Research Proposal

I. Research Question/Problem Journalism as an Instrument of War: The Representations of the case of Evangelina Cosio y Cisneros in the United States, Cuba and Spain (1897). II. Description In the nineteenth century, after territorial expansionism was over, United States focused on the Caribbean and Latin America. Cuba fell into the crosshairs. By the end of the aforementioned century, rebel Cubans were waging war against Spain for independence. According to the Puerto Rican economist, James Dietz, “Cuba’s struggle for independence threatened economic and strategic interests of the United States in the Caribbean and Latin America; interests that those who decided American policies did not even try to disguise or excuse, focusing on the resources, markets and cheap labor in the hemisphere.”1 Dietz argues that the interests of major newspapers and large companies and government coincided with US interests. During those years of war in Cuba, an intense media campaign in favor of intervention ensued in the United States in order to free Cubans of the “wrath of the evil Spanish lords.”2 Thus far, this research project has revealed that this campaign used gender related themes of innocence, chivalry and manhood to mobilize popular support for the war. In this context, in United States newspapers, Cuba was often portrayed as a “defenseless beautiful woman.” On the other hand, newspapers in Spain used a more defensive rhetoric that accused the United States and its journals of war mongering, sensationalism and of flat out lying. They too used the gender paradigm to depict the characters of the story. Evangelina Cosio y Cisneros was arrested in July 1896 in what the Cuban-Spanish authorities denounced as a failed attempt to attract the military commander of the Isle of

1 James L. Dietz. “El período inicial de control norteamericano.” Historia económica de Puerto Rico. Río Piedras: Ediciones Huracán 2007, 96. 2 On October 1, 1897 the news report described the Prime Minister of Spain, Cánovas del Castillo (recently murdered) as a tyrant; the Governor of Isle of Pines in Cuba, Coronel Berriz, as his protégé, and Capitan General of the Spanish militia in Cuba, Valeriano Weyler was portrayed as the “cruel persecutor of Evangelina Cisneros”. Evangelina Cosio y Cisneros was described as the victim. See: William Randolph Hearst (Ed). “The Crisis in Spain”. New York Journal and Advertiser. October 1, 1897, 8. Pines,3 Colonel José Berriz, to “a trap that would lead to his death.”4 This accusation was accompanied by an alleged insurrection attempt on July 26, 1896, which aimed to obtain the Isle of Pines for the independence cause. According to this version, the young Cuban woman was not yet sentenced when she was discovered by the New York Journal. The Spanish maintained that “the case was still being investigated.”5 The New York Journal, an archetype of the genre known as yellow journalism, reported that Cosio y Cisneros was innocent and was only guilty of “having in her veins the best blood of Cuba.”6 Her imprisonment was portrayed as “worse than death”7 and –from the New York Journal’s perspective– it demonstrated the “bestiality”8 by which Spain acted in a war context. The newspaper maintained that Evangelina Cisneros9, as she was known in the US, was harassed by the Spanish military commander, Colonel José Berriz; and that on the night of July 26, 1896, nothing happened beyond the defense of a young woman’s honor. The newspaper added that she was to be extradited to Ceuta, a prison for men in Africa. Upon hearing the news and the commotion that it began to provoke in the American public, the Cuban revolutionary newspapers (Patria and others) decided to include it in their publications using the American editorial line, but adding adjectives of courage, leadership and honor to the young Cuban woman. These newspapers took advantage of the war of images and texts to heroically represent the revolution. On the other hand, by the time the news event was at its peak in the United States, Spanish newspapers decided to use metaphors and analogies that compared Cosio y Cisneros with women of “ill repute”. The

3 Prison island in Cuban territory. Its current name is Isla de la Juventud (Youth Island). 4 “Nacionales”. La Correspondencia de España. 23/09/1897, 3. 5 Ibidem. 6 She was linked to Marqués de Santa Lucía, Salvador Cisneros Betancourt, president of the Republic in Arms (Cuba). See: Marion Kendrick, “The Cuban Girl Martyr,” New York Journal (17 de agosto de 1897): 1. 7 See: “Better She Died than Reach Ceuta: Friends of Miss Cisneros, Who Were in Prison with Her, Horrified at Her Peril” The New York Journal and Advertiser, August 18, 1897, 2. 8 “De Lome’s Defense and Confession,” New York Journal (27 de agosto de 1897): 6. 9 Her full name had two last names due to the fact that in Spanish custom the paternal and maternal last names are retained. Cosio (her paternal last name) was omitted in english newspapers. This mistake would open the opportunity to arbitrarily link her to Salvador Cisneros Betancourt, President of the Cuban Republic in Arms during part of the Ten Years War. Spanish press equated her with the biblical characters Dalila10 and Judith11 who, motivated by political or religious ideas, each seduced a man –in separate cases– in order to kill them or cause them harm. In contrast to the American newspapers, the Spanish had no qualms about attributing intellectuality to Evangelina. But to do so, it was necessary to discredit her honor. Women were seen as housewives, without political opinion; and as delicate, respectable, demure ladies. Within the gender paradigm of the time, only women with no self-respect were capable of meddling in political matters, let alone, try to kill a man. This justified the comparisons with Judith and Dalila. These women were described as intelligent, but intelligence was aggressive and, therefore, masculine. This discursive formation of Evangelina provided the Spanish public with the image necessary to devoid the young Cuban woman of compassion and sympathy from them. Contrary to this aggressive representation of Evangelina, the American newspapers represented her as “almost a girl”, “innocent”, “delicate”, “of good family” and “extremely beautiful”. Meanwhile, Patria portrayed her as “interesting”, and “brave”. It is in this context that the New York Journal was able to gather a total of 60,000 signatures in order to petition the Queen Regent of Spain, María Cristina, for clemency. These representations clearly stirred public opinion in favor of the young woman and later enabled the New York Journal to illegally help her evade capture from a Cuban jail and escort her to the United States. These events were described as the rescue and arrival on American soil of the “innocent and young Cuban beauty”. The newspapers in Spain took a defensive and indignant stance, while the newspaper Patria took advantage of the historic moment to praise “the colleague” and reiterate the power of the press, by publishing that the Journal had managed to humiliate the Spanish government on the island. Newspapers were clearly part of the battle. On several occasions the Spanish newspapers warned that the US press was tarnishing Spain’s reputation and that the intention was to feed the “separatist opinion”.12 Yet, this passive demeanor did not produce its own discursive formation, it defended Spain against that one produced by the American

10 “La Dalila Cubana” La época. Año XLIX, No. 16,968. Madrid. August 30, 1897, 2. In: Hemeroteca Digital de la Biblioteca Nacional de España http://hemerotecadigital.bne.es 11 “La Judith de la manigua” La época . Año XLIX, No. 16,968. Madrid. August 29, de 1897, 2. In: Hemeroteca Digital de la Biblioteca Nacional de España http://hemerotecadigital.bne.es 12 “España y los Estados Unidos”, La Época. 12/10/1897, 2. press. In stark contrast, the representations produced by the New York Journal were effectively molded to the gender paradigm that predominated in the upper class and powerful society of the time. This newspaper did not hesitate to express analogically and metaphorically economic, political and power arguments in terms of gender in order to establish the agenda for public opinion. I’ve been working on this research project since 2016. I traveled to New York once and to Cuba twice in order to gather relevant data that was only available there. During these trips I discovered that Spain, France and England also published the story. I decided to include the Spanish version as they were directly involved. So far, a total of 1,150 representations have been counted and analyzed. To completely explore all the representations that took place within the case, two things still need to be done: include the representations produced in Joseph Pullitzer’s New York World, as he was a dissenting voice in the United States and explore the newspapers produced by the Cuban exile that lived in Florida, as it’s well known that this State was key to the revolutionary efforts. This research intends to expand the data already gathered from Spain, New York and Cuba by studying the aforementioned newspapers during the period in which the case was published (August- December 1897).

III. Significance Agenda setting in mass media is relevant today. From the Crimean War in 1855 to the most recent wars against the so-called global terrorism, photographic and written news have been part of the battle, building opinions and setting the political agenda. However, media battles have received little attention in the discipline of history compared to the battles carried out with gunpowder. This research analyses the bellicose use of mass journalism in a historical and Caribbean context through the exploration of the representations produced in the case of Evangelina Cosio y Cisneros. Cosio y Cisneros was a young Cuban female prisoner embroiled in a media battle held among American, Cuban and Spanish newspapers, each with their own agenda and perspective. The event was first presented in The New York Journal in august, 1897 and then published internationally over the course of five months. In the end, a journalist from the aforementioned newspaper rescued the young woman in order to “win” the media battle in which Cuban and Spanish newspapers aggressively participated. José Martí’s Patria, and El Cubano Libre, among other Cuban newspapers were part of the media frenzy. Spanish newspapers responded vigorously to the accusations being made about their country and their treatment to the young cuban lady. Based on the gender paradigm of the era, representations of “innocence”, “youth”, “gender”, “chivalry”, “beauty”, “social status”, “intellectuality”, “leadership”, “betrayal”, “crime”, “power”, “patriotism”, “brutality”, “falsehood”, “sympathy”, “impotence”, “heroism”, “courage” and “honor”, were utilized in order to persuade public opinion. Three very distinct perspectives of the same story emerged: Evangelina de innocent, Evangelina the criminal, and Evangelina de patriot. The result of the gunpowder battle is known: The United States achieved its interventionist purpose and Spain now recognizes 1898 as “the year of the disaster.” Yet, the analysis of the media battle through the representations made and the discursive formations produced can shed light into its effectiveness as an instrument of war.

IV. Methodology and Sources Two communication theories were considered for this study: Stuart Hall’s Representation Theory, and Maxwell McCombs's Agenda Setting Theory. The first was chosen since it is precisely the representations produced in the newspapers, the main focus of this research project. This theory explains representations and how they’re produced through language. According to Hall, a representation “connects meanings and language with culture.” In other words, representation includes the use of language to say something meaningful about people, things or events, or to represent the world meaningfully to others. It also explains how the representations published in mass media can –and necessarily are– skewed, precisely because of their literary nature. In second place, the Agenda Setting Theory proposes a relationship between the representations published in mass media and the public’s agenda or thematic interests. According to the American linguist, philosopher and political activist, Noam Chomsky, “the main purpose of the mass media is not so much to inform and report what happens, but rather to shape public opinion according to the dominant power’s agenda.” This definition infers treachery on the part of the owners of media and its main actors. Yet, the agenda doesn’t necessarily have to be causal or specific in order to be biased. Even those media that aspire to be neutral or “objective” will experience practical limitations that will preclude their goal: 1) the simple inability of journalists to report all available stories and facts, and the requirement that the selected facts be linked to a coherent narrative; 2) government influence, including open and covert censorship; 3) the forces of the market and the consequent pressure exerted by the advertisers; and, 4) the concentration of ownership of media to a few powerful hands, among others, prevent the neutrality of the media. To address Chomsky's previously cited argument about media as powerful ideological institutions that have a propagandistic function, this study devotes a portion to public opinion. In general terms, public opinion is defined as “the sum of many individual opinions.” But more specific notions have offered definitions that give more weight, either to the opinion of the individual, the majority, the groups or the elite when considering political decisions. The journalist, Walter Lippman, wrote an early book entitled Public Opinion, in which he established that the average person does not have the time or inclination to keep abreast of the countless problems a nation faces daily. Nor do they have the opportunity to experience most political events first-hand. Therefore, they must rely on the information transmitted through mass media. For the purposes of this study, the definition offered in the book Establishing the Agenda by Maxwell McCombs was taken into account. It argues that the media’s agenda becomes, to a large extent, the public’s agenda and, therefore, media establishes the agenda of the public. In the opinion of McCombs, “although there are many issues that compete for public attention, only a few are successful, and the media exerts a great influence on our perception of which are the most important issues of the day.” In other words, mass media are key in the definitions of discursive formations. This study integrates the premise that media bias contributes to nurturing stereotypes, prejudices and discrimination when the factors of personal, social and ideological experience of each individual are added together. This premise allows to explore the representations developed in the newspapers to be analyzed and their relationship with public opinion. I intend to analyze the content of Floridian newspapers in order to add the Cuban exile view of the Cosio y Cisneros case. I would be searching for key words that represent “innocence”, “youth”, “gender”, “chivalry”, “beauty”, “social status”, “intellectuality”, “leadership”, “betrayal”, “crime”, “power”, “patriotism”, “brutality”, “falsehood”, “sympathy”, “impotence”, “heroism”, “courage” and “honor”. The preliminary study of Patria, José Martí’s newspaper, has revealed that the case was included when it was deemed convenient to the rebel cause, and representations of courage and heroism were added to her ordeal. The sources that are yet to be analyzed are: The New York World, El Yara, Revista de Cayo Hueso, Cuba y América, Nueva República, Eco de Martí, Expedicionario, Libertad, and Cuba. The first one is The New York Journal’s rival and one of the few dissident newspapers in the United States. The rest are Cuban exile newspapers published in Florida in 1897.

V. Organization and Plan of Work “Journalism as an Instrument of War” is organized in six chapters, four of which are completed. Chapter One examines what is known about Evangelina Cosio y Cisneros’s case in three perspectives: New York13, Cuba, and Spain. Cuban exile findings will be added upon discovery. Chapter Two examines the historical context in which the case originates and evolves by succinctly exploring United States expansion politics (1783-1895), as well as, Cuba’s Ten Years War (1868-1878), and the 1895 Cuban War of Independence. It also explores United States Intervention in 1898 that culminated in the Cuban-Spanish-American War. Chapter Three is dedicated to the history of New York journalism, since it is where Evangelina Cosio y Cisneros’ story originated and it is also the place of birth of the Yellow Press that encouraged sensationalism and war mongering. Chapter four explores Spanish and Cuban journalism. They’re integrated in one chapter for two reasons: 1) Spain decided Cuban law, therefore whatever affected Spanish journalism would ultimately affect Cuba; and, 2) Censorship was a very important part of Spanish peninsular and colonial rule, thus, affecting both in akin ways. Chapter Five analyzes the content of the findings. American, Cuban and Spanish content has been analyzed with total of 1,150 representations encountered. The Cuban exile newspapers that remain to be studied have to be accessed through: Recovering The Hispanic Literary Heritage Project of The University of Houston, and The Cuban Heritage Collection of the University of Miami. I shall complete the writing of this chapter as soon as I access these collections in summer 2020. Chapter Six offers the conclusions of the research project.

VI. Outcomes

13 William Randolph Heart’s The New York Journal was the first newspaper to publish Evangelina Cosio y Cineros story. Their version of events was repeated throughout the majority of the United States of America. Very few American journals had dissident views. This was the case of Joseph Pullitzer’s New York World. This part of the story is still to be analyzed. I intend to publish this project as a book that will interest a variety of readers: academics, students and enthusiasts of both media studies and Cuban/Caribbean History. Media manipulation and agenda setting through mass media is having a particular resonance today. This study aims to help reinforce what Olivia Cadaval has described as “historic conscience.” She explains that its essence lies not only in remembering the past in order to create a collective and cohesive identity, but also in the attempt to understand the past and give it meaning.14 I participated in a NEH Institute at the University of Tampa that offered me a better understanding of the Spanish-Cuban-American War and enriched my knowledge of the life and work of José Martí and his role as a chronicler of the war. The institute also provided me with a wonderful network of peers with akin interests. Some of us are planning to do collaborative work in the near future. Additionally, I am presenting my preliminary research at the 2019 International Communication Meeting (ICOM 2019) in Havana, Cuba. This project is aimed to help people better understand the power of mass media, and how it has been used as a bellicose instrument.

14 Cadaval, Olivia. Memoria histórica, un conjuro contra la amnesia colectiva. El espectador. 3/24/2017. Accessed from: https://www.elespectador.com/noticias/investigacion/memoria- historica-un-conjuro-contra-la-amnesia-colectiva-articulo-685215. VII. Bibliography

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