 21 InEdo slang, the penis was indeed called Tengu nose {tengu nohana Wealso find a tengu who fallsdown and rises up again {okiagari tengu

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We findUzume again in theEdo period,under the name of Okame, in therole of "Mrs. Daruma."Thus, one can thinkof Bodhidharma, once identified with the Kataoka beggar - a crossroaddeity - becomingin turna dosojin, and in somecontexts displacing Sarutahiko as partnerof Uzume. It is no wonderthat Daruma dolls became symbols of sexuality and fe- cundity,and in particularof easy childbirth. The figureof the tumbler Daruma, or okiagari Daruma,also has a clearsexual meaning: that which falls and soon risesagain is thepenis. Thesexual symbolism is quiteobvious in thephalloid form of some Daruma dolls. With the prohibitionin Meijiof Konsei Myojin (a phallic-shapeddeity popular in brothels), all kindsof symbolicsubstitutes were found, including mushrooms and okiagaridaruma. Small papiermache phalloi sold at templefestivals were replaced, after the prohibition, by papiermache representations of Ebisu M and Daikoku Some representationsof Darumaare strongly reminiscent of theso-called yin yang stones, symbolizing the male and femalesexual organs. The imageof a dragoncoiling around Daruma {tatsumakiDaruma fl^iSHf) calls to mindthe Tantric kundalini , the femaleenergy represented as a snake risingand coilingaround the central artery. (This is a symbolalso representedby the dragon Kurikara coiledaround Fudo's sword). While the above interpretation may seem farfetched, a representationof this tatsumaki Daruma motif preserved in a chapelsaid to be thatof the"Daruma of easychildbirth" (in thevillage of Sonoda in Hirazawa,present dayMiyagi prefecture) is strongly reminiscent of therepresentations ofthe god Ugajin #, a snakedeity associated with the dragon-goddess Benzaiten #^*5^.22 Behind that chapel is a stele,at theback of which are engraved these suggestive words: "Daruma! Daruma! Ah, Daruma!Ah, Daruma, Daruma!"23

Daruma as PlacentaDeity The fecunditysymbolism leads us to considerthe figure of Daruma in embryonicges- tation.In theZen school,the famous mythical episode of Bodhidharma spending nine years immersedin "wallcontemplation" in a caveon Mt. Songis interpretedas an embryological allegory.This embryologicalaspect is alreadysuggested in KitsusanMincho's portrait of Bodhidharma(see above, Figure 2), butit appears explicitly in esotericdocuments (kirigami §J&S)like the following:

- [Question:]"What about Bodhidharma's nine years facing the wall?" - [Answer:]"They are, in fact,the nine months spent in thewomb." - [Question:]"Tell me about Bodhidharma with the caul, about Bodhidharma priorto all distinctions,about Bodhidharmas's nine years facing the wall."24 - [Answer:]"During the nine months spent in themothers womb, the caul is puton. Duringhis nine years in seatedmeditation, Bodhidharma put on a skin cap- toward off the three poisons, to strengthenthe roots of life."25

22 Kido1932, p. 573. 23 Ibid. 24 InFrench, "to be born with a caul" (etre ne coiffe) means to be born under a lucky star. However, asI will argueshortly, Bodhidharma wasnot born particularly lucky. 25 Suzuki1968, p. 293.

A variantreads as follows:"Question: What about 'For nine years Bodhidharma faced thewall and said nothing'?Answer: Bodhidharma's nine years facing the wall are thenine monthsin thewomb. This is thedonning of the caul. The redhood that Bodhidharma wears as he sitsbefore the wall is thatcaul. Bodhidharmawithin the womb has somethingto teach us.'"The abovetext is foundat theend of an embryologicalmissancho a secretinter- viewnotebook providing ready made answers to Zen koans.26Its source is a Rinzaicommen- taryentitled "Xiangyan's Man up a Tree,"based on Wumenguans case. "Themonk Xiangyan said:Suppose there were a manup a tree.He holdsonto a treebranch with his teeth.His handsgrasp no branchand hisfeet do notreach the trunk of the tree. Beneath the treeis someonewho asks him: What is themeaning of Bodhidharma coming from the West? Ifthe man does not respond at all,he willfail the questioner's need. But if he doesanswer, he willfall to hisdeath. In thissituation how should one respond?"27 The text glosses all thecore wordsin theabove dialogue in embryologicalterms: the tree becomes the mother's body, the manin thetree the embryo within the womb. To "holdonto the branch with his teeth" is to suckat "theroot of milk" while still in thewomb, and so forth. In one ofhis essays on Zen, SuzukiDaisetsu quotes this dialogue, and givesa seriesof traditionalglosses, among which several are clearly inspired from "oral traditions" of esoteric Buddhism- and clearlynot to his taste.One of them,in a textdated from the seventeenth century,is attributedto theZen masterKohan Shushin and givesanother example ofembryological symbolism:

Main case: The Chan masterXiangyan..., addressing the community, said: "How aboutthe man up a tree?" Xuetoureplied: "Up thetree, easy to say;below the tree, hard to say." The masterasked: "The tree,what is it?"Explanation: "The treeis the mother's body."Commentary: "A rootless tree on a rock." "Whatdoes 'up a tree'mean?" Explanation: "It is theplace where the child dwells in themother's womb." "What about the above passage?"Explanation: He hangsto thebranch with his ' ' teethmeans that he sucksthe roots of milk in thewomb. His handscannot grasp the ' ' branchmeans that his handsare placedagainst his chest.His feet cannot touch the ' trunkmeans that his legs are folded when he faceshis mother." Commentary:"During nine years facing the wall, his mouthis likethat of a dumb person.During these nine years facing the wall, not a breathof wind has passed,yet thefive petals have opened, flowers have scattered, and outsidespring has come." Explanation:"The nineyears spent facing the wall are thenine months within the womb,with the placenta. The factthat Bodhidharma, while facing the wall, wears hisred robe over his head symbolizes the placenta."28

Severalkirigami of Soto Zen connectBodhidharma's reclusion in theSongshan cave to themyth of the solar goddess Amaterasu withdrawing into the heavenly cave when she felt

26 Theterm missanchd isan abbreviation forshitchu himitsu sanzen ("secret sanzen within the chamber"). I am indebtedtoJames Sanford forintroducing meto this material. 27 SeeWumenguan 13.Quoted in Suzuki 1968, pp. 293-94. 28 Suzuki1968, p. 293.

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threatenedby her brother Susano'o. As a syncretisticZen textof the Edo period,the Sangai isshinki bythe Zen monkDairyu ^cfl putsit:

Amaterasu'swithdrawal into the heavenly cave can be comparedto thedwelling ofthe child in thewomb. The maternalwomb corresponds to theGreat Shrine [of Ise],the child to thekami that is enshrinedin it,and themother's vulva to thetorii thatmarks the sacred limit.29

As notedearlier, the medievalembryological theory of the fivestages of gestation, togetherwith specific beliefs concerning the placenta, gave birth to thecult of the placenta deity{ena kojiri). A Soto kirigamientitled Ehatsu ketsumyaku denju saho (Riteof Transmission of the Robe, Bowl, and LineageChart), declares for instance:

Donning the Robe: Havingspent ninety days in the father'sbody, one spends anotherninety days in the mother'sbody. The sequenceof practiceduring that periodis called"Rite of Reception of the Robe." In thelast analysis, the monastic robesymbolizes the placenta; one also callsit ena kdjin, a namethat designates the spiritof corporealvitality. It is also called"clan deity" (ujigami ft#). It is a kami thatconstantly protects human life.30

As an envelopprotecting and nourishingthe fetus, the placenta was oftencompared to themonastic robe (Jp. Kesa Sk. ka aya), and sometimesalso to thecocoon of the silkworm.The notionthat this placenta is thetwin of the fetus, and consequentlyits protector, is foundin manytraditional cultures, and it explainsthe precautions taken to disposeof it afterthe child's delivery.31 The burialof the placenta was in Japanthe object of a simplified funeraryrite. Even after that, however, the placenta's spirit (enagami , or enakojiri) remained linkedto thechild.32 My hypothesisis thatDaruma came to be perceived,in circumstances thatremain obscure, as such a placentadeity - a god whichwas oftendescribed as "the warpand woof of heaven and earth."33

Gods ofDestiny Two otherexamples of suchdeities are Juzenji and Ugajin.Juzenji was until theMeiji Restoration one ofthe gods of the Hie shrine(known today as HiyoshiTaisha) in Sakamoto,at thefoot of Mt. Hiei.Juzenji is usuallyrepresented as a youngchild ( chigo ) or a Buddhistnovice (Figure 9). Accordingto theSanno hiydki pL]3i®ilWE, "He is thegod [who protects]the longevity and happinessof the placenta of all beings.From the outset, since the fiverevolutions in thematernal womb, and tillthe quietude of thelast thought at theend of life,all beingsare protectedby thisgod."34 The demiurgicnature of Juzenji appears in

- 29 Sangaiisshinki jr.# (variant:Sanken itchi sho - If-*ifc-ir, ca.1644) in Washio 1930, p. 530. 30 SeeIshikawa 1985, p. 109.For more details, see Faure 1995. 31 See,for instance, theJavanese case described byC. G Seligman(Seligman 1938). 32 Onthis point, see Nakamura 1999. 33 SeeSanno hiydki lllEEi&ifgfi, p.539. 34 Ibid.

varioustexts that state that he is thegod ofthe "warp and woofof heaven and earth." A similarexpression is used in thecase of Ugajin,a godoften represented as a coiledsnake with the head of an old man.35Both protect human life from the moment of itsconception to themoment of death.As such,they are identifiedwith the astral deity of "FundamentalDestiny" (honmyd thatis, with the god of the Pole Star. Such is alsothe case with Matarajin which, as SuzukiMasataka has shown,was a typical"god of destiny" (.shukujin ), an astral and embryologicaldeity that governed life on both the macrocosmicand microcosmic, astral and uterine planes.36 The prevalenceof Zen orthodoxyprobably explains whywe do notpossess similarly explicit documents con- cerningBodhidharma. We haveto seekelsewhere, in less controlledsources like populariconography or legend. For instance,a representationat the Darumaji representing him at the centerof the twelveanimals or spatio- temporalsigns of the Chinese cycle (Rat, Ox, Tiger,etc.) seemsto suggestthat, like Ugajin and Juzenji, he was also seenby some as a rulerof "fundamental destiny." Indeed, in anotherof his main cultic centers,the Shorinzan Figure9.Juzenji zd.Muromachi period, he is associatedwith Chintaku 15thcentury. Hanging scroll, color Darumaji, openly Reifujin onsilk. 57.2 x 25.3cm. Collection of in otherwords, Myoken Bosatsu L#S£,the HieizanEnryakuji. (Reproduced with godof the Pole Star or of the Northern Asterism {hokushin permission)From catalog Saicho to Tendainokokuho ill. w. 180.Kyoto National Museum, 2005. The perceptionof Daruma as shukujinis suggestedby othersources, like the Meishukushu by KonparuZenchiku Thiswork confers on thefigure of theold man,Okina H, thecharacter of a primordialdeity, and claimsthat the main Japanese gods and Bud- dhistpatriarchs are so manymanifestations of Okina. One of thesepatriarchs is precisely Bodhidharma,whose relationships with Shotoku Taishi are dulyreported by Zenchiku. The latteralso tellsthe strange tradition according to which,during a ritualrecitation of theShomankyd SHitlS (Sk. Srimaladevisihanada-sutra :), one of thepriests, having lost the rhythm,was threateningthe order of the ceremony, when a frogin thepond in frontof the templeleapt on a rock,and beganto croakrhythmically: the frog was able to imposethe rightcadence again. Interrogated about the incident, Shotoku Taishi allegedly declared that thisfrog was a manifestationof Bodhidharma,who had come to his rescue.Despite the apocryphalnature of thatremark, it suggestsa conceptionof Bodhidharmaquite different fromthat of theZen patriarch.Yet Zenchiku was veryaware of theZen tradition,and at one pointhe describesOkina in termsborrowed from it. Not onlywas Bodhidharmaa manifestationof thebodhisattva Avalokites'vara (Kannon), as theChinese tradition has it;

35 SeeYamamoto 1998, pp. 348-55. 36 Suzuki2001. 37 SeePinnington 1998, pp. 492-518.

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accordingto Japanesetradition, he is also said to havebeen reincarnatedin theperson of eminentmonks like Gyoki and Eisai t^®.38 However,the relationsbetween Bodhidharma and Okina as primordialdeity in his roleof shukujin , that is, astral deity and god ofdestiny as wellas ofstations and limits- so manyassociations suggested by theterm shuku - are stillmore complex than suggested by Zenchiku.Two manifestationsof theshukujin were Hata no Kawakatsu and Nichira0® (Kr. Ilia), two mendescribed as supernaturalallies of ShotokuTaishi in his fightagainst the powersof evil representedby Mononobeno Moriya.39However, like Moriya,Kawakatsu has a distinctlydemonic aspect. His legendtells that this man, who had beendiscovered as a childin a boatstranded on thebank, went back to sea at theend of hislife. His boateventually landed in Shakushibay in Harima,and whenfishermen found it,Kawakatsu no longerlooked like a humanbeing. Because of thecalamities he beganto cause,he was finallyworshiped as a god calledTaiko (var.Osake) Daimyojin "GreatWild BrightDeity." The samegod cameto be worshipedlater at Koryuji in Uzumasa (Kyoto),a monasteryoriginally founded for Kawakatsu and his clan,the Hata. The cultof Matarajin, another foreign deity linked to epidemicsand a manifestation of theshukujin , is stillperformed in thismonastery, in particularduring the famous "Ox Festival"{ushi matsuri 4^S) ofthe tenth month. Afterbecoming the preceptor of ShotokuTaishi and helpinghim to defeatMoriya, theKorean general Nichira (Ilia), withdrew to Mt. Atago wherehe becamedeified as a manifestationof ShogunJizo (GeneralJizo), the leader of thatmountain's tengu.As YanagidaKunio has shown,the term "shogun" also refersto theambulatory astral deityDaishogun and to the"Shogun tumuli" (shogunzuka thatwere said to protect,like Mount Atago itself, the capital from demonic attacks and epidemics.40In other words,the deified form of Nichira seems to sharewith that of Kawakatsuand withthe sae nokami (or dosojin) the characteristics ofgods of the limits. Thesame is trueof Bodhidharma. We justsaw him intervene on twoaccounts, as protectorof a strategicpoint (Kataoka) under the form of crossroad deity, and as theofficiating priestof a ritefor the protection of the state under the form of a batrachian.According to a joruriplay by Chikamatsu he is also saidto haveblinded Moriya, under the form of a malevolentspirit.41 Thus Bodhidharma, Hata no Kawakatsuand Nichiraseem functionally relatedas protectorsand/or preceptors of ShotokuTaishi, and it is temptingto follow Zenchikuwhen he considersthem as threeaspects of the same primordialdeity: Okina underhis form as shukujin, an ambivalentgod ofdestiny, worshiped among other things as a pestilencegod. The termshukujin is sometimeswritten sukujin (palace-protecting deity),and it seemsthat this god was indeedworshiped as protectorof the imperial palace. Whenone considers,however, that the term "palace" llf also designatesthe mother's womb, theappellation sukujin (shukujin) seems also appropriatefor a placentadeity.

38 TheKeiran shuydshu notesin passing this biographical detail after reporting how, during Eisai 's returntrip from China, his boat was followed for a whileby a floatingisland. Afterwards, Eisaireveals thatit was actually a priest by the name of Hosshobo, reincarnated asone of the dragons ofthe submarine dragon-palaceandassimilated here implicitly tothe goddess Benzaiten (T. 76,p. 627b).On Gyoki as an avatarofBodhidharma, seeKido 1932. 39 SeeZenchiku, Meishuku shu, in Omote and Kato 1974, p. 407. 40 Yanagida1990, vol. 15, pp. 23, 76. 41 SeeShotoku Taishi eden quotedin Kido 1932, pp. 389-99.

A Demon Come fromAfar Like the Korean generalIlia, Bodhidharma is a foreigner.He mayalso be relatedto another Korean,Shinra Myojin thetutelary deity of Miidera (Onjoji (Figure10). In documentsof the Miidera,this mysterious god is tracedback to themountain god of Song shan j® |1|, who dwelt (like Bodhidharma)in a cave of thatmountain, and who becamean epidemicgod. Althoughthe Chan traditionhas notrecorded this, Bodhidharmacould well have been identifiedwith thismountain god.42 ShinraMyojin came to Japanat the timeof Enchin's (ca. 814-891) returnfrom China, and he establishedhimself as a protectorof Miidera. While his name refersto the Koreankingdom of Silla,it essentially means that this god was perceived as an "alien"god. As it turnsout, it seemsto be originallya god of mixedorigins, part Chinese and part Korean. In some versions,he is givenother names,one ofwhich is Kingof Mt. Song(Songshan wang) SS|JL|3i,and he is said to have manifested himselfa numberof timesin China to expelpesti- lencedemons.43 Thus, thisgod is noneother than a mountaingod, thetutelary deity of Mt. Song- a who,in theChan tradition,is saidto received god Figure10. Shinra Myojin zo.KamaKura period, theChan precepts (also called "Bodhidharma's Mind 13thCentury. Color on silk. 86.7 x 39.4cm. Precepts" fromChan mastersof the CollectionofOnjoji (Miidera). (Reproduced withpermission) so-calledNorthern School (Ch. Beizong^th). His maintemple was a cave on Mt. Song,perhaps the samecave where Bodhidharma is saidto havesat in meditationfor nine years. It seemsthus quitepossible that, in popularimagination, the figure of the fierce Indian ascetic eventually mergedwith that of themountain god. Indeed,the mountain god can driveoff pestilence becausehe was himself perceived initially as a pestilencegod - at leastuntil he was converted to Buddhism.In anycase, this seems to providethe missing link between the early legend of Bodhidharmaon Mt. Songand his later redefinition as smallpox deity.44 Anotherlink connects Shinra Myojin with the "raging god," Susano'o no MikotoSf ISBlHik Interestingly,oneof the names of that god is readin Japanese Susan-o (King of Mt. Song), a name

42 Therelation between goryo and Shinra Myojin isimplicit inthe identification between the malevolent spirit ofthe priest Raigo and the god. The posthumous anger of Raigo is said to have killed the emperor Go Sanjowho, fearing the reaction ofHieizan monks, had refused tolet Raigo build an ordination platform at Miidera.See Yamamoto 1998, p. 53. 43 Yamamoto1998, pp. 86-98. 44 Notealso that, in the Soto Zen tradition, Bodhidharma is usually represented inthe main Hall as a counterpartofDaigen shuri, another Chinese mountain god (like the god of Mt. Song). On Daigen shuri, seeDurt 1983.

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stronglyreminiscent ofthe kami Susano'o.45 In somesources, the latter, after being exiled from Japanfor having threatened his sister Amatarasu, is saidto haveemigrated to Korea.Susano'o was also assimilatedto Gozu Tenno themost powerful epidemic god ofmedieval Japan.Like Shinra Myojin, Susano'o is a fundamentallyambivalent deity, who could protect from epidemicswhen worshipped properly, but could as welldestroy the unbelievers through the same epidemics.Thus, the priests of Miidera or ofGion shrine held this veiled threat over the heads ofthe ruler and his people. Thus did the emperor die for having brought on himselfthe anger of Raigo,a Miiderapriest whose resentful spirit (onryo ) was related to Shinra Myojin. Susano'ois saidto havemanifested himself in Chinaas thegod ofMt. Song.46He first appearedto theJapanese priest Enchin (the monk who foundedMiidera and introduced ShinraMyojin) as a theriomorphicfigure, with a man's head and a snake'sbody. As such,he calls to mindthe snake god Ugajin.We recallthat at leastone representationof Bodhidharma,the so-called Ryumaki Daruma whose head emerges from the coils of a snake, seemedlinked to thatof Ugajin.But, as mentionedearlier, there are someother symbolic associationsbetween Bodhidharma and Ugajin- oneof them being the figure of Juzenji. Let us mentiona Darumadoll witha beardand longeyebrows forming the Chinese character"eight," and therefore called "Hachioji no Daruma"(the "Character Eight Daruma"). The term"hachioji" immediately evokes the "Eight Princes" (hachioji A£-f), childrenor emissariesof thepestilence god Gozu Tenno,mentioned above. Another form of Daruma, called"Tama Daruma" ^0®®, waswidespread in sericulturalregions where the cult of the Hachiojiflourished. Incidentally, the representation of Gozu Tennostanding on a reedboat mayshed some light on thestrange legendary episode of Bodhidharmacrossing the Yangzi river.Epidemic deities were related to water, and often came from the West, crossing large bod- iesof water. They were also expulsed on reedboats.

The Red Threat Thered robe is obviouslyone of the elements that, together with his nature as shukujin, contributedto the metamorphosisof Daruma into a deityof epidemics.In particular, theprevalence of smallpoxin earlymodern Japan explains the popularity of the okiagari Daruma doll. As the diseasebecame endemic, people were resigned to succumbingto it oncein theirlife, and onlyprayed that it would be light."Treatment by the red" (beni rydhd wasfound in Europeas well.The god ofsmallpox is saidto likethe red color, so one triesto pleasehim in thehope of being cured quickly. It is difficultto saywhether Daruma was connectedto smallpoxdeities because he is red- or theother way around. At anyrate, thered color of Daruma's robe is highlysignificant.47 The symbolismof Darumahas recentlybeen studied by Yoshino Hiroko in herbook Daruma no minzokugaku.A%Unfortunately, Yoshino tends to reduceall mythologicalele- mentsto complicatedspeculations on thesymbolism of yin yang and thefive phases (wuxing H^ff)of Chinesecosmology. If, in Daruma'scase, her theory has themerit of drawingour attentionto thesymbolic importance of the"red man," she goes too farwhen she reduces

45 SeeOnjdji denki inDai Nihon bukkyo zensho p.59. 46 Yamamoto1998, pp. 96-97. 47 Indeed,while Bodhidharma isoften represented inKorean paintings, henever wears a red robe. 48 SeeYoshino 1995.

himto a meresymbol of thefire element. She evenomits to mentionthat Daruma was a smallpoxdeity, and shefocuses on theNew YearFestival, during which Daruma dolls were sold,interpreting itas a firefestival. One shouldalso mentionin thisepidemic context the relation (or affinities)between Daruma and a figurecalled "orangoutan" {shojo). In Chineseand Japaneseimagination, theorang outan was a monkeywith human features, who was veryfond of wine (hence his crimsonface). Hie termshdjd is used figurativelyto designate a drunkard,and the"orang outanfever" {shoko netsu ^§^1^) designatesscarlet fever.49 This animal was also famousfor itsstupidity. According to Kida Sadakichi,the image of theshdjd transformed around the Muromachiperiod, for obscure reasons, from that of dull, anthropoid ape intothat of a god of fortuneliving in thesea (and moreprecisely in the nagapalace), and whichcould give immortalityto men.50It was evenfor a whileincluded into the group of the"Seven Gods of Fortune"(shichifukujin -fcfeW). In thenoh playShdjd , a shojoappears under the form of a childto an inn-keeperto buysome wine, while another gets trapped in the netof a fisherman,whom he willlater reward for having released him. The shojo was also believedto possessa wineflask that never emptied - a signthat he was a god ofwealth and immortality. He was also,however, perceived as a malevolentspirit (gory 6), thatof individualswho had died in exile.Finally, he came to be perceivedas a god of epidemics,and in particularof smallpox- hereagain, probably because of his redcolor. His imageis sometimesassociated to thatof Shuten Doji theyouthful demon of Oeyama a wine-loverand an epidemicdeity.51 Thus, the hosogami festival that took place in 1836was called shojo matsuri .52 A shojodoll, sometimes resembling the Daruma doll, was worshiped in housesstruck by smallpox.The cult of the shojo is saidto go backto thefounder of the Obaku MIS sectof Zen, theChinese priest Yinyuan Longqi (Jp.Ingen Ryuki, 1592-1673), who established a ritecentered on thisfigure in orderto alleviatea smallpoxepidemic.53 According to this tradition,the same Ingen served as modelfor the dolls of the "little monk who bounces back" (okiagarikoboshi Thatis, in orderto thankIngen for placating the shojo and alleviatedthe epidemics, his followers fabricated an imageof him resembling that of the Chinese"old man who neverfalls" (i budaowen , J. futoo and thetwo images (of the shojoand thepriest) came to be worshipedside by side. One findssome representations ofthe shojounder the form of two dolls, looking like Daruma (only a littletaller), holding a ladle,ac- companiedby two okigari koboshi (Darumadolls of both sexes). It is thereforenot througha mere coincidence that the Daruma doll can be foundnear the shojo on thedomestic altarto thesmallpox deities. To these "epidemic"affinities suggested by the rednessof the complexionor of the robe,one could add othersless epidermal,like the elusiverelations of Daruma with monkeysin general,and perhapsalso withthe simian Sarutahiko. For somewhatobscure

49 Theterm shdjd also designates "ano mask, representing theghost of a youngman with similar colors, aswell asa redscarf with which - in a magico-therapeuticgesture- one covered the head of the sick individual." SeeRotermund 1991, p. 274. 50 SeeKida 1976; see also Casal 1956, pp. 48-49. Casal thinks that the figure ofthe shdjd may have been influencedbythat of the Greek satyr, another great drinker. 51 Takahashi1992, pp. 102-104. 52 See"Fude makase," inNihon shomin seikatsu shiryo shusei vol.2, s.v.1836/12/2; quotedin Rotermund 1991, p. 274. 53 SeeJushu honzo komoku keimo jSfi: (1844),quoted in Rotermund 1991, pp. 96-97.

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reasons,Daruma is said to be a protectorof horsesand monkeys.A ratherunusual motif is thatof his relationwith the "Prince of thestable" (umayado no dji thatis, ShotokuTaishi, whose legend has himborn in a stable.On thatoccasion, Bodhidharma, whohad beenreincarnated as a horse,is said to haveneighed three times.54 His presenceat theside of the newborn baby may have to do withthe notion of Daruma as "placentadeity." Daruma was also the patronof horseveterinaries, and appearshimself in the Satsuma regionas a veterinary.The function of protector of horses also callsto mindBuddhist deities suchas thebodhisattvas Kokuzo j363?j§G,Memyo ®B!|, and Bato KannonSSHHIb1, and legendsabout the origins of silkworms and sericulture.55 Monkeyswere apparently used in somerites against smallpox. They were perceived as themessengers of thegod Shozenshin,a deityof Indianorigin whose rite was allegedly transmittedto Japanby Bodhidharma. It is worthnoting that the name of that god recalls thatof Juzenji, the Hieizan deity whose role we havediscussed, and whoalso had monkeys as emissaries.In ritesagainst smallpox, one madea monkeydance (saru mawashi to determinewhether the illness would be lightor not.According to theSaru mawashino ki, "Themain deity {honzon ofthe saru mawashi is thefirst patriarch (Bodhidharma), itsprotecting deity is Sarutahiko."56The apotropaicfunction of thisrite is underscoredby theSaruya denki , which mentions a legendaccording to whichSarutahiko made monkeys dancein orderto routthe demons' army.57 Daruma was thereforeone of the "fashionablegods," which have been describedas characteristicofthe Edo period.58A classic case of hayarigami is the namazu tl, a catfish-like deityheld responsible for earthquakes, and whichone triedto placateby a cult.Cornelius Ouwehandhas describedthe resurgence of thenamazu cult after the great Edo earthquake 59 in 1855. The affinitythis deity shares with Daruma as "godof calamities"(yakujin /5#) is suggestedby an ukiyo-erepresenting Daruma as namazu.It is a kindof visual game, in whichthe monster's mouth becomes the head of Daruma, as he looksthrough a breachin a wall.60According to W. L. Hildburgh,Daruma was indeedstill worshiped at thebeginning of thiscentury as a protectoragainst earthquakes.61 But he also had threateningaspects, as one couldexpect. Another drawing represents him as a monsterwith long teeth (kikai no Daruma He wasfor instance the patron of beggars and consequently,like the namazu, a figureof thechaos that constantly threatened the established order.63 The "red" aspectof Darumatakes a darkerconnotation with the motif of the"bloody Daruma" (chi

54 Kido1932, p. 526. 55 Itmay be worth mentioning herethat Hata no Kawakatsu, thecontemporary ofBodhidharma inShotoku Taishi'slegend, isrecorded inthe Nihon shoki as puttingan endto a millenariancultwhose deity was a "worm."On the cult of that strange deity, see Nihon shoki, NKBT, and Aston 1972, pp. 188-89. See also Como2009, pp. 142-45. In the Uzumasa district ofthe capital, the ancient fief of the Hata, not far from Koryuji(where every year the Matarajin festival orOx festival still takes place), there isa shrinededicated to thedeity of silkworms, theKogai Jinja 56 Kido1932, p. 527. 57 Ibid.,p. 528. 58 Thebest work on this question remains Miyata 1993. 59 SeeOuwehand 1964. 60 Kido1932, p. 510. 61 SeeHildburgh 1918, p. 57. Hildburgh omits mentioning therelationship between Daruma and the namazu, andemphasizes rather the image of the "unmovable" Daruma. 62 Kido1932, pp. 511,523. 63 Ibid.,p. 523.

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Daruma ifllS0), foundin variousmelodramatic plays of theEdo theatricalrepertory, in whichthe image of Darumais maculatedwith blood.64 This kind of association shows that he was notalways, nor everywhere, the innocent companion of children's play, but often the witnessof darker scenes.

Bodhidharmaagainst the Stream Afterexamining the many-stranded nature of the popular Daruma, let us see howour interpretationmay shed retrospective light on a representationwell known to historiansof Sino-Japaneseart, that of "Bodhidharma crossing the Yangzi on a reed-leaf." The oldesttreatment of thetheme dates from the beginning of thethirteenth century, and it containsan inscriptionby Rujing (1163-1228),the masterof thefounder of the Soto schoolof Zen, Dogen iStE (1200-1253). A secondpainting, preserved in the TokugawaArt Museum, shows an inscriptionby the Chan master,Wuzhun Shifan (1177-1249).65There is also an inscriptionon stonedated to themid eleventh century, from theShaolin monastery ^#^f.66 Li Chu-tsingmade a firststudy of the theme. Li focuseson a paintingby Ding Yunpeng,preserved in theCharles A. DrenowatzCollection in Zurich, and findsit to be atypicalof Chan paintingson thesame theme. He seesin it merely"an interestinginterlude in thedevelopment of Chan painting."His interpretationis that of Chan orthodoxy,and his methodology that of classical art history.67 A morerecent and interestingattempt is thatof Charles Lachman. Lachman notes that thefirst "biography" of Bodhidharma to mentionthe strange crossing dates from 1108, and thatthe theme does not become widespread before the thirteenth century.68 Wondering why thisepisode, represented on stoneand in painting,was omittedfrom written records, he remarks:"Unless, of course, the representation ofBodhidharma on a reedhad at thetime a meaningdifferent from the one itwas to acquirelater." He seemsto be ontosomething here, evenif in theend he is unableto freehimself from the interpretive constraints of traditional Chan. Thus,while claiming rightly that the motif of therush leaf has been on thewhole ignoredby both art historians and Buddhologists,Lachman himself eludes the problem - notwithout noticing that, to crossa riveras largeas theYangzi, "the rush leaf would not appearto be theobvious solution."69 Accordingto Lachman,who takesup a suggestionfrom Helmut Brinker, this image combines(or resonates with) various themes and sources,in particularthose of "Sakyamuni emergingfrom the Mountain"(Ch. chushanShijia; Jp.shussen Shaka f±i[llf?M)and of "Guanyinwith a WillowBranch" (Ch. YangliuGuanyin; Jp. Yoryu Kannon The Rushleaf motif, however, "is notin essencea biographicalnarrative, as heretoforebelieved," Lachmantells us,

64 Seefor instance Asakusa reigenki, quoted in Kido 1932, pp. 403-411. 65 beeLachman 1993, p. 253. 66 Ibid.,p. 258. 67 SeeLi 1971. 68 Lachman1993, p. 25 7. 69 Ibid.,p. 258.Significantly, thetitle of his essay has become "Why did the Patriarch Cross the River?" Thereed/rush appears only in the subtitle, toqualify the Indian patriarch ("The Rush leaf Bodhidharma Reconsidered").

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"butrather a layeredand polysemousicon of theparadigmatic patriarch, an imagethat structurally and thematicallymakes simultaneous reference to boththe Buddha and hismomentous decision to emergefrom the mountains; to theattainment of nirvaa by "crossingto the othershore"; to thearhats who diligentlystruggle to fordthe stream; and to thepoetic voice (from the Classicof Poetry) that will not be keptfrom its desired goal bymerely physical obstacles.In someway, each of thesestrands inscribes the self-salvific efforts and determinationthat the Chan schoolchampioned in generaland invested in Bodhidharmain particular."70

It is possiblethat these references played a rolein the contextsof Chan or literati painting.But obviously,apart from an allusionto thepassage of theShi jing ("Who saysthe river is wide?/Ona singlereed you can crossit!"71), none mentions the motif they aresupposed to explain,that is, the reed. This is theproblem when one limits interpretation to theChan contextof patriarchal transmission or to theartistic context, since the figure of Bodhidharmahas clearlygone beyond these contexts to diffuseitself in popularculture and mergewith folkloric motifs.72 This second level of interpretationtends to appearrather in minorforms (ukiyo-e, netsuke , e-hon ), wherethe narrative is lesscontrolled than in theor- thodoxtextual tradition. What appears to be a dubious,aberrant syncretism, and therefore unworthyof study, reveals perhaps the deeper logic at work. A clue is unwittinglyprovided by Li Chi-tsingwhen he mentionsthe existence of a Japanesepainting of the beginning of the fourteenth century (currently atJodoji ^zh^F, in modernday Shizuoka Prefecture), which contains an inscriptionfrom the Chinese Zen mas- - - terYishan Yining |_U (Jp.Issan Ichinei, 1244-1317). This work depicts Bodhidharma "as a massive,brawny figure, with a hugehead with impressive features,. . . holding a trident, [witha] halo aroundhis head."73The motifof the tridentrather calls to mindTantric deities:in theSino-Japanese context, one knowsfor instance several representations of the Gandharva-King,a frightening figure who tames the demons causing infantile diseases and impalestheir heads on histrident, while being himself visibly of demonic origin.74 The motifof thereed leaf points toward the same direction. We findin somedocu- mentsof the Gozu Tenno shrinein Tsushima (Owari,modern Gifu prefecture), a versionof the Japanese creation myth in whichthe sun goddess Amaterasu, standing on the FloatingBridge of Heaven, stirs the ocean below with the tip of her spear, creating with the foamthus produced the island of Tsushima. At thatmoment, an old manappears, standing on a reedleaf. He introduceshimself as thetutelary god of thatland, and declaresthat he willlater on becomea god ofepidemics. In othervariants, the old manis clearlydesignated as Gozu Tenno,and thereed leaf becomes a one-prongedvajra, a Tantricritual instrument, whichin turngives birth to theJapanese archipelago.75 We recallthat, during the ritual of

70 Lachman1993, p. 266. 71 Watson1984, p. 25. 72 Thecase of the namazu , a favorite motif ofsome Zen paintings, andOuwehand's treatment ofits mythological background,constitutes a paradigmatic example ofthe need to go beyond sectarian Zen interpretations. 73 SeeFontein and Hickman 1970, pp. 53-56. 74 Seefor instance Kakuzensho inT. Zuzo 4, pp. 366-375. 75 SeeYamamoto 1998, pp. 586-88. On Japan as a "divineland" in the shape of a one-prongedvajra, see also Keiranshuyoshu , T.76, p. 626.

expulsionof epidemics, as it is stillperformed at Tsushima,Gozu Tenno,having been duly worshipedin hisshrine, is sentoff ad patreson a reedboat. The motifof the reed leaf seems thereforeto connectGozu Tennoand Bodhidharma,as epidemicdeities. We can nowunderstand that Daruma's wrathful face is a clueto his demonicnature. Like thefamous demon-queller Shoki ttM (Ch. Zhongkui),he was initiallya malevolent spiritwho, once dulypropitiated, became a protectorinvoked in exorcisms.The factthat he becamean objectof derisionshould not be misinterpreted.To be sure,his caricature representsan anticlericalcritique of dissolute monks; but humor and laughteralso represent an attemptto assuagethe fear that he inspired.His functionas pestilencegod is onlyone aspect- themost visible - ofhis demonic nature. Evenin theZen school,another conception, more complex, of thepatriarch Bodhid- harmaseems to haveemerged. Thus, in a latebiography of the Soto Zen masterDogen, we learnthat the latter, having fallen ill duringhis tripto China,was savedin extremisby the god ofInari whogave him a pillthat "dispels poisons and curesall diseases."76In the earlierversions, however, it was theChinese deity Daigen shuri a mountaingod, protectorof themonastery where Dogen had stayed,who came to therescue.77 And in a latervariant, it is thedaughter of the naga king (who in theLotus sutra gives to theBuddha thewish-fulfilling jewel). She is depicted,emerging from the water to givethe remedy to themonks of Dogen'sescort, while a giganticDaruma emergesfrom a valleybehind the hills.78We recallthat, in theChinese legend, Bodhidharma had beenpoisoned, which, in mythologicallogic, makes him a specialistof poisons.79Indeed, it is onlyafter two unsuc- cessfulattempts in whichthe poison did notseem to affecthim that,having transmitted his teachingto his discipleHuike fit "I, he knowinglytook the poison and decidedto leave thisworld. The functionof Rectorof destinieswhich, as we haveseen, was perhapsan importantaspect of thecult of Daruma,also evokesthese texts, widespread in Tendaiand largelyinspired from Daoism, on theso-called "Method of Bodhidharma to knowthe time ofone's death." We mayalso notethat Daruma and Daigenshuri are worshiped as a pair,at theback of the main altar of the Dharma Hall in Soto monasteries.80This cult calls to mind thatof the "back door" (ushirodo tfkP) of Japanese Buddhist temples, dedicated to thegod Matarajinand similardeities, protectors with a dubiouspast or an ambivalentnature.81 The imageof Daruma is usuallylocated on theleft (the north west), Daigen shuri on theright (on thenorth east) - twodirections associated with the "Demon gate" {kimon jftf3^).

Daruma as God ofFortune We can at longlast return to ourinitial question: Why did Darumabecome so popular in theEdo period?It is theresult of a complexevolution, which metamorphosed him from a "malevolentspirit" to a crossroaddeity. Thereafter, the image of Darumaseems to bifurcate

76 SeeTeiho Kenzeiki zue (1802). 77 SeeDurt 1983, pp. 607-608. 78 SeeEchizen no kuni Eiheiji kaisanki 1$M [II (1689),Tokyo Daigaku Shiryo Hensanjo^M^C^ I amindebted toDuncan Williams for this reference. 79 Notein this respect that smallpox was perceived asa kindof "fetal" poisoning caused by the mother. See Furth1999, pp. 172-182. 80 Durt1983, p. 608. 81 SeeSuzuki 2001, pp. 197-337.

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intoa god of the placentaand a rulerof humandestinies, and an epidemicdeity and- througha propitiationthat leads to a finalinversion of signs- into a god of fortune.Many factorscontributed to this metamorphosis.If I haveinsisted here on thesymbolic dimension, it is clearthat not everythinghas happenedat thatlevel, and thatsociological and economicfactors have also playeda role.82The development,from theend of the Muromachi period onward, of largeurban and commercialagglomerations likeSakai, Osaka, and Edo, and of centers ofproduction and dissemination ofproducts respondingto thenew urban culture, must obviouslybe takeninto account. It is at this timethat "Daruma markets"appear.83 At Figure11. Daruma and omikuji. Horinji (Darumadera), thesame time, the progressive disappearance Kyoto.(Photo: B. Faure) of social groupslike theshdmonji who,in theirdoor-to-door calling {kadozuke ofthe New Year,had playedan important rolein thedevelopment and the preservation ofrituals centered on certaingods of fortune, and at thesame time slowed down their "popularization," may have been instrumental. According to KomatsuKazuhiko, these deities, from the moment they were no longerassociated to specialized,low-caste groups {shdmonji or hinin#A), losttheir aura of strangeness and were folklorized.84Such was perhaps the case with Daruma, given his linkage to beggars. Darumaspopularity is also clearlyrelated to thevogue of the tumbler dolls as goodluck charms{engimono) (Figure 11). Actually, the first tumbler dolls were not Daruma dolls, but anotherfigure called okiagari koboshi (the little monk who bounces back). The term, like that of Daruma,came to designate prostitutes inthe slang of Edo.85 This "little monk" (or "kid," another meaningof koboshi ), appeared in Japan only toward the Muromachi period, but he had a Chinese predecessor,which seems to havebeen popular since the Tang. The Chinese doll was called bud- aoweng (Jp.futoo, "the old man who never falls"). As notedearlier, the notion of okiagari , "bouncingback on ones feet,"evoked a rapidcure, and in thiscase the hope of a lightsmallpox. Thissymbolism may have paved the way to Darumastransformation intoa hosogami.Indeed, it is onlywhen these tumbler dolls {okiagari Daruma) came to be associatedwith smallpox in Japan thatthey became truly popular, more than they had ever been in China.86

82 Seeon this point, Belleville 2000. 83 Thecommercial aspect of Daruma isdescribed inMinegishi 2002 and McFarland 1987. 84 Komatsu1998, pp. 138-140. 85 Kido1932, p. 568. 86 On Chinesetumblers, see Kido 1932, pp. 574-75; on Korean tumblers, see ibid., pp. 577-78. The developmentofthe okiagari Daruma in the countryside (andmore particularly Eastern and Northern Japan) waspermitted byanother development, thatof silkworm breeding. The Daruma doll became an object of goodluck (engimono ) forsericulture. Theembryological symbolism that,associates Daruma with silkworms {mayuDaruma) may also point toward the practice ofmushi okuri. Although silkworms arebeneficial, they diein large numbers, andmight become goryo themselves.

Farfrom being the paradigmatic figure of Zen individualism,Daruma is merelyone of themost visible elements (doubtless due to his robe'scolor) of a complex,largely submerged networkor rhizome,made of symbols,individuals, institutions, practices, objects, and tuttiquanti . The linksthat the above analysis tried to disengage,or sometimesthe dotted linesit merelysuggested, are not all verifiable,and somemay turn out to be unreal.My claimis thatthis, however, does notaffect the heuristic value of themethod. I havebeen tryingto explainthe sudden emergence of theDaruma cultafter the end of themedieval period.To thateffect, I had to removeDaruma from his habitualcontext (that of theZen tradition)and placehim in anothercontext (that of popular religion and folklore).Through thattransfer, the object as well as the methodof studyhave been radicallytransformed. As a result,the symbol has founda new freedom,a capacityof transformationwhich is thatof all populargods, and whichthe Zen tradition,by deprivingDaruma of his legs, had amputated.This symbol, which had longincubated within the Zen schooland on its margins,suddenly spread in rapidand irresistiblefashion. The triggermechanism seems to havebeen the convergenceof variousfactors - socio-economic,epidemiological, icono- graphical,technical (the tumbling doll), among others. It wouldbe vainto attemptto catch sightof the rare occasions in whichthis symbol surfaced in textualor iconographicsources, becauseits spread in people'sminds seems to follow(appropriately for a god ofsmallpox) an epidemiologicalmodel. Rather, it is ourheuristic model that may help us understandtextual or iconographicsources - justlike Ouwehand's study of thenamazu lore provides a better backgroundto understandthe famous Zen paintingof the monk trying to catcha namazu witha gourdthan any orthodox Zen interpretation.87 Daruma'scase is by no meansexceptional, however. He is indeedrepresentative of a wholecategory of hybridgods thatare neitherbuddhas nor kami, and havefallen largely throughthe cracksof a traditionalscholarship that is too oftenobsessed with textual sources,with a searchfor origins and genealogicaldevelopments, and withclear-cut divine personalities.There are significant exceptions, for instance Ouwehand's magisterial study of thenamazu. Likewise, my analysis of Daruma,while giving the historical context its due, showsthat only a "systemic"or structuralapproach can explainthe subterranean influence orlong percolation of certain symbols or notionsand theirresurgence centuries later within newsymbolic formations that come to a suddenefflorescence when encountering proper socio-historicalconditions.

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