Aspects of Prehistoric Wiyot Exchange and Social Ranking

RICHARD E. HUGHES

NTHROPOLOGISTS have long been ants of California during the prehistoric and A aware of the distinctive appearance ofthe ethnographic periods. In many areas of the culture of the Yurok, Karok, Hupa, Wiyot, and state, natural deposits of this volcanic glass Tolowa Indians of northwestern California were close at hand and were readily exploited (Kroeber 1904, 1920,1922,1953:30). Although by local groups for use in fashioning a wide the ethnographic record attests to the elabo­ variety of chipped stone implements. In other rate ceremonial system operative throughout areas, northwestern California in particular, most of this area, we have as yet no firm grasp no natural deposits of obsidian existed and the on how far back in time this system may have historic peoples here were obliged to engage in been in operation, nor any reasonably well- reciprocal exchange relations with neighbor­ documented information about the time depth ing groups to obtain it. Obsidian was the raw for the social ranking and exchange relations material favored by the Yurok, Karok, Hupa, which existed among these groups. Wiyot, and Tolowa for large "blades" (techni­ In order to bring new data to bear on some cally bifaces) displayed during dances. These aspects of these anthropological concerns, bifaces varied markedly in length and shape, obsidian artifacts associated with graves at the but were usually either bipointed or straight prehistoric Wiyot site of Dulawo't (CA-Hum- based, and valued according to length, color, 67 on Gunther Island) were subjected to non­ and fineness of flaking. The preference for destructive X-ray fluorescence analysis to de­ exotic obsidians over locally available cherts termine the geographical source of the raw probably related to the occurrence of blocks of material used in their manufacture. These obsidian of sufficient size at the quarry sources prehistoric data, combined with brief sketches that large, ostentatious finished pieces could be of the ceremonial system and obsidian sources, obtained. Although local cherts were utilized are consonant in part with observations derived in the manufacture of projectile points and from the ethnographic record although some bifaces, obsidian is more easily flaked; it could new insights into the dimensions of social be obtained in a variety of black, red, gray, ranking are offered. It is suggested that the banded, and mottled hues; and it could be social, exchange, and ceremonial systems evi­ manipulated by skiUed craftsmen into aestheti­ dent during the ethnographic period were in cally pleasing forms. The distance involved in operation at Dulawo't by at least 600 years securing large obsidian pieces (some up to 30" ago. long) added to their value and scarcity. These Obsidian was widely used by the inhabit­ obsidian implements, along with Dentalium 54 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY shells, red woodpecker scalps, and albino Mountain made those large blades used deerskins, formed an integral part of the down-river [VoegeUn 1942:201]. wealth emphasis and ceremonial complex so Although northeast California was ac­ apparent among groups of northwestern Cali­ knowledged as the principal source of obsidian fornia Indians. used by the ethnographic Tolowa, south-cen­ THE ETHNOGRAPHIC MOVEMENT OF tral Oregon was also mentioned: OBSIDIAN IN NORTHWESTERN CALIFORNIA Mr. Sam Lopez, aged seventy-nine, recall­ ed how his father had been engaged in a The remarkable ethnographic record avaU- regular overland trade for obsidian from able for much of northern CaUfornia provides the vicinity of Bend, Oregon. Much of this an important benchmark from which studies material was brought down the Klamath of prehistoric exchange can proceed. Of north­ River, too, mainly by Hupa, Karok, and Yurok traders [Gould 1966a:79; 1966b:6l]. western California, Kroeber observed that All of the obsidian used by the tribes of this The Glass Buttes area of central Oregon was region comes from up the Klamath River reported to have been visited for obsidian, and no doubt had its origin in the deposits in aU UkeUhood during the historic period, by in the headwaters of this stream [Kroeber the Karok (Forbes in Mack 1975:48). 1905:691]. In summary, there is abundant documen­ The Yurok told me of nodules of obsidian occurring in the Siskiyou Mountains, tation for the Glass Mountain area (Medicine especiaUy in the Karok region. But the Lake Highlands) of northeast California as the Karok said that these sufficed only for chief contributor of obsidian to groups of short points, and that no Indian they knew northwest California (cf. Davis 1961). The of could in their time manufacture the principal route seems to have been down the large, symmetrical, evenly flaked blades, Klamath River, with the Shasta and Achumawi but that they had originated somewhere often mentioned as middlemen or direct sup­ upstream. This agrees with all signs and pliers; the Shasta appeared to have been clues known to me [Kroeber 1960:214]. pivotal to the northwest groups (Hupa, Karok, Kroeber's remarks were echoed by later Yurok, Wiyot), while the Achumawi were ethnographers in the region; Goldschmidt and central to the obsidian acquisitions of the Driver (1940:120) reported that among the Wintu, Maidu, Yana, and Atsugewi. Hupa OBSIDIAN AND CEREMONY IN . . . flints are of two kinds: a red obsidian NORTHWESTERN CALIFORNIA that presumably comes from the south, and a black obsidian that comes from the Kroeber (1905, 1925, 1960, 1976:45-47), Shasta region in northeast California. Goddard (1903), Drucker (1937), and Gold­ Among the Western Shasta and Western schmidt and Driver (1940), among others, all Achumawi large ceremonial bifaces were man­ noted the importance of obsidian in social and ufactured but not used: religious aspects of the Uves of northwestern California groups. [The] black and cloudy red variety [was] carried occasionally in War dance, but not A myth recounts that wo'.ge {an immortal kept for long; chiefly sent down-river to being) tried to turn this promontory (Flint Karuk. SE [Eastern Shasta] near Glass Rock head, okne'get) into obsidian so the PREHISTORIC WIYOT EXCHANGE AND SOCIAL RANKING 55

Indians could make arrow-points there. The ceremonial system within which these Although he did not succeed, his efforts bifaces functioned was shared in essentially the left the rock marked with stripes of red same form by the Yurok, Karok, and Hupa; [Waterman 1920:233]. the Wiyot and Tolowa possessed related but Throughout this entire area, obsidian bifaces somewhat aberrant versions. The White Deer­ ("blades") were often considered sacred, and skin Dance was by far the most prestigious, were important markers of wealth and social wherein the largest and most valuable obsidian rank (cf. Thompson 1916:101-110). During bifaces were displayed; obsidian bifaces were ethnographic times, these ceremonial bi­ not documented for the Jumping, or Wood­ faces were owned by individuals or individual pecker, Dance; and only the smaUer, less families, passed from father to son, and valuable obsidians were presented at the Brush retained as heirlooms; they were seldom Dance. destroyed upon the death of the owner, nor During the White Deerskin Dance match­ were they buried with him (Rust 1905:688; ed pairs of obsidian bifaces of the same color Kroeber 1905:691; 1925:39). They were occa­ were alternately exhibited. At the Yurok Brush sionally used as currency: "A Ho'pew village Dance small obsidian bifaces mounted on Yurok paid for his Wiyot wife nine strings of sticks were carried (see Goddard 1903:Plate 4 dentalia, an obsidian blade, a woodpecker for a Hupa example), while a Wiyot version of headband" (Kroeber 1960:214; see also Powers the White Deerskin Dance {wisio'lawak ?) 1976:79). They were sometimes used in pay­ included a line of dancers "some of whom wore ment for an insult or crime (Goldschmidt and obsidian blades hanging from the neck, rather Driver 1940:106,endnote8; Spottand Kroeber than carrying them as among other north­ 1942:211-212), but were most frequently con­ western tribes" (Kroeber 1925:62, 118-119). cealed by their owners and reserved for osten­ Wealthy individuals exercised ceremonial tatious display at public dances. Rust (1905: control through alliances with their counter­ 688) reported that parts in adjacent villages: In almost every instance the owners were [Important dances were] held only at cer­ reluctant to show these blades. AU were tain villages, but are always participated in carefully wrapped in redwood bark and by the people of other villages. The dances carefully hidden away, sometimes under are performed by two or more parties, the floor of the lodge, oftener outside which aim to outdo one another in the beyond the knowledge of any one except display of wealth. At a dance held at a the owner. In one instance the owner could certain village a certain man is usually not be induced to get his blade until night­ recognized as the principal person or organ­ fall, in order that no one should learn of its izer of a party; but generally only a small part of the valuables displayed by his party hiding place. are actually his property, the remainder Since broken bifaces were virtually with­ being contributed by his wealthy friends out value, the Yurok living in other villages. In this way families living many miles apart, and perhaps entirely . . . carefully handled and stowed [them]: unrelated even by intermarriage, are often obsidians in sand-fiUed stone cysts in the connected from generation to generation ground indoors, with transport in fitted by close ties of friendship and mutual help, cases of redwood bark carried inside hol­ and the obligation of one to the other is low-cylinder trunks or in close-woven clearly recognized [Kroeber 1905:691]. conical seed-gathering baskets [Kroeber 1960:215]. This inter-village ceremonial Unkage af- 56 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

forded the wealthy access to information and wisio'lawak dance was made here, in­ resources which transcended any one village doors. They wore jumping-dance regalia boundary, thus setting rich and influential but it was a different dance [Nomland and persons apart from the bulk of the vUIage Kroeber 1936:42]. population (cf. Cohen 1973; Bean 1974; Kroeber 1925:39-40). For about two months during 1913, L.L. Loud (1918:350-356, 399) conducted archaeo­ THE PROBLEM logical excavations at Dulawo't and recorded With a model for the ethnographic move­ 22 graves; 6 burials and 16 "cremations" ment of obsidian and a brief description ofthe (actually grave-pit burning). The material ex­ ceremonial system in hand, two further tasks cavated by Loud 65 years ago constitutes the remain: the documentation of the distribution data base for the present study. of obsidian in northwestern California during Subsequent to Loud's archaeological in­ some point in prehistoric time, and finally a vestigations, a radiocarbon date of 1050 ±200 comparison of these prehistoric data with the B.P. was secured from the basal peat layer model derived from the ethnographic record. underlying the cultural deposit (Heizer and In order to document changes or regular­ Elsasser 1964:35; Elsasser and Heizer 1966:2), ities in exchange through time, one must first suggesting that the use of Dulawo't did not secure adequate temporal control over the predate 900 years ago. Assuming a relatively assemblage being compared to the ethno­ constant rate of midden accumulation for the graphic model. This time control is best past 900 years, we arrive at a figure of 30 cm. obtained through examination of single com­ (about 1 ft.) of midden build-up per 104 years. ponent sites, culturally stratified sites, or Since the site was abandoned around 1860 and through analysis of grave lots in which the age the deepest burials encountered by Loud were of the associated artifacts is known. In this located at a depth of 1.46 meters (see Table 1), particular case, the Gunther Island site was an age estimate of 606, or about 600 years, is selected for analysis because obsidian artifacts indicated for these interments. This figure is in were found associated with burials and "cre­ accord with an earher estimate (Elsasser and mations," the graves were stratified by depth, Heizer 1966:57) and would allow ample time the site could be linked to the ethnographic for occupation of the site before it began to be Wiyot, and a radiocarbon date was available used for burial purposes. which facilitated placement in time. All typable obsidian projectile points ana­ lyzed from Loud's excavation of Dulawo't THE GUNTHER ISLAND SITE graves were quite similar to an ethnographic (CA-Hum-67), DULA WOT example recorded among the Klamath River Yurok (Schumacher 1951:305e) although with During the ethnographic period, the slightly less pronounced barbs (see Fig. 2). Humboldt Bay region of northwestern Cali­ Therefore, based in part on the formal fornia was inhabited by the Wiyot. One ofthe correspondence of prehistoric artifact assem­ principal Wiyot occupation sites during this blages (primarily bifaces and projectile points) time was Dulawo't on Gunther, or Indian, with their ethnographic counterparts, it is Island opposite the present city of Eureka (Fig. suggested that sometime beginning around 1). Dulawo't was occupied as late as 1860 and A.D.I 350 Dulawo't served as a burial site used was by the ancestors of the ethnographic Wiyot (cf. ... I of the 2 largest Wiyot towns. The Heizer 1964:133). PREHISTORIC WIYOT EXCHANGE AND SOCIAL RANKING 57

100 Ml

0 50 100 Km •"-^ '/Lake . "=&' ^ --\ \ Tohae I I I 1 I Fig. 1. Map of northern CaUfornia, southern Oregon, and northwestern Nevada showing location of archaeolog­ ical sites and obsidian sources referred to in text. 1, Dulawo't (CA-Hum-67); 2, Medicine Lake Highlands; 3, Warner Mountains; 4, Vya; 5, Glass Buttes.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION with graves from Loud's (1918) excavation at Dulawo't were subjected to rapid scan semi­ In order to determine if the ethnographic quantitative X-ray fluorescence analysis.' Six model was an adequate predictor of the pre­ graves contained a total of 43 obsidian artifacts, historic pattern, obsidian artifacts associated of which 41 were available for analysis (Table 1). 58 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

Table 1 DISTRIBUTION OF OBSIDIAN ARTIFACTS ASSOCIATED WITH BURIALS AT DULA WOT (CA-Hum-67) Catalogue numbers are those of the Lowie Museum of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley

RHLMAcat.no. Description Burial no. Depth (cm.) Obsidian Source Illustration 1-18213 Biface 9 40 Glass Buttes Loud l918:Plate 13. no. 1 1-18214 Biface 9 40 Warner Mountains Loud 1918; Plate 13, no. 2 1-18215 Biface 9 40 Warner Mountains not illustrated 1-18218 Projectile point 9 40 Medicine Lake not illustrated 1-18233 Biface fragment 19 52 Warner Mountains Fig. 3 c 1-18234 Biface fragment 19 52 Medicine Lake Fig. 36 1-18235 Biface fragment 19 52 Medicine Lake Fig. 3a 1-18236 Biface fragment 19 52 Warner Mountains not illustrated 1-18237 Biface fragment 19 52 Warner Mountains not illustrated 1-18035 Projectile point 2 61 Medicine Lake not illustrated 1-18040 Projectile point 2 61 Medicine Lake Fig. 2a 1-18041 Projectile point 2 61 Medicine Lake Fig. lb 1-18042 Projectile point 2 61 Medicine Lake Fig. 2c 1-18043 Projectile point 2 61 Medicine Lake Fig. Id 1-18044 Projectile point 2 61 Medicine Lake Fig. 2e 1-18045 Projectile point 2 61 Medicine Lake Fig. 2/ 1-18046 Projectile point frag. 2 61 Medicine Lake not illustrated 1-18047 Projectile point frag. 2 61 Medicine Lake not illustrated 1-18048 Projectile point 2 61 Medicine Lake Fig. 2g 1-18049 Projectile point 2 61 Medicine Lake Fig. 2h 1-18050 Projectile point 2 61 Medicine Lake Fig. 2/ 1-18051 Projectile point tip 2 61 Medicine Lake not illustrated 1-18003 Projectile point 4 61 Medicine Lake Fig. V 1-18004 Projectile point 4 61 Medicine Lake Fig. Ik 1-18005 Projectile point 4 61 Medicine Lake Fig. 2/ 1-18006 Projectile point 4 61 Medicine Lake Fig. 2m 1-18007 Projectile point frag. 4 61 Medicine Lake not illustrated 1-18008 Projectile point 4 61 Medicine Lake Fig. 2/j 1-18009 Projectile point frag. 4 61 Medicine Lake not illustrated 1-18010 Biface fragment 4 61 Glass Buttes or not illustrated Warner Mountains 1-18011 Biface fragment 4 61 Warner Mountains not illustrated 1-18012 Biface 18 107 Vya Fig. Sd 1-18094 Biface 14 146 Warner Mountains ? not illustrated 1-18095 Biface 14 146 Vya not illustrated 1-18099 Projectile point 14 146 Medicine Lake Fig. 2o 1-18100 Projectile point 14 146 Medicine Lake Fig. 2p 1-18101 Projectile point frag. 14 146 Medicine Lake not illustrated 1-18102 Projectile point 14 146 Medicine Lake Fig. 2<7 1-18103 Projectile point 14 146 Medicine Lake Fig. 2r 1-18104 Drill or Proj. point 14 146 Medicine Lake Fig. 2s 1-18106 Drill 14 146 Medicine Lake Loud l9l8:Plate 14, no. 15

As is apparent from this table, the majority derived from the Medicine Lake Highlands of obsidian artifacts recovered as grave associ­ (Glass Mountain) area of Siskiyou County, ations at Dulawo't were made of material northeast California, thus providing independ- PREHISTORIC WIYOT EXCHANGE AND SOCIAL RANKING 59

Fig. 2. Projectile points from Dulawo't (CA-Hum-67). a-i. Burial 2; j-n. Burial 4; o-s. Burial 14. See Table I for catalogue numbers and obsidian source assignment. Courtesy of the Lowie Museum of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley. 60 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

ent verification for the prehistoric period of the ethnographic observations of Kroeber and Goldschmidt and Driver. Minor amounts of obsidian from other sources (the Warner Mountains,^ Glass Buttes, and Vya) complete the source inventory (cf. Jackson 1972; Jack 1976:207). Since no objects of Caucasian manufacture were recorded with any of these graves, it seems clear that the obsidian they contain represents the by-product of pre- contact Wiyot exchange rather than a post- contact phenomenon (cf. PiUing and PiUing 1970:112). Although the general pattern for obsidian acquisition conformed rather neatly to the prediction based on the ethnographic record, the present study determined that obsidian employed in the manufacture of certain classes of artifacts showed a strong tendency to be source-specific.3 All of the projectile points recorded with graves were manufactured from material from Medicine Lake, the closest obsidian source (see Fig. 1); larger implements such as bifaces, often of red obsidian,'' were, with two exceptions,^ all manufactured from obsidian obtained from more distant sources to the north and northeast. This suggests that cultural factors were operating in the material selection process. It will be recalled that large obsidian bifaces used in ceremonial dances were often paired by color. I suggest that since red obsidian could not be obtained from Medicine Lake, but since custom and ceremony dictated that it be used, there existed a need for exotic material only attainable from more distant sources. Because the Medicine Lake source was geographically closer to the Wiyot (about Fig. 3. Bifaces from Du/flMoV(CA-Hum-67). fl-/i. Burial 175 airline miles to the northeast) and other 19 (see note 5); c. Burial 19; d. Burial 18. See northwestern California groups, it may not Table I for catalogue numbers and obsidian have been as highly valued, hence its over­ source assignment. Courtesy ofthe Lowie Muse­ whelming popularity in the more common um of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley. utilitarian items (such as projectile points). The distance involved in securing large red, or mottled red-and-black, obsidian bifaces from PREHISTORIC WIYOT EXCHANGE AND SOCIAL RANKING 61 as far away as the Warner Mountains (about den appearance of the wealth emphasis com­ 220 airline miles to the northeast). Glass plex, and the absence of any known develop­ Buttes (about 300 airline miles to the north­ mental precursors in the immediate area, east) and Vya (about 250 airline miles to the lends additional weight to the hypothesis of a east) undoubtedly added immeasurably to the late incursion of ancestral Wiyot peoples into value of these pieces, as well as to the social northwestern Cahfornia.^ As pointed out by rank and wealth of their owners. If it is granted other researchers, this cultural complex shows that "an individual's treatment at death is a strongest similarity with the Northwest Coast reflection of the position occupied in a status and it was presumably from this northern area system in life, and that differences between that the predecessors of the Wiyot originated. individual interments reflect the type of status system participated in (e.g., egahtarian versus CONCLUDING COMMENTS ranked)" (Saxe 1971:39), persons buried with If the association suggested here between red or black obsidian bifaces must have been artifact class and obsidian source is a valid individuals of high social rank and remarkable one, it should be possible to apply this model social influence. There is ethnographic sup­ to the analysis of the prehistory of other port for this proposition among the Yurok northwestern California groups. If evidence of (Kroeber 1960:214; 1976:45^7, note 14), Hupa social ranking can be discerned in the ethnog­ (Goddard 1903:84), and Tolowa (Gould 1966a: raphy, we would predict that obsidian from the 62; 1966^:73), as well as among northwestern closest source would contribute most heavily California groups in general (Kroeber 1905: to utilitarian manufactures (projectile points, 690, 695). If this is correct, the time depth for scrapers, utilized flakes, etc.), while the more social ranking as inferred from ownership of distant sources would contribute more heavily obsidian bifaces can be placed at about 600 to the socio-ceremonial (or its equivalent) years among the Wiyot; although it probably sphere (cf. Irwin-Williams 1977:147). Con­ extends farther back in time, we have as yet no versely, we would hypothesize that egalitarian convincing earlier evidence. social organization would not be characterized Unfortunately, there appeared no trends in by significant differences between artifact class this small sample to support the notion of and obsidian source (cf. Fried 1967; Ericson increasing social differentiation through time. 1977). These distinctions are offered as work­ Heizer and Elsasser (1964:13-14) found no ing hypotheses to be tested by future research.* evidence from the Stuart excavations to sup­ ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS port Loud's observation that primary inhuma­ tions were stratigraphically superior to "cre­ I would like to thank Frank Norick, Lowie mations" (grave-pit burning). The impression Museum of Anthropology, for arranging for is that the wealth emphasis and material the loan of most of the specimens used in this correlates of social rank in the form of obsidian analysis, and R.F. Heizer for valuable com­ bifaces appeared at the same time at Dulawo't, ments on the original version of this paper, as and were from the beginning oriented to the well as for making available additional speci­ pattern evident in the latest interments.* This mens from Hum-67 previously analyzed by impression is further supported by the pres­ R.N. Jack (1976). L.R. Kittleman, University ence of projectile points manufactured from of Oregon Museum of Natural History, gener­ Medicine Lake obsidian in both the deepest ously donated samples from obsidian sources and shallowest graves. The observed continuity in Oregon and northeast Cahfornia, and T.N. in the Dulawo't artifact assemblage, the sud­ Layton supplied specimens from northwest- 62 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY ern Nevada. I thank Jennie Goodrich for the obsidian sample. When the atoms are suffi­ Figure 1, and Gene Prince for Figures 2 and 3. ciently excited, their characteristic emission lines Thanks also go to Tom Jackson and Jon are detected and sorted according to wavelength, Ericson for help and encouragement and, and graphically displayed on a strip chart recorder. especially, to Joachim Hampel for technical The relative peak intensities for each element are assistance and advice. D.A. Fredrickson, S. then read from the chart recorder, corrected for interference, and converted to percentages. These Silver, and N.L. French provided constructive percentages are plotted on a ternary graph, where comments on an earlier version of the manu­ each dot represents the relative Rb/Sr/Zr concen­ script. While all of these individuals were of tration for one artifact or geological sample. Be­ help in many ways, I am responsible for the cause of the chemical homogeneity characteristic of opinions, speculation, and shortcomings con­ obsidian flows, the ternary diagram plots for one tained herein. geographical obsidian source are usually quite University of California, Davis similar. Consequently, once the range of chemical variation (or "fingerprint") is determined for a NOTES given obsidian flow or source area, artifacts can be quite accurately assigned to one or another of the 1. During the past several years, significant geological sources on the basis of best overall "fit." advances have been made in the characterization The analysis reported herein was undertaken of the chemical composition of volcanic glasses at the Department of Geology and Geophysics, (Weaver and Stross 1965; Stross et al. 1968; Jack University of California, Berkeley, on a Norelco and Heizer 1968; Jack and Carmichael 1969; (Philips) Universal Vacuum Spectrograph using a Ericson et al. 1975; Taylor 1976). One of the most tungsten (W) target tube, LiF-220 analyzing crystal, important findings in connection with early studies scintillation detector with pulse height discrimina­ was that the chemical composition of major trace tion, in an air path. A counting rate of 1000 elements of individual obsidian flows, or parent mag­ counts/second was employed, and all scans were ma pools, were virtually homogeneous, and further made at 2 degrees (2 9) per minute. that the differences between obsidian flows could often be expressed through determination ofthe relative 2. I have chosen to use the term "Warner peak amplitudes of only three minor trace ele­ Mountains," rather than "Buck Mountain/Sugar ments; rubidium (Rb Ka), strontium (Sr Kcr), and Hill" (Jack 1976:196), as a general source designa­ zirconium (Zr Ka). While the relative peak am- tion since recent archaeological surveys have phtudes of these three elements will not distin­ revealed that at least eight obsidian sources are guish between geographical sources of obsidian in present here, not merely two. PreUminary results every case (Jackson 1974:13-14; Jack 1976:188), the of scans on material from these sources over­ results obtained to date have been sufficiently lapped with those obtained by Jack from "Buck encouraging to warrant continued use of the Mountain/ Sugar HiU" so I have, for the time being, technique. lumped them all together. Therefore in the present Rapid scan semi-quantitative X-ray fluores­ paper, the "Warner Mountains" source designa­ cence has been described in detail in recent tion subsumes Jack's "Buck Mountain/ Sugar HiU" pubhcations (Jack and Carmichael 1969; Jack as well as Ericson, Hagan, and Chesterman's 1976), so only a cursory outline will be offered here. (1976:227-228) "Fandango Valley." Briefly, this nondestructive technique consists of 3. Artifact classes used in the present study detection and graphic display of the relative peak were: utilitarian (projectile points and fragments, amplitudes ofthe trace elements rubidium (Rb Ka), driUs) and socio-ceremonial (bifaces and frag­ strontium (Sr Ka), yttrium (Y Ka), zirconium ments). The utilitarian category used herein corre­ (Zr Ka) and niobium (Nb Ka). To "sense" the sponds with Binford's (1962:219) "technomic," relative intensities of these elements, an X-ray while the socio-ceremonial class corresponds with target tube is used to excite the atoms present in Binford's "socio-technic" and "ideo-technic." I PREHISTORIC WIYOT EXCHANGE AND SOCIAL RANKING 63 have chosen to use different terms since there 7. The observed patterning of obsidian also appears to be good evidence that bifaces func­ suggests that the ancestors of the Wiyot must have tioned in both the social and ideological spheres in known of, and received bifaces from, "exotic" northwestern California society. sources before they arrived at Dulawo't. To test this The distribution of artifacts by obsidian source hypothesis, an earlier site containing similar cul­ and class was: tural material should be analyzed. The best candi­ Artifact Class date at the moment appears to be the Gold Hill site on the Rogue River in southwestern Oregon (Cress­ Obsidian Source utilitarian socio-ceremonial man 1933a, 19336). Medicine Lake 28 2* 8. An earlier version of this paper was delivered non-Medicine Lake 0 II at the 31st Annual Northwest Anthropological •see note 5. Conference, held at PuUman, Washington, April 7, 1978. Chi-square significant at .01. REFERENCES 4. Although varieties of red obsidian are known from southern obsidian sources, notably at Napa Bean, Lowell J. Glass Mountain (Jackson 1974:7) and from the 1974 Social Organization in Native California. Clear Lake vicinity, no fingerprints characteristic In ''Antap; California Indian PoHtical of obsidian from these sources were obtained from and Economic Organization, Lowell John the Dulawo't sample. Bean and Thomas F. King, eds., pp. 11-34. 5. These specimens, 1-18234 (Fig. 36) and Ballena Press Anthropological Papers 1-18235 (Fig. 3a) are both made from Medicine No. 2. Lake obsidian. On the basis of form, we would Binford, Lewis R. predict that they both would have been fashioned 1962 Archaeology as Anthropology. Ameri­ from more distant material. However, their shape can Antiquity 28:217-225. and size suggest that they may have functioned in Cohen, Y.A. the Brush Dance (cf. Goddard 1903:Plate4) where 1973 To Be or Not to Be: An Anthropological "small obsidian blades mounted on sticks are Study of Identity. Work in progress. carried, [but] all ornaments of considerable intrin­ sic value are reserved for the two great dances" Cressman, Luther S. (Kroeber 1925:62). 1933a Aboriginal Burials in Southwestern Ore­ 6. The pattern of disposal of bifaces with the gon. American Anthropologist 35:116-130. dead runs counter to ethnographic data already 19336 Contributions to the Archaeology of Or­ presented. The reason for this discrepancy is not egon: Final Report on the Gold HUl entirely clear; Cressman (19336:18-19) was ofthe Burial Site. University of Oregon Publi­ opinion that the property-emphasis complex of cation, Studies in Anthropology Vol. 1, British Columbia had gradually moved south so Bulletin 1. that "property, instead of being something that Davis, James T. might readily be buried with its owner, came to be a 1961 Trade Routes and Economic Exchange means of establishing status . . . and knives (sic) Among the Indians of Cahfornia. Berke­ were then retained as objects of family wealth ley: University of California Archaeolog­ rather than buried with their owners." It is also ical Survey Reports No. 54. conceivable that social boundaries were beginning to consolidate in northern California and south­ Drucker, PhiUp western Oregon, resulting in restriction or attenua­ 1937 The Tolowa and Their Southwest Ore­ tion of the flow of material through existing gon Kin. University of California Publi­ exchange networks. If this had been so, the cost of cations in American Archaeology and these items would have encouraged hoarding. Ethnology 36:221-300. 64 THE JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGY

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