National Resource Center for American Indian, Alaska Native, and Native Hawaiian Elders
Qualitative Report
Conferences of Alaska Native Elders: Our View of Dignified Aging
Prepared by Kathy Graves, Ph.D.
Stacy L. Smith, MFA (Editor)
Cheryl Easley, Ph.D. Dean, College of Health and Social Welfare University of Alaska Anchorage
Kanaqlak (George P. Charles), Ph.D. Center Director
September 2004
Funding for this project is provided by a grant, No. 90AM2752, from the Administration on Aging (AoA), Department of Health and Human Services, Washington, DC.
The information in this paper does not reflect the opinion of the Administration on Aging.
February 2005
Dear Reader:
The National Resource Center for American Indian, Alaska Native, and Native Hawaiian Elders (NRC) at the University of Alaska Anchorage (UAA) has completed its first year and is pleased to send you its four papers: (1) Qualitative Report: Conferences of Alaska Native Elders, Our View of Dignified Aging; (2) Health Status of Alaska Native Elders, (3) Best, Promising, and Emerging Practices, and (4) Elder Abuse Among Alaska Native Elders.
These papers are intended to provide information to decision makers on all levels in the Alaska Native community statewide and regionally, to the State of Alaska, and to various federal offices in Washington, D.C. so that culturally appropriate Elder health care services and programs can be designed and implemented with input from the Elders themselves. By extension the information provided here would be of interest to the many American Indian tribes and Native Hawaiian Elders. Dr. Josefina Carbonell, the Assistant Secretary on Aging, has directed the NRC to concentrate its efforts in Alaska in the first and second contract years.
This project started with meetings between the Alaska Native Tribal Health Consortium (ANTHC) and the NRC Alaska. A memorandum of agreement was reached to have a joint Alaska Native Elder Health Advisory Committee. This committee has met several times to give direction to both organizations. Meetings with our Elders were then held in regional Alaska Native areas that represent all of our Alaska Native cultural groups. All of the meetings were recorded, transcribed, and later analyzed by our research associates. The transcribed regional meetings papers were then sent back to the regional centers, mostly at senior centers, for their review and comments. Cultural consultants from all of the regional areas were also included to review the final comments in the paper entitled, “Our View of Dignified Aging” to provide an extra cultural review to maintain accuracy.
This project, also referred to as “Voices of Our Elders,” is funded by the Department of Health and Human Service through the Administration on Aging in Washington, D.C. Grant No. 90AM2752. The NRC is officially located at the College of Health and Social Welfare (CHSW). The NRC started in the fall of 2003. Dean Cheryl Easley of CHSW traveled with the NRC staff to many of our regional meetings. The strategic focus chosen for the College of Health and Social Welfare is gerontology and this gives the NRC Alaska additional administrative support.
3211 Providence Drive ● Anchorage, Alaska 99508-4614 ● T 907.786.4303 ● F 907.786.6789 ● www.elders.uaa.alaska.edu
The NRC is one of two resource centers in the nation. The other, entitled the National Resource Center for Native American Aging, has been in existence for twelve years and is located at the University North Dakota. Among other activities, the NRC North Dakota conducts surveys on the status of Native American Elder health and related issues across the nation. Both NRCs are undertaking a joint project to address the issue of elder abuse and exploitation, and its several other related dynamics.
The NRC is interested in receiving your comments and thoughts on the information presented in the four papers. We invite you to view them on our new website at: http://elders.uaa.alaska.edu/.
Sincerely,
Cheryl E. Easley, Ph.D., R.N. Kanaqlak (George P. Charles), Ph.D. Dean Director College of Health & National Resource Center for American Indian, Social Welfare Alaska Native and Native Hawaiian Elders
3211 Providence Drive ● Anchorage, Alaska 99508-4614 ● T 907.786.4303 ● F 907.786.6789 ● www.elders.uaa.alaska.edu
Table of Contents
I. Introduction...... 1 II. Methodology...... 2 A. The Project Team...... 2 B. The Communities ...... 2 C. The Participants...... 2 D. Data Collection Procedures...... 2 E. Data Analysis Approach...... 3 III. Thematic Analysis...... 4 A. All Regions Combined ...... 4 1. Teaching Indigenous Knowledges ...... 5 2. Impact of Colonialism ...... 7 3. Services that Reflect Cultural Values...... 10 4. Abuse of the Elderly...... 13 B. Regional Variations ...... 14 1. Loss of Cultural Ways...... 15 2. Respect as an Essential Organizing Value ...... 19 3. Honoring Elders and Communal Learning ...... 21 4. Respect for Elders ...... 23 5. Program Needs and Communication Difficulties ...... 25 6. Impacted of Colonialism and Historical Trauma ...... 27 IV. Discussion ...... 29 A. Contributions and Worldview of Elders...... 29 B. Native Elder Health, Disengagement, and Sense of Self ...... 30 1. Trend Toward Medical Care Outside the Community...... 30 2. Negative Impact of Elder Disengagement...... 30 C. Culturally Congruent Program Design for Senior Services...... 30 1. Connecting Elders to Their Community...... 30 2. Returning Elders to Respected Roles ...... 31 3. Benefits of In-home Services ...... 31 4. Considerations for Designing Programs...... 31 5. Considerations for Alaska Native Communication Patterns ...... 32 V. Data Limitations...... 33 A. Lack of Generalizability...... 33 B. Differences Among Regions...... 33 C. Research Team Bias...... 34 VI. References ...... 35
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With guidance and support from Elders, we must teach our children our values. -AFN 2003 Elders and Youth Conference
I. Introduction
The National Resource Center for American Indian, Alaska Native and Native Hawaiian Elders (NRC) is supported by funding from the Administration on Aging, Department of Health and Human Services to address issues such as health, long-term care, and Elder abuse. The goal of the NRC is to empower Native communities to incorporate traditional and contemporary health practices that have the potential to effectively support and treat Elders within community health care systems. NRC provides information to promote culturally sensitive and functionally appropriate services to maintain social wellbeing. NRC provides an arena for discussions about the increasing problems of Elder abuse to help Native communities in developing their own plans to reduce and control occurrences.
The NRC is governed by a culturally sensitive joint advisory committee of Alaska community leaders and stakeholders. The advisory committee is shared with the Alaska Native Tribal Health Consortium (ANTHC) and provides guidance in the execution of the goals and objectives of NRC to ensure that the activities are culturally congruent and appropriate.
The purpose of this report is to:
1) Provide Alaska Native Elders with the opportunity to voice their needs and requirements for culturally congruent care.
Alaska Native Elders are being invited from across the state of Alaska to express their wishes and expectations for services and care that are consistent with their traditional community heritages, tribal values, and customs.
2) Empower Native communities to incorporate traditional and contemporary health practices into their health care systems.
During the first year of the three year project, the plan is for the information to be shared and made available to Native communities through summary papers, handouts, and a web site.
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II. Methodology
This report synthesizes extended conversations with Alaska Natives Elders from across the state. Data from the Yup’ik, Alutiiq, Aleut, Inupiat, Athabascan and Southeastern (Haida, Tsimshian, and Tlingit) cultures were used to identify themes and values.
A. The Project Team
The project team composed of primarily Alaska Native and American Indian individuals were involved in the research project from data collection, translation, transcription, analysis, and report writing. The nearly seamless Alaska Native/American Indian perspective embedded within this project is unique. The research team’s personal connection to the Alaska Native worldview grounds the study in indigenous knowledge, sensitivity, and respect for the voices of our beloved Elders.
B. The Communities
In order to insure that the data were collected from sites that are geographically and culturally diverse, six “hub” communities and three urban locations were engaged in this project. Comments included in the data collection were only those who invited NRC staff to convene a discussion of Elder values in the community. Prior to traveling to the selected locations, NRC staff contacted the tribal organizations and senior centers in the various communities to introduce the NRC program, explain the purpose of the project, set up field visits, and make a modest monetary donation to the tribal organization. The tribal organizations were contacted first by letter and later by phone and email.
C. The Participants
The participants in this project were primarily drawn from tribal organizations and senior centers. There was no specific age threshold of attendees. The individuals who were defined by their community, tribal organizations, and senior centers as “Elders” attended the meetings. Beginning January 2004, a series of interviews were recorded with Alaska Native Elders from various regional Alaska communities at senior centers and tribal offices. The Alaska Native Elders were either interviewed in a group or individually by NRC staff and Native and non-Native students. The interviews were conducted both in English and Alaska Native languages and were subsequently translated into English.
D. Data Collection Procedures
The respondents were given a brief introduction to the project and the research team. Each respondent signed an informed consent form. The interviews were held in public locations, such as senior centers and tribal offices. All of the direct quotes used in this report were taken from the transcribed original interviews and discussions with Alaska Native Elders. Prior to completion of the report, copies of the draft report were sent to the participants for their review, to make corrections and offer approval.
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E. Data Analysis Approach
The interviews from the Elders were open-ended in nature which allowed a qualitative research approach to be utilized. Qualitative analysis permits the hypotheses to be derived directly from the data. From the beginning of analysis of the raw interviews, the research team saw concepts emerge and began to link the concepts together. The hunches we developed about the ways in which the concepts are related are the ‘hypotheses’ that have been validated and elaborated upon.
The open-ended qualitative interviews were analyzed using a grounded theory approach. The aim was to allow the Elders to describe in their own words their experience of being Alaska Native Elders and their wishes and expectations for services that are consistent with their Native values and customs. This approach allowed for systematic coding of words, terms, and concepts.
Three levels of qualitative data coding were used—open coding, axial coding, and selective coding—to break down the data, conceptualize it, and put it back together. Utilizing the three levels of analysis allowed for a resulting theory or explanation that is rich and meaningful (Strauss and Corbin, 1998).
Open coding allows for inductive analysis of the raw interview data. Broad themes were allowed to surface from the narratives. Next, the analysis moved to axial coding where similar themes that emerged from the open coding were moved into subcategories. Finally, selective coding was used to filter, refine, and integrate the grounded theory or explanation. The taped interviews were translated (when needed), and transcribed. The ATLASti qualitative computer program was used to analyze the raw data.
In order to effectively respect each cultural region, cultural consultants who were identified as “culture bearers” for their region were contacted and asked to participate in the analysis of the Elder interviews. The cultural consultants were initially asked for guidance in understanding Elder descriptions of specific cultural beliefs, historical events, terminology, and rituals. Once the report was drafted, the cultural consultants were contacted a second time to reconfirm the accuracy of the analysis.
The data were analyzed collectively, whereby all of the various regional data were combined to give an overall picture of the data. The data were also analyzed separately to give each individual community or tribal group a separate, distinctive voice in the report.
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Every person is responsible to all others for the survival of our cultural spirit and the values and traditions through which it survives -AFN 2003 Elders and Youth Conference
III. Thematic Analysis
This section presents the preliminary substantive findings and interpretations based upon the consideration of conceptual relationships among categories drawn from the raw data. The conceptual relationships and interpretations are organized by cultural region.
An overview of the data from the combined regions will be presented first, followed by a separate analysis of each cultural region independently. The interviews came from the following cultural regions: Yup’ik, Alutiiq, Aleut, Inupiat, Athabascan, and Southeastern (Tlingit, Tsimshian, and Haida) ethnic groups.
A. All Regions Combined
It became apparent early in the analysis of the interview data that the Elders from all of the cultural regions were not primarily concerned with themselves, but were instead principally concerned with the entire group. This makes intuitive sense given their membership in a collective culture. For members of a collective culture, the entire group is the focus rather than the individual self. Individuals from a collective culture have been socialized to value family, community, and tribe over the individual self. The primary emphasis is upon harmonious, interconnectedness among the group members. Markus & Kitayama (1991) stated that within this worldview, the needs of the individual are secondary to the needs of the group.
The Elders also sent a clear message regarding the future of their culture. An overwhelming majority of the Elders interviewed vigorously voiced concern, frustration, and sense of loss related to the youth’s lack of respect for and interest in learning the ways of the past, and for the continuation of their cultural knowledge and ancient ways. They said the maintenance of the sacred, ancestral indigenous knowledge depends upon two things:
1) The Elders’ ability to act as the transmitters of the knowledge. 2) The youth’s capacity to respect the Elder in order to acquire knowledge.
The Elders candidly related that the historical holocaust experienced by Alaska Native people has devastated their culture and is linked with current negative circumstances, such as chronic social problems. As a direct result of colonialism, the process of transmission of indigenous knowledge has been negatively impacted.
The Elders described the services they receive and their need for services that are reflective of their cultural values and customs. Many of the respondents talked about the negative impact on the Elder, community, and tribe when they are removed from their community of origin to a “hub” or urban area to seek medical care. The issue of Elder abuse and neglect is an immediate concern for the respondents from all the regions. The extent and nature of the abuse is not established.
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Drawn from the data, the conceptual frame that emerged has refined the following hypotheses:
1) Traditional Alaska Native cultural knowledge lives within the Elders of today and it is their privilege as a member of a collective society to act as the transmitters of cultural knowledge to the youth of their tribe, community, and family; 2) There has been a cultural holocaust related to colonialism, which has resulted in many destructive outcomes, including negatively affecting the Elder’s ability to acquire and transmit cultural knowledge; 3) Elders need services that are reflective of their cultural ways and values; and 4) Elder abuse needs immediate and systematic attention. The hypotheses will be validated, and examples of direct quotes from Elders will support the conceptualizations.
1. Teaching Indigenous Knowledges
The Alaska Native Elders from Yup’ik, Athabascan, Alutiiq, Aleut, Inupiat, and Southeastern (Tlingit, Tsimshian, and Haida) regions have acquired, maintained, and cultivated cultural wisdom. As Elders, they embrace the privilege of teaching indigenous knowledge to the members of their community:
“…When I was growing up, I may not remember my grandmother completely, but I remember being held and being told stories. Naturally, I always fell asleep but that is how I learned some of my stories by being held in my grandparent’s lap and hearing our legions …I wish that would continue…”
“Teach what they know, teach younger people to sing Native songs. Tell them old stories, how they used to be back then.” a. Alaska Native Elders have acquired cultural knowledge and maintain their ancestral worldview.
The Elders from the various regions talked about their knowledge of storytelling, medicinal plants, subsistence, cultural values, language, song, dance, child-rearing practices, and spiritual beliefs, to name a few. The Elders have the privilege to assist others in their development of a harmonious relationship within their community and environment.
“… Back in those days, tradition-wise, it was fantastic, the dancing, singing. You just watch those faces---they talk to you. Oooh, they are beautiful…”
“…medicinal plant and herbs…used by Elders when we didn’t have any… whether the medical authorities believe it or not, the psychological benefit would help in the healing process…”
The Elders from all of the groups across the state extensively describe rich details and significance of their day-to-day traditional lifestyle, subsistence activities, seasonal activities, and traditional diet that were at the heart of their existence in times past.
“Growing up with all these traditional values, when I was observing my parents and grandparents, they really respected the land, the rivers and animals and the fish and birds.
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They put back into the earth the bone remains of the animals instead of putting them in the trash or they fed leftovers to the dogs.”
“I still got oogruk intestine at my home, my house what my mom made. That was special because nobody make those no more.”
Many of the Elders interviewed talked about the manner in which they embrace Christian beliefs.
“…I enjoy being a Christian. The people are nice, friendly…”
“…I thank God we can love each other and depend on each other. Help one another and go to church together to learn more about the Lord Jesus Christ who died for us. God bless you all…”
Spirituality is an integral part of every aspect of daily life. Elders spoke of the spirit values that are central to their existence:
“…like spiritual values; my grandmother used to pray when I was a little boy; when we’d go hunting and we’d rest she’d pray for my future; that’s what kept me going…”
“…the spirit that was there, the unseen spirit that was there…”
“…Elders are so strong spiritually and the community looks to them for guidance.” b. It is the Alaska Native Elder’s privilege as a member of a collective culture to act as the source of wisdom for future generations.
Elders are highly honored and respected for their wisdom, insight, knowledge, and power (Ellerby, 2001). The respect the Elders receive is an indication or symbol of their calm stance, outstanding actions, intelligence, generosity, and cultural knowledge.
“…And it’s so wonderful to see the respect, even today, the young people have for their Elders and even the middle age. In all of the community, Elders are respected…”
“…They are seated first, fed first, they’re taken care of. It’s wonderful to see that…”
Alaska Native Elders are part of a collectivist society that promotes reliance upon a close and loving bond with family members, community, and tribe. The individual is not the focus; the group is the focus. Elders have the opportunity to transmit the ancestral knowledge to the youth of their tribe, the community at large, and specifically their family. The Elders interviewed enthusiastically discussed the ways in which they transmit knowledge:
“…We need to sit down and talk to our young about our ways and have their parents pay attention too for future preservation. We need to share about the ones before us….”
“…We need to remind them about our ways for future generations to survive. Before we as Elders die off, we need to share and pass on our Yup’ik traditions and ways of life to the younger generations. We are all they have left to pass and maintain our ways…”
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The Elder is a compelling speaker who instructs, guides, and enhances awareness. They teach self-control, proper behavior, and thought processes to members of their family, community, and tribe. The Elder teaches responsibility within the social context. Within this worldview, the response of others regulates and forms the emotions and motives of the individual.
“…They used to tell us not to ask questions but listen and do things that we were told to do…”
Markus & Kitayama (1991) stated that when an individual comes from a culture which holds a collective sense of self, the individual’s opinions, abilities, and personal characteristics are secondary to the primary task of interdependency. Alaska Native Elders have the primary task of teaching interdependency to the members of their tribe, community, and family:
“…understanding, their wisdom and knowledge and in a way teaching the love of a family system…”
The members of the tribe develop interdependent and harmonious relationships with other people, the land, spirits, and animals.
“…Growing up with traditional values…they (parents) respected the land, the rivers, and animals and the fish and the birds. They put back the bone remains of the animals instead of putting them in the trash or they had leftovers for the dogs…”
Elder teaching often occurs during land-based activities, community meetings, cultural gatherings such as potlucks, public performances, churches, and individual conversations. More recently, Elders have been invited to attend and present at national conferences and workshops, and to take on the role as ‘wellness counselors’ in some instances. Elders have been employed by clinics to work with clients and staff.
“…We go to traditional functions. Elders pass on wisdom. They know and understand a lot of cultural things…Elders are called on when there are gatherings. They lead prayers and invocations. And at the end when there is no minister around, they end the meetings. Elders are so strong spiritually and the community looks to them for guidance.”
According to the Elders, they need to acknowledge their shortcomings and serve as role models.
“If the Elders come to us, if they are working with younger people, they need to also say in the past we made mistakes, I have learned and that’s what Dan has done. But there are other ones that come and they sound like they’re preaching to us and so we don’t listen. So it has to be a two way street. We need to hear from the Elders and listen and learn but we also need to hear them acknowledge that they made mistakes.”
2. Impact of Colonialism
The basic foundation of their social life which bonded many Alaska Native communities together has been damaged. As the result of the loss of cultural patterns, identities, relationships, unresolved massive psychic trauma, and diseases brought by Westerners, many communities are experiencing chronic social problems today. The Elders directly link the cultural genocide experienced by their people to the problems currently confronting Alaska Natives.
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“…it goes to show what the cultural genocide did to our people (referring to the chronic social problems experienced by Alaska Native people)…”
“…They (youth) used to listen well to us too but now they are confused and lost…”
Diseases were brought to the Native people by the newcomers. Medicine people often had no knowledge of the new diseases and the people had no immunities to them.
“…they died from nothing but TB. My mom died from TB, my sister and even my daughter…I didn’t know why she was getting sick, why she was getting skinny. I didn’t know she had TB.”
“…I remember I had TB as a child and I was in an institution in Juneau, and when my parents went to visit I didn’t understand why they came with a mask on. They wore masks because of my TB. I was five but I remember it though. I remember back when I was three years old and my mom and brother dying. My mom in the house, standing by him in shock you know…”
Native people faced discrimination by non-Natives which impacted their sense of self and culture.
“…when my mom came to Nome in ’49, the theatre was segregated. There was a section for breeds, there was a section for Eskimos and Whites. So there’s a lot of baggage that a lot of people have but the Elders have a lot of good things to say.”
a. Due to the boarding school and missionary era, there were significant disruptions in parenting, acquisition of language and dissemination of cultural knowledge.
Alaska Natives were forced by negative circumstances to turn their children over to boarding schools and missionaries for education and instruction. While in the missionary schools, boarding schools, and boarding homes, children were allowed only limited contact with their families and were told that their traditional ways were in opposition to the modern Christian teachings. Those who attempted to practice traditional ways or to speak their language were sometimes severely punished and shamed, leading to challenged or damaged identities (Jackson & Chapleski, 2000). The Elders interviewed talked about the loss of cultural knowledge they have experienced:
“…We weren’t allowed to speak Tlingit in school but it didn’t bother us because we spoke it at home most of the time. I didn’t realize how bad it was for some of the people.”
The traumatic history of the Alutiiq people has had an effect upon them, both in terms of culture and how they see themselves in the world today. The culture of the Alutiiq people was impacted by Russian exploration and colonialism, as well as by the impact of the missionary era. During both waves of colonialism, the Alutiiq people lost their lives, language, customs, and spiritual beliefs. Many of the Alutiiq Elders were punished as children for speaking their Native language at school.
“…we were spanked at school, I mean hit in our hand with a ruler if we said anything in Aleut, you know…the teacher would hit you…”
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“…he (father) never forgot when he was a child how they were punished for speaking their language…”
The Elders shared that their children sometimes feel ashamed of their language and heritage.
“…when she (daughter) tried to talk it (Native language), I just laugh at her...”
“…But a lot of times, they (children) are ashamed to use their language because they’re made fun of because of what they are. I know what is like to be Aleut, I get knocked off so many times and you came back up, get up there and then you’re back down again.”
As a result of the historical holocaust experienced by Native people, some Elders experience a lack of respect today from the youth. Substance abuse and the focus upon accumulation of material wealth are some of the contributing factors according to the Elders interviewed.
“…think of the Elders ‘cause nobody really pays attention to them anymore. Nobody care.”
“…one of things we have lost is respect of Elders and that is why we have so much drugs or alcohol problems. I attribute a lot to that…” b. Elders are alarmed and distressed about the loss of interest they observe in the youth of today with regards to learning the traditions of the past.
Overwhelmingly, the Elders articulated a sense of loss, urgency, and apprehension regarding the consequences of the cultural holocaust. They voiced distress over the future generations’ survival given their lack of interest in learning the traditional ways.
“…we love and we lose our relations/friends as we lose our culture…we act as though we are lost…”
“…the children are undisciplined, so if their parents die they will not be able to survive either. This is what I have witnessed.”
Alaska Native Elders are alarmed that the youth are no longer listening to the stories of the Elders. According to the Elders, the youth have lost respect for the knowledge and wisdom of the Elders. The youth of today are being socialized into the Euro-American culture and have less interest in the ways of the past.
“…We are currently at a time when our ways are no longer respected after we’ve spoken. All will be lost if we don’t pass on these to the future generations. They need to know that our Elders have taught us without keeping traditions and ways to themselves. Instead, it has been passed onto us to retain. These are the truths but only if you/we share these things and make it possible…”
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c. As a response to the loss of language, traditional knowledge, and values, many rural communities are beginning to initiate positive healing programs that have engaged Elders in teaching traditional knowledge to the adults and youth.
There has been a revival of Native languages and dance in the school system in rural Alaska. There are many regional and village culture camps. Elders are being asked to participate as teachers and mentors of the tribes. The revival is a positive step toward the healing and transmission of ancestral knowledge in rural Alaska Native communities.
“…the last two years, the people are quietly changing; the Unit Coordinators are seeing the changes in the villages from the actions to youth. We have Elders stepping into their roles as leaders and doing things the village needs direction with. The work that we have done for two years…it's not going to take us a short time to help change things that happened 20, 40, 50 years.”
3. Services that Reflect Cultural Values
The Elders talked about current and past culturally congruent treatment of Elders in their communities and stated that they want and deserve services that reflect their cultural values. In the past, the entire community and family members took the responsibility for Elders, by providing for their physical needs in terms of subsistence foods, cooked meals, and heat. Community and family members took care of household chores for Elders.
The Elders expressed desire to live independently or with family members, as was traditional in the past. The data distinctly indicate that Elders do not want to leave their communities and villages when they require an elevated level of medical care than what is available locally. According to the participants, removing them from their communities can lead to culture shock, rapid decline in physical health, and loss of traditional role and contribution to the community.
The interdependent sense of self identity is a fundamental concept that needs to be recognized when considering moving Alaska Native Elders from their villages into hub or urban centers. The depth of distress Elders feel when removed from their tribe, community, and families cannot be overstated. The core of the Elders’ self concept and identity is linked to unity and harmony with others. When removed, Elders lose their relational connection to their people, land, tribe, animals, and subsistence lifestyle. As a result, their spiritual connection and physical health is sometimes diminished. The tribe, community, and family are negatively impacted by the loss of the Elders as well. When Elders can no longer eat their Native foods, their physical, spiritual, and psychological health and well-being can be negatively impacted. a. In the past, the responsibility for the care of Elders belonged to the community and the family.
In the past, when Elders were cared for by members of their family and by community members, Elders could live independently for many years beyond the level of independent living they experience today:
“…I can remember Elders used to live alone in the village and the village’s people would go there and check on them. Not only the families, anybody, and if they needed food, they would give them food, already cooked, clean their house, and that’s the way Elders used to
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be long time ago. That’s why the Elders live a long time ‘cause they don’t want to leave their home…”
“…I wanted to share about something way back then. The old ladies and old men were never neglected by their family. Even when they were going to fish camp or travel somewhere, they always carried them in a seat or blanket. They never get tired of taking care of them…” b. Elders want to live independently or with family members.
Many of the Elders interviewed expressed the desire to live with their family members.
“I like the idea of the Elders living with the family…that makes a whole lot of sense…”
“…most Elders would like to stay home with families, close to home with their families…”
Other Elders clearly prefer to live independently:
“…I don’t want to depend on anyone and I don’t want to be put where old people are. I can socialize with my own people when they come into town…” c. The process of removing Elders from their respective villages has had negative consequences for both the Elder and their tribe.
Removing Elders has negative effects on the Elder, families, and community. Many respondents mentioned that senior housing isolates them and makes it difficult to fulfill their role within the culture. When some Elders lose hope, their quality of life and lifespan is negatively impacted.
“…it doesn’t make sense that our Elders are taken away from their family when they are part of the system and they could contribute a lot…”
“…life shortens because they’re not with their people…I had my husband at Our Lady of Compassion…one day he said he’d rather end his life in the village...”
Some Elders need more advanced medical care than what is available in most villages.
“…I have cancer which is non-treatable. Sometimes we need to pay attention to what the doctors tell us. Although I don’t want to remain here where I’m at, I do because I’m being cared for. It’s not good to be in bad health but I’m glad that you’re listening to me.”
Some of the Elders recalled the negative treatment by program staff in the past toward their parents. These experiences may impact the Elders’ view of the services they currently receive.
“…I hate to keep saying white people but that’s what the fact of the matter is. They yelled at them (Elders) like they couldn’t hear especially in the government hospital. Even if they could hear, the nurses keep yelling at them and that was embarrassing...”
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“…the nurse told my mother to keep telling her to speak up even though she was sick and she died….it’s kind of tough when a nurse tells a person to talk in English when she doesn’t know how…” d. The availability of Native food is essential for Elders’ health and well-being.
Native food is essential for Elder’s social, physical, mental, emotional, and spiritual health, and is part of their traditional ways of living.
“…if I don’t eat Native food I don’t know how I’ll get by. I can’t stand white man food too much…”
“…We gather them (Native food) cause we’re so used to that and they (the Elders) look forward to that and if they don’t receive those foods, then there’s something missing because not only do the foods feed our physical self, I strongly believe that they also nourish our spiritual and emotional self because they bring back a lot of memories and happy times…” e. Alaska Native Elders are requesting health care workers who understand their culture, language, and customs.
Health care workers need to have an understanding of Alaska Native communication patterns (Garwick & Auger, 2000). Providers need to be sensitive to nonverbal communication patterns and silence. When Native people are silent, they may be showing respect. Health care providers are seen as ‘healers’ who possess special powers and are held in high regard. It is customary not to look directly at them and to listen intently to what they are saying. In an environment where health care workers have no knowledge of the culture, people, rituals, and traditions, misunderstandings may flourish (Weaver, 1999).
“I like to see Inupiats taken care of by Inupiats.”
“…It’s kind of tough when a nurse tells a person to talk in English when she doesn’t know how.”
“…years ago we would be able to talk to Elders in Eskimo…but now there’s even no interpreters…”
Elders are requesting that health care workers limit the complex medical terminology and questions they ask to increase communication and understanding.
“Experts come here with high-falutin words. Elders can’t understand…they should cut down on questions…”
“…they (health care workers) need to update their forms only one time a year so they don’t have to ask the Elders all of those questions…not every time.”
Elders who leave their communities of origin often experience culture shock, whereby they feel lost, overwhelmed, and unable to communicate in English. The health care workers are not always sensitive to the difficulties involved when Elders are communicating in English when it is their second language. According to Elders:
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“…it was really a shock and I felt lost...I don’t know nothing, I don’t know how to speak the language…”
“…when we get medical care…especially the English as a second language Elders that come for someone to be with them when they’re getting medical treatment and understand they’re not doing the direct language.”
Elders need handicap accessible buildings to participate in community activities, to obtain services, and to maintain social connections with others.
“Number one, I’m a female and I’ve got M.S…make it handicap accessible…I couldn’t attend, it was upstairs and there’s no elevator…”
“…it is very easy to make a room accessible to disabled people. It’s called grab bars on the wall, transfer benches, you know raising booster chair on a toilet.”
4. Abuse of the Elderly
Abuse and neglect of Alaska Native Elders is an immediate and growing concern and needs direct and systematic attention. The extent and nature of Alaska Native Elder abuse is yet to be established. While the abuse of Alaska Native Elders is beginning to be reported and documented, implementation of legal and social interventions in rural communities are yet to come. The complexities involved with members of an interdependent community’s ability to confront and report Elder abuse cannot be overstated. The Elders are calling for tribal, community, and family involvement to address this issue. Engaging the leaders and Elders from the communities and requesting their advice and participation in the development of a plan to address this issue is essential.
“…and it’s our own fault that he’s doing that (neglect of an Elder). We weren’t doing things.” a. The Elders report that substance abuse, financial abuse, and neglect of physical needs by family caregivers are among the most prevalent forms of abuse.
Alcohol abuse is an intervening factor in some of the cases of Elder abuse according to this respondent:
“…what really bugs some people is they do drugs or alcohol and it scares the living daylights out of me. They should always call the cops. Elders should not be treated with such disrespect…”
In some cases of alcohol abuse, grandparents are raising their grandchildren when the parents are unable to assume the responsibility of their children. Nearly 10% of Native children live in households headed by their grandparents, and, in many cases, the parents also live in the multi- generational households (ISER, 2004).
Financial abuse involving the theft and defraud of the Elders’ monthly public assistance income was described by the respondents.
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“…I have witnessed something that was disturbing. This way; this old woman, who cannot do things for herself. She was getting social security; longevity bonus and that thing… something with the state…she would get public assistance and sometimes she would lose money and not know who took it…and so that story I had told that was my story…”
The neglect of physically dependent Elders by family caretakers has been described by Elders. One participant voiced concern that her sister neglected the physical needs of her mother, such as the need for food and medication:
“…I never forget my sister saying that our mother is crazy...she lived right next door, she let my mom lay by herself. She’d lock the door so nobody would get in. She’d leave her alone. Never took care of her. Never fed her...”
Another respondent described the neglect of Elders in their community; nonetheless, the community network did not unify and cooperate to offer assistance.
“…a few years ago there was older people living alone, shouldn’t have been living alone…couldn’t eat properly but they had to go out all the time and he looked horrible…”
“…some of these issues (Elder abuse) have happened and nobody wants to hurt family but this has got to stop…” b. Alaska Native Elders from across the state want community networks to systematically address the issue of abuse of the Elderly.
Prevention and intervention of Elder abuse needs systematic focus. Community networks that focus upon agreement and teamwork need to be developed in order to raise awareness and provide outreach, detection, and encouragement to report abuse. While urban areas have a variety of programs and systems in place to address the needs of Elders, the rural areas need to engage the village-based Elder’s councils to organize forums to focus upon Elder priorities.
“…Who’s responsible, how do we know that there are Elders out there that even need help? I think we need someone to visit them… just to see what is going on...these abuses are occurring because nobody is watching what else is going on.”
“Elder abuse happens, sometimes it’s their own family. They get old, maybe like Alzheimer’s, they don’t expect anything like that would happen to them. They could order for a caretaker to solve the problem, they could handle their expenses and finances for them.”
Through our extended family, we retain, teach, and live our traditional way. -AFN 2003 Youth and Elders Conference
B. Regional Variations
Alaska Natives have distinctive cultures, with discrete values, languages, and customs. While the respondents interviewed articulated common concerns, there were separate cultural variations in the findings and the interpretations drawn from the raw data. The variations in the
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conceptual analysis among Yup’ik, Alutiiq, Aleut, Inupiat, Athabascan, and Southeastern (Tlingit, Tsimshian, and Haida) ethnic groups are presented below.
1. Loss of Cultural Ways
Yup’ik Elders are concerned about the loss of cultural ways, the link to historical trauma, and the need to return to traditional child-rearing practices. The analysis of the Yup’ik data revealed a distinct and immediate concern about the loss of Yuuyaraq (the way of the human being), historical trauma, and a sense of disconnection from the youth of today. The majority of the Yup’ik Elder respondents discussed the importance of traditional child rearing practices. a. The Yup’ik Elders describe their cultural values and connect these concepts to teaching proper thought processes, communication, and behavioral patterns.
The preponderance of the Yup’ik Elders interviewed talked about the concept of Yuuyaraq. Napoleon (1996) defined Yuuyaraq as the correct behavior between family members and extended family members. It determined proper patterns of communication among community members, and defined the correct thought process and suitable behavior for all members of the tribe, community, and family. It outlined the proper customs for human beings’ experience. One Elder poignantly explained the concept in this manner:
“…We followed the Yup’ik ways which produced a person being Yup’ik (a real person). Here on earth, this land, the person has said they needed to help each other. Our children’s souls were very good at that time. And today, we try to tell these young kids this as a reminder to pay attention to the disciplined ways of the Yup’ik people which paves the way to good life.”
Yuuyaraq is the correct way of thinking and communicating about all living things—in particular the animals upon which the Yup’ik relied on for every aspect of their existence. It determined the correct method of hunting and fishing, which included honoring their spirit. It was essential to maintain a harmonious relationship with the spirit world (Napoleon, 1996). The concept of Yuuyaraq encompassed the spirit world to which Yup’ik people were born into at the same time they were born into the physical world as discussed below:
“…I look at the Elders and realize they are full of wisdom about the Yuuyaraq, the way of the people…” b. Yup’ik Elders describe historical events that have contributed to loss of cultural values and language, and its impact on their role today.
The great destruction and loss of life experienced by Alaska Native people has been handed down to the next generations. The cultural genocide has affected the soul and psyche of generations who have experienced the pain, loss, and frustration of their ancestors (Braveheart, 1998). The loss of culture has resulted in confusion in the youth of today, according to this Elder:
“When I think about the future generations, I think about White people, Chinese, Koreans, and others…Yup’ik young are learning the White ways and then now they are confused and not using the traditional ways of the Elders. This is very important for our many future generations who have lost our ways…I thought I’d share this with you all…”
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Yup’ik Elders perceive that their culture has been under attack for many generations during the course of cultural loss and genocide.
“…We have to realize our culture’s been under attack for 2,300 years. We’ve experienced genocide which has affected how people behave today…”
There has been a traumatic history of language suppression among Alaska Natives which has resulted in the loss of Native languages. The policy of the churches and schools with regards to suppressing Native languages resulted in limiting numbers of fluent speakers.
“…at the Bristol Bay Mission school that I was brought up in told me not to talk like a half- breed, you know, tell me not to talk my language…”
Elders talked about the need for Yup’iks to retain knowledge of their language (Nalluvkenaku qaneryararput). They relate the loss of language with the loss of culture, identity, and direction in life.
“…This would be good for them (youth) to learn the words, being young, and the Yup’iks who are confused and lost should be shown sympathy…”
The missionary and public schools in Alaska had a strict policy of English only. The teachers believed that the students could only learn English if the Native languages were suppressed. The children were punished both physically and emotionally for speaking their Native language on the school property. Many times parents were told to speak English only in their homes. Parents, who complied with this request, severed their communication with their children. Often children felt ashamed and humiliated for not understanding English.
According to the Elders, without the knowledge of their language, the learning process is altered and there is a disconnection between Elders and youth today. Elders discuss their concerns regarding the continuing loss of language:
“Our children speak English and this complicates their learning process. If we leave them alone and not teach them, the children will lose their direction and all information will be lost if not utilized. When we were communicating in a friendly manner, this is good and our pathways of the Yup’ik ways will be held. When people from other villages speak, like Stuyahok, I can understand their different dialects without getting lost. In the little villages, they tell us how they live and their lifestyle, even if we have different words in Yup’ik, I could understand them. When we return to our homes, lets remember what was talked about which helps us to get better in retaining our way of life. Thank you.”
“…I think they (school teachers) were trying to change the culture and they were trying to kill the language…its pretty sad…my kids don’t know how to speak the language…now we are trying to learn it back…” c. Yup’ik Elders focus their concern upon the cultural holocaust, the loss of Yuuyaraq (the way of the human being), and the consequences for members of their group.
The Elders interviewed discussed the cumulative emotional and psychological wounding they have experienced, both over their lifetime and across generations. Yup’ik Elders speak of the
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loss of spirit. As the youth become less connected to Yuuyaraq, they loose their connection to the spirit world, and they are therefore lost.
“…The children are undisciplined, so if their parents die then they will not be able to survive either. This is what I witnessed.”
The Alaska Native worldview is dependent upon the concepts of reciprocity, harmony, and balance. The Yup’ik Elders interviewed discussed the loss of this worldview and the impact upon relationships within communities and families:
“…We lose our culture and we as Yup’ik, we love and lose our relations/friends as we lose our culture. We are asked to care for one another as Yup’iks and get along. But we act as though we are lost…”
Kawagley (1995) stated that, for Yup’ik people, attitude is thought to be as important as action. Therefore, a person needs to be mindful of their thoughts in order to avoid injuring another person’s mind or offending the spirits of the animals and the surrounding environment. The Elders interviewed expressed their concern about the loss of traditional thought processes:
“…Our traditional Yup’ik thought processes are lost many times. Many times our hearts, our humility, and future is in our hands. We have neryuniur (desire) are filled in our hearts…” d. Child-Rearing customs and practices, which are fundamental to the continuance of the traditional Yup’ik culture, have been challenged and lost.
The respondents described the traditional Yup’ik child-rearing practices. Traditionally, Yup’ik people relied upon customs that provided for protection and respect of children. Extended family members, Elders, and the community members shared in the responsibility of rearing the children.
“My partner and I talk to the young kids how to eat Yup’ik food; we talk to them about how we chew the food for babies and feed them by their mouths even for the ones with no teeth…”
Most of the Yup’ik Elders repeatedly mentioned the need for discipline of the children. The discipline and authority within Yup’ik child-rearing practices have at its core respect for the children. Harsh restrictions and strict discipline are not valued. “…We (Elders) set examples for your children and grandchildren. We value them so much. It’s the one’s that carry you. They are a part of you; when you die, they’ll be a part of you to carry on what was important to you, to me…”
Yup’ik discipline is different from Western discipline. Yelling and striking children is considered disrespectful and an indication that the adult in the situation was wrong and immature. Harsh discipline that involves raising the voice and physical punishment is considered to be disrespectful of the child’s soul and spirit. The Elders describe the traditional Yup’ik discipline of children in the following manner:
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“…If we leave them alone and not teach them, the children will lose their direction and all information will be lost if not utilized. When we were communicating in a friendly manner, this is good and our pathways of the Yup’ik way will be held.”
The Yup’ik Elders interviewed emphasize the importance of the timing related to Yup’ik discipline. They repeatedly emphasized the significance of gentle encouragement upon awakening in the morning when the mind of the child is more receptive. In the morning hours, children are taught the way of becoming a human being or “Yupiaq.” They are disciplined to act according to the traditional ways: how to listen, love, and avoid drawing attention to the self and acting in an offensive manner. This training resulted in the youth developing an interdependent view of themselves and the world. “…I had my aunt who when I woke up and got up in the morning, they used to talk to me and discipline me about how I should act as a person so I don’t offend others and listen to them. These are the things they used to tell me and these things need to be passed onto others.”
Yup’ik Elders emphasize the importance of story-telling as a quick and effective means of transmitting traditional knowledge to children. The oral tradition was described as the way of life.
“I don’t have much to say but I have something to pass to our grandchildren. Our way or oral traditional life is easily lost because our grandchildren can easily forget and so it’s like feeding them over and over our oral traditional way of life. Which can be quickly learned…”
“…those things that were told a long time ago were told in the qasgiq (men’s community house)…”
Kawagley (1995) stated that Western society has brought many cultural and psychological disruptions to the flow of life in Yup’ik society. The traditional ways of knowing that Alaska Native cultures have relied upon for centuries have been altered, such as Yup’ik child-rearing practices.
The Yup’ik Elders expressed their concerns about the impact these changes are having upon the transmission of cultural beliefs and values from the Elders to the youth in their community.
“…Our children’s future and what our Elders used to say which would be considered new to them because we no longer discipline them or let them know about our ways…”
Many Yup’ik Elders expressed apprehension about the future of the youth in their community and the survival of the Yup’ik traditions and values.
“…we need to remind them about our ways for future generations to survive. Before we as Elders die off, we need to share and pass on our Yup’ik traditions and ways of life to the younger generations…”
When these traditions came in contact with outside cultures and children were removed from their family of origin, many families began to break down and values were lost. The Yup’ik ways are not being passed on to the new generation because the parents and grandparents have been traumatized by colonialism.
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“…We are all they have left to pass and maintain our ways. We are currently at a time when our ways are no longer respected after we’ve spoken. All will be lost if we don’t pass on these to the future generation. They need to know that our Elders have taught us without keeping traditions and ways to themselves; instead it has been passed onto us to retain…” e. The Yup’ik culture holds distinct view of mental health and healing from psychological distress.
Yup’ik Elders focus upon the mental health issues and the value of expression of emotions. Yup’ik Elders view emotions as energy. When the energy of negative emotions is held inside, the person will experience a blockage of energy that acts like “poison” or toxin to the internal system. If the individual does not release the negative energy, they are at risk of developing a physical illness. When the negative emotion/energy is released by sharing with a trusted person, the individual will experience a sense of catharsis and healing. The person who is healed by utilizing these techniques, will be filled with gratitude and a sense of relief.
“…When we’re all together, we can think of things that can be told. If you talk, other people will want to share because you have. Even if you cry, you can because it is okay to cry. Keeping things to ourselves is not good to our soul; it makes it bad. But God gave us reason and if we want to cry we can let it out and things get lighter as a result…”
2. Respect as an Essential Organizing Value
The greater part of the Southeastern Tlingit, Tsimshian, and Haida Elders interviewed spotlighted the importance of respect as an essential organizing value for their tribes. In the Tlingit language sh yáa.awudanéiyi means a respected person. Respect is a fundamental conceptual frame around which the cultural values are organized. A clan member needs to act in accordance to the values of his/her clan.
“…we were taught from the get go to respect our parents, our Elders…” a. The Elders talked about the concept of reciprocity and interconnectedness between the spiritual and physical realms.
The Tlingit, Tsimshian, and Haida Elders focused their discussions upon the concept of reciprocity. In a spiritual sense, there is no separation between the spiritual and physical world. Within this worldview, whatever you do will come back to all the aspects of your being. The physical, spiritual, and psychological aspects of your being will all be impacted by your thoughts and deeds. You are known by your behaviors. As a clan member, you are representing your clan by the manner in which you act in public and with the words that you speak. It is vital that you not draw negative attention. One of the Tlingit Elders described the significance of respect in the following way:
“…respect, be careful about your face. If you do anything, it’s like a deep cut on your face and people will look at you…”
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b. For Tlingit, Tsimshian, and Haida tribes, traditional introductions give respect to the ancestors, family, clan, and moiety.
The Tlingit, Tsimshian, and Haida Elders stressed the importance of traditional introductions and paying respect to your ancestors, family, clan, and moiety. The introduction allows for others to know your connections to the land, where you were born and your lineage:
“…Growing up, they would talk ‘I know who you are’ and I used to say ‘How do you know who I am?’ You know, they don’t know me. But they knew my parents very, very well…ah, I think, ah, we have one another…” c. The Tlingit Elders stress the significance of their social organization, clan structure, and traditional introductions.
Some of the Tlingit Elders discussed the tribe and clan structure and social organization. Within the structure, there are two main moieties: Raven and Eagle which are derived from your mother’s tribe (matrilineal). It is a Tlingit taboo (incest) to marry into the same moiety.
“…we’re told when we’re little girls, we do not marry another raven, you marry an eagle. Back then, it was pretty much stressed--I believe I was taught from my grandmother…”
The Tlingit, Tsimshian, and Haida Elders stressed the importance of the traditional introduction. Within the introduction, the individual will give their Tlingit name and the meaning. The moiety is mentioned, along with the clan, parents, and grandparents, to honor and respect their ancestors.
“My name is ---, my Tlingit name is --- and that means lady of the house. I am Katmahadi, a Coho clan, a raven. My parents are --- and ---, this is my aunt. My late grandparents are --- and ---…” d. Child-rearing customs and practices which are fundamental to the continuance of the traditional Tlingit culture have been challenged or lost.
A common practice among members of the Tlingit tribal members involved parents sending their children to live with their uncles and aunts at puberty. The parents treasured their children so much that it would be difficult to teach them Tlingit customs, traditions, and survival skills.
“…My dad told me that when Tlingits had a baby, they never struck a child before 5 years of age. He said they were so precious to us, we never knew when God was going to take them away and we never wanted to feel bad because we struck our child…”
“…my grandparents taught the value of loving your children, your grandchildren, the way you would like to be treated…” e. Culturally sanctioned traditions within the Tlingit tribe prohibited domestic violence
Tlingit, Tsimshian, and Haida Elders talk about the traditions that prohibit violence in the home. For the Tlingit culture, they take an ‘eye for an eye’ approach to situations. For example, if a husband strikes his spouse, his moiety would be required to pay his spouse’s moiety for abusing her.
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“…I thought a lot about these traditional values. Tlingit values never struck anybody— never never any domestic violence. Not only did they not strike anybody weaker then they were but their own clan paid big time if they did harm to anyone else in a different clan. They had to pay BIG bucks. There was never any domestic violence. You had to pay restitution to your wife’s clan.”
3. Honoring Elders and Communal Learning
The essence of the Athabascan culture is sustained by honoring their Elders and the communal learning that takes place at group gatherings. As is the case with all Alaska Native cultures, Athabascan Elders are highly respected and valued for their good judgment, heightened awareness, and contributions. For Athabascans, Elders are viewed as the foundation of the community.
“…it's (community) based on Elders, and our Elders were the backbone of the community.”
Central to the Elders’ ability to transmit knowledge is the group gathering called the potlatch, which allows for reestablishment of relationships and practicing customs such as story telling, songs, and dance.
“…If they (Elders) want to get up to talk at potlatch they can do that. It is important what they say, it is important to understand them.”
a. The Athabascan Elders transmit knowledge and wisdom from their life experiences and connection to ancient ancestral understanding.
Athabascan Elders hold knowledge which has been orally passed from one generation to the next across time. They are rich with life experience and overtly display correct behavior. They hold the ancestral knowledge related to the environment, hunting, customs, language, and the spiritual world.
“…My mom always use to tell me, listen to those old people, listen to the way they talk and every time I hear old people, even one word will help me. When I get into problem, the word will come back to me, that old woman or old man's word comes back. They used to tell stories, stories, stories and that was good cause that's where we learn…” b. Athabascan group gatherings are essential links to the transmission of ancestral knowledge and customs.
The group gatherings, such as potlatches, are vitally important to Athabascan social organization. For Athabascans, potlatches serve important ritualistic, ceremonial, and social functions (Vanstone, 1974). They are vitally important for the transmission of knowledge, reestablishment of relationships, and practicing customs, such as song and dance. The potlatch follows a predetermined sequential pattern of activity.
To begin the potlatch activity, the participants gather to eat. Eating Native foods helps to connect them and nourishes the physical, spiritual, and psychological aspects of the self. The traditional Native food connects the individual to memories of their heritage, to the hunter and gatherer, the land, the animals, and the spirits.
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“…in our people, amongst our people especially, you know it’s very important for us to get together as a group and our ways to have our potlatches and eat our food. And it's very important to have that time to where; this is the way I grew up…”
The second level of activity, following the potlatch meal, is the time for Elders to tell stories and legends. The oral tradition is an effective means of transmitting knowledge and teaching in the form of a story, which contains myths and symbols. The story is a teaching tool that creates an essential link to ancestral knowledge and historical events. Through stories, Elders teach morals, help differentiate wrong from right behaviors, and reinforce group values. In this manner, the Elder strengthens the interdependency among the potlatch participants and provides a virtue to help them resolve dilemmas in their personal lives.
“…And we learn, we learn every time somebody gets up and talks after we eat, that's a teaching time. It's time for advice, it's time to talk. We hear it, all these years we heard it.”
The third activity at a potlatch entails chanting, singing, and dancing, which serves multiple functions. Following the Elder teaching, these activities allow for the strengthening of community relationships and permits the information received from the Elder’s teaching to be integrated into the physical, emotional, and spiritual aspects of the being. It encompasses all of the traditional teachings and prepares the potlatch participants to release harmful energy, resulting in healing in the mental, spiritual, and physical realms. The spirit is elevated and the potlatch participant will be filled with joy. Involvement in these activities is connected with honoring the ancestors and reciprocating for the gift of ancestral knowledge. It is the direct application of knowledge received and combines meditation, prayer, and celebration within the sounds and movements. There are songs and chants that focus upon grief, celebration, and honor, to name a few. The grieving ceremony or celebration is not only focused upon the departed but also allows for the recovery of the family and community.
“…And that dancing time, it's our way. After we eat and after they teach us, there's time for dancing. Our ways, presenting our ways, we do it as unto the lord. It's a joyful time, it's happy. Just recently, my cousin passed away and we had potlatch. One of the ladies from out of town, she said, I never been to a potlatch like this for 10 years. After the potlatch we had a time of singing and it was a joyful time. You should see the young people, our young people today, they love to dance our way, our native way. They'll just flock them if you told them there was a native dance going on. It's one way to keep them occupied, just let them loose…” c. Athabascan Elders are delighted that they have access to traditional subsistence activities, cultural events, Native foods, and socialization through the Elder programs in their region.
The lives of the Elders in the Athabascan region are enhanced by having access to berry picking, fishing, gathering medicinal plants, and having access to Native food. The Elders mention that their lives are better because they can socialize with other Natives through the Elder program.
“…I really like and appreciate this place cause it helps us to get out and meet with our own people.”
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“Twice or more a week they cook traditional food for us…we just cannot live without our food…it keeps us healthy. If we don’t have our food we feel bum. It brings us joy to have our food.”
“…Ice fishing. They just went ice fishing Friday. We go ice fishing, berry picking, and stuff.”
“We go 40-50 miles out of town but every year now, we’ve been going to Tangle Lakes. We gather berries, we fish, they gather natural medicines and lots of fresh air.”
4. Respect for Elders
Alutiiq Elders spoke of respect for Elders based upon chronological age, medicinal plants for healing, native foods, and respect for the cycle of life. In the Alutiiq language, Elders are called Cuqlliq. The Cuqlliq (Elders/the ones before us) on Kodiak Island led major ceremonies, taught the oral traditions, and composed dances and song (Crowell, Steffian & Pullar, 2001). Within the traditional culture, Elders were highly respected members of the group. a. Alutiiq Elders shared that respect for Elders is given based upon chronological age
As is the case with all Native cultures in Alaska, the Alutiiq Elders interviewed stated that they grew up with respect for their Elders. Alutiiq Elders are held in high regard and are given special treatment given their advanced chronological age.
“Even if they are not our relatives we respect them as long as they are older than us…”
“Even if they’re in the family; like she’s older than me, so we’d have respect for her, because she is older.” b. Traditional medicinal plants and the banya (steam house) are used by Alutiiq people for healing. The healing properties of foods need to be recorded for use when caring for the sick.
The Alutiiq Elders talked about the medicinal uses of plants such as nettles, high bush cranberries, and devils club roots. These plants can be utilized as powerful psychological and physical healing agents.
“…medicinal plant and herbs…used by Elders when we didn’t have any doctors…like nettles, kali’na (high bush cranberry), and the roots of the devils club…modern medicine they don’t acknowledge the benefits…there might be a psychological benefit to Elders if they were given the opportunity to use some of the traditional plants and medicines…”
“…way back in the earliest times, you’d find there’s big patches of nettles, because those were used for medicinal purposes…”
“…whether the medical authorities believe it or not, the psychological benefit would help in the healing process…”
The banya (steam house) can be utilized for healing purposes, such as adjusting an unborn baby for easier birthing process.
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“…I remember in Karluk, when they baby was not set right, they used to take them in the banya (steam house) and adjust the baby right away...” c. Alutiiq Elders spoke extensively about traditional foods, which is a distinct aspect of their identity, which define and give meaning to their lives.
The descriptions of Native foods were connected with their emotions.
“…I thought all people ate fish…salmon, dried fish, and we used to hang them in the corridor, not put them in plastic bags in the freezer, we didn’t do such…I miss my dried...”
“...they grow like wild onions but they are not onions…you use them in your soup…with fresh fish boiled…”
“…my mom wanted salted salmon and she wanted pirok (fish pie) which is a Russian dish.. we got some salt fish and pirok for them, and man, they were happy…”
Alutiiq Elders are recommending that each village in their region contribute to documenting the healing properties of Native food for use by Health Care Providers. They are further recommending that instructions related to subsistence practices be documented.
“…they should contact each tribal person in each village and inventory traditional foods in that particular village and have them at the hospital…like fish head soup…it is so rich that it got a lot of healing properties…”
“…put a book together of every single traditional good that’s in the water, on the land...instructions on how to pick it, harvest it, how to utilize it, cook it…if you come to Kodiak as a complete stranger, we could give you this book and you’d never ever have to come to the store all year round...” d. Alutiiq traditions for the care of the sick and dead, which were influenced by Western religion
Elders talked about the manner in which the community came together to deal with the end of life issues in the past.
“…when I was growing up, people took care of each other. People went to see the sick person…they helped one another…everybody gets together in that one house when someone dies, all the women, all the men. The men make the coffin and the women would help cover it up, with the white sheet, you know. And the women make flowers, then they make the wreathes…boys up on the mountainside to pick evergreens…for the cross…you don’t see these things anymore…” e. Alutiiq respect for the cycle of life through seasonal rituals are passed down through generations.
The Elders talked about the customary rule that children’s dolls could not be taken out of the house until spring, when the first red salmon is caught.
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“…when they got their first red salmon in Karluk, to her grandmother…she’d invite all the Elders to come to her house to have a piece of fish…nowadays you’re lucky if you get a fish…(laughter).”
According to Crowell, Sheffian & Polar (2001), traditionally, wooden dolls were perceived to be a link between the living and the dead. The dolls were seen as souls that were waiting to be reborn when the girls became mothers. The house represented the womb and the exit of the doll is seen as a birth, which cannot happen until spring, at the time of regeneration. The first red salmon symbolically represents regeneration and the time for birth:
“…my great-granddaughter came out with a doll…you bring that doll home. You’re not supposed to play with dolls wintertime…got tell your momma, great grandma said I can’t play with my doll yet, only springtime…”
“…when we grew up as little children, we weren’t allowed to take out dolls until the first red salmon was caught. I still do that with my grandkids.”
“…they always said it would get colder if you played with things you’re supposed to play with in the summertime…”
5. Program Needs and Communication Difficulties
Inupiat Elders address program needs in their region, difficulties related to communication, and traditions that are in direct conflict with Christianity. Inupiat Elders in the Nome area voiced concern about part-time relief worker high turnover due to the lack of benefits they receive. Elders often need assistance from others but are reluctant to reach out for help because they don’t want to impose on others. The loss of traditions, in particular Native dancing, was mentioned by a majority of the Inupiat Elders interviewed. a. Some Elders in the Nome area are concerned about the high turnover of personal care attendants.
According to some of the Elders from Nome, some relief personal care attendants have difficulty holding on to their positions due to lack of benefits and full-time employment.
“The system has all the bad habits…In other words, the workers here in Nome are relief workers and are not supported. So if you want good workers, that employee has to fight tooth and nail all the way up the ladder just to stay a good employee. Because there’s no system that keeps people there, we have a revolving door.”
“…but relief workers if they had benefits and incentive they’d stay…” b. Inupiat Elders often need help from others, but due to misinterpretations, use of non- verbal communication patterns such as indirect eye contact and silence, and their reluctance to impose on others, some Elders are not getting their needs met.
At times, Elders do not directly ask for help, but instead, their non-questioning and silent communication style is sometimes misinterpreted by providers as disinterest or lack of respect. Elders may not look directly at or question the provider as a way of communicating respect (Garwick & Auger, 2000). Native people are taught that it is disrespectful to question healers.
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“It’s how you say things to people. If you take care of one of our Elders who is real tradition and you ask him something, he doesn’t want to impose on you, so if you ask him a direct question, he won’t want to impose on you. He’ll agree to anything because he thinks he’s putting them out.”
“…If you say I’m cooking this and you serve him a normal serving, then he won’t object because he’s happy that you cooked, and you serve him, then he feels like he has too much (eat it).” c. Inupiat traditional dancing was connected with strengthening of community relationships, mental, spiritual, and emotional health.
Seasonal dancing is connected with giving thanks for successful seasonal subsistence. The Elders describe the dances as celebratory and spiritual, similar to giving prayer.
“So dancing; motion dancing was meant to be friends with; like my father had told us as a family, that dancing together, eating, trading was meant to be peace together for those.”
“…it’s (Inupiat dancing) a celebration passed down from our ancestors and a form of prayer and religion.”
“…it was a celebration for our successes in Eskimo dancing.”
Missionaries misunderstood the meaning of the dances and told the Inupiat their dances were against the Christian religion. As a result, these practices went underground. Many Inupiat stopped dancing because they came to believe that it was evil and taboo.
“Until a time the teachers or missionaries, if there was Eskimo dancing, they condemned it ‘cause they thought it was a worship of evil spirits for that particular time…”
“A motion dancing which I put out now, because our church now—they didn’t ask what kind of dancing it was; and they watch the angaluk (shaman) dancing so he thought at first, he don’t’ have anyone to ask because of the language; the barrier to the language. And then when they do that later on, I heard from my mother as a girl. First in the 1800’s my mama, she determined to be help as translator and interpreter. That’s why I heard this, shaman dancing is not sin but the motion dancing is not sin. You know, motion dancing like hunting is not sin. They mean it when they dance. Those people I heard our grandmother that she had said I quote; I been in Selawak for 10 years and the person she married, they didn’t try and make any difference but I found out she had had heard that she the missionaries try and make different custom to our Friends Church but it had already been spoken that dancing not been any good.”
“I think it’s really unfortunate about that group but it’s also good to hear that the churches that condemned it asked them to forgive them which is proper when they found out it was not evil but a means of success.”
Dancing was considered a form of spirituality and was misunderstood by missionaries, and in recent years by the Friend’s Church.
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“Just like our Eskimo dancing once believed by the missionaries as evil until they really learn…What would this matter of bad new get from the different faiths and lots of things not allowed in the church its corrupting the minds of young people cause they do things that are not allowed.”
6. Impacted of Colonialism and Historical Trauma
Aleuts have been profoundly impacted and influenced by colonialism and historical trauma. Their self expressions reflect experiences related to evacuation, relocation, and governmental servitude/enslavement. The Aleut Elders interviewed came primarily from the Pribilof Islands. They talked about their experience of Pribilof colonialism that was isolated and racially discriminatory. After the Civil War, and only three years after the purchase of Alaska, the federal government established a slave-like relationship with the Aleuts on Alaska’s remote Pribilof Islands in the Bering Sea. In 1942, they were evacuated from their homes and were relocated to Funter Bay, Admiralty Island in the Southeast Tongass Forest. When the Pribilof Islanders began to return in 1944, they faced considerable clean up and repair efforts. They experienced grief over the loss of property and destruction of their homes (Kohlhoff, 1995).
Complete control of the Pribilof Islands was assumed by the U.S. Government in 1910 at the end of the twenty-year lease to the North American Commercial Company. The islanders were automatically classified as ‘wards of the government’ (Torrey, 1973).
“Probably my grandparent’s parents. And then the government really ruled the island here…”
“Because the Aleuts under government rule were always looked down on. You didn’t talk to White man; what White man said went. Pretty soon I started rebelling and pretty soon the others started following suit. You can’t do that because we’re all equal you know.” a. Aleut Elders talk about how the traumatic events occurred as a result of being evacuated and relocated.
The evacuation and relocation of the Aleut people involved many traumatic events, as described by the Elders:
“…And during the war it used to be so funny during the evacuation...I was maybe 3 or 4 because it was traumatic…in that school we were taught only so much and then no more. See they wanted us to keep us under their rule…”
“…my sister who passed away in Funter Bay when they were evacuated there, she was like 3. She was buried there…” b. Aleut Elders experienced oppressive and demeaning treatment by the government that was a clear violation of basic human rights.
Elders depicted unfavorable conditions on the Pribilof Island by the American government, which included not having their basic needs met and not having the basic freedom to travel without permission.
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“My grandfather went to jail a couple times; one for killing seagull when he was hungry and one time for stealing three onions from the government; he spent three days in jail but I bet those onions tasted good (everyone laughing).”
“Most of us from St. George have one F and most of St. Paul have two Fs--that was the government’s way of identifying where we came from…”
“…I think they had to ask permission to leave the island from like St. George to here (St. Paul).”
On the Pribilof Island, the Aleuts experienced having their homes inspected by governmental officials on a weekly basis.
“Oh I remember that they used to come into our houses on Thursdays around l:00 p.m. and they’d inspect our homes to check if it was in good condition but most people thought they thought it was for cleanliness…”
“…my mom was one of the first ones that start locking the door from the outside you know, like they weren’t home. I remember it was a grouchy day because everybody’s rushing around, waiting for them to come and inspect. People have bad memories of it because some people didn’t get to eat. My parents didn’t even want the smell of food in their house. But I remember them just being grouchy cause they’re trying to clean the house; my father that old black stove and taking Crisco or whatever oil to make it black by rubbing it on there. And I remember growing up without running water too; vaguely…”
As part of the governmental control over the lives of the Aleut people, the Elders recall the rationing of food and clothing.
“…I just know I loved seal meat and I remember eating ducks; duck soup and even those little chitty birds as a kid. I don’t eat those now but I will eat seal and halibut. But I remember a lot of seal in the summertime when the government didn’t give us our corn beef then. They gave it to us in the winter time ‘cause we ate a lot of seal in the summer time. The government gave us mostly canned meats like spam. Spam is universal like even Hawaii you know. But people got creative with it like corned beef hash, corned beef stew. I remember eating a lot of rice and mashed potatoes as a child. I remember even having cows and having fresh milk. The government had brought the cows but I think it was too expensive to import the hay…There was chicken too. They had sheep here and pigs too but I don’t remember that.”
“The one thing that I liked about the government, they issued us clothes for winter; hats, mackinows, cotton stockings…”
“…We were ruled by the government and we were rationed foods according to the size of the family; a mother and father were included; if you had one child; you were rationed corned beef, salt beef.”
By the 1960’s there was a reversal of the Pribilof policy, but economic, social, and psychological issues related to the enslavement, evacuation, and relocation remain unresolved.
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The history of our people and our place in the world is only a part of who we are today. -AFN 2003 Elders and Youth Conference
IV. Discussion
This section discusses the thematic analysis in light of pertinent literature, as well as the present role and status of Elders. Recommendations for services and improvements in the status and role of Elders are also presented.
A. Contributions and Worldview of Elders
The wellness of Alaska Native communities, families, and Elders will be enhanced through utilization of the contributions and worldview of Elders. The difference between “Elder” and “the elderly” needs clear delineation in order to more effectively preserve and transmit cultural knowledge to future generations. This difference is embedded within a cultural interpretation; thus, among the diverse tribes of American Indian and Alaska Native people there is shared definition. Ellerby (2001) defined an Elder as a tribal person who possesses certain qualities and maintains a specific lifestyle and knowledge. There are distinct differences between an “elderly person” and an “Elder.” An Elder describes the role in the following manner:
“It’s up to us to stand up, men and women, and talk to our youngsters and raise our traditional ways of knowing. What we teach them, we need to be role models or examples and follow the teaching…”
An Elder is defined as an individual who has lived an extended life, currently maintains a healthy lifestyle, and has a wealth of cultural information and knowledge (Ellerby, 2001; Wilson, 1996). The Elder has expertise based upon know-how and provides consultation to the community and family when needed. As with all humans, Elders have made mistakes in the past. If possible, mechanisms for forgiveness need to be established so that Elders can move forward into their role. The Elder must model the behaviors and standards of living they are teaching.
“It is not good to say something and not put it into practice what we’ve been taught. We need to follow these pathways and when a younger person sees you doing well, and they’re going to want to go that direction.”
It is essential to differentiate between the elderly and Elders for many very important reasons. Within the Alaska Native culture, Elders are highly respected for their knowledge, positive lifestyle, and personality characteristics. Not all elderly individuals hold the status of Elder within tribes, communities, and families. When individuals are looked to as Elders, their lifestyle is held up as an example for others to follow. This is not the case with all individuals at an advanced age. Without this differentiation, many of the youth of today do not respect nor desire to listen to the Elders. This has a tremendously negative impact upon the transmission of indigenous knowledge. One Elder described this process in the following manner:
“…if you don’t ‘walk your talk’ the young people will go down the wrong path. That’s why I take care of myself in what I’ve learned and have been taught. Our ancestor’s ways of
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living need to be heeded to and be used on a daily basis with us being good role models…. We are all one people…”
B. Native Elder Health, Disengagement, and Sense of Self
1. Trend Toward Medical Care Outside the Community
There are more Elders living longer lives but not necessarily healthier lives. As the numbers of Alaska Native Elders increase, the trend has been to send them to senior services in hub or urban areas for care that focuses upon intensive care rather than allowing them to stay at home surrounded by family and friends. Jervis, Jackson & Manson (2002) state that, traditionally, kin provided long-term care for Elders, but increasingly there is a trend away from family caregivers due to increasing life span, smaller families, and geographic dispersion. The facilities are often located far from the home communities, which makes it difficult for family and community members to have meaningful interaction with the Elders. Elders may face problems with cultural and language barriers when removed from their community of origin.
2. Negative Impact of Elder Disengagement
When Alaska Native Elders are forced to disengage from their role and function in their communities, there can be a negative impact upon Elders, their community, and families. A school of thought under the umbrella of social gerontology entitled ‘disengagement theory’ states that it is normal and inevitable for the elderly to decrease their activity and seek more passive roles as they age. There is a ‘mutual withdrawal’ by the Elder from society and the society from the elderly which will insure the optimal functioning of both. The theory of disengagement has come under sharp criticism by many, and some argue that disengagement is not inevitable with old age (Hillier & Barrow, 1999).
For Alaska Native Elders, removal from their communities of origin and families appears to be a ‘forced disengagement’ of sorts. Alaska Native Elders do not reach a stage in their life whereby they are no longer making a contribution to their family, community, and tribe. They do not ‘retire’ or disengage from society in the same manner as the elderly from the western society. Native Elders have an important role as a member of a collective society to act as the transmitters of cultural knowledge to the youth of their tribe, community, and family. When they are removed and they can no longer fulfill their obligation, there is a high probability that the survival and health of Native people will be negatively impacted.
C. Culturally Congruent Program Design for Senior Services
1. Connecting Elders to Their Community
Native Elders who live in institutions will have increased levels of mental, physical, and social wellness if their traditional roles and activities are replaced. Activity theory is a dominant perspective in social gerontology. This perspective states that activity is the essence of life, and that positive personal adjustment is connected to increased levels of activity (Hillier & Barrow, 1999). When an individual is forced to give up roles and activities, they should be replaced to maintain mental, physical, and social wellness.
Elders function in a highly relational context; therefore, when removed from their families, communities, and tribes, their lives cease to have connection and meaning. This approach may
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work for individuals who have been socialized to value independence and individualism, but for individuals who have been socialized to value family and community over the individual self, this model of treatment will be limited in its effectiveness. Removing Alaska Native patients from their community, culture, and natural surroundings will likely result in isolation. Isolation holds the potential to lead to crisis and trauma rather than healing. The Elders need to be connected to the youth and the community, be included in decision making, and be able to pass on knowledge, traditional ways, stories, sources of wisdom for future generations, language, dance, and subsistence activities.
When Elders are placed in senior housing with limited contact with their families and communities, every effort needs to be made to connect the Elders with the local community cultural activities, school system, and cultural camps. When the Elders have opportunities to make contributions in this manner, the Elders and communities will benefit. Traditional cultural activities such as berry picking, fishing, nature walks, gathering edible and medicinal plants, steambaths, and arts and crafts can be utilized to enhance the spiritual, mental, and physical wellbeing of Elders (Mills, 2003).
2. Returning Elders to Respected Roles
Tribal, community, and family healing will be enhanced when Elders are returned to a position of respect and authority. If Alaska Native Elders are returned to the position of respect and rightful roles, then healing at a community level will begin to take place and will result in a restoration of tribal, community, and family health. The Elders bring wisdom and knowledge from the past into current situations. They convey a way of life and worldview based upon a spiritual and mental philosophy that gives behavior meaning (Wilson, 1996).
There needs to be mechanisms in place that will increase the awareness of the need to forgive Elders for past mistakes by healthy Elders and leaders at the community level. The communities and tribes across the state need to provide creative opportunities for youth and Elders to meet with each other as often as possible.
3. Benefits of In-home Services
When planning long-term care for Alaska Native Elders, in-home services should be the least restrictive and in the most advantageous setting. Manson (1989) recommends that the most desirable setting for the care of older Indians is in their own or their families’ homes because a wide array of services have been developed that can facilitate Elders living independently. Personal care services, home maker services, and meals-on-wheels can be delivered in the home. These services reduce social isolation.
The Helping Hands program in Bristol Bay is an example of a rural program that saw a need for services that are similar to hospice services for Natives facing terminal and chronic illnesses. The Bristol Bay Area Health Corporation designed the program to meet the cultural needs of their people. Replication of this program is recommended as a way to meet the long-term care needs for Elders facing end of life issues across the state.
4. Considerations for Designing Programs
Alaska Native Elders have a collective and interdependent sense of self which needs to be taken into consideration when designing programs. The Elders from Alaska Native cultures
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have a noticeably different construct of the self compared to the Euro-American culture. The Euro-American culture views the ideal self as an “I-self” that is an independent, individualistic, and autonomous entity whose behavior is internally controlled (Berzoff, 1996; Roland 1988/1996). The ideal (the mature, healthy person) is expected to function as an independent structure.
Alaska Natives, and other indigenous cultures, hold a collective sense of the self (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). The cultures with a sense of “we-self” view harmony and unity as the ideal. The self has permeable boundaries and is less differentiated compared to the “I-self.” The members of collective cultures are interconnected and interdependent. Alaska Native Elders come from a collectivist society that promotes reliance upon a close bond with family members and the community. The individual is not the focus, but rather the group is the focus.
What happens to a person who has a “we-self” when they are removed from their group? There have been no studies that focus upon the removal process. When Alaska Natives are unable to connect to their families, communities and tribes, careful consideration of the potential negative impact upon their removal from their communities is essential.
5. Considerations for Alaska Native Communication Patterns
Due to the communication patterns of Alaska Native Elders, health care workers need to be sensitive and aware of English as a second language, non-verbal communication, and silence. Elders need Health care workers who have an understanding of Alaska Native communication patterns (Garwick & Auger, 2000). Providers need to be sensitive to nonverbal communication patterns and silence. When Native people are silent, they may be showing respect. Health care providers are seen as ‘healers’ who possess special powers and are held in high regard. It is customary not to look directly at them and to listen intently to what they are saying. Elders speak indirectly in metaphors and stories (Hendrix, 2003).
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V. Data Limitations
The limitations of data are related to generalizability, potential bias, under representation of one region, and difference in depth and substance of cultural knowledge shared. There are several matters related to the data that hold the potential to impact the findings contained within this report. The limitations of data are related to potential bias, under representation of one region, differences between interviews in terms of depth and substance, and generalizability.
A. Lack of Generalizability
The findings cannot be considered representative of all Alutiiq, Aleut, Inupiat, Yup’ik, Athabascan, Tlingit, Haida, and Tsimshian Elders. The findings are reflective of those interviewed and may not represent the opinions of the entire group.
Generally, with regards to the cultural regions visited, several groups of Elders within each geographic region were interviewed in order to capture a wide representation of opinions. However, with regards to the Aleut interviews, one community was visited due to time and financial constraints. It is likely that if more than one group of the Aleut Elders were interviewed, the themes, findings, and interpretations presented within this report might differ.
This report may more clearly state the views and concerns of Elders who have reached a specific stage of becoming elderly. The majority of the Elders interviewed have reached the stage where they are experiencing physical needs for medical care. Overall, the majority of the interviews were conducted with Elders who may have been removed from their community of origin and are presently utilizing senior services in some capacity. The findings in this project can not be generalized to elderly who are living independently in their community of origin. If the project had targeted Elders who are relatively physically healthy, and who are continuing to live independently or with family in their community of origin, the findings and interpretations might differ from those presented in this report.
At times, the raw transcribed interviews did not identify the speaker which made it difficult for the research team analyzing the interviews to know if the individual was an Elder or someone else speaking. The team did their best to resolve this issue by talking to the interviewer to resolve the identity of the individuals who did not identify themselves directly.
B. Differences Among Regions
While analyzing the materials, it became apparent that Elders shared a wide range of the intellectual and cultural knowledge shared in terms of the depth and substance. This may be in part a function of the effect of the interviewer and cultural trauma. In some cases, the interviewer had extensive knowledge of the variety of rituals, ceremonies, and worldview, and possessed the ability to speak the Elder’s first language. The depth of the interviews that were done in the Elder’s Native language, with an interviewer from the Elder’s culture, were comparatively rich and deep. Another possible variable that may account for the differences in the depth of knowledge shared is the continuing effects of historical trauma.
The Elders from the cultural groups who were more profoundly impacted and influenced by colonialism for extended periods of time talked extensively about their experience of cultural genocide and, at times, did not share the depth of knowledge related to ancestral wisdom. The
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richness of the cultural knowledge contained within the interviews from the more profoundly impacted groups may in part reflect the extent of the cultural trauma experienced by the group.
C. Research Team Bias
The ethnicity and worldview of the interviewers, transcribers, and those analyzing the data hold the potential to bias the results of the report. The research team brought their life experiences, beliefs, and worldview to the project. Every effort was made to minimize the bias. The team was invested in the integrity and accuracy of the report.
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VI. References
Alaska Department of Health & Social Services (2002). Creating healthy communities: An Alaskan talking circle. Healthy Alaskans 2010, Volume II: Strategies for Improved Health. November 2002. Anchorage Senior Citizens Advisory Commission (2000). The Anchorage Senior Study 2000: A planning document for the aging population of Anchorage. Final Report. June 2000. Berzoff, J. et al (1996) Inside out and outside in: psychodynamic clinical theory and practice in contemporary multicultural contexts. Northvale, N.J. Jason Aronson. Braveheart, M. Y. (1998). The return to the scared path: Healing the historical trauma and historical unresolved grief response among the Lakota through psycho-educational group intervention. Smith College in Social Work, 68(3). Chance, N., Brace, H. (1990). Beyond Kin: Social and Cultural Life. The Inupiat and Arctic Alaska. http://arcticcircle.uconn.edu/HistoryCulture/Inupiat/beyondkin.html. Arctic Circle. 07/08/2004. Crowell, A.; Steffian, A.; Pullar, G. (2001). Looking both ways: heritage & identity of the Alutiiq people. University of Alaska Press. Ellerby., J. (2001). Working with Aboriginal Elders. Winnipeg Native Studies. Garwick, A., Auger, S. (2000). What do providers need to know about American Indian Culture? Recommendations from urban Indian family caregivers. Families, Systems & Health, 18(2), Summer 2000, p. 177. Hendrix, L. (2003). Revisiting Sacred Ways: Spiritual support and Native American theologies for the health care provider, 16, June 2003. Stanford Geriatric Education Center. Hillier, S., Barrow, G. (1999). Theories in Social Gerontology. Aging, the Individual, and Society: Instructors Edition. Chapter 4. Wadsworth Publishing Company, New York. Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of Alaska Anchorage (2004). Executive Summary: Status of Alaska Natives 2004. May 2004. Jackson, D., Chapleski, E. (2000). Not Traditional, not assimilated: Elderly American Indians and the notion of ‘cohort’. Journal of Cross Cultural Gerontology, 15, p. 229-259. Jervis, L., Jackson, M., Manson, S. (2002). Need for, availability of, and barriers to the provision of long-term care services for older American Indians. Journal of Cross-Cultural Gerontology, 17(4), December 2002, p. 295-302. Jones, D. (1980). A century of servitude: Pribilof Aleuts under U.S. rule. University Press of America, Inc. Kawagley, A. O. (1995). A Yupiaq Worldview: A Pathway to Ecology and Spirit. Waveland Press, Illinois. Kohlhoff, D. (1995). When the wind was a river: Aleut evacuation in World War II. University of Washington Press/Seattle and London. Manson, S. (1989). Long-term care in American Indian communities: Issues for planning and research. The Gerontologist, 29(1), February 1989, p. 38-44.
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Manson, S. (1995). Mental health status and needs of the American Indian and Alaska Native Elderly. Handbook on Ethnicity, Aging, and Mental Health. Greenwood Press. Westport, CT. Ch. 7, p. 132-141. Manson, S., Brenneman, D. (1995). Chronic disease among older American Indians: Preventing depressive symptoms and related problems of coping. Handbook on Ethnicity, Aging, and Mental Health. Greenwood Press. Westport, CT. Ch. 15, p. 284-303. Manson, S., Pambrun, A. (1979). Social and psychological status of the American Indian Elderly: Past research, current advocacy, and future inquiry. White Cloud Journal, 1(3), p. 18-25. Markus, H. & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review, 98(2), 224-253. Napolean, H. (1996). Yuuyaraq: The way of the human being. Alaska Native knowledge network. Padgett, J., Baily, S. (1995). Culturally specific psychosocial nursing care for the ethnic Elderly. Handbook on Ethnicity, Aging, and Mental Health. Greenwood Press. Westport, CT. Ch. 13, p. 242-264. Roland, A. (1996). Cultural pluralism and psychoanalysis: the Asian and North American experience. New York: Routledge. Torrey, B. (1983). Slaves of the harvest. Tanadgusix Corporation. Vanstone, J. (1974). Athabaskan Adaptations: hunters & fishermen of the subarctic forests. Aldine Publishing Company/Chicago. Weaver, H. (1999). Indigenous people and the social work profession: defining culturally competent services. Social Work, 44(3), May 1999, p. 217-224. Whitbeck, L., Adams, G., Hoyt, D., Chen, X. (2004). Conceptualizing and measuring historical trauma among American Indian people. American Journal of Community Psychology, 33(¾), June 2004, p. 119-130. Wilson, S. (1996). Gwich’in Native Elders: Not Just Knowledge but a Way of Looking at the World. Alaska Native Knowledge Network. Fairbanks, AK.
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