Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement

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33_07 Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement

by Ninna Nyberg Sørensen

CONTENTS

Foreword...... III

An Introduction...... 1 Ninna Nyberg Sørensen Globalization, Diaspora, and Transnational Migration...... 5 The Contributions...... 8 Note...... 13 References...... 14

Conceptualizing Diasporas: Remarks About the Latino and Caribbean Experience.... 17 Manuel Orozco Abstract...... 19 Introduction...... 20 Diasporas...... 20 Factors...... 22 Degree, Focus, Initiation and Impact of Diasporic Relations...... 27 Conclusions...... 32 Notes...... 33 References...... 34

Mestizaje and Clothing: Interpreting Mexican-US Transnational Social Space...... 37 Fiona Wilson Abstract...... 39 Why Did Rural Mexicans Change Their Way of Dress?...... 41 Production of Transnational Social Space...... 42 Processes of Mestizaje...... 45 Exploring Clothing...... 45 Connecting Clothing, Modernity, Mestizaje...... 54 Policy Implications...... 55 Notes...... 57 References...... 58

Burundians in Belgium: Constructing, Performing and Contesting Diaspora...... 61 Simon Turner Abstract...... 63 The Transnational Political Field...... 65 Coming to Belgium...... 67 Les Anciens – Constructing a Diasporic Opposition...... 69 Les Boursiers – Confronting the Diaspora...... 71 1993 Complex Diasporas...... 72 Playing the Political Game...... 73 The Tutsi – A Diaspora Apart...... 75 Other Options – Inter-Ethnic Meeting Places...... 76 Diasporas in Plural...... 77 Notes...... 80 References...... 81

Spaces of Democratic Practice: Nicaraguans in San José, Costa Rica...... 83 Pia Steen Abstract...... 85 Political Transnationality...... 86 Horizontal and Vertical Ties...... 88 Flight and Migration: The Nicaraguan Context...... 89 The Nica-Tica Connection...... 90 Micro-Politics in San José...... 91 Democratization and Political Cultures...... 96 Discourses on Flight and Migration...... 97 Why are the Elites Engaged in their Poor Compatriots?...... 99 Dispora as Platform for Politics...... 101 Notes...... 103 References...... 104 Somali-Scandinavian A Dreaming: When “the Diaspora” Returns to the Desert...... 107 Nauja Kleist Abstract...... 109 Somali Migration...... 110 Transnational Social Spaces and Locations...... 111 Somscan and UK...... 112 The Role of “The Diaspora“...... 119 Somali-Scandinavian Dreaming...... 121 Notes...... 125 References...... 126

Revolving Returnees in Somaliland...... 129 Peter Hansen Abstract...... 131 Dispersal and Diaspora...... 133 Mobile Markers...... 134 Scale and Engagements...... 137 Risk Management and Transnationalism...... 141 Oppotunities and Individuality in a Virgin Country...... 142 Local and Diasporic Capital...... 144 The Continuation of Transnational Practices...... 146 References...... 148 Transnational Family Life across the Atlantic: The experience of Colombian and Dominican Migrants in Europe...... 151 Ninna Nyberg Sørensen and Luís E. Guarnizo Abstract...... 153 The Femination of Migration and Transnational Family Relationships...... 155 Care and Changes in Gender Relations Due to Female Migration...... 160 Transnational Motherhood, Fatherhood and Childhood...... 166 Intermezzo: Generalized and Domestic Violence...... 167 On Family, Nation and Levels of Inclusion...... 169 Notes...... 172 References...... 174 Adios Peru: Persistence and Variation in Peruvian Transnational Engagement...... 177 Karsten Paerregaard Abstract...... 179 The Eight Migrant Experiences...... 182 Discussion...... 191 Global Network...... 193 Notes...... 194 References...... 195

Conclusion - Thoughts for Policymakers and Practitioners...... 197 Ninna Nyberg Sørensen Engaged Diasporas – Engaging Diasporas...... 200 Remittances...... 201 Return or Participation from the Diaspora...... 202 Transnational Family Life...... 204 References...... 206

II List of Contributors...... 207 FOREWORD

he International Organization for Migration is pleased to present Living Across Worlds, Diaspora, Development and Transnational En- Tgagement, a collection of research papers, directed by Ninna Ny- berg Sorensen. Our Organization has been particularly committed over the last few years to proposing responses to the complex challenge of linking migration to development issues and this volume is part of this effort.

IOM’s views on migration and development are derived from 55 years of experience helping governments to manage migration for the benefit of all. IOM emphasizes the pressing need to ensure that migration is integrated into development planning agendas at national and international levels and that the voice and role of transnational players - individuals and organizations - are heard and taken into account.

While there is growing agreement at the international level that migration considerations need to be routinely factored into development planning and that migration policies need to become more “development friendly”, there are still gaps in defining the effects of migration on development. The aim of this collection is to show through selected case studies, the diversity of potential contributions of diasporas to the development of both their home and destination countries. The research presented in this volume shows how the conditions of migration and integration in the host societies can impact on diasporas’ contributions to development and thus more globally how conditions under which migration takes place determine the development impact of migration.

This research allows us to “meet” with the diasporas, listen to their voices, enter their stories, get close to their concerns and aspirations, recognize the diversity of their motivations and discern the complexity of each personal migration path. Understanding the heterogeneity of strategies and circumstances hidden behind the word “diaspora” is a key element for developing policies that effectively engage diasporas for development. Policies failing to III establish a working agenda and an effective partnership with diasporas are bound to generate very limited results.

The Research and Publications Unit of IOM views the collaboration of the organization with scholars involved in research throughout the world, as of great significance. IOM provides a platform for expression and exchange of views between researchers and policy makers, represented by IOM’s membership, composed of 120 member states in 2007.

This publication is part of IOM’s research and policy programme on migration and development, which comprises a large number of events and research papers on the subject. IOM publishes numerous documents on migration and development within the Migration Research Series and the International Dialogue on Migration Series, all available on IOM’s website (www.iom. int).

The organization and in particular the Research and Publications Unit, would like to express its gratitude to Ninna Nyberg Sorensen, the director of the publication and to all authors who contributed to this volume, Manuel Orozco, Fiona Wilson, Simon Turner, Pia Steen, Nauja Kleist, Peter Hansen, Luis E. Guarnizo and Karsten Paerregaard.

While directed to a diverse audience of policy makers and academics, we expect that this volume will also interest social partners, non governmental actors, media as well as those transnational individuals who through their own stories of migration, live both “here” and “there”.

IV Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement – An Introduction Ninna Nyberg Sørensen 1

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement

An Introduction ogtr, ogdsac, oncin mitie bten aiy mem family between maintained connections long-distance, the long-term, and practices refugee and migrant of sense making cur of means gained as rency have transnationalism and diaspora globalization, of notions presented inthisbookcriticallyexaminesomeofthesetensions. studies Thebroadened. are nexus migration-development the around sions and policies are emerging, and the scope and constituency for policy discus mechanisms control of forms new states, and people of flows transnational forced and voluntary migration increasingly difficult. In the tension between phenomenon of “mixed flows” making the conventional distinction between the flows, and particular of feminization migration,a of informalization and diversification class growing a ones, new with destinations migration “old” growing complexity of migratory movements, manifested in a substitution of a to led has mobility Increased considerably. spread and lengthened have behind left members family and migrants between interaction of chains bal glo mobility, human stem or curtail control, to attempts despite and tion, informa and goods capital, of mobility increased to led has globalization of processes current underpins that system transnational Theworld. the of see Schuerkens, 2005; Spaan et al., 2005; Van Hear and Sørensen, 2003). way of thinking can be found in current brain drain concerns (for an inequality.overview,further to leadsconspicuousconsumption that into Tracesthis of channeledrather butproductive not generally areinvestments migrant and consumers; into convert producers former members; productive most their of communitiesdepriveslocaldevelopment:migration localeffecting tively debate. In the second case, migration has generally been understood as nega policyremittancecurrent much underlies thinkingequilibrated. of wayThis is resources of distributionglobal thewhereby countries, poor to rich from rich countries is counteracted by a movement of money and consumer goods been seen as beneficial to development: the movement of people from poor migration has case, to first the mentally,Indifferentgrounds. very onalthough approachesbothmaysaythathave “development”oneviewed instru quite resulta ofcolonialism and (neo-)imperialism. Making crudea generalization, context in which the development of “uneven development” is understood as proaches have focused attention on explicating migration ap inMarxist Structuralist andarisks. minimizing andglobal,resources maximizing of capitalist way a as mobility human understanding safety, thereby human or tunities, migrationaseither functiona ofwage-level differentials, employment oppor nation states or regions. Neo-classical equilibrium approaches have explained utedimbalancesto levelsin developmentof between different communities, ized as intimately interlinked. At a structural level, the linkage has been attrib transnational networks. and diaspora and potential, capital human remittances, social experiences, migratory of complexity the of explorations with complemented been ally gradu have return/repatriation and drain brain consumption, conspicuous theoretical points of departure, notions of push-pull factors, remittances and new these From borders. international across states and communities bers, Against the background of increases in human mobility, the cognate mobility,the human in increases of background the Against At the turn of the 21st century, globalization has reached most corners Throughout history, migration and development have been conceptual ------

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement

An Introduction tances of different kinds, the return of migrants with novel experiences or experiences novel with migrants of return the kinds, different of tances migrations. present and remit past that of showThe formations studies case diaspora and flows transnational – contradictory sometimes and – multiple the explore book this to contributions individual the processes, migratory integrateintotheir countries destination,of return thetosource countries, or comparative for research need into direthe factors athat determine stillwhether migrant is and refuge there diasporas basis, case a on examined sively bility in transnational social space? global flows, who are denied spatial mobility and, by implication, social mo subsequent influence of diasporas. Who has the power to initiate and sustain the shape movement in compulsion or choicewhich to degree the around tionsabroad? further questionsexplorationofneedAnother ofinset evolves governmentscountrysourcepopulatowards theirof attitude the and them, porationdestinationin countries, status standingthediasporasandof within by the form and conditions of movement, the context of reception and incor activities? To what extent are such identifications and engagements transnational in engage influencedidentifications and diasporicdevelop people makes lit the about tootle know still we lens, transnational a applying studies of number ing structural barrierstodevelopment. we still need to ask what can be learned from migrants’ attempts to overcome advancedevelopingcountries, to most changesneeded in political progress and economic social, broader the induce to able be to seems rarely itself in empirical question to be studied in concrete situations. And even if migration works. Thean remains developmentmigrationthus and between link actual net transnational or diasporic global, in people engage that processes tion mo in sets circumstances, certain under and cases some in only migration, of migration in development processes, current research suggests that global role the of assessment optimistic more a to pessimistic rather a from shift a Despite process. the in marginalized further perhaps and deskilled coming be those and existence their mobilizing by recognition and skills gaining are excluded, those who are engaged and those who are marginalized, those others while included are who those losers, and and scope winners are There itseffects. in uneven is globalization that recognition growing is tions havevibrantresearch.a of as area re-emerged Accompanyingsuch explora studies migration continents, and regions geographic across populations of and Sørensen,2004). stay behind as it is about those who move across international borders (Levitt including the understanding that migration is as much about the people who conceptualizations, new of set a by informed becomes policy if especially tions and developing countries may indeed potentially benefit development, lectual links, as well as wider socio-cultural links between diaspora associa intel and trade investment, of establishment the abroad, acquired lifestyles ahr hn rsmn sc hmgnzn otoe o complex of outcomes homogenizing such presuming than Rather While particular transnational migration experiences have been exten Despite important empirical and theoretical contributions from a grow transnationalization and diasporization dispersion, the exploring In determinants of transnationalengagementdeterminantsof . What, for example, for What,. ------the problem of integration. and As international migration has become countries subject to destination the on foreigners of impact negative the around in particular Western nation states, has in the past 30 years tended to revolve and states, nation of development the and migration international between and transnational nation-state building. The strong interest in the relationship tion into the USA and has concentrated on issues related to migrant diasporas migra post-1945 “new” so-called the of experience the on based been has and Roudometof (2002), most of the academic literature on transnationalism cated questions in a broader comparative perspective. As agued by Kennedy the form and scope of transnational activities and their influence? wealth, power, class, ethnicity, gender and generation of withindifferences diasporasdo howshape And take? engagementssuch forms religious or tural cul economic,political,social, what matter no same dynamicsthe the Are But does marginalization encourage or discourage transnational engagement? capacity of individuals and diaspora organizations to influence the homeland. profoundlythe shape to likely are themwithin diasporagroups of place the and societiesdestinationdiaspora. of wider nature Thethe and/or countries destination and source both embrace that practicestransnational in engage population movements. These include improved transportation, communica contribute to the current magnitude, density, velocity, and diversity of human factors security,other human and possibilities livelihood of levels the in ity dispar growing the from Apart globalization. by facilitated and prompted border movement andtransnational engagement. cross- from follows that space social of production the and practices spatial places, particular of specificities the on diasporasalso grantrefugee but and mi particular of specificities the on reflect only volumenot this in included studies challenge, this to respond to order In 55). (Carter,2004: discounted are practices” diasporic of elements “reterritorializing the result, a gated. As un-interro left often and denied is geography of significance the analyses, in abound metaphors spatial Although diasporas. particular of specificities with issues of diaspora has failed to pay sufficient attention to the geographic ground forbroadertheorizations(seeOrozco,thisvolume). geographicaland historic circumstances, serve to specific too probably is as several to due which, States, United the and Mexico between migration of researchinvestigatedstudies haveBoth thoroughlyin foci 2002). most been they encounter because of their precarious legal status (Sørensen and Olwig, on the ability of migrants to negotiate the legal, social and economic barriers focused also has researchways, undocumented in live and travel to forced greater control and increasing numbers of migrants concomitantly have been The present collection of studies aims to cast light on these compli these on light cast to aims studies of collection present The h goig opeiy f nentoa mgain a be both been has migration international of complexity growing The dealing work recent that argued, has Carter Sean note, similar a On AND TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION GLOBALIZATION, DIASPORA ------

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement

An Introduction been an increase in the international flow of trade, capital, information and information capital, trade, of flow international the in increase an been has globalization of cornerstone the However,while borders. international across movement human facilitating to devoted industry criminal often and works and diaspora formations; and, at times, the emergence of net a social transnational commercial of expansion the technology; information and tion (Smith, 2001). formations social constitutive mutually as practices transnational and state nation the understands thereby and state, nation one than more scending, tran also while in, anchored as relations and processes socio-cultural and political economic, depicts transnationalism and diaspora on work 1995), (Kearney, territories national specific from decentred largely is globalization of perspective the Whereas outcomes. social and identity meaning, of tion differs in the key assumptions made about the role of the state in the produc market) (Bauman,1998). labour the of bottom the at working travellers undocumented (e.g. bonds” for “the tourist” – or the highly mobile executive traveller - than for meanings “the different very vaga has society contemporary of fluidity the but writes, tion in the degree of mobility. “Nowadays we are all on the move”, Bauman stratifica emphasizes also literature The countries. destination and source both including relations of networks widespread into life social extend and sustain to able are move the on people that inter-connectednessand global cross-border livelihoods (Sørensen and Olwig, 2002). and “place of destination” to the movements involved in sustaining mobileorigin” or of “place of view bipolar the from and mobility to place from focus GlickSchiller, 2003). Anotherredirectionstemsgainafromanalytical the of and(Wimmer place takes life whichsocialwithin containernatural logical, the nation-stateis the thatassumption “methodologicalnationalism”,the of abandoning an includeapproaches these from Gains Mahler.1998). 1999; Kearney,1991;al,Rouse, Portes1994; et1995; al, transmigration et(Basch Schilleral,et1992; Smith andGuarnizo, 1998)has generally beenlinked to litical networks (Østergaard-Nielsen, 2006). Work on transnationalism (Glick the sometimes tricky issue of accountability and transparency of diaspora po 1999; Vertovec,2000;what ondistinguishesAxel,2001),and diasporas and Safran, 1998;Hear, 1997;Van Cohen, 1994; (Clifford, diaspora on tention at focused has research of body Another 2001). (Pries, space social tional transnaof conceptthe to things,other among leading,2001), Smith, 1996, flowstheir articulationworks and of different spaces with of scales (Castells, andthelocalhasfocused attention therestructuringof andextension netof ers, thereforereflectsthelimitationsofglobalization. 2001). The increasing number of migrants, as well as the containment of oth (Jordão, globalization borderless of benefits and freedom the from excluded and people in flight, although mobile by definition, are actually among those workersMigrant curtailed. severely been has – seekers asylum and refugees migrants, poor for especially – movement of freedom to right the services, ok n lblzto, isoa n tasainls nevertheless transnationalism and diaspora globalization, on Work of understanding growing a reflect work of bodies interrelated These global the between relation the on work sciences, social the Within ------ras’ transnational engagementmay contributetodevelopment. is exactly in the duality of “transgression” and “fixation” that migrant diaspo and states – this division in approach and interest has obscured the fact that it people between relationship the with concerned and sciences social the by with the issue of identity; and transnational studies being primarily informed concerned and byhumanities informed the primarily being diasporastudies science; political and geography,economy by informed being studies tion – globaliza approaches and disciplinary theoretical different reflecting addition to In volume). Turner, this Simon (see community and identity knit closely and “fix” to attempts evolvearound to understood been has making identity,about sumptions community,and place whereasidentity- diasporic as fixed dissolve to understood havepracticesbeen transnational migrants’ refugees to the communities or nation states of their birth. As a consequence, or migrants contemporary link that networks and ties social the on focus to tended have studies transnational history,and and identity with concerned been primarily have studies Diaspora processes. political and social tural, cul over economic privilege to tended has globalization of nature the on moreoverhavegenealogies. studies transnational different Work and aspora they are exposed to a constant flow of economic and social remittances on a whopeople stay networks,migrantssocial to through connected are behind Because return. to related solely not is migration of impact” “development across borders. This insight is important, because it reveals that the so-called sustain they relations social of networks the through migrants to connected are but move necessarily not do who those to migrate actually who beyondthose analysis the moves space social transnational within place taking as experience migration the Conceptualizing policymakers. by considered traditionally those than factors of set different a consideration into take and questions of set different a involve volume this in included authors the by migratory movements. contemporary precipitate that circumstances geopolitical specific the count ac into take space social transnational and diaspora of concepts the such, engagements. As transnational current their as well as destination of choice earlier migration histories of contemporary migrants are seen to influence the Japan, and Europe US, the as settings diversesuch to Peruvianmigration of Paerregaard’sKarsten In Mexico. in towns small to analysis “modernity” ing spread space social transnational new a of production subsequent the and Wilson’s re-reading of the early determinants of Mexican migration to the US Fiona in evident is Thisantecedents. historical have practices transnational cluded in this volume show how diasporic identifications and contemporary in studies empirical the of several capitalism, of globalization the to linked phenomenon recent a migrationas view porary habitually migrationstudies contem of bulk the Whereas anchored. historically be to needs departure of point “new” a such time, same the At nexus. migration-development the around debates policy and research in departure of point new a offer can space social transational within created formations social of types new the It is the contention of this book that a renewed focus on diasporaand on focus renewed a that book this of contention the is It di globalization, guiding assumptions theoretical and concepts The In addition to historical sensitivity, the theoretical approaches adopted ------

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement

An Introduction Sørensen, 2004). The economic, political and cultural practices of migrant of practices and cultural and (Levitt political economic, opposites The2004). Sørensen, binary necessarily not are origin of countries the to attachments enduring and state new a into incorporation that clear makes and aspirations. Similarly, locating migrants within transnational social fields regular basis (Levitt, 1999), which might change their identities, world views tral American migrant groupsisthendemonstrated. Cen different the among playedout are processes such How governments. host and homeland between relationship finally, the and, homeland, the in society the by emigrants of perception the links, or identifications diasporic encouraging is government homeland the whether homeland, the with link a for needs the about consciousness community of level the include These argues. Orozco diasporas, become to influenced or motivated are groups tional ancestry, or simply any kind of connection. There is a process by which however, do not emerge solely as a consequence of dispersion, common na family,the observedat are community, level.Diasporas,political and social lead mayto acquiring positions that of power.connections In political this regard, four establishing kinds of involvementto homeland the in ties of family maintenance exclusive the from range can involvement diasporic how shows Orozco States, United the in migrants Salvadoran and Nicaraguan, Mexican, Guyanese, Guatemalan, of studies case Using discussed. are ages link diasporic constitutes what of conceptualizations most in imprecision relevance or the irrelevance of dispersion to the addition, diasporic identification, and the In diasporas. potential creating in redefinition border of role the acknowledge diasporas of conceptualizations and definitions which to extent the on placed is Particularemphasis diaspora. of conceptualizations and definitions contemporary discusses Experience” Caribbean and Latino the about Remarks Diasporas: Orozco’schapter,“Conceptualizing Manuel space”. social “transnational and “diaspora” of notions surrounding clusters oping thecountriesand/orlocalcommunitieswithinthem. the possible positive and negative influences of such engagements on devel social space, the determinants of transnational engagements and, ultimately, transnationalof production diasporathe of formation, analysis broader a for America, Japan and the Middle East. This broad geographical outlook allows tinations as the United States, various European countries, Central and South diverseas to des Region Lakes of Great Horn the the and Caribbean, Africa Centraldiverseas as sourceareas grationfrom South America, the America, above.outlined concerns the of Theyvariousmi aspects detail include that Steen, thisvolume). Pia (see concerns developmental homeland around mobilization facilitate allow for migrant incorporation – may weaken homeland ties, they may also principle in which – structures inclusive more While states. receiving grantmi in structures opportunity the of function a merely not are populations The first two chapters give an overview and discussion of conceptual of discussion and overview an give chapters two Thefirst studies case of number a of consist volume the to contributions The THE CONTRIBUTIONS ------not only has a long history but also that much of what might be considered be might what of much that also but history long a has only not times”. Although the historical in with scope, “moving Wilson’sas themselvesanalysis pinpoints visualize that “policy” also to home at people allowed countryside the in modernity of innovations and spread the migration, side with as consciousness self work greater negotiate could and migrants States, United the and Mexico central western movementsbetween forth and back historical by produced space social the In negotiable. and elastic become but absolute longer no are movement to barriers and distance as tangible less and intimate more both perceivedare of social space, that is central to Wilson’s argument. The ways social space is another.Lefebvre’sto of ritory third the is it But perspectives, the ter one from migration affecting legislation execute and pass who planners and politicians of view the underlies homogeneous and abstract national, spatial forward straight relatively the in first the assume generally argues, Wilson gration, distinction between (1991) space as practiced, conceived and perceived. Lefebre’s Studies of labour mi Henri through space social of production the Mexican-US approachesInterpreting TransnationalSpace”, Clothing: Social to the United States (1910s to 1940s), Fiona Wilson’s chapter, “Mestisaje and project. diversediaspora’sand Burundian dispersed the be to seem political primary animosities, based home-country beyond get and re-unite to attempts than diaspora communities. Different projects of long-distance nationalism, rather seem to be what drives these different waves to construct different Burundian nevertheless identities political distinct animosities, transcend to avenue an also overlaps between the categories. While religious identities may provide are there another,but one towards suspicion and animosity of deal great a 1993. after harbour arriving groups refugees These the finally and students), Hutu the including (first also 1980s later the elite, throughout Tutsi students 1972, in genocide selective the after arrived in Belgium distinguish between three main waves of arrival: migrants Burundian practices. transnational of contents the determines and networks diasporic shapes field political transnational the in manouvering political individual Rather, diaspora. the in position simply objective not of out is born destination of country the in position objective and arrival, of time (Hutu/Tutsi), ethnicity between correlation seeming the that shows – reasons political or migratingeconomic of for experiences different Turner asporas can be explained to some extent by different arrival times – and thus di Burundian multiple of existence the While Turnerargues. community”, diasporas challenges conventional concepts of “diaspora” and “transnational identities. Burundian severaldiasporic of Theand existence communities al lyse the contradictory processes of the making and unmaking of transnation ana to diaspora”out contesting sets and performing Constructing, Belgium: in “Burundians Turner’s contribution Simon action. collective and mation “policy relevant” fromtheMexicancaseisstillrelevant today. A second relevant theme is constituted around the issue of group for group of issue the around constituted is theme relevant second A migration Mexican of determinants early the of example the using By practice of migrancy. In contrast, a contrast, migrancy.In of mestizos e boursiers les conception and Mexicans. Along Mexicans. and h arvd as arrived who les anciens of space as space of perception who ------

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 10

An Introduction up of a mixed flow of political exiles and economic migrants and therefore and migrants economic and exiles political of flow mixed a of up made is one Nicaraguan the diasporas, American Central engage other Like transnational ment. migrants’ Nicaraguan of determinants Rica” the Costa analyses José, San in Nicaraguans practice: democratic of “Spaces ter dctoa” upss htvr h rao fr en i Smlln, the Somaliland, in being for reason the Whatever purposes. educational” “re- for parents their byback may sent haveor been culture Somali learn to Somaliland to voluntarily come have either may who Somalilanders young finally, and option; viable a is back going if see to or spouse, a find to bers, mem family visit to holidays,either their during Somaliland visiting people business sector; migrants returning to secure ownership or buy plots of land; in political and bureaucratic circles; circular migrants engaged in the private involved returnees industry”; ”development the within employed returnees including distinguished, are society Somaliland in engaged currently grants mi circular of groups six point, livelihoodthis Tomigration.underscore mobile circular and of concepts the employing by life social and economy politics, Somaliland in engagement civic current understand only can we that argues Hansen UNHCR, or IOM as such organizations international by manySomalilanders attachedto mayrefugees? be suchcategories Although repatriated or migrants return Somaliland of inhabitants the make that Does and therefore few can claim higher history,moral grounds because recent they didn’t during leave. point some at Somaliland fled “everybody” that fact the to due ridden. basically conflict is or argues, lematic Hansen This, Peter prob especially it is nor welcoming, positivenor outright neither is large at present relationship between diaspora members returning home and society purposes. The lobbying and financial both for authorities political local by upon called is it and recognition, international for Somaliland’sstruggle of movement.ance diasporathe present, At heavilyis Republic the in engaged resist armed an of funding and organization the in participated – Kingdom diaspora – especially those living and working in Saudi SomaliArabia and the Barre’s dictatorship,the United Siad During Somaliland. Somalia, northern united form of long-distance nationalism among migrants and refugees from ter “Revolving Returnees to Somaliland”, Peter Hansen points to a seemingly myriad formsoftransnational participationmigrants engagein. of Nicaragua many years cal situation in post-conflict societies shapes the continuing flows in and out politi migrancy,changing and the howrefugee-ness Steen’sshows analysis between area blurred the of illustration excellent an providing from Apart borders. across and within democratization of processes in driversvaluable become might themselvesactivities the and activities these from gained ces Nicaragua.from them with whatalong and brought Rica they Theexperien- in the diaspora, Steen argues, reflecting the merging of experiences from Costa Nicaraguans among culture political new a map engagements these determinants of and forms The divides. class across together diaspora the of parts different linking engagement transnational their of because significant are they numbers, of terms in nor profile social of terms in neither whole, a as diaspora the for representative be not may class upper and middle the consists of differentiated and partly separated groups of people. But whereas Quite a different outcome is observed by Pia Steen, who in her chap her in who Steen, Pia byobserved is outcome different a Quite A third important theme evolves around the issue of return. In his chap after the conflict has officially ended, as well as the ------analysis of the process of establishing the new neighbourhood – as well as well as – neighbourhood new the establishing of process the of analysis of her In task. straightforward members a not is return the that acknowledge association the Still, water. as such resources scarce for Burao drain ees and return Asylum the avoidthat to on and – process repatriation Group the support to WorkingMigration Level High EC the from grant large a for funding raise to managed has Council Refugee Danish the UK, & Somscan with cooperation In Burao. town, Somaliland central a in neighbourhood “Scandinavian-style” a establishing at aims which association, hometown CooperativeUK unusual rather& Association. a constitutes Thisassociation Somscan association umbrella the in united are who Kingdom and United Norwaythe Denmark, Sweden, from Somalilanders of group a by return collectiveplanned the with issue takes dessert”, the diaspora’to ‘the returns Hansen, Nauja Kleist’s contribution, “Somali-Scandinavian Dreaming: When papers thatallow forcontinuedmobility. resourceseconomic and overseas, citizenship or residence foreign hold and “diasporic capital” connecting them to local social networks as well as social important possess diaspora, wider the to links transnational strong maintain people that extent the to possible only is return successful shows, chapter result from female migration. Finally, the analysis emphasizes how society’showFinally, migration.emphasizes female analysis from the result than rather precede to tend moreover relations family Fractured tionalities. to na different of members duefamily of consist increasingly – requirements entry – families transnational which in picture complicated more much a shows Europe in migrants Dominican and Colombian among life family transnational of Guarnizo’sanalysis and Sørensen breakdown. family even and relations family fractured spatially to leading as and terms negative in assessed moreoveroften is impact developmental the streams, migration lar es, and with which consequences. In analyses of the feminization of particu migrates and who stays behind, under what circumstances, for what purpos support diaspora and return remittances, as such issues in departure of point their velopmentsourcetake the still in countries de promoting playHowever,migrantsin cerns. that role the of assessments migration motivation and decision making is embedded in larger family con that accepted generally is It politics. gender family-level influence severely Experience of Colombian and Dominican Migrants in Europe”, state policies Atlantic: Thethe across “TransnationalLife FamilyGuarnizo’scontribution, households or families. But, as shownwithin in Ninna Nyberg Sørensen and relations Luís E. gender of terms in framed been transnationalgenerally have on life family Discourses life. family transnational of issue the namely to menlosingstatusintransnational socialspacethantowomen. patriarchal family life can be realized. Such an option may be more attractive maliland is seen as an expression of a gendered social order, where an ideal So to returning of families. dream Thetransnational within also but locals, and returnees between arises only not return over conflict that shows also this arrangement has given rise to. By applying a gendered optic, the analysis – Kleist foregrounds the complicated relations of power and social space that premises these on residing already squatters IDP with erupting conflicts the Contrary to the variety of individual return strategies presented by Peter hs ed u t a orh ra f ocr icue i te volume, the in included concern of area fourth a to us leads This without considering who considering ------

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 11 12

An Introduction present of notions organic of grain the against goes therefore Europe to women can Ameri Latin of migration current Therole. absentee this of continuation a be to supposed are fathers Since varies. fathers and mothers transnational of disciplining moral in thebook’s conclusion. together put are challenges and themes these of Some potential. velopment de lasting and positive hold engagements transnational which out figure to of diaspora and the production of transnational social space. The challenge is development and concerns will migration benefit from seriously aligning incorporating the complicated for questions agenda future a that is argument transnational migration and development in their home countries. Our main to pointing wards a more encompassing understanding of what makes people engage in emerge, themes common Several engagement. transnational and development diaspora, to related debates policy and research of areas a global view of contemporary migration practices is warranted. takes into consideration people’s previous migratory experiences andthat applies engagementtransnational of model a that and migrationtransnational on literature of bodygrowing the in describedpractices migration the with variance at is emigration Peruvian that Paerregaard concludes to. rise give constructions these that belonging of ideas the discusses and experiences, context of reception in their new settings as well as to their previous migration examines how migrants construct different notions of home in response to the Peruviansociety.in status social and economic Thechapter andexperience migratoryprevious to related is engagementtransnational current migrants’ other important factor in society influencingAn theancestors. choicetheir of destinationof historiesand migrationthe the of because them upon thrust emigrate influenced ethnic status social isin and the have that by Peru been gin. Particular emphasis is placed on the extent to which migrants’ decision to wayselicit thecircumstances thaturge migrants leaveto their country oriof different in Peruviansthat eight of experiencesmigration the explore to out getherseveral issues touched upon in the previous chapters. Paerregaard sets to brings Paerregaard, Karsten by Peruvian Engagement”,Transnational in and Dominicanstatestowards domesticworkers inEurope. “family values”. This may explain the limited “outreach” from the Colombian Thecasestudies included theinvolume shedlight severalon emerging Thevolume’s final contribution, “Adios Peru: Persistence and Variation mothers, domesticity and morality, and culturally coded narratives of absent anyway, their migration abroad is in many waysmany in is anyway,abroad migration their ------1. “spanglish”. Finally,“spanglish”. Nicholas thank in to wantpart I taking Vanfor Hear and “danglish” in written originally chapters the of editing language ed our work, meetings and workshops. Former colleague Marie Bille provid for ground solid the made Ane assistant knowingly Toubroand patiently technicalmoraloverwell lifelines as years.networkthe and Department and assistantships fellowships, for (DIIS) Studies International for stitute In Danish the to go also thanks My Geneva. (IOM), Migration for tion Organiza International the thank warmly I book, this into efforts group by the Danish development agency “Danida”. For making individual and provided graciously was activities related other several for funding and Research, Development for Council Danish the by supported been also international workshop from which the contributions stem. Our work has the and research comparative of years four allowed that grants network and research generous the for Council Research Science Social Danish tween migrationbe and development. I want to acknowledge and thank the links the on discussions several for environment intellectual rich a The research network “Diaspora, development and conflict” has provided to several ofthenetwork’s activities. contributions his for as well as network the establish to efforts initial the NOTE - - - -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 13 14

An Introduction Axel, B. Pries, L.(Ed.) Portes, A., L.E.Guarnizo,andP. Landolt Mahler, S.J. Levitt, P., andN.N.Sørensen Levitt, P. Lefebvre, H. Kennedy, P., and V. Roudometof(Eds) Kearney, M. Glick Schiller, N.,L.Basch, andC.SzantonBlanc(Eds) Faist, T. Cohen, R. Clifford, J. Castells, M. Carter, S. Bauman, Z. Basch, L.,N.Glick Schiller, andC.Szanton-Blanc 2001 2001 1999 1998 2004 2001 1991 2002 1995 1992 2000 1997 1994 1996 2004 1998 1994 “The nation’s tortured body”, N Ethnic andRacialStudies, “Introduction: Pitfalls and promise of an emergent research field”, Brunswick. (Eds), Guarnizo L.E. research and Smith M.P. a in transnationalism”, towards for agenda contributions empirical and “Theoretical Perspectives studies”, migration in turn transnational “The The Transnational Villagers The Production ofSocialSpace al Cultures, “Communities across borders”, transnationalism”, A “The localandtheglobal: The anthropologyofglobalization and of Sciences645,New York. and Nationalism Reconsidered migration” on “Transnationalperspective national SocialSpaces and Trans-Migration International of TheDynamics and Volume Global Diasporas: An Introduction “Diasporas”, The RiseoftheNetwork Society “The geopoliticsofdiaspora”, Globalization: The Human Consequences, ized NationState, Deterritorial the and Projects Transnational Unbound: Nations mation oftheSikhdiaspora ew Transnational SocialSpaces TransnationalismBelow from Routledge,London. , No.6:2-13. Current Anthropology, REFERENCES Langhorne,PA, GordonandBreach. nnual Reviewof Anthropology, , OxfordUniversity Press,Oxford. , University of California Press, Berkeley. 22(2): 217-37. , DukeUniversity Press,Durham. Violence, Area , Annals of the New York Academy New Immigrants and Transnation , Blackwell Publishers,Oxford. , Blackwell, Oxford. , Routledge,London. , London,UCLPress , 37(1):54-63. , TransactionNew Publishers, 9(3):302-38. representation and the for Polity Press, Cambridge. , Race, Class, Ethnicity,Class, Race, , lbl Migration Global 24:547-65. - - - Spaan, E., T. van Naerssen,andF. Hillman Sørensen, N.N.andK.F. Olwig(Eds), Smith, M.P., andL.E.Guarnizo(Eds) Smith, M.P. Shuerkens, U. Safran, W. Rouse, R. Østergaard-Nielsen, E.K. Wimmer, A., andN.Glick Schiller Vertovec, S. Van Hear, N.,andN.N.Sørensen(Eds), Van Hear, N. 2005 2002 1998 2001 2005 1999 1991 2006 2001 2003 2000 2003 1998

h MgainDvlpet Nexus Migration-Development The New Diasporas develop and ment”, migration on discourses European the in “Shifts World migration”, and “Work wick. Transnationalism from sachusetts. Transnational Urbanism: Locating Globalization al perspective”, “Transnational migrations and social transformations: A theoretic- aspora, “Mexican migration and the social space of postmodernism”, the solution?”, “Diasporas and conflict resolution – part of the problem or part of 1(3): 261-282. Netherlands”, the and Germany in Kurds and Turks state: receiving the and practices political “Transnational Migration Review Epistemology,Historical in essay An migration”, of study the and sciences social the nationalism, “Methodological The HinduDiaspora: Comparative Patterns for Migration, Geneva. “Comparing diasporas: A review essay”, , Routledge,London. 1(1):8-23. Asian andPacific Migration Journal DIIS Brief March, , UCLPress,London. Current Sociology, , 37(3):576-610.

Below ie n Lvlhos n Globalizing a in Livelihoods and Life , Transaction Publishers, New Bruns (www.diis.dk). 53(4):535-553. Itrainl Organization International , Diaspora , 14(1-2):35-69. , Routledge,London. Global Networks Global , Blackwell, Mas 8(3), winter. International Di - - - - ,

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 15

Conceptualizing Diasporas: and CaribbeanExperience Remarks About theLatino Manuel Orozco

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 17 18

Conceptualizing Diasporas: Remarks About the Latino and Caribbean Experience whether the homeland government is encouraging diasporic identification or homeland; a with link a for needs the about activistconsciousness and elite group as a diaspora. These a include the oflevel of community emergence – and in the particular shape contexts different that shown is it today, States what constitutes diasporic linkages. Using case studies of Latinos in the United or irrelevance of dispersion to diasporic identification, and the imprecision of the role of border redefinition in creating (potential) diasporas, the relevance acknowledge diasporas of conceptualizations and definitions which to tent I the relationshipbetweenhomelandandhostgovernments. links; the perception of emigrants by the society in the homeland; and finally, to contribute to this debate. Particular emphasis is placed upon the ex the upon placed is Particularemphasis debate. this to contribute to attempts chapter studies. present Thedevelopment in then studies, tion migra in first diasporaemerge, term to the begun decade, has last the n Abstra ct - -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 19 20

Conceptualizing Diasporas: Remarks About the Latino and Caribbean Experience or forced dislocation from a “homeland”, in the recent migration-develop recent the in “homeland”, a from dislocation forced or exile as conceptualized Once studies. development in then studies, gration migrant origin which maintains sentimental or material links with its land of land its with whichlinks migrantorigin material or sentimental maintains of group ethnic minority a as diaspora a defined territory.has (1986) Esman home independent an or claimed a outside reside who origin national mon com with people a to refer to term the uses example, for (1995), Shain ra? (Chalian andRageau,1995:xiii). distinction diaspora”a and minority a diaspora,between migrationa or a and between aclear makes that a definition find to is it difficult how parent ap immediately becomes “it groups, ethnic or religious other to applied is perhaps the case of Jews or Greeks. Once, however, the notion of “diaspora” (iv) therelationshipbetweenhomelandandhostgovernments. perceptionfinally,the emigrantsand, (iii) of homeland, bythe in society the links, or identification diasporic encouraging is whether government (ii) homeland homeland, the a with link a for activistneeds and the about elite consciousness particular – in and – diaspora. community a of level as the group (i) a are These of emergence the shape contexts four that shows of contemporary diasporas. growth the inhibiting or encouraging whichare circumstances political and material the to attention firm pay to need we hand, other the On symbolic. merely not influential, and tangible be must development diasporic inform or constitute that linkages Moreover,the diaspora. a of articulation the for even cases necessary, some in and sufficient, is dispersion of notion the that assume cannot we that argued is It linkages. diasporic constitutes what of imprecision the and identification, diasporic to the relevance dispersion of irrelevance or diasporas, (potential) creating in redefinition border of role conceptualizations of diasporas and ignore three definitions empirical problems, namely accepted the widely which to extent the analyse to hand, one the chapter.On this in suggested are our inquiry society.of in political Two lines them understand should we how and about all are diasporas what cross-border activities. migrants’ these of “impact” developmental the analyse to as mass the well as century 20th the of half second the of describe displacements and migrations to used been increasingly has diaspora literature ment In the last decade, the term diaspora have begun to emerge, first in mi How, then, might one clearly define or establish a concept of diaspo of concept a establish or define How,clearly one might then, in unambiguous is dispersion and diasporas between Theassociation chapter today,the States United the in Latinos of studies case Using on debate contemporary the to contribute to attempts chapter This Introduction Diasporas - - - - - virtue oftheseandsomeotherconditionssuch groupsbecomeadiaspora. diasporas.themselves,Rather,as regard or regarded, be can origin tional by as the homeland. In other words, not all ethnicities who have a common na categorization may include groups who do not identify with what is regarded However,this diaspora. a constitute scatteredness and origin national mon nial periodprovide otherexamplesofseparation withoutdispersion. post-colo the in groups African Numerous example. one are States United the by annexation its before Mexico northern in living those of descendants were separated but not dispersed by territorial boundaries. Mexicans and the dispersion to related leaves as out all those diaspora groups which, by of virtue of the formation of notion a nation state, traditional the assuming First, national ancestry, andsometimesofdispersion. of form some on based are that people of groups between relationship a of diaspora of definitions other, and These,origin. host countries”(Sheffer, 2003:10-11). other in residing background same the of groups and individuals with and homeland their as regard whatthey with contacts occasional or regular tain main entities such of Members countries. host several or one in minorities as reside permanently who and origin ethno-national same the of as selves them regard members whosemigration, forced or voluntary either of result a as created formation, “socio-political a as diasporas of definition concrete tact needstobetiedanothertriggeringormotivational variable. of diasporic connection requires further specification. Thus, meaningful con stituencies. In these cases, however, the establishment of ties as an indicator con local with links political pursue to eager more are power (re-)gain and homeland Politicaltheir homeland. to the return with whoto exiles struggle connections social and community some and ties family maintain migrants family,cases, the most at observedIn community,level. political and social be can involvement of kinds four least at regard this power.In of positions acquiring to lead may that connections political establishing to homeland the in ties family of maintenance exclusive the from range can volvement individual, acommunity, anoutsidegroup,orallofthem? required to call a group a diaspora? And who is defining the connection – an meaningful enough to be considered as diasporic? How much of a linkage is is difficult to pin down. What act or acts are sufficient to constitute a linkage whichconnection or link a of notion abstract some on depends assumption Theimprecise. but important is homelands perceived with link meaningful hr, h asmto aot isoa a gop ta rti some retain that groups as diasporas about assumption the Third, Second, these definitions assume that any group by virtue of their com problematic. seem diaspora of descriptions or interpretations These As a preliminary definition, and in this context, Sheffer offers a more a offers Sheffer context, this in and definition, preliminary a As in diasporic communities, migrant transnational contemporary In 1 share in common notions common in share ------

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 21 22

Conceptualizing Diasporas: Remarks About the Latino and Caribbean Experience ics, includingdevelopment. host country governments and and societies, thereby influencing various dynam entities, international other homeland, the with relationships through resources of these associations. Thus leaders of the HTAs can reap personal HTAsreap the can associations. of these Thusleaders of resources the on community migrant-sending local the of reliance the increases turn in which settlement, of places the in capital political HTAsdevelop 2003). Goldring, 2000; (Orozco, resources and donation of transfer the though gin zations created under the common cause to support the communities of ori of a demand for values and interests. HTAs are philanthropic migrant organi that benefittheir own resources. or Texas. Invoking the homeland can increase economic or political interests can-Americans or Mexican-Americans whose ancestry is rooted in California Mexi generation third of case the example for is homeland. This that with values common to appeal to interest their to it find may distant, historically to appealvalues andinterestsofthehomeland. necessary haveit they found community migrant the of support the for look example, for groups, exile When homeland. the with identify to identity or or with enforcing their values or identities) find it is to the best of their interest homeland the with experience some to (due community the of members or land can occur. Such an appeal or demand will depend on whether a leader ancestralthe home of those valuesto the common to interests appeal or an groups migrant ethnic or national Among homeland. the from interests and Homeland links below. into adiaspora (delaGarzaandOrozco,2000). These are: their to links their and group a of formation the enable factors critical four that indicate homelands Latinos on research study case Garza’s la de and Orozco diasporas. become to influenced motivatedor are whichgroups by connection. ancestry,of process national kind anyTherea mon simply is or By virtue of this reality, diasporas implicate themselves internationally The formation of hometown associations (HTAs) is a concrete example or symbolic rather is homeland a with nexus whose minorities, Even values for demand or need a experience must community the First, elaborated is factors these of each material, case to reference With Diasporas do not emerge solely as a consequence of dispersion, com 4. 3. 2. 1. h eitne f eainhp bten ore n destination and source countries. between relationships of existence the the outreach policiesby governments inthehomeland,and the homeland’s perceptions ofemigrants, sciousness abouttheneedordesireforalinkwithhomeland, con activist– and elite particularly and – community of level the F a ctors ------(Orozco, 2003a). groups Carribean other with formed been also as Partnershipshavechurches. such organizations non-profit as well as municipalities, local ernment, gov Guyanese national the with partnerships HTAsGuyanesehaveformed member on ship’ssources,fund yearlyfor a dues collecting average US$5,000. under of depend sometimes they that is characteristic Another cause. by organized specific a with deal to order in formed or affiliation professional or religious are often they that is HTAs Guyanese of characteristic tinct dis One health. and education as such issues address often projects these and US the in settlement of places the in and Guyana in both projects out haveassociations 200 estimated an case, US. the in formed been Theycarry Guyanese the In US. the in operating associations hometown active of ples hometown(Zabin, their from 1998). have would they than abroad from fluence in more have to come leaders HTA context, that Within 2000). (Alarcon, hometowns their in positions leadership lucrative future take will they that hope may leaders HTAleaders; the for investment personal a HTAsas seen have observers some regard this In communities. both to links from benefits at face value. In the early nineties, in Managua, Nicaraguans who visited who Nicaraguans Managua, in nineties, early the In value. face at taken diaspora. be Nicaraguan Yet,not the diaspora’sshould the invisibility governmentmuchabout knowthe did nor Nicaraguans), of ceivingcountry re major other (the Rica Costa or US the to Nicaraguans of studymigration of aNicaraguan diaspora. notice official little only been has there population, total the of size the cent per whose20 country than a more emigrantexample, is for population gua, torically been little known or recognized by their home countries. In Nicara Except for El Salvador, Central Americans living in the United States have his Latin American states think of their emigrants varies from country to country. wayThe origin. of countries their with link to groups particular motivating kind of perceptions a homeland has of their emigrants plays a critical role in brothers. “distant” Thus,the to link to incentive an create to emigrants their Homeland perceptions ofemigrants and challenges. the expression in of a common perceivedand shared interest about are the home country’sindications needs Such diasporism. is of country sense home a of the indicative with reconnect to group emigrant an of articulation with collaborated other institutions towards have projects in their HTAshometowns (Orozco, 2003b). This Mexican of cent per 80 Around dinners. or eventsorganized through collected mostly suchUS the in raffles,dances, as orcommunity. location geographical US$10,000, under of averagecollections yearlyin result specific efforts Fundraising a with work Guyanese they Unlike cities. groups, US 30 over in operating are HTAs Mexican 600 Mexican HTAs are among the better known and studied. An estimated exam two provide communities immigrant Guyanese and Mexican Until recently,Until researchers attached Nicaraguanto universities not did of perceptions positive have must homeland the in people Second, ------

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 23 24

Conceptualizing Diasporas: Remarks About the Latino and Caribbean Experience populations. native Nicaraguan expres and US both from an different as them boys”, to refer to “Miami used sion called were country home their to returned or level of political polarization in the home country. Compared to other Cen country.other home to the Compared in polarization political of level the namely migrants, of mobilization external in interest explain may that ciation oftheGuatemalandiaspora. appre societal significant more a for room still However,is diaspora. there Guatemalan the to attention of policy a of implementation seek to order in a Berger, Oscar vice-minister of foreign of affairs for migration and administrationhuman rights was appointed inaugurated newly the during 2004, in Moreover, 2000). Orozco, and Garza la (de society civil newly-emerging a and process peace the for support of display a in country their to turned re havetemporarily – there permanently less or more themselves tablished highlands ofGuatemala. the to connections deep maintain who California, Oxnard, in residing lans Guatema to refers example important One 2003). (Popkin, country home their to returning or working in interest an shown recently have Midwest) and South the in them of (some US the in organizations Guatemalan war. civil the from wounds its heal to attempts country the as diminished ually Guatemalans abroad. towards indifference and ignorance of attitude tendency,an American with generalCentralthe to conforms hand, other the on Guatemala, support. rial mate other and remittances through disaster natural and war from country regarded as generally those who left during are the war and now migrants are helping to Salvadoranrebuild the homeland. the by positively more ered three years (Orozco,2004a). than less for remittances sending been have Rica Costa in residing raguans Nicaraguato Rica eachCosta year. ThisNica of cent per 53 recent; is trend areas with lower incomes. An average of US$100 million dollars is sent from to Nicaraguans living in the US, those in Costa Rica come mainly from rural and migrants Nicaragua’s of some 400,000 Nicaraguans are estimated to reside cent in Costa Rica. In contrast per 50 for destination the is Rica Costa land. foreign a in hardship facing now are and opportunities livelihood of search in country their left who people working hard as regarded Theseare a “heroic” view of immigrants, particularly those in Costa Rica, has emerged. the recently, that More however,remittances. in dollars fact of millions receives country the despite them, noticed barely or indifference with aspora di the upon the looked society of created sectors Other and 2002). (Orozco, forces Somoza contra with fought who ones the with associated were they as Miami in Nicaraguans of critical very were groups many time, long In Nicaragua, the opinion of Nicaraguans in the US is mixed. For a For mixed. is US the in Nicaraguans of opinion the Nicaragua, In h Gaeaa ad iaaun ae tu sget nte factor, another suggest thus cases Nicaraguan and Guatemalan The es havewho – States United the in living exiles Guatemalan Former The Guatemalan situation is not static, however. Polarization has grad consid is States United the in diaspora the case, Salvadoran the In ------Sandinismo-Somocismo the recently, More remittances. sending stop would they support, families’ if presidential candidate Arnoldo Aleman did not win the election with their 2002). (Orozco, that wasTheir1996 message of campaign electoral the ing also very influential in sending a message to their relatives in Nicaragua dur they used US pressure to help their cause. Nicaraguans living in Miami were stake. Thus, when Miami Nicaraguans wanted their seized property returned, except when their direct political limited, interests and been financial considerationshas are at Nicaragua support to abroad mobilizing in interest their strong, very remains Nicaragua of control Sandinista that believe strongly Nicaraguans Miami-based Because anti-Sandinistas. are States United the of lines ical continuumofSalvadoran affairs. polit- the in positions expressing thus reflected, are allegiances ideological their engagement, local their renew returnees the as however,terestingly, country.In the rebuild help to back go to émigrés Salvadoran to incentive important an provided accord peace the of success war.The civil its after tral American countries, El Salvador experienced lesser levels of polarization nity andlocal development; and cultural andeducational ties. commu integration; and ties economic areas: three addresses Theprogram reality of migration and remittances of Salvadorans living outside El Salvador. diaspora. TheDirectorate existence its justifies continuing the to pointing by Salvadoran the government and the between link official main the been has community living abroad (DGACE). The directorate, created in January 2000, Salvadoran the address to ForeignAffairs of Ministry the within Directorate grant communities. emi their towards policies promote and circumstances changing to adapt to sought has government Salvador,the El like country poor a in available resources limited the Despite 35). (Andrade-Eeckoff,migration”2003: labor as well as local, has a much more institutionalized response to international central both region, the in governments other to compared as government recent Salvadoran “the A that suggested transnationalism States. American Central on study United the in living emigrants their towards government motivating andsustainingdiasporicidentificationspractices. land. Such homeland outreach policies have proven to be quite important in a positive incentive for forging a connection to or identifying with the home those regarded as belonging to the nation, but who are living abroad, provide enable the formation of a diasporic identity. Outreach programmes targeting Government outreach policies betraying Liberal partyvalues andofbeingtoosoftwiththeSandinistas. States with groups blaming the current administration of president Bolaños of was put in jail for corruption charges. The divide was mirrored in the United the along polarized be to continues hand, other the on Nicaragua, One of the first steps in that direction was the creation of a General a of creation the was direction that in steps first the of One Salvadoranbyprovidedthe is policies suchhomeland of example An or mayshape emigrants towardsits policies Third,positivehomeland Sandinismo versus divide was revived when former president Aleman president former when revived was divide Somocismo ad ot iaaun lvn in living Nicaraguans most and , 2

- - - - -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 25 26

Conceptualizing Diasporas: Remarks About the Latino and Caribbean Experience informed through an online publication iting the diaspora and its leaders on a regular basis, and keeping the diaspora and the embassy, coordinating projects with other government agencies, vis lationships with the Salvadoran diaspora by working directly with consulates from thehomecountries(Orozco, 2004b). goods nostalgic considers which agenda trade a for push to diaspora can gion’s relations with the US. It opens up the possibility for the Central Ameri end to Central America’s turbulent history and perhaps a new page for the re an (CAFTA)signals FreeTradeAgreement American Central Thecountries. home their with ties its strengthen to diaspora CentralAmerican the of role the attention to bring may CentralAmerica and US the between agreement transnational approach to,Central America. a and on, perspective a new of a recognition signified event The officials. American community leaders to the US to have a dialogue with government Central 100 over bringing by event historic a initiated State of Department US the 2004, October In interests. ethnic of representation the of as well as structure facilitating a process of diversity in the foreign policy establishment opportunity political a creating hereby homeland, their to related issues in participation minorities’ ethnic or national to door its opened or invited has government US the case, this In agreement. trade free a into consolidated Central America, leading to a strengthening of US and Central American ties in wars civil of aftermath the in critical been has issue Thisit. with edness connect of sense some and homeland the with identification and memory historical a of identification the for means formation. the provide diaspora may relations to Such importance of be to proven has countries tination Relations betweensource anddestinationcountry regular newssectionthatalsooperates online. the of conditions and community. crime like topics including issues, social to events Hoy de like country.Newspapers home the in events about as well as affairs home-country about informed diaspora the keep to strategy active an created has particular in Salvador El in media Thetions. vote abroadandbroaderrepresentation ofthecommunity. to right the suchas matters political addressed not has outreach,but munity com and education on governmentprimarily outreachfocused strategy has entities. private or government with collaboration in diaspora the byas well as diaspora the by implemented projects and activities various on This government office has been active in forging and maintaining re This maintaining activeand been forging government has in office It is also possible that the efforts towards the ratification of a free trade Fourth, the existence of continuous relations between source and des institu other by met been havealso efforts outreachThegovernment have a section on Salvadoran diaspora news ranging from political from ranging news diaspora Salvadoran on section a have a rna Gráfica’ Prensa La scin “eatmno 5, anan a maintains 15”, “Departamento section, s Comunidad en Acción 4 La Prensa Gráfica Prensa La which reports and Diario 3 The ------5

longer periodsabroad(around10years). after decreases sending remittance however, indicates, below table the As increases. also sending remittance increases, US the in living time of length the Initially,as remittances. send they time of length the and US the in live immigrants time of length the between relationship proportional direct a in mayexist. connection a likely demonstratedless This is the trend departure, initial migration. The longer the separation in time between a migrant group’s the from time of length community,migrantthe or and ethnic the in hesion structure’sopportunity Thesepolitical the co include levelof the openness, diasporas. of formation the in role important an play that variables ditional elaborated below. the impact of diaspora involvement on the host country. These dynamics are (iv) and relationship, diasporic the initiates who (iii) takes, group diasporic the orientation or focus involvement,diasporathe of level(ii) The or degree determining a diasporic turn, four different dynamics will result. These are: (i) a long how diasporic connectionwilllast. show will time only And time. requires diaspora a of identi fication the out, pointed have (1996) Rageau and Chaliand As permanent. factors. those of one any by established interaction the of intensity the on depends development Rather,diasporic diaspora. a into turn to group a for order in Source: Orozco,Manuel.Survey carriedoutby theauthor. and imp In addition to the four factors discussed above, there may be other ad Depending on which of the variables outlined above that play a role in be not may turns diasporic such that mentioned be should it Finally present be to need ones) subsidiary their (or variables four all Not T Degree, focus,intia able 1. a ct ofdiasporicrela Migrant Remitt ances O ver tion Time tions - - -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 27 28

Conceptualizing Diasporas: Remarks About the Latino and Caribbean Experience lead to acquiring positions of power. In the following, involvement at the at involvement following, the In power. of positions acquiring to lead may that connections political establishing to homeland the in ties family of maintenance exclusive the from range can These levels. various at and Degree andlevel of involvement tions maintain active contact with their communities through liaisons in the in liaisons through communities their with activecontact maintain tions name to groups, associa hometownGuyanese and Mexican trend. migrantthis to correspond some, Guyanese and Salvadoran Mexican, example, For community’shometown. their with sorts various of links establish who American region(Orozco,2004c). Central the for exports total of percent 10 some reach to come has export product nostalgic Additionally, immigrants. by made calls home to home from come calls telephone through generated earnings of cent per 80 to 50 between region, the In 2004d). (Orozco, country the to tourism total of cent per 20 about represents Thisvisit. per US$650 of average an spending lic, Repub Dominican the to annually return example, for expatriates, minican Do 500,000 About home. money sending and calls, telephone products, regional buying visits, through people and homeland their with connected remain diasporas which in practices and activities the incorporate nomies, country’shost and eco- trade.home gic) the both Theseaffecting dynamics, (nostal and transfers, (remittance) telecommunications, transportation, (air) tourism, integration: global “Five T’s” of the are growth. These financial on impact their appreciate which consequences economic diffuse and varied more through effects multiplying have also Theycountries. host and home tegrated into the global economy through migrant’s connections between the disadvantaged (Orozco,2004c). distributing finances to households and sectors that tend to be economically in whichresult needs family to commitment and obligation an demonstrate often immediate family members, primarily siblings and parents. These links 22 per cent of their income (US$400 monthly). Remittance receivers are most grants are among those who send the largest amount by,immi year. Mexican per times on 12 average,US$250 send States remitting United the in grants country,immi overallby varying Although 2004). in billion (US$46 ceiver re largest the being region Caribbean and American Latin the with billion, US$200 is flows remittance annual worldwide for estimate ing. Thecurrent creation oflinkages. the with improve values and interests their because or linkage family some di toestablish likely the least asporic connections. When they do, the connection often occurs because of are home, first their as country “host” the is, those groups who are born outside the land of ancestry and who consider that diasporas,Native-born homeland. the to connection social and munity political involvement. and social respectively is as distinguished is community and family of level A diaspora may get involved in homeland issues to various degrees various to issues homeland in involved get may diaspora A Community connections mainly occur among small diasporic groups diasporic small among occur mainly connections Community in whichfurther in are process nations a of part also are Remittances A typical example of this kind of connection is that of remittance send com of form some and ties family maintain diasporas cases, most In ------pared tothetotalimmigrant population. com small relatively is associations of kinds these in membership have or social causes,such ashealth care,education,orcultural connections. promote to helping of purposes the with out carried are connections these of Most varied. are organizations homeland local with diaspora a between working in the hometown. The social connections that have representativesbeen established appointed with weekly communicate HTAs Mexican Some hometown which transmit needs and oversee the implementation of projects. remain active and influential in their home communities. Therefore, their Therefore, communities. home their in influential and active remain associations, hometown in participation their through especially migrants, that out points Moctezuma Miguel case, Mexican try.the to reference With relationships and social networks its with various actors within the and home coun community migrant the of nature bi-national the include elections and beelectedinthehome country. political issue has been a struggle to affirm political rights of diasporas to vote recently,More links. however,political pursue to the eager more are power gain and homeland their to return to struggle who exiles country.Political interested in pursuing political careers in the homeland or in the destination are who or aspirations political with migrants among predominantly occur World Bank,2005. Prospects Future Latin America in Survey of Opportunities Transnational and Communities”, in Trends Development: and “Transnationalism Manuel. Orozco, Source: Interestingly, however, the number of people that participate actively participate that people of Interestingly,number however,the ruet twrs h “oe rm bod i hmln political homeland in abroad” from “vote the towards Arguments and groups diaspora non-exile among varied less are links Political T able 2: , editors, Samuel Munzele Maimbo and Dilip Ratha, Washington, DC: The DC: Washington, Ratha, Dilip and Maimbo Munzele Samuel editors, , (% of tot National origin People El Salvador Guatemala Dom. Rep. Nicaragua Colombia Honduras Ecuador Average Guyana Mexico Bolivia al who belong to who sendremitt Remittances: Development Impact and 26.3% 10.0% 5.5% 1.4% 3.3% 4.0% 2.1% 6.7% 2.8% 1.5% 5.6% a kindofHT % ances) A - -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 29 30

Conceptualizing Diasporas: Remarks About the Latino and Caribbean Experience the United States. Furthermore, Moctezuma argues, Mexico seeks to gain a gain to seeks Mexico in argues, Moctezuma Furthermore, States. leaders United the migrant and governors between discourse regular through associations, and hometown with partnerships pursuing through participation migrant of value the recognizes government Mexican The issues. political national into and level, local the beyond extended be should participation ras. Finally it must be noted that not all diasporas “implicate” themselves in themselves “implicate” diasporas all not that noted be must it Finallyras. practice and may be a function of resources and interests available to diaspo category.this into fall mentioned two additional the prominent less Thisa is and Pointf se. per issues international on mobilize to choosemay diaspora likely,a less practices. and suchThird, illustrates example, for associations, hometown of d. Theexperience and c Estman’sa, community.of points case the local Thisis a or society of sectors between links keep to or politics national influence to order in affairs country home on mobilize may group diasporic the Second, this. of illustrative CAFTAis supporting in diasporas thediaspora. This is and the case of Esman’s points b, e homeland and g. The the interest of Central benefit American that interests domestic homeland different components. First, the diaspora may choose to mobilize to influence cracy. demo-environmentalprotectionoras non-homelandsuch issues,pursue to mobilizationinternational diaspora is otherRica). The Costa and US the in from the same source country, as in the (particularlycase groups of diasporiclinkages among between links internationalNicaraguans is One mentioned. the contextofinternationalrelations–aredetermined,namely: in observable all – diaspora the or government host the government, home the either of activity of classes sevenEsman’s framework, In politicized. be can homelands and diasporas between links continuing the that argues ther fur He government. host and homeland diaspora, between network triadic the conceptualized has Esman politically.Milton mobilizing in energies its Focus Mexican immigrants (Moctezuma,2003). greater negotiating capacity with the US by granting the vote from abroad to Thehavecan mobilization diasporic of orientation international three be can more two Esman, bymentionedactivities internationalTo the invests or puts diaspora the which in orientation the to refers Focus g. f. e. d. c. b. a. aspora (Estman,1986:340-343). di influence to government host to outreach government home of onbehalf homeland, and organizations international on influence diaspora try host country outreach of diaspora to cultivate goals in home coun government host from protection for government home to outreach diaspora home government outreach tothediaspora forself-interest towards homecountries policies foreign governments host influence to attempts diaspora diaspora attemptstoinfluencehomecountryevents - - - - grant schemes and the overt promotion of HTAs and their incorporation into matching various the in embodied efforts state subsequent the 1980’s, the in Beginning diaspora. its to out reach to government’sefforts Mexican the and “state-led transnationalism”. Transmigrant organizations like HTAs preceded pursue certaininterests. to diaspora the byattachedvalue the on depending contact tivatediasporic mo or initiate can country home the as well as country host However,the States. United the in organization rights civil Hispanic largest the Raza, La like organization an of case the in illustrated is point Thisgroup. national group. Thus, or ethnic the ornational from originate usually will connections ethnic diasporic of sponsors the on influence dominant a have ables Sponsors outlined insectionthree. variables four the of any of influence the on as well as is diaspora the ized institutional how on depend will involvement Theiractivities. these of all not aware. were they which about issues important about byestablishment the educating policy foreign country’s a expand to help can lobbying ethnic Finally, country reinforce the host country position towards the diasporas’ homeland. host the of those with compatible programmes community or development re-enforces a host country’s foreign policy. Diaspora organization sponsoring diasporawhich a in one is experience recent group. A social or community home the and policy country’sforeign host the between stake at issues no are there where organizations social and communities with links diasporic tional involvement may have no impact on the host country, diaspora’sas interna in the the case of cases, other In efforts. its thwarts and policy foreign whencountry host contrarythe runscountry’smobilization the its to official havecan implications. policyfour foreign diasporaof may the A undermine The impact of diasporic involvement on the foreign policy of the host country Impact ing by migrants andtheirassocations(Goldring,2002). send donation and remittance encouraging as well as US, the within lobby “pro-NAFTA”a of creation the IRCA, to due US the into families Mexican of reunification and legalization the to responding hold, political PRIs the legitimizing including factors, varietyof motivateda These bywere pursuits transnationalism.migrant-led the to state bythe response wasa federations, Luin Goldring draws a distinction between “migrant-led transnationalism” vari which on depends also communication diasporic initiates Who policies. country host the on impact an effect can Finally,diasporas - - - - -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 31 32

Conceptualizing Diasporas: Remarks About the Latino and Caribbean Experience ations in conventional definitions of what constitutes a “diaspora” has hope bulary in an under-theorized way. As the introductory discussion of the limit- between states,theinternationalcommunity, anddiasporas. world intertwined increasingly an in cooperation of process effective an for considerations minimum as regarded be should efforts Theseefforts. reach investmust resources,tangible out implement to human, and material both states Fifth, state. nation the in influence possible and presence substantial a allowed be must community diasporic the Fourth, concern. common of state and diasporic groups must develop a joint agenda that addresses issues mechanism between themselves and organized diaspora groups. Third, both its communities living abroad. Second, states must establish a communication First,stateoutreach policy towards thediaspora mustrecognize andvalidate resources. of investment and origin, of country the involvementin diaspora tangible agenda, mutual a communication, recognition, diasporas: their to out reaching effectively states to key are elements five least At countries? home their of context domestic and international the in playersrelevant as diasporas. How can states and other international players integrate diasporas well astothedifferentdynamics resultingfromdiasporicengagements. as formation diaspora enabling factors the to attention analytical paying by explored fruitfully be Suchcan scale. links regional and national local, a on cooperationdevelopment of areas interesting and new to points – ernments the potential benefits in sustaining diaspora links among home and host gov grant collectivities in the United States – as well as the growing awareness of nance oflinkstothehomelandmay, mainte ormay not,have adiasporiccharacter. the Finally, identifications. diasporic to lead necessarily nor cally automati not will group, ethnic or nationality same the to belonging grants dispersal. The act of migration, even to areas with high concentrations by of mi defined necessarily not are diasporas Secondly, redefinitions. border of diasporas all result the are not Mexican, the like diasporas, that Some migration. of result fact the are the to pointed chapter the regard this In work. conceptual and reflection theoretical more for scope is there shown, fully The word “diaspora” has crept into the migration-development voca-migration-development the into crept has “diaspora” Theword Finally, it is important to consider the relationship between state and state between relationship the consider to important Finally,is it That being said, however, the experience of Latino and Caribbean mi Conclusion ------5. 4. 3. 2. 1. have an important macro-economic impact on local economies. mayproducts such of demandDiaspora music. beveragesandproducts, food as suchproducts homeland about goods”“nostalgic term the use I See http://www.laprensagrafica.com/dpt15/ nsf/pages/revista Available from: http://www.comunidades.gob.sv/comunidades/comunidades.Documentos/$file/DGACE.pdf http://www.comunidades.gob.sv/Sitio/Img.nsf/vista/ Web: Wide World from Available Salvador. El Salvador, San Exteriores, Relaciones de rio Exterior,Ministe el en Comunidad la a Atención de General Direccion Laguerre (1996),King(1997),Safran (1991),andCohen(1996). (1996), Rageau and Chaliand of those are used often definitions Other NOTES -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 33 34

Conceptualizing Diasporas: Remarks About the Latino and Caribbean Experience

Orozco, M. Moctezuma, M. Laguerre, M. King, C. Goldring, L. Esman, M.J. de laGarza,R.,andM.Orozco Cohen, R. Chaliand, G.,andJ.PierreRageau

Alarcon, R. Andrade-Eeckoff, K. 2000 1998 2003 1998 1997 2003 2002 1986 2000 1997 1995 2003a 2002 2000 2003 “Latino hometown associations as agents of development in Latin “The Central American diaspora”, voto extraterritorial del yconceptual emperíca “Justificación Diasporic Citizenship ence Association’s Annual Meeting, Washingtonand post-communism, DC, 27-30 August.Paper presented at the American“Conceptualizing Nationalism, transnationalism politics: diaspora Political Sci America andtheCaribbean, Toronto, February. Remittances Collective and vidual Re-Thinking Remittances: Social and Political Dimensions of Indi 55-100. the boundaries of membership and participation”, in LARR, 37(3): Negotiating organizations: transmigrant and state Mexican “The Diasporas in International Politics “Diasporas and international relations”, in G. Sheffer (Ed.), land” (Eds), “Family ties and ethnic lobbies”, in R. de la Garza, and H. Pachon Global Diasporas: An Introduction The Penguin Atlas ofDiasporas 15 January. project, GEO Development, International for Agency US the by and commissioned Report States”, United communities the from remittances their transnational Guyanese close: but “Distant Publishers, London. Democracy for Mobilization and Norms International Institute, Washington, DC,January. the Tomasand Inter-AmericanDialogue PolicyRiveraAmerica”, gración yDesarrollo zacatecas”, de experencia la en base con mexicanos los de las zonasrurales deElSalvador de internacional migración la de análisis Un realidades: y Mitos Dialogue , Washington, September. and the Use of Social Remittances in Mexico The Development of Hometown Associations in the United States , Rowman andLittlefieldPublishers,New York. Latinos and US Foreign Policy: Representing the “Home the Representing Policy: Foreign US and Latinos References , 1(1):49-73. , MacmillanPress,Basingstoke. , Viking, New York. , SanSalvador, FLACSO. , Croom Helm, London. , Centre for Research on Latin on Research for Centre , Hemisphere, , UCLPress,London. , The Inter-American 8(3):30-35. Ashgate , Modern Mi - - - -

Zabin, C.L.,andE.Rabadan Sheffer, G. Shain, Y. Safran, W. Popkin, E. 2005 2004d 2004c 2004b 2004a 2003b 1998 1993 1995 2003 States: An examination of Guatemalan and Salvadoran state linkages 377. 347- DC, Washington,Bank, Ratha, TheWorldD. and Maimbo Prospects Future and Impact Development tances: in communities”, transnational of survey America Latin “Transnationalismdevelopment: and Trendsin opportunities and presented at the Latin American Studies Association, 9 October. Paperdevelopment”, andtransnationalism remittances,“Worker ington DC,September. Wash States, American of Organization Process summit the for Development on spectives Remitttances to Latin America and the Caribbean: Issues and Per Berkeley University, June. Trade Free and America Central Rebuilding in Managua,10March. a under Mission Development International Agriculture for Agency US the of for PASA Department US the by commissioned Abroad Living Nicaraguans of Contributions Economic the Increase to Opportunities Nicaragua: to Remittances Family by theUS Agency forInternationalDevelopment, September. PartnerOpportunities?, Development New Future ships: and Present their and Associations Hometown nia Non-ProfitResearch Programme, Working Paper, Winter. Califor Institute, Angeles”, TheLos Aspen in empowerment ical polit- immigrant Mexican and associations hometown “Mexican CO. Security and Migration International (Ed.), Weiner M. in hosts?”, their to threat A diasporas: “Ethnic in policy”,Quarterly, foreign US and diasporas “Ethnic in return”, and homeland of myths societies: modern in “Diasporas Winter/Spring. with their migrant populations in Los Angeles”, “Transnational migration and development in post-war peripheral Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies, 109(5):811-841. , Report commissioned by the Office the by commissioned Report , Wsve Pes Boulder, Press, Westview , Report commissioned Report Poet Syndicate, Project , Current Sociology 1(1):83-99. oiia Studies Political , S. Munzele S. , Report , Remit - - - - - ,

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 35

Mestizaje andClothing: Transnational SocialSpace Interpreting Mexican-US Fiona Wilson

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 37 38

Mestizaje and Clothing: Interpreting Mexican-US Transnational Social Space in the early days disrupted polarized social stratification between townsmen which trousers jeans men’sof as adoption such borders, national as well as social cross to dressing of possibilities up opened US the to migration this, men and women in small town Mexico adopted “modern” styles of dress. In whywhen,how of and question the to relation in and clothing, of issue the through traced are movement of implications and determinants particular, In Mexicans. and mestizos as consciousness self greater negotiate and with work could migrants space, new,social a this In space. social transnational, T views on“race” anddress. migrants’ returned on attention focuses author the whereJalisco of state the pioneering study (made in 1931-2) of a representative migrant small town in body of contemporary material forms the basis of the chapter, in particular a Thismovement. the of implications and extent the on report to missioned com were scientists social result, a governments.As US and Mexican both The increasing volume of migration in the 1920’s was a subject of concern to lowed people at home to also visualize themselves as moving with the times. modernity in the countryside, the cinema and domestic sewing machine, al innovationsof of spread the migration, home. Alongside back peasants and he focus of this chapter is on the early determinants of movement of determinants early the on is chapter this of focus he not through the standard lens of labour migration but as producing as but migration labour of lens standard the through not seen US, the and centralMexico western between 1940s) to (1910s ABSTRACT - -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 39 40

Mestizaje and Clothing: Interpreting Mexican-US Transnational Social Space Hispanic country with surplus population but wracked by social and politi and social bywracked but population surplus with country Hispanic an migration: labour as categorized be should it agreed history this on tors move to and fro across the border with the US in search of work. Commenta throughout the western-central region of the country became accustomed to repercussions that migration to the US was having on social relations in the in relations social havingon was US the to migration that repercussions the on 1931-2 in made study Paul Taylor’s pioneering is This exists. work contemporary outstanding one However, sparse. is material ethnographic across the border in the period up to the 1940s can nowforth be interviewed and and back moved who Mexicans Fewcommunity. home the from far and terrainscontested more migrantsbetween relations in movingnot those and cinema, the of spread the through as such Mexicans upon thrust was that “modernity” the resisting and incorporating of modes ambiguous more identities, national and social of understandings plural and complex more for up opens migration.chapter This labour than other lens a through field this explore and US, the and Mexico central western movementbetween of of diverse laborsuppliesflowing toward anadvanced capitalformation”. between ‘core’ and ‘periphery’ countries or a neo-classical economic theory exploitativeabout relations theory was “worldsystem migrationstudies tred according to Ong (1999: 8-9), predominant in the general,earlier framing of US-cen In space. social transnational of formation and in engagement an by induced changes long-term or 46), (Bailey,2001: territory” and identity of isomorphism stable the “disrupt could mobility transnational how issues, political and social cultural, limited to givenwas attention a Less “types”. of withnumber dealt migration of aspects economic the on focusing work tion, certain aspects were highlighted while others were obscured. Scholarly focus isputonthisearlyphaseofmigration, from1910’s toearly1940’s. paper,this In recession. economic of onset the at them decreasing abruptly opportuni Second Firstand employmentduring World them expanding Mexicans, for Warsties and and labour for demand shaped economy US the in fluctuations while north, movement the of scope and scale the increased can Revolution in 1910 and counter-revolutionary Cristero wars of the 1920’s FonsecaDurand,1991; (see 1988). Moreno, and TheMexi the of outbreak unadventurousentertain to stories good of fund stay-at-homesstocka on up and goods modern acquire “migradollars”, earn to which through strategy Chicago. of works Temporarysmelting popular the a and became migration juato, went to work in the fields of Texas and California, the mines of Phoenix Country people, especially from the states of Jalisco, Michoacán and Guana away.miles thousand a than more border US the to Mexico central western of towns linked 1876-1910) Mexico, of President was Diaz Porfirio (when ing groups (especially the muleteers); and railways built during the Porfiriato byspread were contractorslabour travelling tradlocal as well as Mexico in opportunities about information US; the in higher significantly were levels were not so mysterious and three leading factors could be picked out. Wage determinants Thegrowth. of rate higher and economy capitalist advanced cal conflict in the South supplied labour to a northern neighbour with a more n h ery 0h etr, eias rm ml tws n villages and towns small from Mexicans century, 20th early the In The aim of this paper is to go back (literally) to the early determinants early backthe (literally)go to to is Thepaper this of aim migra labour movementas of However,period early the labelling by ------“followed a tendency toward more variety in cloth and colour but within a within but colour and cloth in variety more towardtendency a “followed writes, he Clothing, 1930. after continent the throughout place taking ports re America, Latin in consumption of history recent a in (2001), Bauer that dress. of way “Mexican”, more uniform, spe a denoted cific locality and position that in the socio/”racial” hierarchy clothing and adopted a homemade more wear to ceased indigenous than rather mestizo as themselves saw who Mexico western-central of region ed Jaripo from (Michoacán). migration early on (1988) Moreno and Fonseca and (Jalisco), Gracia de José San town, home his of history the in (1974) Gonzalez Luis by confirmed finding a in Arandas, folk for dress of importance extreme the the highlands of Jalisco (Taylor, 1933). municipio a i sml a “uoai” epne o ihr ipsbe noe and incomes disposable higher to response “automatic” an simply it was but momentum, gathering was US the from and to movement as place ing tak was dress of change that know We about? come this had How dress? of way “national” uniform more a promote to as weight such carried have affecting women. peoples continued to oppose indigenous external pressures for change), (whereand affected men before others not mestizo) as themselves (identifying groups social some by adopted were others, in than places some in faster happened consumption of patterns Changing dress. of way her/his change to eager everybodywas not clearly Mexico, In body,identity? and intimacy the affecting matters in strong particularly is change to resistance that ment argu counter well-known a with mesh finding this does how Furthermore, same? the everywhere change for reasons Were ease? apparent such with and tradition with respect to clothing could be brushed aside and supplanted custom culture, that wasHowit problematic. more becomes interpretations in themarket. purchase for available and produced industrially became items clothing of and growing commoditization of garment production whereby a wider range vancing modernity, integration ad into the wider society and urbanization, national economy,indicating as explained been generally has dress of way in (Bauer,Change past” village 183). or 2001: Indian their with association anyshed to sure making time whilesame betters the social at their of scorn, mestizo ascendant population in general “(t)he aimed to emulate the how dress, and withstand the demonstrates it that suggest to on goes Bauer dress. ing “compressed into a kind of mestizo conformity” and this included native becom was clothing classes social pattern.”Across occidentalized broadly During the early 20th century,20th early the During populat densely the in people country In the specific case of western central Mexico, what influences could influences what Mexico, central western of case specific the In If we take a finer-grained analysis, then the obviousness of broad-brush (district) of Arandas, a small town and surrounding rural area in area rural surrounding and town small a Arandas, of (district) CHANGE THEIR WAY OFDRESS? WHY DIDRURALMEXICANS 1 One theme underlined by Taylor was 2 This reflects a widespread trend a widespread reflects This ------

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 41 42

Mestizaje and Clothing: Interpreting Mexican-US Transnational Social Space overcome dislocation in their everyday life, but within transnational social transnational within but life, everyday their in dislocation overcome to fought Mexicans transnationals, As space. social transnational new a ing demarcat in instrumental was and US the with early Mexico’sengagement transnational to integral was clothing of meaning the re-envisaging that argues paper This US? the in clothing manufactured of availability greater they move around in transnational space (see Carling, 2003). In sum, social sum, In 2003). Carling, (see space transnational in movearound they between particular localities, to the wandering tracks made by individuals as going to and from the US, to finer-grained maps depicting the flow of people Mexicans of movement total the through created space social overarching an time. from in range Thesepoints could and scales different at movement spatial of densities and configurations differential of imaging an mappings, computer in up thrown as patterns of thinking by start can One ideas. things and people, of movement the through produced instead is but filled be The socialspaceproducedby migration are commented below. three perspectives on social space in relation to Mexican movement to the US longerabsolute but become elastic and negotiable. Theimplications of these no aremovement to barriers and Distancetangible. less and intimate more here.perceivedargumentboth theisare The waysspacecentraltosocial is it is the third of Lefebvre’s perspectives, the perception of social space, which executelegislationand affecting migrationanother.territory oneto from But pass who planners and politicians of view the underlieshomogeneous and migrancy.practiceof national,abstractasspace conceptioncontrast, of In a spatialstraightforward relatively the in first the assume migration labour of perceived.studiesToandillustrate: conceivedpracticed, as space between (1991)addresses theproduction ofsocial space andthe distinction hedraws way Lefebvre the der-theorized. inspiration in find geographers,manyILike un remains this works many in though space, buildssocial of interpretations it on way the in lies transnationalism with fascination My translation. agency,and culturerepresentationand on emphasis welcome puts and ism andGuarnizo, 1998). Thetransnational perspective draws on post-structural ideasofbelonging, nation andcitizenship (Bailey, 2001; Portes, 1996; Smith ing connect the space-time relations of daily life under capitalism with ruling nationsmore(Portes, 1996). Transnationalmovement communityandbuild or two in life daily of activities the in participate to individualsenable that relations cross-border social intense of set a as communities”defined tional transnational socialspaceandprocessesofmestizaje. sion will be framed by looking at two central concepts in play: discus production of the this, illustrate to material study case presenting Before dressed. found expression in the attention they gave to how they looked and how they space Mexicans came to view themselves as mestizo and modern – and this rm hs esetv, oil pc i nt n mt bx atn to waiting box empty an not is space social perspective, this From Transnational space is seen to result from processes leading to “transna TRANSNATIONAL SOCIALSPACE PRODUCTION OF ------Space asconceived by governments this region. warsbyCristero whosewascaused the epicentre disruption the and density but low wages, large numbers of independent small-holders, high population for the predominance of these states, Gamio thought, was not poverty per se Mexico. western-centralThe reason in Jalisco, and Michoacán Guanajuato, home to Mexico. More than half of all migrants hailed from just three states, the in that found returned had 700,000 north, He gone had 600,000 while 1928 mestizos. to 1920 period and indigenous of mixture a and men as women of number same the roughly included migrants trends, later of light 1 million Mexicans had gone north as temporary workers. Remarkably, in the 1930 (Gamio, 1991). in Gamio Manuel by undertaken studies statistical pioneering to debt great sion? Knowledge of numbers and flows in the early migratory period owes a and structuredby flows. movement by demarcated fields multi-tiered complex as seen be can space ment setting up the Bracero Programme, a labour contracting programme contracting labour a Programme, Bracero the up setting ment agree an governmentstwosigned the 1942, In control. state under brought vengeance following the entry of the US into the Second World War, and was a with resumed 1988). north Moreno, Mexicans Theand of movementseca Mexico’s(Fonunder reform up co-operatives,agrarian ruralset new on ers a million Mexicans. President Lazaro Cardenas tried to repatriate these work half deported authorities struckUS Depression and 1930, in US the in be to munity levels. When some ten per cent of Mexico’s labour force was thought com and national at migration of effects the and remittances and migrants of volumes on information better with up come to ap scientists social state pointed Each respective. governments both alarmed it that volume great seaboard (Bustamante, 1988). to Chinese/Asians whose arrival, many feared, was imminent along the Pacific gated society. However, this non-white population was considered preferable intermediarypositionraciallybetweenthiswhiteblacksegre andpeoplein an given race”, Mexican “the to belonging as classified officially were cans Mexi 1942, century. until 20th Up the of half first the in salienthighly was at the influx of large numbers of foreigners of non-white race. The racial issue tion as a means to overcome labour shortage while others expressed concern back to Mexico. In the US, some put economic priorities first, and saw migra know-howmigradollars,andbrought goods and work without those to jobs provided it that in beneficial movement the considered others butdignity, tal to the country’s economic and social well-being and damaging to national tion. In Mexico, some judged the flood of workers going north tomigra beofquestion detrimenthe dividedon wasMexican-USborder the of sides both on elites ruling governmentand of opinion the period, early the In nations. different tobelonging territory as space conceiveof“bird’s and aview” eye the governments of sending and receiving states. Authorities and officials take International labour migration is usually a matter of some concern to concern some of matter a usually is migrationlabourInternational What is known about Mexican-US migration within this spatial dimen During the 1920’s the flow of Mexicans to the US had reached such reached had US the to Mexicans of flow 1920’sthe the During 4

3 He estimated that in the period 1910 to 1928, around ------

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 43 44

Mestizaje and Clothing: Interpreting Mexican-US Transnational Social Space ficial labourcontracts attheoutset(Durand andMassey, 1992). an equal number of undocumented migrants to go north without holding of roughly prompted and channels official through men Mexican million 4.6 some to contracts labour temporary issued 1964) to (up lifetime its in that migrants a new vantage point from which to reflect offered on this Mexico racism, and mestizaje. and relations capitalist with fused and contextnational wasnothing novel in labouring or exploitation per se, once framed in a trans- tury, Mexicans were learning fast about the duplicity of modernity. capitalismWhile was ablethere to create, but is not able to realise.” In the earlytransformation 20thsocial whichcen and human possibilities immenseof the of tion consciousnessandreflection... Modernity kind demystifyinga of is mystifica situatedobjectof criticalthemodern,antheconsciousness modern – the of “Modernity”,hewrites, “isonly present when itcan be both themodern 249). and (2000: Martins Souza de by expressed lines the alongconsciousness corporationofimages ofmodernity. Onecan suggest that this ledsharedto a as belongingcollectively toaMexicannation. themselves of Migrants and terms abstract in race position. of conscious more become would non-white intermediary an ambivalent, into classified strangers, “bronzed” as experiences new entailed Movement uncertainty. and exclusion, discrimination, of account on short up brought were grants mi most But well-being. and success material enjoying of aspirations new foster could encountered, fleetingly however US, the in Life consumption. through countered) later (and appropriated and body and mind the in felt embodiments, technological its through apprehended be could that dernity the rampantly capitalist US, Mexicans were plunged into of a maelstrom experience of mo lives their into bringing and migration in engaging By ment. engage transnational of consequence a as well as part determinant the a became dress to able Being space. social of perceptions with interwoven that forhistoricalreasons,intheearlymigration periodclothingwas closely is here time. argument over The flux in constantly are these and indicators, Space asperceived by thosewho move the perception ofspaceheldby thosewho moved. with conflict sharp in was space effectively.of more concept bounded This and US in 1924 the Border Patrolthe wasfor created by Congress to issue control movement national a became border the Policingborder. the at and and present an increasing number of papers to acquire visas at US consulates chist and subversive political parties. Migrants had to pay head taxes on entry anar of membership criminality,polygamy,and ill-health, illiteracy mental and physical of grounds on barred were immigrants requirements: entry up tighten to passed regularly were Decrees immigrants. “illegal” and “legal” between made distinction a and demanded was documentation categories; low- racial for US to according classified need were Migrants country’s workers. temporary waged, the on depending makers decision policy US by treated as though it were a gigantic sluice-gate that could be opened or shut Inherentin Mexico-US social space was the confrontation with and in and symbols signs, particular in adhere space social of Perceptions was border US-Mexican the space, social of conception Throughthis ------the future”,“cosmicrace”, the“race ofbronze”. 84-85). two1990: the (Knight, of synthesis Theyof celebrated“men were as quintessential a but European, nor Indian neither were Mestizos fore. the to brought was mestizo the it, called nation new the of architect one as tria’), in rampant; was nationalism mestizo new a citizens; into converted be to were Indians Revolution. the after struction recon national of process the changedin waschallengedand view this but uppermost in Mexico in the late 19th century denigrated hybrid degeneracy, two poles hinging on the status given to mestizaje. Social Darwinist thinking between veered elites by held “race” about ideas reigning that finds one ly may relations, rarely social be overtly expressed, in may be deliberately deep disguised or denied”. embedded Broad are inequality) racial to (relating themselves ideas the when especially difficult, notoriously is society within ideas of impact the “measuring reminds, 71) (1990: Knight it. as Thoughin elites imagined the future of post-colonial society, and the place of the Indian modernity were visualizedintheMexican countryside. and waysmestizaje the of account take to broadened is transnationalism of up Taylor’s a takes Finally,scope Arandas.that of the studysection case in third illustrated are movement of repercussions The space. social national The other was the way people used dress to negotiate new identities in trans- customary order. One was state intervention in the way country men dressed. the interrupted that dislocation of kinds two discusses then it attire, ditional dress as “custom” and the gender, ethnic and class meanings attached to tra of account brief a giving by starts section followingdress? The of way their mestizaje asdemonstrated andperformedthroughway ofdress. of flexibility and receptiveness improvization, of capacity the explores tion sec wholes.next Theinto fragments diverse highly combining for aptitude and practice social in flexibility receptiveness, special improvization, inventionand for capacity a generate could space social Mexico-US of “strangezone” the in Movement brokered. are worlds two between interactions and “strangein spaces, whereintermediary zones” of re-creation exchanges and creation constant the calls (2002) Gruzinski what through place would take This momentum. and inspiration of sources own their have would identities mestizo new to claims and of interpretations Popular shared. not con- be could sidered mestizo, the borderlines of race/ethnic identifications were certainly Mexicans most though Even acted. and thought Mexicans of millions how affected custom) language, colour, clothing, skin in flected (re thinking of ways and hierarchies Racial around. race of discourse only wastheirs the invertedBut not that thinking. one hegemonic albeit previous tizoproject were intent on imposing their own racist view on the rest of society, As Knight (1990) points out, the pioneers of Mexico’s nationalist mes In Latin America, it is not hard to discern how intellectual and political When, why and how did people in western-central Mexico change Mexico western-central in people did how and why When, PROCESSES OFMESTIZAJE EXPLORING CLOTHING forjando patria forjando (‘forging the Pa the (‘forging ------

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 45 46

Mestizaje and Clothing: Interpreting Mexican-US Transnational Social Space socially and geographically. It was a wife’s role to sew the clothing needed clothing the sew to wife’srole a geographically.was and It socially both place to linked were people country clothing, their of detail and sign, colour,the of virtue By elemental. and wasaustere century as described de Dress ascustom as particularly clearly in the sphere of exchange. Men demonstrated their status enmeshed and subordinated in relations of dependence that were expressed were they Generally muleteers. part-time and artisans as worked also they day-labourers,hacienda were poor world.The outside the in towns their represented in and local stitutions of charge in were traders, and shop-keepers were livestock, and straggling in lived poor the while square, central the churchand houses the around streets built well-ordered in solidly inhabited rich the towns, country In relations. power enduring indicated “dark/indigenous”. divisionThe more poor the and ish” “white/Span more as seen were rich the whereby “race” of attribution nial ( dress in the small towns was linked to a rigid social distinction between rich of Waycomment. and scrutiny to subject was dressed people that way the and clothing by signalled was differentiation social settlements, larger But family.individual’sher/his an from derivedsince position standing social of ranchero González mestizo As to respect poor.with Gracianotes Joséde San of history his in 44) (1974: the of clothing despised and meagre the was this that of thequestion,thenpoormadesuretheirclotheswereclean. everyday use and had to last the year out. If the luxury of new clothes was out when everybody expected to wear new clothes, after which they passed into occasion the was saint patron village the of daughters. Thefeast to mothers from down handed designs and skills work, crochet and adorned embroidery were with garments Some daughters. their and themselves for aprons and blouses skirts, made cloth of lengths with and sons; and husbands their ( trousers loose womenmade stores, hacienda the or and thread family.With her by los ricos ricos The dress of country people in western central Mexico in the late 19th n ml, sltd eteet, rs ws o a iprat indicator important an not was dress settlements, isolated small, In loped atasteforcomfortcouldbeseenintheirdwellings too. huaraches fibre and capes of palm leaves. Everyone but the wealthiest wore themselves fromtherain andsunwithsombrerosmadeofpalm protected Theywash. the in was other the one, wearing they were while clothing: of change one but had women and men Both chest. the in pain involvedgreat deaths three every of out one disease: other any than victims more claimed Pneumonia warm enough. Women wore nothing under their cotton dresses. not was trousers, and shirt cotton a over wore men Thethe light. which were garments their and region, cold a is It fact the obscure not should past times remembrancesof nostalgic But by possessing tailored suits ( suits tailored bypossessing ) and poor ( societyofthe1880s: (leather-thong sandals). That they had not yet deve- yet not had they sandals). That(leather-thong los pobres barrios peones ), a duality that bore the marks of a post-colo and , small or subsistence farmers and ranchers;and farmers subsistence or small , manta trajes ranchos (cotton cloth) acquired from traders from acquired cloth) (cotton ) made by tailors in the towns and towns the in bytailors made ) beyond. The rich owned land owned rich Thebeyond. calzones ) and shirts for shirts and ) sarape , - - - - n sn. o-ofriy ih b rssac o a ey ml sae but scale, small very a on resistance be might Non-conformity sons. and the for the late 1990s), a less conformist story emerged. Many recalled their disdain (in region the in countrywomen with conversations However,my house. in were taught at an early age to cover themselves with their (Tupeace” of symbol a grace, of source a ornament, an covering, “a was it it, put author local one of being a woman”. Whether on the shoulders of the mistress or her maid, as the all, eye.Above evil the against guarded be could folds its childrenin and concealed others; of gaze malevolent or inquisitive the against wearer the protect to said was use its in famous centres of production. Wrapped around and concealing the body, wasbysymbolized fringed long the this community; and family of behalf on decency and morality of markers – thewhite shirt, the confinesofdistrict. Sundays,on out daysbrought feast but wheneverand travelledmen beyond by wearing leather shoes. Such clothing was not necessarily worn every day, ain n mrlt” e wr poiie fo using from prohibited were men morality” and zation civili of reasons “for 1887, June 7 on Guadalajara in posted notice one to posted throughout the land that men had to wear proper trousers. According were Notices intervention. direct through improvement cultural of policy a to engender.led This to trying was state the that modernization of process the to gravehindrance a elites ruling by considered was traditionalism sant Pea-legislation. of matter a became men rural of dress the connection, this modernity.In state-led to backwardness from rapidly shift to expected was ist economy, attract foreign investment and stimulate export growth. Mexico Disturbing custom:stateintervention andmigration Mexico. mestizo ill-clad of icons into their transformed were from and followers out stood who leaders revolutionary other and Zapata the of image Theboots. spurred heavy and chains.sombreros and huge Theyworecoins silver with heavilychamoisleather adorned or deerskin cotton, wool, of made trousers and waistcoats jackets, short in dressed men century, 19th late the during ros flamboyant, richly adorned riding clothes worn on festive occasions by aggressivewith mestizaje coupled side mestizo women, itwas anadornment. the “for market: the rebozo from the small towns drew a distinction. Indian women, they said, used their worn. was it Women which in manner and decoration, of refinement terial, of the ubiquity the Despite satisfaction. of smile a with it about spoke still women (horsemen). In the In (horsemen). rebozo oe i vlae n sal on oit wr epce t at as act to expected were society town small and village in Women In the late 19th century, the Porfirian state sought to implant a capital country the in conveyed masculinity of image dominating most The

to carry children about on their backs and bring goods to and from and to goods bring and backs their on about children carry to rebozo , the social identity of the wearer could be read off from its ma , their refusal to use to refusal their , calzones demanta indigena charreadas ň on, 1991: 220). In town and country alike, women alike, country and town In 220). 1991: on, charro Los pobres rebozo , it was an instrument of work”. In contrast, for contrast, In work”. of instrument an was it , was to fuse around the figures of Emiliano of figures the around fuse to was , the riding sports so popular in the region the in popular so sports riding the , was considered “an almost integral part integral almost “an considered was rebozos rebozo and wore theubiquitousdressofpoor machismo huaraches (shawl), workshopsfrom bought received as gifts from husbands from gifts as received and wasand byexpressed the (leathersandals). calzón rebozo

blanco outside the char and - - - - -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 47 48

Mestizaje and Clothing: Interpreting Mexican-US Transnational Social Space dressed in dressed calzonudo of peasantry’sthe use equated that language a in written were Notices places. public and towns entering when trousers European-styled wear to obliged monstrative masculinity: local researchers Fonseca andMoreno(1984:139-140): echoedtowardselite the of view the the from the small town of Jaripo (Michoacán) who had gone north in the 1910s migrants later, decades clothing many experiences acquiring their on to Reminiscing US. the importance in such attached men why explain helps of indecency. grounds the on fiestas towns’ the at use their prohibit to decided townsfolk ing wear when remember could old the region, the in Elsewhere scarce. was money and fined being risked they otherwise Calvillo, capital, regional the from change to had men when tion Revolu the after time the recalled still elderly the example, for calientes), at men’stire. Compulsion over dress European-style was etched in social memory. acquire In Jaltiche (Aguas to need the with preoccupied were and spell of“forced labour”onpublicworks. adherence to tradition. while by naked, i.e., father Adam”, our calzones de manta de calzones calzones calzonismo he walked up and down, and then there was another, and an another,and was there then and down, and up walked he boots, some boots with a heel that those made with a arrived wonderful lad say,noise this whenI as then manly,and very were north the from back came who men the thought I start, the At de more a adopting of possibility the to attracted were Youngmen clothing andtrinkets(chingaderas). (Ibid..:151) watches of 50 dollars. We used to spend almost all the money on ter,ourselves;for everybodyclothes and and suits their brought mother’smy sis for here, had we ladies young the for girls, the for cloth of lengths bought we things; many back brought We of clothingback home.(Ibid..:152). kind this know not did we suit, tailored I’da dollars earned, 50 for suit a bought I charros; like look to wanted we because not we There,dollars; 10 for naked. hats bought we hats, shoes, around and trousers bought go to used we here clothes, for As unshod; you onlywore your mantaandleatherhuaraches. and unclothed goes, saying the as around, go to used we Here that element one is decree state by modernity of enforcement This clothing about way different a in think to forced were families Rural , a word that played on the image of a man being naked when naked being man a of image the on played that word a , calzones was transformed into a moral issue; such as when priest and priest when as such issue; moral a into transformed was was a derogatory term referring to the peasantry’s obstinate . Rural workers were reported to be “walking about like about “walking be to reported were workers Rural . with backwardness. A favourite term employed was employed term favourite A backwardness. with Calzonudos El Monitor El were liable for fines, a week in gaol or a calzones calzonudos , Guadalajara, 29 August 1892, 29 August Guadalajara, , no rues hn nearing when trousers into . to commented they As ------border totheotherwithleasthindrance. the of side one from pass to them allowed that uniform) a (almost dress of transnationalwhoof those pressed thus space social moved modes adopt to were soon made to feel out of place (Santiba their in up wrapped women by accompanied sombreros brimmed border towns in the late 1920s, Mexican men arriving with their high, wide- in Texanobserved migration, study to 1930 in government Mexican the by migrants.inexperienced for Santiba expense As unexpected to led border the Negotiating US. the of parts other to ride free a work,only want not did they that grounds con the on labour towns US border the by thronging tractors rejection and ridicule of risk the ran Mexicans or tume” suits wearing by and Indians, or wet-backs as wearer the contracts. labour secure to wanted men if propriate the home, at known dress male of Styles clothing. to attention paying of importance the cans risked being barred from semi-public places such as restaurants, and all Mexi Some compatriots. skinned darker for “Mexican” of label derogatory treated better. In Texas, they earned the label of “Spanish”, thus reserving the themselves found “white” as pass could who Mexicans before. experienced negotiation of racial identity in ways that Mexican men and women had not a reflected dress with differently.Preoccupation dress to obliged been had nativelovingtheir stopped had they they land; wasbecause readers, not his early periodthanformen. according to Gamio (1991), their transnationalism was more restricted in the flowmigration the of half roughly constituted they though evenwomen, for Thusclothing. their through home back identity social new a negotiate to tried they when men than opposition greater faced they return, they should with children, there was much less possibility of travelling back and forth and Forwomen villages. the in poverty extreme in lives isolated livenorth than rather the to go to preferred who violence, revolutionary during appeared dis had wives,whosemenfolk womenabandoned and widows of numbers large also were there but families their with US the to went Some men. the many migrants optedtogetmarriedinthem. and girls, village of notice the attract wayto new a was jeans wearing side, measure of anonymity in the US. While still a rarity in the Mexican country a and employment find to likely more were they trousers, or overalls jean wore men When man. working the of working-clothes wearing hard able, wasoverall,acquired jean clothing the had photographs taken of many themselves to and send back US, to their the families. in The other success men’s demonstrated watches and boots ties, Migrants saved hard in the US to acquire new clothing. Suits, hats, Suits, clothing. new acquire to US the in hard saved Migrants On arrival attheUSbordertowns, Mexicansunderstoodimmediately to gonorth?Isaidmyself, why notme?(Ibid..:162-163). pavedgoing wasstreet. the Who on noise other,a such making The migrants’ change of dress, Santiba from Thediffered period early womenthe migrantsfacing in situation calzones de manta de calzones , tailored suits or suits tailored , pantalones de mezclilla de pantalones ñ ñ ez (1991: 89) wished to assure ez, 1991: 93). The production charro Calzones dress, were inap were dress, ñ enz, appointed enz, , the service the , charro stereotyped rebozos “cos ------

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 49 50

Mestizaje and Clothing: Interpreting Mexican-US Transnational Social Space to many who claimed a feeling of superiority due to “their clean blood and blood clean“their to superioritydue of feeling a claimedwho many to descent, Taylor reports, racial attitudes were by no means uniform. He talked 1927 and200in1928. Then Depressionhit,andmigration stopped. cipio distinguish amongst ourselves on the basis of skin colour; all of us born un born us of all colour; skin of basis the on ourselves amongst distinguish not do we fortunately Mexico, “In observe: to mestizaje state-led of vocate Santiba prompted ThisHollywood. of out coming films the in drunkards) and gamblers women, of violators robbers, killers, (as depicted being were wayMexicans derogatory the from suffered to set up new businesses. Out of a total population of 27,600 in the in 27,600 of population total a of Out businesses. new up set to better-off to return home with investment goods: trucks, machinery and tools had it become possible in the earnings, 1920s even for poor families to buy their land, and for the squandered had migrants early many While tances. remit cash to thanks notably haveincreased to seen wasin Arandas power purchasing and movement their for reason important most the as migrants “daughter returned bygiven no were levels wage Differential and appeared. had settlements” clustering little was there yet as places; in different scattered many were Arandas from Migrants migrated. also women had many families but and men, single young, been had migrants of majority agriculture. The in and factories automobile mills, steel in work find to field a under Mexican foremen and had learnt little English. Some had gone further and once in the US many men worked laying rail tracks with Mexican gangs railways, the by facilitated greatly been had Movement home. returned all exodus fromthispopulousdistrict.” “appears but a modern and expanded phase of a fairly continuous historical barrios during warfare and unrest, especially when people movement, from the district of had left and history formed a been had there 1920’s, the Before tion. owned Revolu the opposed Many had “characteristicconservatism” with most and land, faith. Catholic their cherished who and stock Spanish from of theEnglishversion, itisworth discussingindetail. sion brought movement to the US to an abrupt stop. Given the inaccessibility whencrisis of Depres moment a eye-witnessat unique written a account is place that represented conditions in western centrala Mexico as a whole.as chosen This deliberately Jalisco, of highlands the in Arandas, in 1932 and 1931 in months several spent He California. in migrants Mexican of study a made had Lange, Dorothea photographer the wife, his with together who Paulwasmid-West migration US Taylor,the from economist agricultural an Contesting “race” andclothingin Arandas before Godandthelaw.” and aptitudes such as in commerce, not from our origins, for we are all equal der our flag are Mexicans and our differences derive from differential talents , Taylor estimates that some 400 men had gone north in 1926, 600 in 600 1926, in north gone had men 400 some , Taylorthat estimates While the majority of the population considered themselves of Spanish The people migrating to the US from the turn of the century had almost Arandas was a district populated by Mexicans who believed they came study to government US the by recruited scientists social the Among in larger urban centres in the region. “Going to the US”, Taylor notes, ñ ez, a strong nationalist and ad and nationalist strong a ez, muni ------but their children had. When Taylor probed migrants on discrimination in discrimination on migrants Taylorprobed When had. children their but municipio the people. in poorest men Thethe wealthiest or richest the include not did als.” thanrace.of Thereprejudicenois here. WeareallMexicans butindividu– class anddistinction social of spirit a more – here universalspirit more a is race, the people do not regard with prejudice those who professional:white“Althoughonethe ofofwords the byimpressedwas He and tolerance. Unlike in the US, no public racial discrimination was in force. he encountered and concluded that in majority people exhibited moderation from a racially segregated society, Taylor was struck by the variety of attitudes racist feeling and even claimed the superiority of an Indian ancestry. Coming Indian darkness. Yet he also encountered people who denied the existence of racial terminology learnt in the US, insisting on their white-ness in contrast to new a home brought had migrantsSpanish-lookingpeople.” Some these in manyin othercountry.thepartsof attributeI these thingswhitethe to blood tendency to improve and economize. The people here are better dressed than oldcustoms”. One landowner told him proudly: “This is a white race, with a turn. A young high school graduate told him: “Here the girls all dress alike, dress all girls the “Here him: told graduate school high young turn. A re their on faced had they problems the about outspoken were they found now. Now theyimitatethem.” “They used to joke about migrants, and criticize their better clothing, but not to confided man not.”However,one Taylor:are as they but we, than better are they think us. They of rest the as same the dress they then two, or year a last which clothes with back come “they or pockets” his centavoin a not but clothes guy,good that has at he “Look comments. provokedbarbed tire at in Change shoes. and hats suits, US their on put fiestas they at when and huaraches and manta de the district, former migrants still used palm in the town wearing the despised Many owned watches. To his surprise, he also found some returned migrants shoes, even though not everybody wearing this clothing had been to the US. ing US-style trousers or jean overalls, shirts, felt hat or cap, and factory-made wear men saw commonly of townone Arandas, the In status. occupational same the of non-migrants by worn that as same the roughly being to back a simple picture. He notes that the daily dress of returned migrants had gone longer wasno it But aroused. still tensions social noveltythe ativeits and of wear poorclothes”,asonenon-migrating merchant toldhim. all are we think “They did. who those than barrier greater in But Texas.general, men who had never to migrated tended to think of discrimination as a compared Chicago) (around north the in racism of sence poorer, relativeab the on commented were Others themselves. than clean less or darker risk greatest at those Mexicans, affect did distinctions racial the US, some denied experiencing discrimination, some observed that while irns ee rw fo a ie pcrm f h pplto, but population, the of spectrum wide a from drawn were Migrants Talking to young women in Arandas who had lived in the US, Taylorthe in lived had who Arandas in women youngTalking to The weight migrants gave to clothing when talking to Taylor was indic mrhns poesoas lre adwes hd o migrated, not had landowners) large professionals, (merchants, for everyday wear, but they stood out on Sundays on out stood they wear,everydaybut for huaraches sombreros of the peasantry. In rural parts of , cotton shirts, are indigenas prieto (dark) and (dark) calzones . There ------

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 51 52

Mestizaje and Clothing: Interpreting Mexican-US Transnational Social Space the freedom of womenof freedom findingthe US, the in practices American divorce of and to the US, and some confided to Taylor that they had been greatly shocked by womenaccompanythem that keen too none been had years,men early the it’smarried, anyis more.”clothes girl don’tabout they over;care In then all in black. But I’ll never dress in black in all my life. Here it seems that when a with the railways came new kinds of traders, commercial travellerscommercialtraders, of railwaysbringing kinds the new with Along came border. US the and City Mexico to accessible increasingly became region the and shortened were times Journey relationships. spatial altered Visualising modernity inwesterncentral Mexico 1986). Castro, (López region western-central the of towns small the to awakening rude a brought that world the at looking of way defiant a and clothing new rebellious attitude: with home returned now War. Mexicans WorldYoung youth chicano opposed the and racist patriotism that surrounded US involvementblack in the Second when coast west the on 1943 in Riots Suit Zoot describes how this clothing became engrained with social protest during the (1989) Cosgrove chains. watch enormous and belts narrow trousers, flared lapels, huge with jackets feather, a with hats narrow-brimmed Harlem: in blacks young by used language first style a clothing, suit, zoot the style. adopted throughTheylife and society and family of values the to resistance white,of racism Anglo-Saxon America. valuesand the opposed that culture counter a with contact into came north way.going different Young Mexicans a in disruptive became clothing men continued to adopt the style of dress of previous generations, for some young gramme in the early 1940s, it was a wholly male affair. While most migrants production inthemigrant region(Wilson, 1999). new patterns of consumption was in turn promoting an expansion in garment male clothing in Mexican workshops. TransnationalUS-style engagement byof fostering production the and substitution import to impetus great a gave even before the onset of Depression. Mexico Thein temporaryproduction end workshop of migration of in 1930 resurgence a to led jeans of popularity gar were overallsments impossible andto handle on trousers the domestic sewing cloth, machine. So jean the growing of toughness the Given home. at copied be could men’sclothing new of items Few market. the in bought goods substituting on and cash on dependent more became family the but bought clothes in the US women were relieved of the burden of making them economy.clearly,domestic men But whenthe for had this implications the a become had clothing valueincreasing. wascash whose coveted good Tayloron comment not did US impossible, now was movement Since back. brought had they clothing US of stock the sell to forced been had migrants many up, used savings their Depression, of onset the However,with done. otherwise havewould they than clothes quality better wore most migration to thanks clothing. that their byYetconceded simply also apart he migrants birth controlrepellentandagainsttheteachings oftheCatholicChurch. The spate of railway building in western central Mexico in the 1890s the in Mexico central western in railwaybuilding of Thespate Pro Bracero the under again up picked US the to migration When non- and migrants tell to impossible was it first concluded Taylor At Cholos or pachucos performed their performed - - beginning to bob their hair, shorten their skirts, and wear brighter coloured brighter wear and skirts, their hair,shorten their bob to beginning were Youngcatalogues. women order mail and advertisements newspaper magazines, of circulation increased the to as well as spread, its to women young amongst fashion in interest growing the attributed He Jalisco. visited Monsiváis, “Latin Americans wentnottodreambutlearnbemodern”. Carlos to according where modernity”, Latin American of interlocutor cipal tization of the modernization process itself. This made the cinema “the prin doing, as Lopez (2000: 168) comments, they took active part in so the In problemafilm. with experiment and adapt invent, to FirstWorld continued War the after and Revolution the filmed audiences. They new entice to brations cele- and activities everyday views, local filmed and messages), nationalist with infused (often spectacles of films country,showed the of breadth and length travelledthe pioneers Film 155). 2000: (Lopez, cinema railways:the the by facilitated towns small the reaching was innovation Another pairers. re and sewers machine as talents new developed to Women “migradollars”. thanks 1920’s the in countryside the to towns the from spreading were “Singers” machine. sewing the production: clothing was domestic good transform new to One before. seen rarely US the from goods manufactured ltig fl o tcs n pet ta soe of h bd t advantage. to body the off showed that pleats and tucks of full clothing, under their eyes. At home, women began to sew and wear more complicated to their bodies and faces, to cultivating an elegant profile and putting shadow bozo her wore the she way coquettish the in for remembered was popularity and countryside, enormous won Felix María actress The dress. women’s to respect with people’sattitudes overturned had that cinema Mexican the wealthya into land-owningfamily,married who had origins ble been had it rebozos accompanied her husband on his trips to town, so it was he who bought her own and her children’s clothes. But only rarely had she left home; she never most women of Concepción, she had used her sewing machine to make her Like firms. US by out handed gifts free possessed still and stars and films of names the for memory remarkable a had she nevertheless cinema, a in foot Colgate. and Cola Pepsi Cola, Coca including firms, US by distributed theUS, films promotional and showed other the and Mexico from films showed brother, priest’s the to belonging her after (Jalisco) marriage in 1932, remembered the arrival of two cinemas in Aires the town. One, Buenos de Concepción of town small the in lived from small towns in the region fill out Taylor’s observations. visit tochurch andwalk intheplaza. position. Young women were still kept under close supervision on their daily byaccompanied being not were any improvementnoticeable social their in dress women’s in changes that Taylorthought observant the But machine. sewing domestic ubiquitous now the on up made were pictures and films clothes and low-heeled shoes like . Young girls tried to emulate her, and by so doing paid more attention more paid doing . so her,by emulate Youngand to tried girls The cinema was well entrenched in country towns by the time the Taylorby towns country in entrenched well was Thecinema According to According women older by later years 60 some study this for collected Stories fromthemarketinGuadalajara. Do ñ a Teré of La Piedad (Michoacán), a woman of hum of woman Teréa (Michoacán), Piedad La of las americanas Do ñ a Felipe claimed never to have set have to never claimed Felipe . Their clothes, copied from Do ñ a Felipe who re - - - - -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 53 54

Mestizaje and Clothing: Interpreting Mexican-US Transnational Social Space derogatory term suggesting that well-turned out women could pay a bit too bit a pay could women out well-turned that suggesting term derogatory been never had they out point to quick were study this for previously. Although enjoying an interest in clothes, the women interviewed was wornhad they bags” “old the discard could they that so modern and proper dressing of way this that family the of men the convince to had They transnational clothing par excellence. of idea the in rhetoric) official in least thisdidnot square with interpretations ofMexican nationalism engrained (at mestizaje Mexican demonstrativeof aspecta became practice in jeans althoughThus US. the associationswith withthrough shot remained clothing this thatwas cialpolarity asbetween Spanish attirewhose usage could materially and symbolically bring anend tothe so it, a god-send in bringing both mestizaje and modernity. Here was an item of of American overalls and trousers made of jeans cloth seemed, on the face of dress. Theintroduction, widespread acceptance andlater import substitution the civilization and morality of male citizens with adoption of European-style for this had been prepared in previous decades when the state had associated “grassroots”processof fully by the cinema. throughnational andtransnational images offemininity relayed most power underwaywere throughwhich imaginingwomenweremodernityowntheir openly challenge relations of gender outside the home. Nevertheless, changes mappedbyouttransnational engagement. Womenfoundlessopportunity to based on power, class and race, and were etched onto perceptions and values clothing became re-aligned and incorporated into underlying social relations initialdisruption patternsoldinequalityof reassertbegan tothemselves, and apermanent way. Otherwise over time, as Taylor’sobservations in alteredsuggest, after be class/status could knowledge new and goodsinvestment with home returned migrants when Only relations. class or privilege of patterns ofsocial contestation but they did not necessarily signify an enduring shift in pachucos the younger generation of against challenge the old in the parallel 1940s when angry sons a returned as finds One down. breaking apparently was and between as inequality in social polarity visible the 1920s, the By home. back relations social in provokingupsets also but space transnational producing only not were migrants dress their through doubt, Withoutmestizaje? and modernity to given ings mean and space social of perceptionengagement,transnational to respect nostalgiawithofelderlyrecallsignifynowwith caseArandasthe the and in much attentiontotheirappearance. What happened to clothing in the 1920s can be seen as illustratinga as seen be can 1920s the in clothing to happenedWhat Whatdidthechanges dressin that Taylordescribes conscientiouslyso , filling the gap left after deconstructing the binary colonial world, colonial binary deconstructing the after left gap the filling , to the consternation of their families. These were revelatory phases CONNECTING CLOTHING, MODERNITY, MESTIZAJE mestizaje los ricos los , but one given an ironic twist.givenironiconean but , Thegrounds traje andindigenous and mestizaje a lo mexicano lo a mestizaje los pobres los calzones had been challenged been had catrina . Theproblem for this was this for , a faintly a , - - - long history and has been integrally connectedhalf a centurywith later. modernizingIn the first place, the paper reminds usstates that “policy” has a and their tionscan be drawn out as to what might still be considered “policy relevant” nevertheless been made to the field of policy issues and dilemmas and indica shared on both sides of the border. distinctive a define to came time in that constructed be could Inthis emerging social space, new repertoires of social identity and meaning determinantMexico’sof transnational engagementcentury.early20ththe in important most the been had arguablyclothing through thisdemonstrate to grassrootsmestizajeand processesinof part take US-Mexico. Pressureto of appropriation of new ideas, cultural styles and models from the selective“strangeaincorporationdenoted races.Itand mysticaloffusion a zone”alone let modernity,traditionfromtoshift neat representa not nationalMexicansdid remittancesareput,arenot constant butvary over timebothmaterial in and hasillustrated how theusefulness ofremittances, aswell astheuse towhich study case TheMexico. in people’slives improve to back brought and US humanity and complexity of the social subjects for whom they plan. givetheback topolicymakers how forchallengesactivists isgreat asfor the of One wrong.seriously often andalwaysreductionist convenient,are ever suchonelabellingexample oflabels,fixed device. an howover But is time suming that these identities and attendant spatial practices endure unchanged as and typologysimple a to intervention.accordingmigrantsClassifying to amenableandsuitable most is that one theother. sticksmaybe thatlabel A bels that stick; the two (policy and labels) may indeed be constitutive of each la the of basis thePolicy others.obscuredformulatedon but isaspects tain Designatingmovement aslabour migration, asnoted above, highlighted cer through an apparently a-political policy process. deflect, diminish and distract from what is proposed as logical and reasonable always“solution”.generallyPoliticalcanmoreinterest publica andinterest possibilities“policy”for blockandpolicy measuresbringtobeingablefrom Mexicosuitableand national racial composition mayUS,thein scupper the in dignitynational of ideas the crystallizedin case this ininterest”, national the “in was/is what to as views Diverging(1940s). WarWorld and (1930s) opinion would have remained in deadlock dividedhadastowhether they should theresupport itorprevent it;one could say that not been globaldeeply Depressionwere border the of sides both on politicians1920s, the inmigration underlying political questions. When the political searchlight fell on Mexican solved,alone let out, sortedhaveacademicsever, policymakers norneither onacademics tocollect/process information and come upwith answers. espousalHow “nationalof interests”; toosohasthe practice policymakersof calling Although the subject matter of this paper is historical,ispaperreferences thissubjectAlthoughhave matterof the state,forwardandelite putbyviews contrast to In A third, more specific, point concerns the “migradollars” earned in the now,matter.labelsas then that, isdrawn be can that point second A POLICY IMPLICATIONS mestizaje mexicanidad for trans-for ------

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 55 56

Mestizaje and Clothing: Interpreting Mexican-US Transnational Social Space being used strategically as a means to shift a family into a higher (i.e. pre (i.e. higher a into family a shift to means a as strategicallyused being to run) short the (inposition socialimprovingdirectlyindividual ormaterial of means a as tactically usedremittances from and dependence;increasing indicatingto up”“topping as remittancesused from axes: two along fulness symbolicterms. Thediscussiondistinguished has usedifferencesanduse of clothing? judge the “authenticity” of Indians or the indigence of the poor, if not by their one can else howidentity:cultural and self presentationof andbody the to respect with consequences indirect carry interventions policy specific and policy. However, one can go on to ask whether development policy in veilsclassroomsgeneralinsecular ofschools?) rathermatterdevelopmentforathan wear toallowed be girlsMuslim shouldpolicyintervention national(e.g. in issuelive a pronounced?be mostto thisThisseems places/societies whatis orrelevant policy matter; under what circumstances does this happen and in and the way bodies are presented and clothed still considered an appropriate study.this bodiesinelaborated are beTo extentcannotwhat that questions provokes example answer.historical This an provided migration whom for responsibility assumed by each man (and presumably his wife or mother) and internalized,a become had it because butforthcoming interventionwas ful tral Mexico the policy could be claimed a “success”, not because more force authorities”, rich, well-clothed men with political clout. Soon in western-cen trousers.wearPolicy “the of hands the in implementation put all wasof first spect to the male body and there waywith poor menmade dressed.intervention Proper an citizens state,should Mexican modernizing the by adopted that in the early days, migration to the US was prompted in part by the policy was made arguments the body.of the One at aimeddocumentation:policy predict the wisdom or effect of policy intervention. “usefulness”,understanddifficult qualityhiddenmoreor ofto more and the socially.and callypredict understand or difficult to it makescourse,This, of histori- placed themselves find families and individuals how on depending rela switchesreversalsexpectandcan one linearforhere, assumed be tionshipshould No run). longer the (in class ethnic or socio-economic ferred) Finally,receiveddiscussedhasissuethatpaperhas thean partial only ------4. 3. 2. 1. victors of the Mexican Revolution who were in the process of reconstruct TheCristero wars violentwerea backlash by ardent Catholics against the migration. impossible to determine numbers due to the highly seasonal nature wasof the it that was argument His 1929. by there living were Mexicans lion mil a than more that States United the in held widely view the rebut to sought Gamio work statistical his in note, (1992) Massey and Durand As our history of clothing production in the region (Arias and Wilson, 1997). on drawsPatricia and withArias discussions to much owes sectionThis senting mewithacopy of the originalEnglishtext. Paulto me alerting for DurandJorge to thanks My Taylor’spre and work ing the nation.

NOTES - - -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 57 58

Mestizaje and Clothing: Interpreting Mexican-US Transnational Social Space Arias, P., andF. Wilson Gamio, M. Fonseca, O., andL.Moreno Durand, J.,andD. Massey Durand, J.(Ed.) de SouzaMartins,J. Cosgrove, S. Carling, J. Bustamante, J. Bauer, A. Bailey, A. 1997 1991 1988 1984 1992 1991 2000 1989 2003 1988 2001 2001 las Artes, Mexico City, 19-33. —EstadosUnidos: A Mexicanos en Estados Unidos”, in J. Durand (Ed.),“Número, procedencia distribucióny geográfica de los inmigrantes 65-84. Occidente el en PardoS. and Castro Lopez G. Jaripo”,in Galvan (Eds), traba jadores de michoacanos a los Estados migraciónUnidos de América: el la caso de de histórico-sociales “Consideraciones Mexicana ‘LazaroCardenas’,Jiquilpan,Mexico. Jaripo, pueblo de migrantes American Research Review States: review,”United critical the A migrationto “Mexican cional para laCultura ylas Artes, MexicoCity. A Unidos: México—Estados Migración Experiences ofModernityinLatin America (Ed.), V.Schelling in Brazil”, in modernity of contradictions and modern the of hesitations “The Macmillans, Basingstoke,London. Music and Fashion of Anthology An Dresses: Second-hand and “The zoot suit and style warfare”, in A. McRobbie (Ed.), works transnationalism”, verdean cape of “Cartographies Mexico, 19-40. Occidente el en Migración Pardo(Eds), S. Galván and Castro Lopez G. in contradicciones”, “La política de inmigración de Estados Unidos: un análisis de sus bridge University Press,Cambridge. Culture Material America’s Latin History: Power, Goods, 413-428. migration”, “Turninginternational of theorisation the on transnational:Notes lajara, Guadalajara. género en la industria de la ropa en de México relaciones y consumo regional, Cambio surco: el y aguja La , 3(4):335-340. International Journal of Population Geography,Population of Journal International , El Colegio de Michoacán, Zamora, Mexico, Zamora, Michoacán, de Colegio El , REFERENCES ň osveinte , 27(2):3-42. , El Colegio de Michoacán, Zamora, Michoacán, de Colegio El , , Centro de Estudios de la Revolución ,Concejo Nacional para la Cultura y Through the Kaleidoscope: The Kaleidoscope: the Through ň s veinte os , London,248-274. , University of Guada- Migración México Cneo Na Concejo , lbl Net Global Migración Zoot Suits Cam , 7(6): Latin - - - - ,

López Castro,G. Lopez, A. Lefebvre, H. Knight, A. Gruzinski, S. González, L. Wilson, F. Tu Taylor, P. Smith, M.P., andL.Guarnizo Santiba Portes, A. Ong, A. ň 1991 1986 2000 1991 1990 2002 1974 1999 1991 1933 1998 1996 1999 on, J. ň ez, E. “Ensayo acerca de la inmigración mexicana en Estados Unidos”, Estados en mexicana inmigración“Ensayo la de acerca University Press,DurhamandLondon. Flexible Citizenship: The Cultural Logics of Transnationality Zamora, Mexico. dos Unidos en un pueblo Michoacana Esta a migración la sobre caso de estudio Un dividida: casa La 148-176. America Latin in Modernity of ences in ica”, V.(Ed.), Schelling Amer Latin in modernity and cinema Early shadows: of “Atrain The ProductionofSocialSpace University of Texas Press, Austin, 71-113. (Ed.), Graham R. and revolution “Racism, Globalization The Mestizo Mind: The Intellectual Dynamics of Colonization and Texas Press, Austin. Gracia: de José San co”, “Gendered histories: Garment production and migration in Mexi- City. Mexico Historia, e el de Antropología Nacional Instituto XIX, Mexicanas, Siglo las de ilustrada antología mujer, la de albúm El City, 131-221. Unidos 1991, (Ed.), Durand J. in published Jalisco, in Arandas Mexico Community: Peasant Spanish-Mexican A wick. Transnationalism from Below 65-129. veinte (Ed.), Durand J. in American Prospect communities”, transnational of rise The villagers: “Global Environment andPlanning , Concejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes, Mexico City, Cneo ainl aa a utr y a re, Mexico Artes, las y Cultura la para Nacional Concejo , , University of California Press, Berkeley; Spanish version Spanish Berkeley; Press, California Universityof , , Routledge,New York/London. The Idea of Race in Latin America, 1870-1914 America, Latin in Race of TheIdea , 25:74-77.

A Mexican A Villagein Transition ircó Mxc—sao Uio, A Unidos, México—Estados Migración Through the Kaleidoscope: Throughthe TheExperi indigenismo , Transaction Publishers, New Bruns , Blackwells, Oxford. , A, 31:327-343. Migración México—Estados Migración , Verso, London/New York,London/New Verso,, , El Colegio de Michoacán, Mxc 11-94, in 1910-1914”, Mexico : , Universityof , , Duke The ň os - - - - ,

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 59

Burundians inBelgium: Constructing, Performing and ContestingDiaspora Simon Turner

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 61 62

Burundians in Belgium: Constructing, Performing and Contesting Diaspora noeuvers of political entrepreneurs in the transnational political field shape field political transnational the in entrepreneurs political of noeuvers ma political that argues and creation and fragmentation diasporic of ment move double the follows It ideal. an and process a as diaspora perceiveof instead and realities ontological as diasporas perceiving from away move fine diasporas through ever finer conceptual criteria and argues that we must de to try that theories against motivated.argues chapterpolitically The are ethnicity and time of arrival but often are more with complex, and coincide argues that to they appear that lines fault the explores It identities. diaspora T where theymay seekbelonging. and move may Belgium in Burundians which within field the shaping are practices. In this manner, political struggles to define the role of the diaspora transnational of contents discursive the determine and networks diasporic aking its point of departure in ethnographic fieldwork among Bu among fieldwork ethnographic in departure of point its aking processes of making and unmaking transnational communities and communities transnational unmaking and making of processes contradictory the explores chapter this Belgium, in living rundians ABSTRACT - - - -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 63 64

Burundians in Belgium: Constructing, Performing and Contesting Diaspora doxes, and the contradictory processes of making and unmaking of trans- of unmaking and making of processes contradictory the and doxes, the otherethnicgroup,astheir acquaintanceskeeptheminclosedcir However,possible. is it that with mix to hard increasingly it finding is Oscar degree the to campus on and bars at groups both with mingles decade, past who arrived in Belgium last year and has experienced all the violence of the first hand has no contact with the Tutsi students at her university, while Oscar, I am interviewing his 21-year-old daughter, Beatrice, who has who Beatrice, daughter,21-year-old his interviewing am I parties. Today, political “Hutu” first the of one found of a member been ing has and 1960s late the since Belgium has in who lived Burundian influential an of home the in sitting am I Beatrice: A HutufromBrussels. This chapter explores some of these apparent contradictions and para violence ethnic experienced never has who Beatrice, Belgian-born football oncampus. and basketball playing whenTutsi with mix to claims also He politics. of out stay to try and music or business into either are predominantly – mixed Tutsicrowd– youngof whoBurundians a by frequented and Burundian a by run is that bar a – district frequents he that claims he However, radical. and political highly them of one envi ronments, “Hutu” into sucked been had he Belgium, in occasions ant Hutu politician, and finally, in a café in Bujumbura. On both cultural group, another time at the commemorationIRAGI the of anat import-once times, several accident by Oscar into bump a Tutsi.”or Later,I Hutu a are you whether of regardless work, that stage,” he says. “Now we get beyondtogether and far try to are make we things Bujumbura, “In mix. not Tutsiand do Hutu that fact the with up fed is and recently Belgium in arrived He Oscar is a Ph.D. student living on campus at Louvain La Neuve. Oscar: Fresh fromBujumbura’s meltingpot appropriate tomixwith Tutsi. it think not does she refugees, Hutu are parents her As plains. Tutsi. Burundians are subtler. They say things indirectly,” she ex she that does not. “It is not that my ashamedly parents have told me: Don’t somewhat mix with admits she Neuve, la Louvain university,her at plenty are there whom of Tutsiwith students, anycontact has homepages. variouswhethershe “Hutu” Asked in youth Belgium, Burundian for association an organized has brother and who arrived as political refugees in the late she 1990s. Herthan older older much not were who Burundians meeting when ashamed felt she because Kirundi, in lessons organized friends creasingly in interested in her parents’ became natal country. she however,She and some teens, late her racism In met discrimination. never or has and child a as background foreign her consider to used day.never one She permanently there settling of dream fiancé her and she although Burundi, to been never Génération Afrique Chez Doudou Chez , and is a verya is and active, to contributor in Brussels’ Matonge Brussels’ in - - - - cuits. - nomns ol otn xli t m we I a peetd y research my presented had I when me to explain often would informants Belgium may move andwhere theymay seekbelonging. to define the role of the diaspora shape the field within which Burundians in cursive contents of transnational practices. In this manner, political struggles transnational politicalfieldshapediasporicnetworks anddeterminethedis the in entrepreneurs political of manoeuvres political that arguing creation, complex and it follows the double movement of diasporic fragmentation and arrivalmore of often time are and but ethnicity with coincide to appear that lines fault the explores then chapter compromise. The to willing are others while bitterness, and resentment of feelings such embrace can society host the from marginalization or racism experienced necessarily not where havedemocracy they liberal a in up brought been have who and Burundi in violence and conflict ethnic of experience whohaveno Burundians or little that is it why explores first It identities. diaspora and communities national of difference are not simply born out of an objective position in the diaspora. ethnicity, time of arrival and group belonging, these standpoints and politics between correlation a be to appears there glance first at struggles. Although tinctions that Burundians in exile draw. Theydis the are and pinned conditions up life on objectivelarger these political between link simple no is there Burundians in exile and in giving the groups their internal differentiation. But the answer is yes, these factors certainly play a role in shaping the attitudes of war in Burundi, and different situations in the host society. On the one hand, rent times of arrival, different social backgrounds, different experiences diffe- of of the product the merely not are opinion in differences these whether is 2001). Østergaard-Nielsen, 2002; (Adamson, Thethen mass question neous projects thatareconstantlydisputed,contestedanddestabilized. political on-going are Diasporas difference. through identities constructing of practices discursive generated internally the account into takes study the creation of such communities “from the inside”, so to speak. In other words, the explore to is study this of aim the – criteria outside defined objectively of basis the on them characterizing thus – practices transnational similar in than assuming that diasporas exist because migrants and refugees are involved Hutu members. have to wish a express organizers its and (www.hibacultures.be), material sively Tutsi, although this obviouslyexclu is not mentioned anywhere in its official almost is Hiba 1990. since arrived who Hutu attracts mostly IRAGI while descendents, their and earlier or 1970s the in arrived whoIndanga Hutu in are drummers and dancers the of most that explain gradually and grudgingly organizers the it, admit to likes nobody and it mentions nobody IRAGI.and Indanga Hiba, dancing: although and And drumming traditional with deal all that associations cultural three are there Forexample, project. THE TRANSNATIONAL POLITICAL FIELD Belgium does not have one but several diasporas, as my well-educated Obviously, we must avoid treating migrants and refugees as a homoge Rather interact? they do how and emerge diasporas several do How - - - -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 65 66

Burundians in Belgium: Constructing, Performing and Contesting Diaspora Belgium, where individuals are constantly positioning themselves and each and themselves positioning constantly are individuals where Belgium, objective lifeexperiences. their contradict apparently that opinions on take and act individuals Some and closure in a Deleuzean sense. The concept of “long-distance national “long-distance of concept sense. The Deleuzean a in closure and to create clean-cut places of identity. There is a simultaneous process of flow seeking are people same identity,very and the territory state, nation, tween can bewitnessedinBelgium. that processes the in forcedriving the becomes that project endless this is it at attempts ideological all to relation in claim would Laclau anew.as them project, constructing endless of an process Thisis the we may deconstruct communities, transmigrant Burundians are constantly in political entrepreneurs – promise their constituencies. Therefore, as much as and – ideologies political that community of sense a is It for.strive people community”, “transnational a ises to eliminate difference and antagonism. As much as we must not assume prom that 1985) Mouffe, and (Laclau signifier” “empty an as works munity of community remains idea a powerful imaginary construct. Ideologically,the the com contexts, other in As Belgium. in population Burundian the of simply to discard the concept, due to the stratified and fragmented character idea of a diasporic or transnational community is important. It is not enough and claim to be the true other representatives of each “the Burundian discredit people”. Here, the to attempt actors political various which upon terrain a as created is field political transnational the Hence, 159). 2002: amson, to contestation, mobilization and/or capture by political entrepreneurs” (Ad cies. The fieldiscreatedintheprocessofbeingcontested. and what is politically unthinkable, the positions also create their constituen thinkable politically is for what limits the sets field political ple”. the as And his opponents in an attempt to emerge as the true representative of “the peo that isconstructedaroundpolarities. the field where they must position themselves of structure the by more and promoting, be to claim they that interests the petent players ofthegame,politicalentrepreneursalsoreproduceit. com becoming By field. political the of rules unwritten the with comply to argues, where politicians gain a “practical sense” of the game and learn how he a game, like is field political 1991). The (Bourdieu, field political the of Bourdieu’s introduce to fruitful it find I Burundi, to concept relation in other In order to grasp the transnational social field among Burundians in Burundians among field social transnational the grasp to order In While people on the move are challenging the naturalized links be links naturalized the challenging are move the on people While In Fiona Adamson’s words, the “transnational political field (…) is open vis-à-vis himself positions entrepreneur political the words, other In difference, the distinctive deviation (Bourdieu,whichgests,act meaning1991:anhas onlyrelationally, 177). throughandin [A]dopting a stance, a prise de position, is, as the phrase clearly sug The positions that political representatives take are less determined by 1 it is still a strong imaginary figure that many that figure imaginary strong a still is it vis-à-vis other players in a field suture of society.of And ------This tension takes place in – and creates – thewith transnationaldiasporic identities politicalthatseek “fix”to and “close” field. identity and community.transgress to dissolveand fixed assumptions identity, of place communityand about identity and history. This chapter linksthat tie people together across boundaries, thewhile diaspora studies transnationalare mostly practices that tend national studies are mostly concerned with studying practices here and now on transnationalism have distinct genealogies. To put it slightly crudely, trans- and Ferguson, 1997:39). (Gupta salient” more even perhaps become places distinct ethnically and indeterminate, and blurred more ever become localities Ferguson have remarked: “The irony of our times is that as actual places and and Gupta evident. As particularly be may this globalization, of era present hybridity”this exactly from 316). emerge 1994: to (Anderson, set are paradox, Anderson claims: “Nationalism’s purities (and thus also cleansings) can also strengthen nationalist movements in their country of origin. On this they – 1996) (Appadurai, state and nation between hyphen the on pressure diasporaidentities. muchAs migrantsas challenge putting – nation-state the of nature ambiguous and paradoxical this illustrates 1994) (Anderson, ism” and cracks inthedividing lines. are also overlaps between the categories. Let us look briefly at these overlaps towardssuspicion and animosity another.of one deal great a bour there But refugees in recent years. work in Belgium, Denmark and Burundi shows a tendency towardsFieldheritage. mixed more of be to Tutsiclaimed cent wereper Tutsicent20 perand 20 whileHutu, were 2000 to 1988 period the in seekersasylumBurundian the Commissioner anincreasing General for Refugees Hutu, and Stateless Persons”, all 60 per cent of were virtually number of asylum seekers are now Tutsi. 1993 According to the Belgian “Office after of arrivals first the While killed. was Ndadaye president when 1993, October after arriving refugees the of privilege the Tutsibeen Finally,elite. “wave” big another wasof there students Hutu of which numbershad Belgium, givenhitherto studyin suchwere government to grants increasing Burundi, in 1980s late the took in that place process democratization gradual and reforms political the With their do to paid governmentwhograntsare Burundian the is second The 1974). Martin, and (Lemarchand ciens main three about talk Belgium in Burundians Belgians. married have number small a from plumbing to psychology. Others came as political refugees, and finally, everything study to scholarships government on independence after shortly arrivedSome time. of period long overa Burundians of numbers substantial ; the Hutu refugees who arrived after the “selective genocide” in 1972 in genocide” “selective the after arrivedwho refugees Hutu the ; Although they are increasingly merging, diaspora studies and studies and studies diaspora merging, increasingly are they Although As we saw in relation to the three cultural groups, these “cohorts” har received has Belgium Burundi, in power colonial former the Being waves of Burundian (Hutu) arrival in Belgium. is arrivalin Thefirst (Hutu) Burundian of COMING TO BELGIUM boursiers doctorat ideas suet on students , of culturally of in Belgium. in 2 les an les In the In - - -

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Burundians in Belgium: Constructing, Performing and Contesting Diaspora a while – either as refugees or as students. Thus, most of the so-called 1972 so-called students. the as of or Thus,most refugees as either – while a and later as refugees. They may also have lived in other African countries for students as first instance, for – times several Burundi and Belgium between forth and back been have Many categories. these of out and in slip people the way. along choices other of number a havemade journalist, outspoken and cian politi high-ranking a refugee, political classical the resemble both who Ali, temporary migrant and refugee are fine and often blurred. Even Frederic and immigrant, between borderlines the that and complex is refugee a coming of beingarefugee. She was first a studentasylum. in Italy and then infor Belgium. She does notapplied want the stigma never Belgium, in met he whom wife, Burundian tries to do at least once a year and preferably for a few months at a time. His whichhe Burundi, to goes wheneverhe uses he that passport Belgian a has he Now problems. any without asylum givenwas he and experienced, had he that wasthreats case straightforward,the his quitedocument could he as explains, he As asylum. for apply to Belgium to came he and him, for lem cizing the government and the army. This finally became too much of a prob lized. stabi has Burundi in situation the once him join will and citizen Belgian a become has wife His cabinet. presidential the of chief as the assembly national at employed now is and 2003 July in Burundi to went He Burundi. to returning contemplating and University the at jobs odd doing unemployed 1996, when he fled to Belgium again. When I met him in April 2003, he was cians were going in politi the opposite direction. Hutu He remained in most government until when 1994, in Burundi in government the join to asked any case,hegave uphisstudiesandappliedforasylum. In on. elaborate to reluctant is he that problems some having was wife his Also, claims. he 1996, in Burundi on imposed embargo the to due through planning in Belgium in 1996. However, it was difficult for the grant to come environmental in Ph.D. a for grant a received university.then Belgian He a an refugees who have arrived after 1993. Isaac has a degree in geology from 1972 when hedecidedtoapplyforpoliticalasylum. in Belgium in studying thus was scene, opening the in met we ther,whom country.Beatrice’sthe fa in already were Belgium in asylum receivedwho few the So Europe. reach not countries. could neighbouring They to fled or that those Hutu intellectuals who were in Burundi in 1972 were either killed asylum explained Burundians Burundi. seek in massacres the about them hit whennews and on stay to decided had and grants government on 1972 before students as arrived actually had study this for interviewed refugees First, once one asks about individual life stories, one realizes that most The stories of Isaac, Ali and Frederic illustrate that the choice of be of choice the that illustrate Frederic and Ali Isaac, of stories The criti of afraid not journalist, outspoken a an Tutsiwasis Fredericbut been had and 1993 in Neuve La Louvain at student a been had Ali Similar complexities emerge in relation to the larger group of Burundi ------His office is small and stuffy and jammed full of papers and dossiers on Bu on Brussels. dossiers and papers of full jammed and stuffy of and small is office His part Turkish-dominated a in house town his in me welcomes who sixties early his in man dusty small, a is of Laurent 1991. leader since party the the been has and Denmark in based is who Karatasi, Etienne of as known commonly party, the of branch moderate more the to belongs He Benelux. the in resentative the in positioning of transnational politicalfield. processes these of some examine we following, the In time. the at Burundi host in the climate political in the by environment particular in the and bysociety part in shaped are and arrival of time on national identities have been constructed and solidified. These often depend moving in and out of categories such as refugee, apply forpolitical asylum. to him advised people massacres, 1972 the about learned he When werp. Ant at management development in course a by followed Neuve, La vain Lou at psycho-pedagogy study to 1968 the in Burundi experienced left He genocide. never 1972 Laurent that emerged gradually it it, in volvement in 1972. place took what detail great in explains and pictures these of proud very is 1972. in genocide the details. Apparently,from the is discern it to hard Soir representatives inEurope. needed He president. party’svice the be to him asked and 1960s, late the since Denmark livedin had whoKaratasi, contacted Gahutu 1980, in party the create to decided had he When studio. professional a in taken viously ob power.is of photo Thesymbols traditional the without and tie and suit Fribourg, Switzerland. in conference a at taken was picture the and that explains hammer crossbow.Laurent a a hoe, a Palipehutu: of symbols the are him to Next him. of traditionalstickthe of the – office the across sternly in looking prison Tanzaniais in 1990, died in in Tanzaniacamp and refugee a in lived whoPalipehutu. Gahutu, of father poster-sizebya side with ceremonies side Rémyfounding of Gahutu, photo children’sgraduation his of pictures hang bookshelves, with covered not is rundi and some books on pedagogy and psychology. On the wall space that of dead bodies being loaded on or off a truck. The enlargement makes it Laurent is Palipehutu’s (Parti pour la libération du peuple Hutu) rep Hutu) peuple du libération Palipehutu’sla is (Partipour Laurent individuals by blurred being boundaries these of spite in However, When questioning him about the birth of the party and his own in own his and party the of birth the about him questioning When from picture newspaper a of up blow poster-size a also is There a in Karatasi Etienne of picture discrete more a is Laurent’sdesk On LES ANCIENS A DIASPORICOPPOSITION abashingantahe 3 edne Karatasi tendence –CONSTRUCTING (the elders) lying on the table in front in table the on lying elders) (the eas i flos h line the follows it because boursier and migrant, trans- 4 He Le ------

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Burundians in Belgium: Constructing, Performing and Contesting Diaspora and Switzerland. They would visiteach other, phoneandsendletters. Germany,notably most countries, European other in exile in were Denmark whoHutu few the to linked wasclosely but Belgium in Hutu fellow to itself limit not did opinions. group political This radical their with field the nated transnational the in political field, they quickly became a rather closelyactors knitted group that domi other no were there that and few so were they that fact the to Due background. same the much have that exiles of group an ocrs a be t dcmn pltcl eeomns n human and developments political document to been has concerns main their of One Burundi. in on whatgoing wason actually information gaining land. None of these people visited Burundi, although they were very keen home on the to opposition in strongly very articulated and issues political on Barundi), which was no longer clandestine but had an armed wing. Laurent wing. armed an had but clandestine whichlonger Barundi), wasno Progressistes Etudiants des (Mouvement MeProBa and 1968 in Barundi) des Libération la pour (Mouvement MoLiBa by followed was association This 1965. in Belgium in created was Bahutu), Etudiants des (Associations SEBA Belgium? Thefieldwork shows that Belgium in meetings andvisitsinRwanda, Denmark,Switzerlandand Tanzania.about all is account long Laurent’s be. to appears movement this national trans- how significant is it Furthermore, youth. revolutionaryAfrican of tion rule (Lemarchand, 1970; Turner, 2001). Laurent belongs to the same genera years old at the time) and was ridding the country of traditional and colonial 26 was Micombero, Colonel president, (the 1966 Tutsiin control taken had low-caste educated young, of group a where Burundi in case the also was gerontocracy.and tradition against modernity,revolting and and ment spearhead in national liberation movements and keen on progress, develop the been had who elites political youthful by run were states independent Brussels seem to have been touched by the same spirit. In Africa, newly born Paris,in youthrevolutionaryin the intellectuals by Hutu inspired were tuals universities.European Just as Vietnamese, intellec Cambodian and Algerian whenvogue”revolutionarytime at liberationmovements“in a were at rope Eu in were who students young very of group elitist small a of impression the today.havegets Burundians manyOne that violence ethnic of kind the Finally, however, Gahutu created Palipehutu in a refugee camp in Tanzania.theattempts tocreate various movements andparties arerather complicated. create a political party, so the exiled Hutu elite takingelitepoliticalHutumetresultingpower) a1959to themaskedininplace in Kigali. The details aroundtaken revolution”had “Hutu a (whereRwanda inKayibanda presidentthat ing countries(Rwanda and Tanzania) topreparetherevolution. decided to send him and others who had finished their studies to neighbour movement had the and studies, his finish to about wasThis he because was congress. party second the at down stepped but MeProBa of chairman was In other words, the production of a diasporic community wascommunity centred diasporic a of production words,the other In Laurent explains that a clandestine association for Hutu students, AS Hutu for association clandestine a that explains Laurent How does this relate to the creation of transnational communities in communities transnational of creation the to relate this does How Theexperienced contemporariesnot his had and Laurent that is point Theseplanswere alldisturbed bytheevents 1972.ofLaurent explains les anciens les constitute a small a constitute 5 This ------while making up the hard Burundi,kernel of from the delinkedpolitical culturallyoppositionuniversity), in at Burundi’schildren and trans- like, the and teachers and nurses as jobs respectable with (homeowners society Belgian one inFlemish-speaking Antwerp, therewerenone10-15years ago. While there now are several bars owned by Burundians in Brussels and say.even now, they than then friends Burundian having only to stick to difficult Burundians take (most pride in the between fact that they do far not live and in ghettos), it few was more so being Likewise, Kirundi. forgetting children their in resulting home, at French spoke them of many explained, Beatrice As Belgium. in Burundians wavesof recent more than life of walks other in elsewhere in Europe and East Africa, these Burundians were less transnational Nielsen foundamongKurds inGermany (Østergaard-Nielsen,2001). society host politics towards country of influence origin in a similar wayto to that Østergaard- been has theirs of strategy political transnational central A information. one-sided with world outside the feeding was government rights abuses in Burundi, as they were (rightly) convinced that the Burundian not moreradical thanothers,” headds. that explains 1995, younga Pierre, tone, reconciling whomore man a In Burundians. arrived in achieved a mythical status, fascinating and frightening in the minds of many Burundi.”left had we Thesenames before names Murengerantwari and Karatasi of the knew all “We naivety. own his at embarrassed them slightly of laughs, one horns,” have would they thought “We Europe. in politicians rived at this point explained how they already had vivid images of the exiled Hutu of emergence the Obviously, italsohadrepercussions onthe diaspora inBelgium. (Turner, 1998). field political the in positions new take to opposition Hutu the forced country. This the in problem ethnic an was there that time the first for recognized partially and reforms democratic introduced gradually present transitional government inBurundi. the of part becoming Karatasi) (tendence Palipehutu in resulting Mandela, Nelson later and Nyerere Julius first of chairmanship the under Tanzania, with the Burundian government on severalBurundi occasions,of future mostthe notablynegotiated inhas Arusha,Laurent Burundi. inside repercussions without games innocent not are they Belgium, in meetings political serving national political field. And although politics can seem like a game when ob In sum, we have a group of people who are at once well-integrated into In spite of their strong transnational links to the Burundian Hutu diaspora The first concrete embodiment of this shift in government policy was policy government in shift this of embodiment concrete first The Burundi in regime one-party Tutsi-dominated,the 1980s, late the In – CONFRONTING THE DIASPORA les anciens les boursiers LES BOURSIERS had been diabolized in Burundi. “They are “They Burundi. in diabolized been had in Belgium around 1990. People who ar who People 1990. around Belgium in

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Burundians in Belgium: Constructing, Performing and Contesting Diaspora therefore nottobetrusted. were Theyrefugees. for area no-go a was which embassy”, the to “access had and grantsgovernment on were they as pro-government, were students ile cls imgat oiis, .. h polm o imgat i the in immigrants of problems the Østergaard- i.e. what politics”, in “immigrant calls involved Nielsen are organizations these of few Very there. schoolthe to funds or clothes sends that Gitega for hometownassociation a to Bujumburawomen’s in from orphans Burundi, supporting tivesin groups objec development specific on focused more are others Yet Lakes. Great the and Burundi in peace promoting of objectives vaguehave others whileBurundi, in situation the about public Belgian the “informing” of goal the have which of some movements, and organizations of host a created have media in Burundi. They naturally continued this work in Burundi, where they movementsactiverights the been human in had in or they politics, cause in be fled Many been. had predecessors their than active and engaged more lot a were they claims, he Therefore,democracy”. and liberty “tasted had refugees these that explains Pierre countries. European other and Belgium engaged inadirtywar withvarious Huturebelgroups. was army the while Tutsismall parties, of number a and Frodebu between country after this was very complicated and obscure, resulting in a deadlock Hutu of and causing hundreds thousands of thousands to of flee.tens The politicalkilling situationbrutality, in the usual with down clamped army The civilian killing Tutsistarted indiscriminately.and roadblocks up put country the over all Hutu itself, repeat to going was 1972 that Fearing 1993). tjens, (Reyn history” in coup’ ‘failed successful most “the called has Reyntjens ducted and killed him and other top politicians on October 21, 1993 in what tion. However, his project of reconciliation wasparty and cutwas carefulshort, to appoint whenTutsi Tutsi to important positions officers in the administra ab victory.landslide a Buyoya’swith collaborateNdadaye to waskeen Uprona leader,charismaticNdadaye,won Melchior its Frodebuand when 1993, in assembly national the to elections and elections presidential in culminated between thetwo intheirown constructionsofcompetingdiasporas. can be hard to maintain at times. Nor does there seem to be much distinction in some of the life stories above, the difference between students from the 1990s join the refugees from 1993 and onwards. As we saw the again, Here clubs. cultural different join whenthey as life, transnational of walks other in reflected also is opinions political in difference gees. The there appears to be less difference between the sense, this the Tutsi.In trust to willing less and radical more are former the les anciens withthe prejudices. But they also maintain that there are differences between Themutual. were suspicions Theconvincedwere refugees old all that This is when large numbers of Hutu and some Tutsi began entering began Tutsisome and Hutu of numbers large when is This 1990s early and 1980s late the in Burundi in reforms political The Most agree that when they actually met, the suspicion vanished together and 1993 –COMPLEXDIASPORAS les boursiers . This difference is found in their political opinions: boursiers boursier and the 1993 refu and refugee ------should give speeches. sions, conflicts occur overocca who has the rightthese to organize the events,on and who even However, genocide. 1972 the or Ndadaye’sdeath of of occasions for them to meet: seminars, weddings and the commemoration plenty are there Likewise, lessons. Kirundi takes or disco Burundian the to goes Beatrice when as organizations, new the of activities the from benefit can “cohorts” older from individuals that appears It Burundians. for parties all-night arrange to able mass critical a been has there that years recent in only movement. is political It the in figures important were parents her both that fact the despite with, socialize to Burundians few so were there child, how,remembers a Beatrice as commence. to activities these all for allowed The mere fact that the size of the Burundian population in Belgium exploded was not merely due to the fact that they had “tasted liberty and democracy”. tics” (Østergaard-Nielsen, 2001). Of course, this flourishing of organizations poli “homeland terms she what in involved country.are host majority The ambush”. their own newschannels thatclaimitwas thearmy who hadstagedthe many. “Whenever they hear of a rebel ambush in Burundi, they prefer to trust Ger and Denmark Belgium, in friends bytheir created varioussites internet that say Burundi, visit frequently then. since country their who student), in Hutu Frederic(the People(the like TutsiOscar and journalist) happened has what about idea no have and particularly newly arrived Burundians claim that of stay in exile and (lack of) contact with the population “back home”. Thus, success andthattheonlyoptionistohave faithinthetransition process. supporters and moderates in general claim that the negotiations have been a Frodebu Hutu. the trick and community international the appease to order reformed. yetbeen not Theythe that fear Tutsiin deal havea negotiated just has army the that fact the to point and power on hold their relax never will the Tutsithat maintain Hardliners Burundi. in process transition present the During thebreaks,theydrinkbeerandchat beforegoingback toarguing. field. political the in positions different their symbolically re-enacting thus which various political actors can play their role vis-à-vis the others present, Although these “rencontres” provide a space to meet, they act as stages upon Burundi. of reality the from far game political same playingthe connait”, se monde le “tout where environment small rather a in interact still they but factions, various the between opinion say,of to Thatdifferences meetings. is are there political and funerals commemorations, seminars, grandiose in going to say. Still, they play the is game of everyonepolitical dispute overwhat and overexactly again know they that and room the in everyone knows When attending political meetings in Belgium, it seems that everyonethat seems it Belgium, in meetings political attending When In private discussions, these debates are linked to questions of length of questions to linked are debates these privatediscussions, In trust should one which to degree the concern usually disputes Such PLAYING THE POLITICAL GAME les anciens les get all their information from information their all get les anciens live in the 1970s - - - 6

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Burundians in Belgium: Constructing, Performing and Contesting Diaspora and 1980s was to provide information that countered the official news from news official the countered that providewasinformation to 1980s and as mentioned earlier, an important However, others. the than date to up more are they that arguing in ficulties dif have obviously Theyground. the on situation the with touch in being nected tocreatingandstabilizing politicalidentities. to take a position in the political field. More broadly, such processes are con order in difference constructing of terms in understood be must differences two. Rather, the between difference clear a may the find we not – particular in practices political and – practices transnational and education ployment, unem of terms in generations younger the and older the compare to were we reality.if factual words, a other describing In than more diasporas vided di activelythese are creating they politics, unemployedtalking the PhDs of of touch, extremist, rural, and stagnant. When the yuppiesof being educated, moderate, urban, active conjure is used to disqualify others upas out the image Burundi, in developments latest the with touch in being of nicists. Theidea delegimitizing also are they politics, By claiming to defend democracy and human rights and to be against ethnic political weapon to position themselves and to delegitimize their opponents. a as difference this using actively is generation new the Thus,struggle. cal anciens les be the true defenders of Hutu interests. And the difference in attitude between to claim to trying all themselvesothers, position the actors vis-à-vis political relationship is played out in various settings such as commemorations, where place in Burundi. This creates an antagonistic relationship to havechangesthat taken the touchwith in more are they as liberation, Hutu than rather rights human and democracy emphasizing moderate, more be to appear 1993. They since arrived have that diaspora the of profile social – peoplearenolongerstuck inthisethnicmindset. orboth. Thisnew generation claims that in Burundi – or rather than getting a certainlyjob and doing something useful for Belgium or Burundi in Bujumbura politics about talking time their all spend who linguistics, or psychology as such subjects useless in degrees PhD with men middle-aged unemployed, of group a as see they what with up fed are refugees as or recent students as years in arrived who Burundians years. three-four last the during arrived between those who arrived in the early 1990s and a younger generation who exiles like-minded also follows of Burundians who circlearrived later. isolated self-perpetuating Thus, there a is an emerging in division living to posed ased newsthantheydo. unbi to access haveless Burundi inside people that believe still whotoday coordinating role. This perception remains strong among some of difficulties in Tanzania and Rwanda, party members in Europe played a vital the Burundian government. Given the restrictions in Burundi and the logistic The older generation is clearly in a defensive position on the issue of issue the on position defensive a in clearly is generation Theolder In sum, what we see here is a historical change in the political and political the in change historical a is here see we what sum, In op as Burundi in on going whatis touch”with “in Thebeing of issue and the new moderates is actively kept alive and used in politi in used and alive kept actively is moderates new the and raison d’être les anciens les for exiled Hutu in the 1970s as being undemocratic eth undemocratic being as les anciens les anciens . This ------due tolack ofeconomicopportunities. country their left have to seem asylum political received have who others whereas refugees, political as than rather permits work regular on Belgium movements, variousopposing the Arusha accords and the present transitional in government, are in active most are who Tutsi the of Some categories. discourse. more and more seeing are we and Tutsiing victim movementsa articulating is chang position their However, Burundi, in field political shifting the with Hutu could refer to regardless of whether they had actually taken part or not. the which and 1993, and 1972 in refugees Hutu by the experienced “exodus” experienced not had They discourse. as diaspora of characteristic ing defin a arguably 1997), (Cohen, diaspora” “victim a the being haveof sense not same did they that meant This Belgians. married had who people refer back to the same country and the same conflict, they create versions of positions, their the mark Tutsito haveoccasionally virtually meet no interaction that with the Hutu. groups Although they Hutu the between split the to opposed As Hutu. Burundian than Rwanda Tutsiwith from socialize rather able asaBelgianandmisses thesociallifeinBurundi. to Burundians who have different interpretations. Nor does she feel comfort relate to difficult it finds she “Tutsi”that typically so opinions her Tutsiand naturally are friends her However, Belgium. in groups diasporic usual the outside is she and networks, political in involved not is Sylvie words, other In coffee. for them invite to like would She her. strange. finds also This,she after or leavechurchbefore either they how about detail of lot a into going says, her,she avoided has couple Burundian the then, her.Since to absurd logical,”exclaims. civilianswascompletely she killing army the Theof idea fight. That’sto two takes It them. attacked have must rebels Obviously,people. the at shoot just didn’t army the course of that them told I ridiculous. How population! the shooting is army the that “Theysaid them. with row a had almost she that hers to different so was events of interpretation whole cal church and falling into conversation with them after mass. However, their her country, sheexpressestypically“Tutsi” politicalopinions. woman’sgroup, supporting orphans in a Burundi. And whenin discussing the problems involvedin is she that out turns it However,says. she politics, in involved get not does and herself to sticks basically She then. and now every home money sends also She allows.economy her as often as country the visits She Burundi. misses she lonely,and very is life European her that large a in children well-kept flatteenage full of Burundiantwo souvenirs in aher calm Brussels suburb. Shewith feels lives now She later. years few a Sylvie came to Belgium in 1985 with her Belgian husband who died who husband Belgian her with 1985 in Belgium to came Sylvie these into neatly fit always not do stories life personal again, Once or diplomats or students were arrive Tutsito only the recently, Until ey e us hv ay eain wt Ht i Blim n would and Belgium in Hutu with relations any haveTutsi few Very She tellsmealongstoryaboutmeetingBurundiancoupleinherlo THE TUTSI – A DIASPORA APART - - - -

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Burundians in Belgium: Constructing, Performing and Contesting Diaspora away their secrets awaytheir the problems in Burundi, but the other Hutu blamed him for wanting to give and debate TutsiHutu to for students forum a create to tried Neuve La vain her fellow churchgoers to have a cup of to tea enough together.relate even A cannot former Sylvie student at that Lou incompatible so are that truth the tion originates in Burundi, where there are similar notions of a harmonious a of notions similar are there where Burundi, percep in originates Thetion Belgium. in diaspora Burundian the of space politicized and ethnicized the from respite of space potential a be could it and prevalent, is does it that idea the But exists. actually community business Muslim nic, consider not do allegedly who traders or Hutu either Tutsi.be non-eth to a suchwhetherthemselves doubtful is It Muslim of group small a is there Nevertheless, kind. any of business in engaged be to seem Burundians few very 2000), Bazenguissa-Ganga, and (MacGaffey business such involvedin deeply are immigrants Congolese Whereas businessmen. transnational by Here, Hutuand Tutsitogether. joinforces intheircommonbelief. pray to temple Evangelical the from room small a borrow would Saturday,other Protestants every Congolese. Burundian And and Rwandans Dieu du Vivantl’Assemblé church.the on fell talk of livelyTwiceservices the attend would she week a wasPentecostalgoing her church. livenand wouldbeam face when Her up her Belgium. keep in to veryhappybeing seemed generallynot about What with her four daughters in a tiny flat. She had no job and no money and was that he had found a Belgian girlfriend. When I met her a year later, she lived the Hutu, Tutsi feelthattheyaretreadingenemy territory. being heavily outnumbered in Belgium and usually having arrived later than Also, Rwanda. in genocide the during acquired church the that reputation bad the Church.on drawsCatholic narrativeThis the by led conspiracy big a see hand other the on TheTutsietc.). projects, NGO jobs, scholarships, of majority the receive as well (as events of version their with Belgians the preferential treatment from the Belgian colonizers and can therefore still feed experienced alwaysTutsithe have that explain to past colonial the to refer host the society, with churches,particularly government and institutions. NGOs The well-connected Hutu is other the that and (Turner, con 2004) grand spiracy a of victims the are they that believe Both exile. in forms cific fear thattheywillmakethegroupvulnerable totheopponents’schemes. for line the nobodycross avoidthat to sure attempts make also but dialogue and only TutsiHutu not suspicion, mutual to Due Rwanda. and Burundi in marriages mixed like – conflicts ethnic in hardest the hit are that mix who people alwaysthe is it that adds traitor,and says,a he like acting be would nte atraie o h pltczd rnntoa sae s created is space transnational politicized the to alternative Another Agnes arrived in 2001 to join her husband in Brussels, only to discover spe on Tutsitakes and Hutu between suspicion mutual general The – INTER-ETHNICMEETINGPLACES 8 and for letting himself be manipulated by the Tutsi.by manipulated Thisbe himself letting for and OTHER OPTIONS in a derelict storehouse, together with Angolans, with together storehouse, derelict a in - - - - - biased. politically being of sides all by accused is and Burundi in actor powerful a is belong, Burundians of majority vast the which to Church, Catholic The diaspora. Not any religious identity can replace a political identity, however. Burundian the of space dichotomous the transcendavenues mayprovideto wish toexittheethnicizedtransnational politicalfield. they if ideals these on draw can Belgium in businessmen Muslim be. need if genocide commit will it that power for thirsty so is that elite urban the to opposed schooling. also formal Theythrough are than rather streetwise and eachother.kill to manipulated smart being of terms Theyin clever– too are the during saythey other times, bad pride. with They eachwhopeasants the like not are easily are killed never people Here, problems). the all create to believed are who elite political the opposed (as “populaire” and areas) urban livein Burundi in Muslims all (virtually cosmopolitan traders), golese Con Tanzanianand with Burundi to came hybrid, a itself culture, Swahili (the multicultural being for havereputation Swahilipopulation, a Muslim, a whichhaveBujumbura, in community.districts Muslim Bwiza and Buyenzi pectations rely onaHabermasianideathat peoplemay sit togetherandfind have fought each other for decades and ended Burundi up in a in stranglehold. Such that ex groups ethnic between dialogue open for emerge to space they aredealingwithnow. This affectstheirattitudesandpoliticalpractices. departure. The older cohorts remember a different Burundi than the one that of time to ways, different due in so doing are they field, political Burundian the to back referring constantly are they although So exists. longer no that Burundi a to refer actors certain because lag, time of kind a from suffers It diaspora. in dislocated is it because foremost and first field, political the of field in Burundi, which thus becomes deterritorialized. This affects the shape host society environment –inthiscaseby Belgium’s the colonial legacy. by part in shaped are communities transnational hence and field being categorized as Hutu or Tutsi. In other words, the transnational political its marginalizing and discriminating consequences can also be preferable to not like that, Frederic says. There you are simply a “nègre”, which in spite of is it Holland, say.In they us” trust don’tNGOs. They Belgian pay to prefer suspicious attitude, as if they only support their own ethnic group. “Belgians a meet they or Tutsi.that Hutu feel either They as categorized being rience expe they developmentBurundi, a in to project support for applying office, governmentor NGO approachesBelgian organization a Burundian a When Hutu or Tutsi. They usually have an opinion about either the Hutu or the Tutsi.and Burundi’s long common history, most Belgians try to categorize them as Many Burundians who took part to this study said that due to Belgium However small these groups may be, it appears that religious identities In Belgium, where individual rights are protected, one might expect a expect might one whereprotected, Belgium, individualare In rights political the of part truly are elsewhere and Belgium in Burundians DIASPORAS INPLURAL - - -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 77 78

Burundians in Belgium: Constructing, Performing and Contesting Diaspora dialogue. Such dialogues may even be create stimulated to by order consultants from in privateconflict Burundian the to actors political the all together bring to etc. Canada, Holland, Denmark, in seminars organize who NGOs well-intentioned by attempts many the underlies rationale Thisconditions. the rational solution to their mutual problems if only they are given the right or not they contribute to exacerbating the conflict, they still live in a world a in live still they conflict, the exacerbating to contribute they not or whether and home at compatriots their than “harder” or “softer” are gium KosaniKaratasi.However,Etienne with split Bel in whetherBurundians the whenas “soft”, too Kabul being of accused been has leadership pean-based Euro the instances, some In role. central have played a battlefield the from internal conflicts between factions in the rebel groups, questions of distance variousBurundi. the in In than radicalcase. more the Thisnecessarily not is with theotherethnicgroup. That would bevirtuallyimpossible inBurundi. compromise and negotiate hence and with deal havingto without life daily their in manage can Belgium in Burundians uncompromising. remaining to attached cost no is there Here, exile. in necessary not is compromise such diaspora. Whereas compromise is needed in political interaction in Burundi, as howof question a field also political is the It suggests. in Anderson works civilians tosupportthem. terrorizing and outposts army ambushing mountains, the livein to continue and continue fighting, there are real young men in flesh and blood who must if Laurent and his comrades in Europe decide to withdraw from negotiations lives. their Thus, with paymay who home” “back people for consequences warns, lies in the fact that their political opinions haveAnderson danger,verycountry. real Theand material home the in killed or tortured imprisoned, be cannot they – country host the in citizenship with often – rights their by protected Being actions. their of consequences the for answer to have not worried that these long-distance nationalists were unaccountable, as they do was He nationalists. long-distance Anderson’swith of line vision in more is and exchange of space Habermasian ideal this resembling from far is gium and “Tutsi”. in Burundi, etc, Burundians in Belgium know exactly which sites are “Hutu” reconciliation and peace promoting of objective the with non-ethnic, and non-political being as themselves introduce sites these all virtually though Al extremists. ethnic as others the dismissing communities, separate create can abroad often most and Burundi in Burundians like-minded where sites internet parallel of number a contrary,be the to On seem picture. there this confirm not do sites internet Burundian on findings own My Kaiser,2000). (Kadende- gender or age ethnicity, class, of restrictions the without nicate commu can people where field levelling of kind a as it sees She dialogue. for space destructured power-free, a such provides internet the that claims firms withexperiencein“conflictresolution”. This might give an impression that Burundians in Belgium alwaysare Belgium in Burundians that impression an giveThis might unaccountable, being of question a merely not is it that is point My inBel Burundians among field political transnational the Similarly, In her analysis of a Burundian internet newsgroup, Rose Kadende Kaiser - - - - - difference isuncompromising. creating difference, and among Burundians in Belgium this game of creating appear.just not of do game communities political a in Theyconstructed are them. maintain Transnationaland create that processes the explore to is ing and that they cannot be defined by objective criteria alone. What is interest Belgium, in exist diasporas Burundian several that been has chapter this of argument main a Thus,created. is diaspora the how for consequences has the politicalfield. where they can afford to be uncompromising. And this has consequences for Just as this has consequences for the political field in Burundi, it also it Burundi, in field political the for consequences has this as Just -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 79 80

Burundians in Belgium: Constructing, Performing and Contesting Diaspora 2. 1. 8. 7. 6. 5. 4. 3. Basch, Blanc and Schiller show similarly how nationalism often starts in starts oftennationalism how similarly showSchiller and BlancBasch, nity. transnationalcommu of concept the of critique a Schillerfor See (1999) (Turner, 2004). Theissue of keeping one’s secrets is central in Burundian political culture Communautés auBurundi(RADECO). E.g. Action Contre Génocide and Rassemblement pour la Démocratie des Another stage for such political acting is the various internet sites. guson (1999),MacGaffeyandBazenguissa-Ganga(2000). For related debates on modernity and generations, see Barrett (2004), Fer www.burundi-sites.com. as suchsites, internet severalHutu on picture same very the haveseen I masses.” the to “distance legitimacyand of issue the on often – severaltimes split has party the then, party.Since new a creating effectively Karatasi, with broke Tanzania, in camps refugee in based Kosani, Kabul wing, youth the of leader TheDenmark. in living doctor a by led be to wing armed an with party opposition an for appropriate it found members party all After Gahutu’s death, Karatasi took over as party president. However, not exile (Schiller et al., 1995). Polish nationalism in the late 19th century.

NOTES - - Bourdieu, P., andJ. Thompson Barrett, M. Appadurai, A. Anderson, B. Adamson, F. Østergaard-Nielsen, E.K. MacGaffey, J.,andR.Bazenguissa-Ganga Lemarchand, R.,andD. Martin Lemarchand, R. Laclau, E.,andC.Mouffe Kadende-Kaiser, R.M. Gupta, A., andJ.Ferguson Ferguson, J. Cohen, R. 1991 2004 1996 1994 2002 2001 2000 1974 1970 1985 2000 1997 1999 1997 Expectations of Modernity: Myths and Meanings of Urban Life on Press, Seattle. introduction An Diasporas: Global bridge, Mass. Power Symbolic and Language Upsaliensis, UppsalaStudiesinCultural Anthropology, (38). Universitatis Acta Zambia”, western from biographies in Mbunda temporalities and belonging Freedom, adulthood: to “Paths versity ofMinnesotaPress,Minneapolis,Minnesota. Globalization of Dimensions Cultural Large: at Modernity Exodus, Home Routledge, LondonandNew of York. Transformation the and Communities Transnational in practices”, transnational and Politicizedhome: transformationof the for identities “Mobilizing 1(3): 261-282. Netherlands”, the and Germany in Kurds and Turks state: receiving the and practices political “Transnational Oxford, IndianaUniversity Press,LondonBloomington. Currey James with association in Institute African International Law the of Margins the on TradersTransnationalCongo-Paris: Selective GenocideinBurundi Rwanda andBurundi Politics Strategy: Socialist Hegemonyand TowardsDemocratic Radical a 121-148. nication amongBurundiansinthediaspora”, commu Internet discourse: cultural and language “Interpreting tions inCritical Anthropology in difference”, idenity,of Space, politics ‘culture’: “Beyondthe and the Zambian Copperbelt

A. Gupta and J. Ferguson (Eds), , Verso, London. Critical Inquiry(20). REFERENCES , Pall Mall Press,London. , University of California Press, Berkeley. , DukeUniversity Press,Durham. , MinorityRightsGroup,London. , Harvard University Press, Cam Press, University Harvard , New Approaches to Migration? to Approaches New Culture, Power, Place: Explora Uiest o Washington of University , Africa Today, Global Networks, Global , Uni , 47(2): - - - - , ,

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 81 82

Burundians in Belgium: Constructing, Performing and Contesting Diaspora Schiller, N.G. Reyntjens, F. Turner, S. Schiller, N.G.,L.Basch, andC.S.Blanc 1999 1993 2004 2001 1998 1995 “Transmigrants and nation-states: Something old and something and old Something nation-states: “Transmigrantsand elec 1993 June the – eating the in is pudding the of proof “The 247. in community Tanzania”,international the and rumours refugees, nations’, ‘big the of gaze the “Under PhD, RoskildeUniversity. litical imagination in a refugee camp for Burundians in Tanzania”, po and intervention Humanitarian – innocence of “Thebarriers refugees 17(6). refugees”, Burundian among history national of politics The exile: in past the “Representing tion”, “From immigrant to transmigrant – theorizing transnational migra- 99-119. Experience American the (Eds), DeWind J. and newin the US immigrant experience”, in 583. Burundi”, in tions Anthropological Quarterly, Journal of Modern Journalof Studies, African The Handbook of International Migration: International of Handbook The , Russell Sage Foundation, New York, New Foundation, Sage Russell , Refuge 68(1):48-63. Cnd’ proia on periodical Canada’s ,

African Affairs, C.Hirschman, P. Kasinitz, 31(4): 563- 31(4): 103: 227- 103: - - Spaces ofDemocratic Practice: Nicaraguans inSanJosé, Pia Steen Costa Rica

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 83 84

Spaces of Democratic Practice: Nicaraguans in San José, Costa Rica Hence, a network structure of on the one hand, and a larger group of poorer unskilled workers on the other. alliancesbetween church, diplomacy, people business and artists academia, what of nition defi broad a in “political” coined be bycan determined that commitment a wards their poor compatriots in the diaspora. Apparently, these activities are to directed activities initiated have diaspora Nicaraguan the from groups elite and class middle both how shows analysis engagements. The these in T landscape. political current the in account into taken be to has that action of field cal tion in the host country. They provide evidence of a new migracounter-discourse and competing flight a of as well as country home struggles articulate new stands towards the prevailing political culture in the about poor Nicaraguans that is being carried out in Costa Rica. Hence, these and polarization by characterized Nicaragua in culture political prevailing the against one directions: two in off take struggles which from platform democratic a lish – with inspiration from the departed Sandinista participatory culture – estab diaspora Nicaraguan the how demonstrated is it context, José-Nicaraguan cesses of democratization in both home country and host country. In the San pro- into feed might diaspora the in cultures political democratic emerging that underscored further is It stands. political contrasting and divides class polarized former across culture political democratic new a of manifestation ated. Itisarguedthatthiskindofmicro-level activity canbeinterpretedasa pre-existing i catr rcs n eaie te eemnns f transnational of determinants the examines and traces chapter his cas esetv i te icsin f h dmcai potentials democratic the of discussion the in perspective class a applies It Rica. Costa in migrants Nicaraguan among engagements horizontal tieshorizontal doing politicsdoing caudillismo among equals (top-top or bottom-bottom) is cre bottom-bottom)is or (top-top equals among means. These activities are taking place withinplace means.taking Theseactivities are ABSTRACT , and another against the negative discourse discourse negative the against another and , vertical ties (top-down oriented) in addition to transnational politi ------

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 85 86

Spaces of Democratic Practice: Nicaraguans in San José, Costa Rica why not. These experiences do not only shape the migrants’ individual do individual migrants’ the shape only not do experiences not. whyThese and functions culture, political including democracy, how of experiences comparative exceptional for advocate might structures, democratic lished estab more with country a to migrating and country home undemocratic gagements. en these of mapping a establish to sought have studies many Still, 2003). Schiller, 2004; (Glick task Vertovec,difficult a is practices transnational ple among peopleinthediaspora willbediscussed. engagement political transnational the shape and determine contexts these how hand, other the on Rica Costa in culture democratic more a and hand, one the on Nicaragua in culture political polarized prevailing a of context the In analysed. and introduced are José San in Nicaraguans among found tive is presented. Third, some empirical examples of micro-political activities perspec political and historical a in migrationand Centralcontext a American within and flight of case Nicaraguan the Second, addressed. are alism transnation political to approaches different tissue, broader a within data litical agendasofsuch informalactivities mightbeunfolded. the optic of political culture and political history, the more or less covert po through that is assumption factor.An concomitant a as explored be should countries host and home in culture political the actions, such of terminants de the understand to order In politics. of realm the within included be can activities these political, the of domain the stretching However,by (1999). coined been has what ing includ means, politics” “doing what of conventional definitions within fied identi be not might engagements engagements. These political informal of including by obtained is action political transnational of trum cratic practice across borders, class divides and different political stands. demo of spaces promoting to view a with compatriots, class lower poorer elites) have initiated different micro-political activities directed towards their SanJosé, in Costa Rica. The chapter shows how migrants both middle and upper class groups (the Nicaraguan among fieldwork recent from evidence mentsandtheir determinants classfromaperspective, drawing empiricalon ways. field a called be could what in in processes democratization forces driving new as collectively act to migrants/diasporas urge might situation Thisborders. across and within other each to and country home the to relations of kinds their also country,but host the in sayings and ings . This field of action embraces both home and host countries in different Living as a transnational migrant, often originating from a more or less Defining politics within the realm of migrants’ and refugees’ multi and refugees’ of migrants’ the realm within politics Defining empirical locate to order First,in follows: as Thestructured chapteris A main argument is that a better understanding of the diversified spec The aim of this chapter is to explore such transnational political engage POLITICAL TRANSNATIONALITY broad political transnationality political broad transnational political transnational by Itzigsohn et al. et Itzigsohn by messier types ------“poles” in a continuum, defined by degrees of: institutionalization, involve institutionalization, of: degrees by defined continuum, a in “poles” or 2003) (Østergaard-Nielsen, ends” “opposite as seen practices, national ries is positioned within an analytical scheme of “broad” and “narrow” trans- catego these of Each practices. cultural and civil-societal political, nomic, eco categories: four in enveloped kinds, different of activities transnational may takeplacedirectlyinthehomecountryorindirectlyfromabroad. argues, she engagements, country home of forms different Thesecountry). home the in locality specific a towards (directed politics” “trans-local and issues) sensitivepolitical more with dealing (often politics” “diaspora tween be distinctions her in activities related country home regarding distinction (2003). Haller and Portes Guarnizo, by proposed as participation political “non-electoral” or or both. This is often correlated to different at alism (Smith and Guarnizo, 1998; Smith, 1994). Another approach is to look such as elitist agency; or from below, such as grass-roots political transnation above,perspective:from scale or involved.class a from done Thismainly is in located settings. Thus, in other words, the transnational political field has field settings. political transnationallocated the words,in Thus,other in jurisdictions”, territorial “specific in playedout still are they borders, across occur activities these activities. Although transnational of bounded-ness tial spa and social the towards directed attention an with concert in practices, diverse of distribution uneven and conditions contextual changing of toire reper connected more and wider a include to given be should sensitivity chotomies. Thus, as proposed by Guarnizo, Portes and Haller (2003), greater tors. Instead, such approaches seem to establish an aggregate of short-cut di fac determining of tissue broader the cover not do they Or,best, claims. at confusing, not least because they often comprise opposite and contradictory modes of understanding the functional such that seems it authors, same the by underlined However,as of stay, age, generation, gender and so on (Guarnizo, Portes and Haller,length status, migrationsocio-economic example, and for to, reference with 2003). Nielsen, 2003; Levitt and Glick Schiller, 2003). Similar correlations are made policies shape these activities (Landolt, Autler and Baires, 1999; Østergaard- waythe negativeexample, outreachingactivities,or state for political tional transna on impose structures opportunity political countries’ host or home both country of origin and destination are included as reference points. continuum, the along cases all movementinvolved).In no or sporadiconly level of institutionalization), and “broad” in another dimension (for example: tinua: a specific activity could be narrow in one dimension (for example: high only sporadically. The pattern can be rather complex by creating parallel con involvingnecessarily without and basis occasional movement,an leastat or while involved,movement of degree high a with participation political regular of the in politics transnational doing example, For 1999). al., et (Itzigsohn movement and ment directions of practices broad Itzigsohn et al. (1999) have developed a more specified mapping of mapping specified more a developed have (1999) al. et Itzigsohn the defining by is issue the approaching of way One Likewise, different attempts have been made to map the influence that transnational practices refer to less institutionalized activities on 1 segadNesn 20, 03 udrie a further a underlines 2003) (2001, Østergaard-Nielsen narrow in terms of country of origin, country of destination, sense refers to a rather institutionalized pattern institutionalized rather a to refers sense why’s and how’s forms of practice in political transnationalism are , like “electoral” kinds of actors of kinds ------

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 87 88

Spaces of Democratic Practice: Nicaraguans in San José, Costa Rica tional politicalagency, andtoincludeotherkindsofdeterminants. transna of 2000) (Østergaard-Nielsen, dimensions” “fuzzier the including to be diversified, contextualized and widened. This could be an urge towards to theirown everyday situationasoppressed masses. politics as a “big issue” and politics as a “personal issue”, closely connected individual causes, while solidarity comprises the intertwined commitment to to related obligations mutual as defined here reciprocity is Reciprocity solidarity. through and expressed equity on based are masses people/the the cause”, which is “bigger” than the people. The strong, horizontal ties among form of empathy, and a more objective political form of commitment to “the the in people the with solidarity express ties bottom. The and top between loyalties. of The weak, vertical ties are established by forms the elites and based on differences different in reflected are ties of types different between cultures. political polarized and societies polarized to related Thediversities processes political in divisions class across bridges as ties vertical weak, of strength the understand to is idea important The2000). (Faist, an context is this in functions, insight symbolic on resting also but ones, social only not as ties are of definition Theclass. ties same the from horizontal people among while ties strong classes, different from people among ties weak as established networks are betweengroups,notwithingroups. ties Weak 2004). (Borge, play at are persons unknown among ties weak Also friends. and kin between ties strong on depend only noeuvring in order to make their migration projects happen and succeed not mobility. and innovation influence, information, of terms in action of strategies and fields unexplored hitherto and networks wider to bridge a as function can op and persons. Weakties “known” among perspectivesties strong are than life structures portunity the broadening and world the to up opening of terms effectivein more much are persons “unknown” among ties weak that is idea basic His (Granovetter,1973). ties weak of “strength” the on focus weak ties,asdefined by Granovetter (1973). and strong to reference with understood and explained be can ties or links study.my in These shown as diaspora, the of layers different between links political driving forces in processes of democratization, such as the important analytical point of departure, these activities can be understood another as important However,from sense. broad the in political partly and sense, row nar the in “non-political” coined be could which activities, elite-driven of presented. is José San rangeThesein Nicaraguansa show among data work nationality Along these lines, I suggest expanding the field of I use the logic here transferred to class. What I call vertical ties are ties vertical call I What class. to transferred here logic the use I ma of waysroutes migrants’ and context, migration a Convertedinto special Granovetterplaces ties, weak and strong about writings his In . To illustrate this argument, some empirical data from my field my from data empirical some argument, this Toillustrate. HORIZONTAL AND VERTICAL TIES 2

broad political trans------civil wars in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala, in all of which countries onwards, the 1980s to linked haveflows been migratory transcontinental and regional these the From conflict. political violent and disasters, natural improvement, economic for search the and poverty level, socio-economic The root causes of these movements are a mixture of structural changes at the both intra-regional and outward migration, in particular to the United States. flight andmigration. of history Nicaraguan the in departure of point with question, in activities the analyse and present I following, the In context. this in means tionality transna political of broadening a what of part form rights of claim general democratic a political culture. for Enhancing grounds tolerance, civicnew participation creating and the at aimed tools political as ties the of value the and 1990s, other layers with different political views and socio-economic and views political different with layers other 1990s, and elite groups who already had established compatriot economic ties there. Throughwith the 1980s up linked and Miami, in mainly settled They 1985). Jimenez, Torres1989; and (CIREFCA, refugees political as asylum received ousted the president supported Somoza. had They who went straight groups, to upper-class the right-wing, USA, where of many number of them huge a regional flow, mainlytoCostaRica. a and (USA) North the towards flow transcontinental a into divided sharply is distribution spatial The 1992). (Funkhauser, onwards and 1989/90 from in flow response to the aftermath of civil warongoing and the worsening economic situation last the and followed, that years the and 1981-82 of tion lution (1979-80); mixed flows as a consequences of the political reorganiza of migration involving Nicaragua: political refugees fleeing the socialist revo wavesthree been has there 1979, in revolution Sandinista the Since ended. the flows in and out of the country many years shapes societies post-conflict in situation political changing the how shows tion of this blurred area between refugee-ness and migrancy. Furthermore, it merging intoasituationoftransnational migrancy. thus 1997), (Stepputat, countries host respective their in remain to decided the aftermath of conflict in Central America, major groups of former refugees in option an became thus return Though1991). Chinchilla, and (Hamilton million 2 exceeded region the in people uprooted of number the time, that USA arrived the in livingCentral Americans the of cent per USA. 90 to that Theand fact countries neighbouring to refugees of flows border-crossing as and persons displaced internally of flows as both place, took displacements large-scale For decades, Central America has been a region of vast migratory flows, to relates context, this in used as strength, ties weak the gives What The first ones who fled after the outbreak of revolution comprised ofrevolution theoutbreak after fled who ones first The illustra clear a provides migration and flight of case NicaraguanThe after THE NICARAGUAN CONTEXT FLIGHT AND MIGRATION: 1980, underlines the politicized context of these flows. By after the conflict has officially - - - -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 89 90

Spaces of Democratic Practice: Nicaraguans in San José, Costa Rica hostile Costa Rican society, including both civil society ( society civil both society,including Rican Costa hostile working conditions. In addition, they are confronted with a exploitativegrowing xenophobic and and wages low and facilities housing wretched with many,for precarious are conditions living Theareas. rural in agriculture in men work in construction and private security in the same urban settings, or the while zones, border the to closer areas in also but area, José San urban gender lines are clear: most of the women work as along areas working Certain home. at opportunities job of lack and poverty economic: is migration for motive prime Therepresentation. gender equal with and (20-39) ages productive in people of predominance a with working class the to mainly belong Theymigrants. as lives their living for tions condi different very consequently and groups, established already the than tween 400,000and500,000. be fluctuate to Rica Costa in migrants Nicaraguan of number the indicate estimates various included, are migrants such If migration. undocumented year 2000. This figure does not cover temporal migration, temporal return or the in Rica Costa in registered were persons 226,374 2001), (INEC, figures in search for work and better living conditions. According to the latest official groups mainly belonged to the upper class layers, who little by little “rooted” latter the Rica, Costa In recruits. contra of groups including “ladinos”, also Honduras or Costa Rica, mainly Miskitu Indians from the Atlantic Coast, but to either went majority the wave, first the during regionally fled who those Among US. the in pattern the of diversification the to added backgrounds terms of profile nor numbers, but they are significant as representatives for the layers are definitely not representative for the diaspora as a whole, neither in rentiated and partly separated groups of people. The middle- and upper-class Castro, 1999,2002). and Morales 2003; al., et Flacso Salud, de Ministerio 2000; (Ed.), Sandoval ( such as situation migrant the criminalizes literally state. A tightening up of migration laws, regulations and control mechanisms Nicas poor of masses huge expatriates, and exiles better-off of group small relatively the to addition dramatically.In changed (Castro, 2002). academia and investment administration, trade, business, in professionals qualified highly as function and well-educated are groups These 1990. in Chamorro byVioletta government of over take the after especially ization, marginal- professional their and discontent political their of consequences the took who Sandinistas former many were motives.them political Among and economic mixed having and tissue political broader a covering wards, on and 1980s early the in profes suite followed of people rangemiddle-class and wider sionals A success. great with society Rican Costa the into This last group of migrants has a very different socio-economic profile As demonstrated, the Nicaraguan migrants or diaspora consist of differ Rica Costa to migration Nicaraguan mid-1990s, and early the From THE NICA-TICA CONNECTION 4

3 domésticas boomed into Costa Rica Costa into boomed El Nuevo Diario Nuevo El los Ticos , mainly in the 5 ) and the and ) , 2003; , - - - - - other importantdrivers. are economy and politics Formal borders. across and within mocratization de of processes in driversvaluable become might themselves activities the with them from Nicaragua. The experiences gained from these activities and reflecting the merging of experiences from Costa Rica and what they brought diaspora,the Nicaraguansin among culture political new a map gagements en these of determinants and forms the that is argument My divides. class transnationality.political across Thesetogether activitieshavepeople linked messier call I what in involved are – groups anti-Somoza broader from people also but Sandinistas, former mainly – some activities, these activities.from Apart and trade socio-cultural and infiltration, political investments, economic as such lines, different very along areas of range wide a cover activitiesThese engagement. transnational their of because and diaspora the within variety directed towards the poor migrants from Nicaragua, a socio-ecclesiastical a Nicaragua, from migrants poor the towards directed him run the classes from 9-12. He does this because of a social commitment ago. It is voluntary work, and he has engaged an American expatriate to help to Nicaragua and Nicaraguans, he started this Sunday school about two years commitment continuous stayed.personal, and a 1980s and job Throughhis the in came He tours. Nicaragua in specialized agency tourist a in working a to married though Nicaragua from is himself who school, the of leader the José, by exemplified As lives. own their of charge in become to order in strategiesday-to-day-survival beyond something do to willing are they all, of First Nicaragua. preferably or USA, Rica, Costa in plan: They want to improve their living conditions through better jobs, either sex, marital status, migrational circumstances and so on. Most of them have a they come havethem of most muchmigrants,and had schooling. not nevertheless, But transnational as lives their to related problems day-to-daymany haveThey San Central dayoff. in only their is it schoolthem, of scratch.Formost from English, learn to public José borrowed a to they ticket) if bus walk the (or afford bus cannot the take and notebooks and papers pencils, their up The school these through activities, allofwhich least have parallels inNicaragua. not origin, of country their to ties transnational active upper-classand middle- by run and initiated are these of Many media. the within seen are projects similar Finally,migrants”. poor the “helping at aiming all associations, and zations organi of networks or individuals by initiated activities migrant-oriented of Morales and Castro, 2002; Orozco, 2003; Borge, 2004). Secondly, a number (Sandoval, 2002; case Nicaraguan the to regard with specifically diasporas, and migration of issue the in interest research interdisciplinary fast-growing years, mainly taking their point of departure in San José, the capital. First, the he kns f ciiis ae ae of n ot Rc drn recent during Rica Costa in off taken have activities of kinds Three Every single Sunday, a bunch of 100-150 Nicaraguan migrants pick migrants Nicaraguan 100-150 of bunch Sunday,a single Every forms of politics or and join the project in spite of internal diversities in terms of age, MICRO-POLITICS INSANJOSÉ 6

micro-politics Nicaraguans , within a stretched version of broad staying in Costa Rica but with but Rica Costa in staying tica for 15 years and years 15 for - - -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 91 92

Spaces of Democratic Practice: Nicaraguans in San José, Costa Rica ences. Heexplains: experi childhood own his and heritage Sandinista his of part is that ment commit political a and upbringing, religious his to connected commitment was a part of. He owns a big construction firm but is engaged in a range of range a in engaged is but firm construction big a owns He of. part a was who has been in Costa Rica since the decline of the Sandinista era, whichNicaraguan he rich a is owner,Fernando,The purpose. this exactly for up set raguan culture has not been on anybody’s agenda before. This restaurant was been established recently. A positive attitude towards Nicaraguans and Nica 4 to 6 restaurants and a few more humble and visible numbers for many years now, this is a new thing. There are about and patriotism! and definitely is food Thewhite. and blue in patterns ponding corres- in painted is restaurant the of front city. the the and there is Theflag destroyed practically which 1972, in earthquake the before times colonial the wall in the restaurant along with old photos of Managua dating back from The restaurant part oftheproject. as emerging democraticculture a environmentwith ratherequal a in cation lo self-defined a is this conditions, working their with contrast complete In leisure. workand ambitions, discrimination, reconciliation, de-polarization, tually only the means to other greater projects: The migrants discuss politics, Pauloac of is kind English wherea project, Freirianlike re-socializing look tipicas Primarily because I am from Nicaragua. I come from a very poor Even though the Nicaraguans have been present in San José in large in José San in present been have Nicaraguans the though Even A portrait of Rubén Darío, the national poet above all others, hangs on it make and school his of set-up the colour commitments these All a betterchance iftheylearnEnglish… jobs. hard pretty Theyhaveare can get mally,can they jobs the can I do for these people? And I started this English course. Nor what thought: I And bag. a him prepared I And childhood. my begging for something to eat. At that moment I just remembered was he – door the on knocking house, my to came man a day moved to Costa Rica, I saw the situation of the migrants, and one I …When people. the helping of idea ary.the mind my in had I the to giving are church. people And the principal money told me that the I was from a kind liveof revolution to want come. don’t how I said I then and houses, beautiful cars, good with preachers the saw I then But people. help I to preacher.preach to wanted a was I but tourism, in working I’m Now this chance. had I because lucky I’m think I So, “suburb”. little this in with almost nothing to eat, so I understand what the people feel the climate,… It’s cold for us, not for you. We were very hungry ing care of eight children. In days like these, where it’s rainy and My father died when I was nine years; my mother was alone tak sisters. and brothers eight were we child, a wasfamily. I When are the employersemployed,the and are too. nostalgia pure Apparently sodas in San José, and they have all comidas tipicas comidas ------

He explains: poor). very still (though elsewhere than better are restaurants his in working Nicaraguanelections. in TheNicaraguansthe employment for of conditions abroad from voting for example, for practices, consulate better for working one of the poorest and most wretched migrant settings in San José.in He is projects also reconstruction in invested has He cause. migrants’ poor the for Costa Rica. He is also a moneymaker, but he makes some of his money work Nicaraguanmigrantsthe in visible rendering and helping activitiesat aimed this way: Fernandoit sees projects. rebuilding investedin has wherehe environment owner of the restaurant, Fernando, is a well-known and beloved figure in this with them of some here, projects social different in engaged to themselves. This poor area belongs to the Padre’s parish, and he is eagerly a Nicaraguan “migrant”, even though they do not use the term with reference ticipate in Mass held by the Nicaraguan areas in town (Herrera et al., 2001). In this environment, they sometimes par health and cooking - especially in one of the poorest and most feared migrant for the betterment of life and housing conditions, workshops about childcare, free meals and the like. But they are also engaged in more concrete projects make lotteries, arrange they and distributed, be to things and money collect migrants. compatriot poorer toward their directed specifically They work ity char of lot a do upper-classwho other ladies and diplomatic well-meaning migrants. Nicaraguan poor the for projects different in hands shake categories both in Nicaraguans the José, Diplomacy andchurch ing place,headedandpersonalizedwithFernando’s “initials”. other across class divides and other divides. A new dialogue is obviously tak the atmosphere. The interesting part is that from time to time they meet eachand food the Nicaragua, love they because come TheyNicaraguans. only not but mainly, classes upper and middle classes, lower here, meets body This restaurant is a meeting place across those polarizations: Every polarizations: those across place meeting a is restaurant This the Ticos totheNicashere. terms, … So I think there will be a very important influence from Nica same left. who Theto come to the important: Ticosvery something know be not will Nicaragua to back goes who Nica the think I different. is it think I Here, enormous. is polarization is sport tional the from learn also Ticos.should they na But the Nicaragua, In Nicaraguan-ness. their hide to trying stop should Nicaraguans the think I transculturation. it call I other.each to accustomed get little, by little integrate they that So versa. vice and Ricans Costa the against not are they that so migrants, Nicaraguan the influence and “guide” to is it with idea my and restaurant This Diplomacy has always loved charity – and so has the Church. In San In Church. the has so and – charityalways loved has Diplomacy la política la , here it is it here , Las Damas Nicaraguenses Damas Las Padre el

fútbol , who himself, like the ladies, is . In Nicaragua, the Nicaragua, In . las Damas las is a group of group a is - . The - - - -

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Spaces of Democratic Practice: Nicaraguans in San José, Costa Rica and expandtheir bondsinNicaragua. future near the cooperationin formal more a establish to plan organizations twothese efforts, their strengthen to order In too. represented, organizations Church the with country,and the over participa all from women the of hundreds of with tion Rica Costa in women migrant Nicaraguan of network associational an established capability.recently have socio-political Theyand conscience pride, cultural self-esteem, building at targeted mainly but framework defined broadly a within counselling social psycho with works Rica), Costa en Inmigrante de Sociales Derechos de Nicaraguense (Centro CENDEROS organization, women’sother organization. Thethe in José San in “trained” women migrant returned by initiated Nicaragua, in established be to about is organization twin A duties. and rights about informing shops haveadviceand workwages,legal deliveredarranged better free and tions trade-union for domestic workers. They have fought for better working condi a as functioning is Rica), Costa de de Trabajadores(Asociación Domésticas for their work with Nicaraguan migrant women. One of them, ASTRADOMES gathering ofthetwo network structuresisplanned. bi-national a future, near the In activities. and strategies of discussions and a supplementary Here José. San in exists network this of clone a mission, and vision of terms In migrants. (compatriot) for dignity and conditions fair promoting of explicit goal the with umbrella migration the under joined have they network, the of constitution the now,through but media, and research rights, sional profes women, development, and refugees rights, civil and human as such before, profiles different Migra had organizations las participating 2003). The ciones, para Civil Sociedad la de Nicaraguense (Red organizations 22 of participation the with Managua in constituted was issue migration the in Networks, organizationsandthemedia is informal andpartlycovert butwithacleardemocratic direction. it although agenda, political a have elites layers.The all for experience gestures of compatriotism across class divisions. This is a new socio-political low. Thus, I argue that not out for migrants’ rights, apart from the network-organizations mentioned be speaking voices public few the of one actually law,churchis migration the restrictive more new a launching about Rica Costa in debate actual the ing work they closely and together with people Nicaragua, from all the in other initiatives mentioned. parallel Regard in organized are They migrants. for Caritas/Pastoral Social, are deeply involved in issues of human and civil rights guans. … Nobody is actually doing anything for them.. Anyway, Nicara are 70% it’s35,000, now there; living persons 15,000 When I knew this place about eight years ago, there were about built. school the got I constructions. water the havefacilitated I I’m a very good friend of this environment. I am their counsellor. Two well-known and visible specifically Joséare San in organizations In 2002, a Nicaraguan network of civil society organizations involved like organizations, Church Catholic different lines, same the Along I try… foro has monthly meetings for the exchange of information only charity or social commitment is at play; so are ------mid-1980s andonwards. Maria explains: the to back dating histories migration individual with women middle-class about poor specifically and migration about counter-discourse public a of floating the and diaspora,layers the different of between ties of construction the pation; partici of culture non-hierarchicalpolitical Sandinista-inspired, a revivalof and the Nicaragua; old from culture political polarized an and hierarchical “inherited” of reformulation and questioning the activities: the in sulated encap projects democratic different in drivers main the are Thesegroups. ent Nicaragua andviceversa. Enrique,oneoftheinvolved journalists,says: tunity for the listeners to send messages – without cost - to family members in in the migration issue, good advice, legal counsel, and above all, the oppor opening the air for music, information, interviews with key persons engaged initiatives. One of the radio programmes runs every day from 12 am to 2 pm, above-mentionedthe in engaged those as same involvedthe people are the sin fronteras” of years: couple last the during countries both in heard been has backhome families their and Rica Costa in migrants Nicaraguan towards directed voice tional dia, especially through different popular radio programmes, where a transna interaction Along similar lines, different initiatives have taken off within the me the within off taken haveinitiatives different lines, similar Along new hopesanddreams.… get people make to wounds, the heal to CENDEROS in try We Through my contribution here, I can strengthen the Nicaraguans. And we think we cannot return now. We can do more from here. started aspolitical,thenitbecameeconomic. When it failed, so did the ideals, the dreams. … So the migration ideology.Sandinista the with people’sproject the was it cause be majority, the maybe Nicaraguans, of thousands did as so, in order good to develop the country and help wasthe young ones. I thought project this that convinced were Many raguans. revolution failed, was lost, so was the life project of many Nica hurricanes, disasters, war,the earthquake, Forwhenthe … naturalunemployment. example, phenomena: many by hit been has Nicaragua Nicaragua. of history recent the include we and classes. focus, Welowerpsycho-socialhave the a from women Nicaraguan women, 6-700 less or more with worked haveWe Nicaraguan professional all are CENDEROS of team leading The All these activities give evidence of a growing and still more coher more still and growing a of evidence give activities these All years. It’s likeasociallink… for haven’tseen they whom members family to messages send their songs. People are so moved that they start crying. They also singing music, their playing Nicaraguans, towards directed first the was programme this because interesting, very been has It

Radio CuCu Nicaraguan (Women without borders), between different layers of the diaspora, headed by the elite the by headed diaspora, the layersof different between , “ migrants. In the analytical scheme of Itzigsohn et al., Buscando la vida “Esta semana” ” (In search for better life), (This week). Some of “Mujeres ------

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Spaces of Democratic Practice: Nicaraguans in San José, Costa Rica covered atall,ifthenotionoftransnational politicalactionistoonarrow. dis- be not might “bite” political important an with activities similar many lessexposed political agenda of these activities make morethe themthat is or transnationality.here “civil-societal”“political”, argument of my But that and some of these activities might be categorized within the narrow or broad field cal polarization between conservatives and liberals, with the power shifting power the with conservativesliberals, between and polarization cal politi of one been has century 19th the since history Nicaraguan in picture generalculture. The political democratic new a for foundation the creating towards used be can experiences which from rule democratic of history a further consolidationofdemocracy. at the top and the civil society at the bottom will be decisive elements in the to before, the political performance or the political culture of the elite groups referred value.universal As of kind havea to said be democracycan sense, types of states in all regions of the world, even in very poor countries. In this points here is that democracy his in this minimal form can of (and does) exist in all one law.But of rule weak generally a and corruption rights, of human violations contain can which democracy, electoral an frames mocracy de of elections”. competitiveThisdefinition and fair free, through intervals regular at leaders their choose people the which in government of system 1993). “extend civil rights to proponents of unpopular causes” (Booth and Seligson, to willingness the to refers which values”, political “inclusive or tolerance political is second Thevote. to and protest to parties, political for work to “extensive political participation”, such as the right to organize civic groups, cratic political culture includes two main elements: One is the possibility for demo of definition polarizations. Thus,a political and economic minimize incentivesand to sense broad a in education civilsociety through ticipation par and civility respect, trust, tolerance, of norms new implies democracy democracy.of of culture culture a a of of Thebuilding building the through processes democratic these happen, national, make international and transnational to drivers are at order play, In not least so. do to them urges below attempts to govern by democratic means and that a continuous pressure from may (poverty,preconditions exist nation’sthe that is point etc.). crucial culture, A elite religion, what matter no – yes is answer His democratic. come divides, anddiscourseson flightandmigration. class across ties of types culture, political significant: be to whichseem and suggest scrutinizing three parameters that have already been touched upon, s s h cs o mn tid ol cutis Ncrga is Nicaragua countries, world third many of case the is As “a democracy: of definition minimal and simple a gives Diamond Diamond (2003)raises thequestionwhether thewhole world canbe I suchengagement, for determinants wider the understand to order In AND POLITICAL CULTURES DEMOCRATIZATION lacking - - - - -

(1996-2001), former grounds for authoritarian rule were reinstalled. As ar As reinstalled. were rule authoritarian for grounds former (1996-2001), Alemán Arnoldo of period following the However,during 1995). (Seligson, politics Nicaraguan in power to route a the as violence marked explicit of shift elimination this Likewise, elections. 1990 the Violetta until in victory place Chamorro’s take not did democracy electoral an towards process transition fragile the democracy,rather Nicaraguan or the offi of launching cial the Thus, forces. political and social oppositional of elimination and exclusion the through start promising this undermined later Sandinistas the ciety became involved for the first time in political processes. Unfortunately, conflicts (see Paguaga, 2002forthislastargument). to solutions domestic of levellow the point: last the to whichleads politics, domestic in interventions foreign of level high the is family.So Another moza the within primarily groups, elite the among power concentrated that happening: One is the long duration of the Somoza dictatorship (1936-1979) characteristics have effectively prevented processes of democratization from history,recent Paguaga,more three 2003; In (Anderson, 2002). limited very been has institutions political democratic of form the in society civil the of between the two, each of which has rather firmed positions. The intervention nr-einl r oad h Nrh wl dces i te er ha due ahead years the in decrease will whether North, flows, the migration towards the or intra-regional that believe to reason no is there America, Central of context the In level. international/global on and national/regional migration a and flight on discourses to reactions local as understood be definite society.Nicaraguanmore of a Nevertheless,segments major by taken route tions towards authority” (Diamond (Ed.), 1993). At least, this seems to be the “disposi against going culture political the in course new a of indication an be might choice presidential this permanent, become apparently has peace or bossism” “political to inclination less and governance, of anti-corruptive)style clared a person entered office who had much looser ties to the party, a cleaner (de Bolaños, Enrique of 2001 November in election the WithAlemán. Arnoldo and extent) lesser a to (though Chamorro presidents, Violetta following the teristics of “strong man’s leadership”, or charac well-known the followed Ortega Daniel of performance leadership However,the (Paguaga,2002). culture” political participatory “a called be revolution,Sandinista the of project which whatof creation the to could led Catholic Church and the political radicals and culminating in the ideological tions andtheinfluenceofcitizenaction. institu political culture, political in changes in found be preferably should weakened democracy rather than strengthened it. Locations of a new course have Nicaragua in parties political the that seems it (2003), Close by gued DISCOURSES ON FLIGHT AND MIGRATION With the overthrow of the dictator in 1979, the popular sectors of so of sectors popular the 1979, in dictator the overthrowof the With The micro-scale transnational activities discussed in this chapter can chapter this in discussed activities transnational micro-scale The steps Such change ofthepoliticalcultureisstillinmaking. caudillismo were actually taken in the sixties, promoted through the through promoted sixties, the in taken actually (Close, 2003). In addition to the stabilizing fact that fact stabilizing the to addition In 2003). (Close, caudillismo , along the same lines as ------

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Spaces of Democratic Practice: Nicaraguans in San José, Costa Rica ing of transnational ties and become an important regional factor promoting are divided: Much evidence indicates that migration maygovernments induce strengthen involved the of attitudes and agendas the But 2000). Gaitán, and (Morales labour less-skilled for especially countries, host the in niches employment of existence the and countries home in hardship economic to mechanisms areactivated. culture Nicaraguan and whichcontrol against and elements security povertythreatening the are politics and case, this In stories. these of part is it, to the Nicaraguan case of flight andshown, other.As the migration, on origin andof countries thein democracy-buildingway for urge the diaspora responds an with along hand, one the on strategies exclusion and control increased “securitization of the migration issue” (Faist, 2002; Wæver et al., 1993) with migration-securitya reinforcementthe nexus: the of been has 11 September to response direct a level, global democracy.a and At security of issues to lates tocompassionfortheweakandpersecutedco-citizen andcompatriot. Nicaraguan migrants, including those launching a counter-discourse that re of segments other the out leaves population migrant the of picture specific housing, bad manners, many children, low educational level, etc. This class- of fears of poverty. issue: specific one to linked Nicaraguanmigrants,and elements All specific one on discourse a thus migrants. poor is Rica of Costa trusion” in migrants Theon discourse master in massive and “uncontrollable an to due society on impact negative sible pos the fears Rica country,Costa third-world prosperous more relatively a practices on Costa Rican society, but mainly linked to the fear of and views cultural and political Nicaraguan of influence negative potential potential as migrants the portraying launched, was marginalization and discourse rejection master of A 1990s. the throughout appeared Nicaraguans poor of Rica (Cortés Ramos, 2003; Morales and Castro, 2002). in hand with a negative attitude on the part of the regional host country, Costa a policy of neglect and invisibilization on the part of the home country, hand al., 1999), while the Nicaraguan case is an example of the opposite tendency: transnationaltween migrants’countrypolicyactivities home(Landoltet and proactiveinterrelationshipverybe a such of example Salvadoranprovides ( country home the in and policies and different kinds of linkage programmes between nationals abroad consular proactive rights; human migrants’ of defence the citizenship; dual cilitating remittance transfers; the possibility of voting abroad; the granting of fa and/or directing example, cover,initiativesfor Such 2001). Fouron, and SchillerGlick 1999; al., et (Roberts populations migrant at aimed initiatives someat that the sense these levels become transnational actors in themselves by virtue of far-reaching levels government at reflected is tendency This ( development and democracy peace, A more globally installed discourse on migration is the one relating one the is migration on discourse installed globally more A influx whenhuge issue, the public a migrationbecame Rica, Costa In threats poverty Snoa, 02.Ti “het ws aty eae t the to related partly was “threat” This 2002). (Sandoval, are included: criminality, diseases, contamination, bad contamination, diseases, criminality, included: are World Migration Report MigrationWorld country World Migration Report MigrationWorld : Nicaragua,certain : on , 2003). In the region, El region, the In 2003). , , IOM, 2003). IOM, , segments poverty . As of ------zation ofthemigration issue. securiti and internationalization the without re-thought or questioned been have not might that issues culture, political and democracy rights, of issues transnational engagement and the public discourses surrounding it thus raiseorigin. of country undemocratic more their to relation in scale higher a at rights these spreading and claiming with tandem in rights such claiming in proactive more become groups, elite the by headed migrants, migrants’ response to this can Thebe “others”. manifold. As demonstrated, marginalized the Nicaraguan as migrants constructing and situation migrant the criminalizing of politics their through rights political and civil human, established jeopardizing or limiting of terms lawbreakersin being of sations laws in different ways, the national governments expose themselves to accu the breaking for Formigrants”) (“the victim action. the blame to takes trying when diaspora example, the way the and case Nicaraguan the to relate security actions are explicit marks of a political commitment as well as an act of soli culture. these Thus,political participatory Sandinista the and period dinista newly established vertical, weak ties, this is a common legacy from the San- ing “moredemocracy” in transnational space. activitiesthese havecertainly be attached,goal agenda main political the a political, called be could what of margins the at countries. Thoughsituated ment involved, although there is an explicit reference to both home and host they happen on a very irregular basis, and there is not necessarily any move institutionalized; really not are activity”.activities Thesepolitical “broad of marginalized for programmes radio producing charity,or for money collecting “poor”, the for workshops making in engage elites, the i.e. groups, middle-class upper-and the When above. described as lately, emerged has actions micro-political of venture portunities in the host country and a criss-crossing of political stands, a joint the diaspora population, as well as different migration histories, different op has been learnedaboutdemocracy what inCostaRica. with together diaspora, Nicaraguan the in engagement political shaping for backdrop important an is present and past of landscape litical po democratization. This of project political a of construction the towards attempt convincing most the now until is democracy electoral an of lation other.the on instal Theparticipation of culture a of intermezzo an cluding and violence, polarization, of culture political a with combined authoritarianism excess: As shown, the political history of Nicaragua is marked by changes to changes by marked is Nicaragua of history political the shown, As of matter a migration as and Thisflight on discourse internationalized When the elite groups take action to help their compatriots through compatriots their help to action take groups elite the When in diversification class explicit the of spite in that observed be can It and IN THEIR POORCOMPATRIOTS? WHY ARE THE ELITESENGAGED control caudillismo has implicated some interesting paradoxes, which also whichparadoxes, interesting some implicated has on the one hand, and revolutionary upheavalin revolutionary and hand, one the on Nicas i cn e en s n xadd field expanded an as seen be can it , 7 Their own Their ------

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Spaces of Democratic Practice: Nicaraguans in San José, Costa Rica learned andpracticed inCostaRica. it is a way of promoting the rights-based agenda of democracy that has been darity with the creationofapoliticalfieldthroughintention: is It space. public a in acts whichpublic self, performs public a into formed transformation: The hidden and almost forgotten “diaspora within” has trans of project a is project objectives.political Thepolitical of merging a rather polarizations within the transnational political field we are talking about, but diversitiesor political facing not are we case, this In 182). 1992: (Bourdieu, representation between or,better, asignified, and signifier a be tween party relationship and class is Theaccording to class”. Bourdieu a “symbolic relation between and party “between somewhere located tives and the future. The elites have positioned themselves as political representa present the past, the objectivationto and related self) political) (the (the tion subjectivaof processes complex in enrolled and transnational become has longed-for poor the of verypresence the that seems foremost linkedtoclass–followed by race, culture,politicsandhistory. and first is Rica Costa in migrants Nicaraguan of stigmatization and tization the with lumped being the absolute majority of Nicaraguans in Costa Rica. Hence, the elites are not mere presence of a relatively recent the influx of poor by nor engagements, these by challenged been not has Rica” Costa in “Nicaraguans professional successful and well-off as position unquestioned hitherto their that seems it above, described as engagements their through age ofa establishing a public counter-discourse. This feeds into the creation of an im the poor segments of the diaspora, a rather“public face” of or dignity and diaspora,power, the thus giving in engage to urge the is activities the behind term leader,I which age activist,whichcall political I the of image an of creation the image this term I whoprofessional a of image an of involvedis career-generatingin activities. , and in extension of this, we have the creation of an image of the political Furthermore, it is an act legitimation (Bourdieu,1992: 173). of institution and thereby represents a form of officialization and act an itself in constitutes act, public or discourse a of form the in manifestation public to expression, objective to impression one’ssubjective from explicit, the to implicit the from Moving It direction. another in point elites the for implications the Hence, stigmatized and poor the with elites the linking of spite In new diasporicpublicsphere political field political el pueblo and the agents, actions and situations that are represented” are that situations and actions agents, the and a professional, status-generating image status-generating professional, a and an attempt to educate an elite image elite an Nicas (Bourdieu, 1992). This political field is a site that site a is field political This1992). (Bourdieu, . One explanation of this is that the problema the that is this of explanation One . of creating images . Furthermore, an important determinant important an Furthermore, . . Nicas has given birth to a new and givennew has a to birth el pueblo representatives . First, we have the creation Nicas , who now comprise . Secondly,. havewe . At the same time, a solidarity im solidarity a rvdn a providing Nicas ------

dcto, n te uteig f oiia tlrne eosrtd through demonstrated tolerance political of furthering the and education, group civic of organization the through participation” political “extensive with cultures political democratic for platform a of creation the rather is est for the time being at least). As they make clear in word and action, their inter landscape “from home”, or creating new formal political party structures (not element. legitimating The decisiveelites do not express any a interest in either replicating is a political activities the of character non-formal The place. taking are actions political for strategies everyday and discussions political where diaspora, the in created platform political the shaping in ingredient important an is Thismaking. the in still is that one another and lost is that Nicaragua a from culture political and politics of memory shared and a knowledge have groups Both project. mutual third a creating of process the sically, we have two different migration projects nurturing each other during with migration experiences completely different from those of the elites. Ba activities, they also revitalize their internal, horizontal, strong ties connected Nicas Theculture. political democratic a of shaping the in pro-active become to memory from the early Sandinista heydays of the revolution, and an attempt political revivala a of is it self-esteem, their boost or conditions, provetheir tional spacemeans, ahugerange ofactivities becomeuncovered. out-reaching. all However, by at including a broader definition of what not is government country home way.Their electoral non- a or electoral an in politically,neither strict active very the not are In they sense, US. the in diaspora Salvadoran the example, for as ganizing, culture ontheagendainboth Nicaragua and CostaRica. political and democracy put has issue migration transnational the Hence, 1970s. and 1960s politicized left-wing, the and period Sandinista the from with solidarity class disloyalty agenda In the national and local context of Costa Rica and San José respectively, the flight and migration, mainly through the claim of rights, has been articulated. counter-discourseof competing a create to ability an and established, been have divides class across links internal diversifications, these of spite In ra. transnational way remainsanopenquestion. will be the long-term results of this new space for “doing politics” in a broad What constructed. being is field political transnational a structures), tunity oppor and situation economic stands, political class, (like oppositions nal itself. Through the articulation of claims spanning national borders and inter diaspora the within classes between links on built platform political asporic their own politicalperformance. are not only enrolled in new vertical ties with the elites. Through these DIASPORA AS PLATFORM FORPOLITICS So, what we can see from these examples is the creation of a joined di When the poor The Nicaraguan diaspora in Costa Rica is not highly organized or or or organized highly not is Rica Costa in diaspora TheNicaraguan Thisdiversifiedhighly a chapterof picture a paint to intended diaspo

8 towards poor Nicaraguans has awoken a dormant middle- el pueblo el Nicas participate in these networks and activities to im , in itself an iconized, dormant reminiscence dormant iconized, an itself in , doing politics in transna ------

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Spaces of Democratic Practice: Nicaraguans in San José, Costa Rica ment articulated across class divides.class across possible articulated a ment as Thisseen is commitment asporas as view,Fromdi of rights. at point of looking this spreading of importance the expressions of a changing political culture that emphasizes the claiming and mocratization of processes strengthening for intentions political the case, this ways.In different in used be course of can politics. platform Thisdoing for platform These activities were defined as incipient political expressions, and as locations of change , bothinhomeandhostcountry, seemtobethemasterplan. is underlined, as is the socio-political commit de - - - 6. 5. 4. 3. 2. 1. 8. 7. At the economic level, it is widely documented around the world that mi Ticos isaneutral slangtermfor“CostaRicans”. origin (Morales and Castro, 2002; percenttheNicaraguan20of population resides outside theircountry of around USA, in those Including million). (4.8 Nicaragua in population native the of cent per 10 than more little a and Rica, Costa of residents This figure represents a good deal more than 10 per cent of the 3.8 million slang. migrant population in Costa Rica. They also use it themselves, though, as Nicas is a pejorative term used for the poorer segments of the Nicaraguan procity and solidarity in a migration context, see Faist (2000). Fordetailedterms:theseanalyticalloyalty;proposaltheofa for use reci Portes andHaller, 2003:1223). (Guarnizo, char projects civic to contributions monetary a and organization ity in membership association, civic hometown a in membership volvement in political campaigns. “Non-electoral participation” includes: in active and parties, these to contributions monetary origin, of country the in party political a in membership includes: participation” “Electoral migrants, as described above (see against Faist 2000 discourse for the use of the term). master negative the to refers agenda” “disloyalty The ami, which heldaFirst Congress inJune 2004. Mi Nicaraguandiasporain the tivesgovernment,with the together from representa with dialogue concrete a claims. opened Theyhaverecently “noisy” more still are it, get to Nicaragua to travel to having of instead bility for obtaining a “cédula” (identification paper) through the consulate Nicaraguan state. Their the claims with for voting dialogues rights from to abroad and access the gaining possi in successful more still and active Thechapter“activists”the of quite networksin groups are described and nostalgic trade (the five T’s as proposed by Orozco (2003). ties, that are as diverse as tourism, telecommunication, countrytransportation diaspora-home and economic concrete very other among type one are transfers economic2003).These (Orozco, Nicaragua of GDP the of Costa Rica is at least 500 million dollars per year, representing one-quarter mittances.thecaseNicaragua,Inof theestimated amount fromUSAand country,theirfor scale widerre ofenormousamountsthrougha on and grants have become the key source of income for their families back home NOTES World Migration Report, 2003).

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Spaces of Democratic Practice: Nicaraguans in San José, Costa Rica

Faist, T. El Nuevo Diario Funkhauser, E. Anderson, L.E. Diamond, L. Diamond, L.(Ed.), Cortés Ramos, A. Close, D. CIREFCA Castro, C. Bourdieu, P. Borge, D. Booth, J.A.,andM.A.Seligson 2002 2000 2003 1992 2003 2003 1993 2003 2003 1989 2002 1992 2004 1993 “Extension du domaine de la lutte”, International Migration and Migration International lutte”, la de domaine du “Extension “Ley migratoria ticarecrudeceráxenofobia”,18July. velopment, evidence”, recent Some Nicaragua: from “Migration gration Review, 2001, 11, September After and Before Security national SocialSpaces and Trans-Migration International of TheDynamics and Volume sity ofCalifornia. “Partidos en transición en nicaragua: La contribución de los par los de contribución La “Partidosnicaragua: en transición en opment and International Policies Democratic? Become WorldWhole the Can Rienner, Boulder. Countries DevelopingDemocracy in and Political Culture Americano deCienciasPolíticas, SanJosé, UCA, 12-14 August. y Nicaragua entre Paper90s”, los en Rica Centro Costa Congreso I the at presented migratoria la dinámica sobre “Reflexiones Canada. Someday Maybe Yet, Not Nicaragua: in Democracy and Parties Political Documento delarepublicaCostaRica,GuatemalaC. y CostaRica Nicaragua entre Migración y Castro, Transfronterizas:Empleo Sociedad, C. and Morales A. in Rica”, Costa nica en inmigrantes ragüenses los de remesas y laboral inserción “Informe Language andSymbolicPower redes sociales”,UCA, SanJosé. “Migracionesnicaraguensesde Rica: Costa hacia dos de Analisis mocracy inDeveloping Countries co and Nicaragua”, in L. Diamond (Ed.), “Paths to democracy and the political culture of Costa Rica, Mexi- San José, 12-14 August. Políticas,UCA,Ciencias de Americano Centro Congreso I the at tidos predemocráticos a una nueva democracia”, Paper presented , Memorial University of Newfoundland, St. John’s,St. Newfoundland, Universityof Memorial NL, , 20(8): 1209-18. , FLACSO, SanJosé. 36(1): 7-14. REFERENCES , ClarendonPress,Oxford. , Polity Press,Cambridge. , Scolarship Repository, Univer , Lynne Rienner, Boulder. Political Culture and De

Democracy,Devel International Mi International World De World , Lynne, Redes ------Herrera, M.M., A.M. Cordero,andE.O. Ferrero Hamilton, N.,andN.S.Chinchilla Guarnizo, L.E., A. Portes, and W. Haller Granovetter, M. Glick Schiller, N.,andG.E.Fouron Glick Schiller, N. Morales, N.,andD.Z. Gaitán Morales, A., andC.Castro Ministerio deSalud,FLACSO (etal.) Levitt, P., andN.Glick Schiller Landolt, P., L. Autler, andS.Baires Itzigsohn, J.,D.C. Carlos,E.H.Medina,andO. Vasquez IOM INEC (InstitutoNacionaldeEstadísticayCensos) 2001 1991 2003 1973 2001 2004 2003 2000 2002 1999 2003 2003 1999 1999 2003 2001 INEC, SanJosé. Generales Resultados 2000, Vivienday Población de Censo IX de CienciasSociales Carpio”, ‘La de caso El Rica: Costa en Nicaragüenses familias de solidaridad de Redes Sobrevivencia: de “Tejedores American Research Review, analysis”, for framework A migration: American “Central nal ofSociology, migrants”, contemporary among action political “Assimilation and transnationalism: Determinants of transnational 1360-80. “The strength of weak ties”, Search forHome laughing”, up woke “George London. Politics of Anthropology the to nion J. (Eds), Vincentand Nugent D.“Transnationality”, in cnmc otiuin o Ncrgas iig bod, Report abroad”, living Nicaraguans of contributions economic the increase to Opportunities Nicaragua: to remittances “Family tat-HABITAR, Managua. respuestos locales y territorial Impacto Rica: Costa a Nicaragüenses de Migración Nicaragua yCostaRica Sociedad”, transfronterizas: “Redes José. Rica Costa en Nicaragüense laboral Inmigración José. análisis su para Elementos Rica: Costa en salud y Migración taneity”, CMD Working Papers #03-09j,Princeton University. “Transnational perspectives on migration: Conceptualizing simul 315. vadoran transnationalism”, Sal of mayor:dialectics hermano The to lejano hermano “From national practices”, trans- broad and Narrow transnationalism: dominican “Mapping World Migration Report , DukeUniversity Press,DurhamandLondon. 108(6): 1211-48. , Centro de Investigación y Promoción de Habi Ethnic andRacialStudies, , 118,FLACSO, SanJosé. , FLACSO, SanJosé. , IOM,Geneva. Ethnic and Racial Studies, American Journal of Sociology, 26(1): 75-110. Long Distance Nationalism and the and Nationalism Distance Long , Blackwell Publishing Ltd., Publishing Blackwell , mlo Mgain entre Migración y Empleo 22(2):316-339. FAS, San FLACSO, , American Jour American 22(2): 290- A Compa- A Cuaderno 78(6): , San , Latin - - - - ,

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Spaces of Democratic Practice: Nicaraguans in San José, Costa Rica Østergaard-Nielsen, E. Wæver, O., B. Buzan, M. Kelstrup, and P. Lemaitre Vertovec, S. Torres, E., and D. Jimenez Stepputat, F. Smith, M.P., andL.E.Guarnizo Smith, M.P., Seligson, M.A. Sandoval, C.(Ed.) Sandoval, C. Roberts, B.R., R.Frank, andF. Lozano-Ascencio Red Nicaraguense delaSociedadCivil para lasMigraciones Paguaga, C. 2000 1993 2003 1985 1997 1998 1994 1995 2000 2002 1999 2003 2002 2003 2001

“Transnationalpolitical practices state”,theand Paper presented at Publishers Ltd., London. Identity,Migration, andthe New Security AgendainEurope Working Paper #03-09m,Geneva. CMD transformation”, of modes and transnationalism “Migrant Anuario de Estudios Centroamericanos, and reconciliation”,UnpublishedReport,CDR,Copenhagen. power relief, of analysis An repatriation: and conflict “National wick, NJ. Transnationalism from Below of grassroots politics”, “Can you imagine? Transnational migration and the globalization ciocultural, UCA, Managua. So de Análisis Centro (IEN), Nicaragüenses Estudios de Instituto Nicaragua en Democrática (Eds), Maihold G. and Córdoba R. in transicion”, en política cultura Una 1991-1995: “Nicaragua Instituto deInvestigaciones Sociales,UCA, SanJosé. Como me siento en Costa Rica? Autobiografías de nicaragüenses dades nacionalesenCostaRica, identi de formación la Otros Nicaragüensesy Los Amenazantes: the US”, to migration Mexican and communities migrant “Transnational ciales, Managua. So Ciencias Editorial Rica”, Costa y Nicaragua de públicas cas “Memoria del primer foro nacional “las migraciones en las políti for The Americas), Ontario. FoundationPaper,Policy (Canadian Nicaragua”, FOCAL in racy democ consolidating towards step A Geyer- Bolaños “Enrique London. Germany in KurdsTransnationalPolitics—Turks and 01-22, Oxford. Programme, WorkingPaperCommunities national Series WPTC: “The politics of migrants’ transnational political practices”, Trans- the conference on migration and development, Princeton University. a under Agriculture of PASA fortheUS, Washington, DC. Department US the by commissioned Ifre or e etd d ls ircoe e centroamérica”, en migraciones las de estado el sobre “Informe Ethnic andRacialStudies Social Text, , Fundación F.Fundación , Ungo, Guillermo Ebert , Transaction Publishers, New Bruns EUCR, SanJosé. , 22(2):238-265. 39:15-33. Cultura Política y Transicióny Política Cultura 11(2): 25-66. , Routledge, , , Pinter, ------, Somali-Scandinavian A Dreaming When “theDiaspora” Returns to theDesert Nauja Kleist 1

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Somali-Scandinavian A Dreaming When “the Diaspora” Returns to the Desert playgrounds, parkinglots,amosque,park,marketandotherfacilities. kitchens, modern with houses spacious includes neighbourhood visioned en the Burao, war-scarredpoor outside and semi-desert dry the in Situated ambitious. were neighbourhood new the for plans the and basis, collective a on land bought Norwayhad Denmark, UK Sweden, the from and families Somali 330 altogether 2003, In Somaliland. central in Burao of town the outside just neighbourhood new a of establishment and land of acquisition S Somali-Scandinavian, Muslimfamilylifecanberealized. ideal order,an wheresocial gendered a of expression an is neighbourhood UK and Somscan the to returning of chapterdream the the wise, that argues Like territorialization. clan and property private of legacies competing the especially space, social and power of relations complicated in embedded squatters, local with conflict a of handling the and neighbourhood new a establishing of process the analyses It return. and home of aspects gendered and transnationalism, space, social of theories in departure takes and don terviews with Somscan & UK members in Somaliland, Copenhagen and Lon This chapter is based on a visit to the Somscan area as well as on in on as well as area Somscan the to visit a on based Thisis chapter ups o te raiain s olcie eun hog collective through return collective is organization the of purpose The 2000. in founded organization, umbrella transnational British Somali-Scandinavian- a is Associations Cooperative UK & omscan ABSTRACT - - - -

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Somali-Scandinavian A Dreaming When “the Diaspora” Returns to the Desert Hargeisa, while theprocessofurbanizationisgoinga bitslower inBurao. country and maybe buy land and build a house – especially in the capital of all over the world have returned for shorter or longer periods to visit, see the from Somalis of numbers Growing 1996. since stability and peace relative parts of Somalia are still considered highly insecure, Somaliland has enjoyed bone of the Somaliland economy. While big parts of the southern and central countries. Remittances from Somalis in the West and the Gulf form the back live in number Western significant still but smaller a and countries, bouring been recognizedby any country. not has but Somaliland of Republic the as independent itself declared land, Theyear,same Somali British former the Somalia, of part north-western the country.the of part southern and central the in spread hunger anarchyand chaos, while Mogadishu, from ousted was Barre Siyad 1991, of beginning Hargeisa Somalia, Burao. and of part north-western the in towns main the destroyed gratedcivilthe to due war, which when1988 in started General Siyad Barre tionally. transna- Toas startwith,theanalysisislocatedintimeandspace. well as locally relations power upon touches analysis an Such explored as well as how ideas of home and return relate to gender are and neighbourhood status. new a of establishment the to relation in power of sues lands. British and Norwegian Swedish, the are as area, the of part one is above to referred land Danish Thein. joined organizations British three when tions Associa Cooperative UK & Somscan to extended was which Associations, CooperativeSomscan organization, umbrella the formed they together,and zations were soon established. In 2000, these organizations decided to work quickly spread to Denmark, Norway and later the UK, where similar organi- return collective of idea The2001). Farah, and (Ibrahim Burao of town the outside just neighbourhood new a of establishment and land of acquisition sociation in order to rebuild and return to Somaliland n aon i te itne Ntig le e rv o a dirt a on drivetownthe Burao.outside of just road Theas WeSomaliland, of heart else. Nothing distance. the in around ing away,far walkcamels people some few goats, manya are and Theretrees. few a bushes, small and sand yellow-reddish with flat, is landscape Thehot. very is it morning, early the in Even Somalis now live all over the world. The largest majority live in neigh mi has Somaliland or Somalia outside living Somalis of Themajority project. UK Theis & Somscan the at look closer a Thistakes chapter as an established Sweden in Somalis of group small a 1999, May In to stop.“This isDanishland”,hesays. people say here. A tall Somali-Scandinavian man tells the driver 3 The civil war gradually spread to the rest of Somalia, and in the in and Somalia, of rest the Theto civilspread wargradually SOMALI MIGRATION 2 through the collective ------cognizable category, ‘immigrant’, which is then associated with what is prob re- easily “an into turned is 402) todaystays1950: and (Simmel, tomorrow” comes who person “the as way,strangerambivalent this the In 133). 1998: (Diken, stigmatization and scapegoating of processes through identities and culture their freeze to is claims, Bülent strangers, of ambivalence the with deal to uses society majority the strategies the of One (1998). Diken Bülent bystrangersdescribed of stigmatization the to similar process a in refugees” social andeconomicposition(www.inm.dk, 2003). a difficult reflects also rate employment average low very DNA-profiling. A lis have been targets of several special efforts, such as repatriation efforts and dottor, 2002; Skak, 1998; Fangen, 2004; Halane, 2004). Furthermore, Soma to integrate by politicians, the media and public officials (Assal, 2004; Johns difficult very as treated portrayedand generally are Scandinavia in Somalis that be “backmight or reason 2003) One Nielsen, home”. 2004; Kleist, (see UK the to move,either to want they that Scandinaviastate in Somalis many UK the in 75,000 estimated an and 35), 2002: (Johnsdottor,Sweden in 19,000 31), 2004: (Assal, Norway in 11,300 about cally informedquestionsto theSomscan&UKproject(cf. Wilson, 1999): theoreti following the pose to possible it make original). dimensions These through its associated images and symbols” (Lefebvre, 1991: 39, emphasis in lived directly as “space – space representational finally and emphasis); my 38, 1991: (Lefebvre, engineers” social and technocraticsubdividers banists, ur planners, scientists, of space the space, “conceptualized – space of tions representa etc.; infrastructure buildings, and subjects embodied between relation the – perceivedspace or – practices spatial of terms in space social particularly inspired thisstudy. locations of politics the on research feminist and Lefebvre by space of scholarshiptheory diaspora,transnationalismbroad the and on the power, space, and social locations in a transnational perspective. Apart from Somscan &UKandthedesiretoreturnSomaliland. in engagement the influence experiences such how and if is question The Scandinavia. not and Somalia to belong to said are Scandinavia in Somalis original the to related is territory to which the stranger is always strangersaid to belong, as for example when the of culture and identity “frozen” the claims, Diken Furthermore, 133). 1998: (Diken, alien” unwanted, lematic, In this way,this In havegroup a as Somalis difficult “the as constructed been 2003), (Udlændingestyrelsen, Denmark livein Somalis 18,000 About Sociologist Henri Lefebvre has proposed a three-dimensional model of of issues on light shed to necessary is it question, a such Toanswer • and afterSomscan &UKboughttheland? before – area UK & Somscan the practicesof spatial the are What TRANSNATIONAL SOCIALSPACES AND LOCATIONS 4 (Montclos, 2003: 44). 2003: (Montclos, Today ------

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Somali-Scandinavian A Dreaming When “the Diaspora” Returns to the Desert families, who long to move out of the crowded townBuraolocal and among owninterestraised a bigger has project house. UK & Somscanthe Likewise, turned to Somaliland and settled in Hargeisa, Burao or othernew Somalilandmembers. Attowns. the time of fieldwork, about 15 families were saidfamilies to haveare presently re members of Somscan & UK, and the increasedconsiderably.projecthasBurao isin landclosedAltogether, of forprice 330the then, cover1,000acquisitiontoUS$paidotherthecosts. aswellSince asland of familymemberUK SomscanEach& US$.20,000between and15,000 was Norwegian, and three British groups. The cost of purchasing the pieces of land piece of land next to each other. There are now one Swedish, two Danish, two details such ascountryofresidence. anonymity was maintained by changing names and not mentioning personal circumstances, such under anonymity realize to hard is it observed, viewee inter one as While, interviewed. were organization the in engaged highly & UK members in TenSomscan Somaliland, Denmark, and London – all men and almost all reports. as various well as officials, government mem and UK bers & Somscan with interviews to mainly refers chapter engage The transnational ment. Somali-Danish on fieldwork larger a of part as don Lon and Somaliland, Copenhagen, in 1995) (Marcus, fieldwork multi-sited to power relationsandpower hierarchies notonly“here”,butalso“there”. multi-local. They are never only local, but created and understood in relation are subjects transnational of locations social the reference, of frames ferent dif thus and localities different include spaces transnationalsocial as Furthermore, imbedded. are actors social all which in positioning of dynamics stratifying socially factors”(Mahleretal.,2001:445-446). other and kinship-based geographic, economic, political, torical, his through created hierarchiespower within “persons” of position the i.e. spatiality,of location, whichquestions social 2001), combines and mobility & Pessar, (Mahler spaces transnational gendered of concept the in reflected also is perspectiveThis through. travelling or in located are groups and als individu that 204) 1994: (Brah, age” sexuality,ethnicity, racism, class, of spaces gendered within situatedness simultaneous “the the to refer latter the politics the of location. Theor former refer to specific sites, for instance Burao,locations, and social and localities between distinguish I localities. and Today, Somscan & UK consists of eight organizations,a owningeighteach Today,ofconsists UK & Somscan This work on Somscan & UK, aims to capture this complexity through hierarchicalthe to attention our turns thus locations social on focus A locations social between dynamics the to relates question further A • • How is the neighbourhood conceived – i.e. how is it pictured and orders doesthisrelateto? the does – drawproject UK & Somscan on? social powerand What relations images and symbols – space representational What administrated? SOMSCAN &UK ------f t a b cniee oe t l. osa & K ebr ae o only not are members UK & Somscan all. at one considered be can it if the areawithitsown funds. in electricity establishing is UK & Somscan Furthermore, partners. national and local other with cooperation in renovation the coordinate to members employedhas DRC the and project, EC the of group ing two UK & Somscan steer the in represented is project. organization EC The the of beneficiaries also definitely is UK & Somscan well, as area this through led be will line pipe water a and area UK & Somscan the to close located are schools two the As school. secondary and primary a renovate and supply town’swater the upgrade to donated was money EC The2004). (Jensen, Migration Asylum and on Group Working Level High EC the by Project” Repatriation to response and large grant of 550,000 Euros for “Community-Based Assistance project kicked off in the summer of 2003, when the DRC received a positive would members Burao. of infrastructure insufficient the The UK and resources local scarce drain & Somscan of return expected the that avoid to was project the of objective TheUK. & Somscan with cooperation in prepared active in Somaliland, submitted a proposal to the European Commission (EC), themselves. identity Somalis which along system, lineage patrilinear the to refers Clan relations. clan reason, fourth cheaphowevera might with land extended be where itismuch cheaper thanthelandsurrounding Hargeisa. members argued. Finally, the third reason is the availability of land in Burao, Burao is crucial for making the whole Somaliland idea work, Somscan & UK cities. Somaliland other to Tocompared rebuilt, modestly been only rebuild conflicts in 1995 and 1998, when heavy inter-clan fighting took place. It has Secondly,internal civilwarand the destroyed wasduring completely Burao centre. Somaliland commercial and other capital Somali access the Mogadishu, to least not easy and cities it making do, them of deal good a then Burao, to lead roads all not If centre. very the heart, middle the is it the Somaliland; of in situated is Burao all, of First reasons. several for Burao side neighbourhood on a collective basis. The delegations chose to buy land out new a building and land buying of possibilities the explore to Somaliland to Buying land are witnessinganewkindoftransnational socialformation. purpose. Rather, we could say that the “hometown” is in its making, and we with theultimateaimofreturn,andtheyreceive indirectEC-fundingforthis build Burao are directed towards the establishment of a new neighbourhood re to respects. efforts Themany in differs organization the UK, & Somscan to apply to seems latter the While (ibid). abroad compatriots fellow among networks social creating about also but projects, reconstruction about only not is engagement hometown al., et Landolt by out pointed as Still, calities. lo different many from originate but 1999), Baires, Autler,& Landholt, (cf. hometown their improve to funds raising are who Burao from compatriots osa & K osiue a ahr nsa hmtw association, hometown unusual rather a constitutes UK & Somscan already NGO Danish a (DRC), Council Refugee Danish the 2002, In Thesecentrality,reasons: three availabilitythe and building, nation of went Denmark and Sweden from delegations two 2001, and 2000 In 5 Thereinforcedbeen has lineage clan and of during importance - - - - -

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Somali-Scandinavian A Dreaming When “the Diaspora” Returns to the Desert where peopleofdifferentclans live together. a is it hand, one specific objectivethe to overcomeOn the logic of clan incase. creating a neighbourhood UK & Somscan the in nature double a has daySomaliland. present aspect in Theclan role major playa to seems clan, after the civil war, and the question of The drawing shows a big house, a car, a man leaving the house in a suit, and it. to touch class middle Westerna havequite does house residential UK & Somscan the of plan the Indeed, comfort. certain new,a of houses spacious lies returning from the West requires access to water, schools, electricity and fami for in living worth neighbourhood thriving a into desert the Changing ambitious. were plans the but begun, just had area Swedish the in houses Planning aSomali-Scandinavian neighbourhood in establishingoneselfapost-conflictlocalitylikeBurao. connections, local networks or the contacts. have Thisnot means do that social youcapital if do, just you something not is neighbourhood governmentproperty.sell words:even other might In new To a for land officials buy government local and told, were we land, seize just often People respected. and recognized is deal the that and land, the of owner only and actual the is seller the that ensure to knowledge local requires land Buying way.same the in position their establish to have not did connected, locally more were which organizations, UK & Somscan other Theprice. vourable the founderof However, company.transnational a itself and Africa East in company transfer money contacted they land, buy to wanted sociation project. the of beginning Therefore,the as in Swedish whennectedness the not Somaliland. in family are members UK & Somscan some mentioned, just As are clans be three All clans. livedother two these lineage tween third A lineages. clan respective two by mainly habited as Burao from members ofonespecificsub-clan. originate to said is members UK & Somscan of share a large hand, other the On promise. empty an not is this Burao, in clans nating Isaag hn e iie Bro n coe 20, h cntuto o three of construction the 2003, October in Burao visited we When of help the Through became easyafterwards. process the so city, the in guys other some and relatives their one (…). But the rest [of the Somscan & UK groups], they found ownerthe real that the ensured is and tractissue land the about habshiil (…) don’tthere. we Wehappening whatknowis contacted Because trust. we someone contact haveto we said, we group, contacted group first The in each areas, two into divided was Burao fieldwork, of time the At Since several of the initiators of Somscan & UK are not from the domi and never lived in Burao, and they thus had to establish a local con Dahabshiil , and he [the boss] was the one who arranged the con the arranged who one the was boss] [the he and , Dahabshiil is not only global in this context, it also local, insofar as isfromBurao. Onemanexplained: Dahabshiil Dahabshiil origin , a piece of land was bought for a fa a for bought was land of piece a , , i.e. the area dominated by one’s bcue ih h first the with because , Dahabshiil Isaaq , the dominating clan dominating the , , the largest Somali largest the , 6 is essential Da ------that many Somalisinthe West live in. complexes housing social in apartments small rather often the to compared and Western-style residence. Just as important, it is also a comfortable house bathrooms and kitchen are built separately, this house is quite a comfortable and floor the on sit people where houses, Somali traditional more to pared Com verandas. two and bedroom, master one bedrooms, three bathtub, a toilets, pantry,three a kitchen, a TV,modern and a couch a table, dining a livingwith and room dining layoutcombined niture a includes house the of two children accompanied by an adult next to the house. The plan of the fur to settle in Burao. Another member expressed it like this, when I asked if asked I women have anywhen specialconsiderations: this, like it expressed member Another Burao. in settle to women, the i.e. interior”, the of “ministers the persuade to how is confided, man a problems, biggest the of case; One 2002). Kleist, Mexican & Hansen, Fink-Nielsen, the in parallels for 2001 Goldring, (see women than go to eager more be to seem men Somaliland, to return actual or considered of dered havea to water, seems and also electricity unlimited availabilityof the might dreamtodo–notwhat Somscan&UKmembersactually er realize. As one man said, the drawing shows what you that it “sells” dreams of a middle class life that many might hope for, but few houses built by returnees in Somaliland. It is also a dream house in the sense traditional housesinBurao –thoughitisnotmoreluxuriousthanothernew only is it a dream house compared to the usual housing in the West and more for not model a only is drawing The aspects. representational or symbolic has also – terms a certain kind of lifestyle, a dream house in more than one sense. Not sense. one than more in house dream a lifestyle, of kind certain a dimension, at least that was what the men told me. As in other cases other in me. As told men the whatwas that least at dimension, The drawing of the house – conceived space, to put it in Lefebvreian in it put to space, conceived – house the of drawingThe his kindpermissiontoreproducethedrawing The Somscan & UK dream house. I thank Jama Yahin Ibrahim for cover ourneeds.People usesomany electricinstruments. to electricity own our get we that important so is whyit is This You cannot go back to working with an old fashioned stove. (…) chine, a stove and a fridge and all what you are used to get here. work in it. For instance, you will have to prepare a washing ma Also, when you build a house, you will have to make it easier to Yes, they require the education and health system to be working. The design and comfort of the Somscan & UK dream house, as well as of the Somscan & UK house, it can also be said to be a model a be to said be also can it house, UK & Somscan the could do, what you will do. - gen - - - -

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Somali-Scandinavian A Dreaming When “the Diaspora” Returns to the Desert to returnfirst,thismansaid: seem general.why men in Asked the gender of notions and relations power local of issues to also but service, health proper or kitchens good of terms in states welfare Western of comforts the to gender of question the related area will be much like a kind of “mini-Scandinavia”, a small self-sufficient small a “mini-Scandinavia”, of kind a like much be will area the realized, If park. a and station, police a clinic, medical a lots, parking such as local shops, a market, an elementary school, playgrounds, a mosque, tial area, where about 15 per cent of all space is reserved for public facilities, ed. This is reflected in the overall arrangement of the Somscan & UK residen the in manWest explained: one spaces, special require that needs special have teenagers and lived – the appropriate places and spaces of gendered bodies. Likewise, socio-spatial dimensions of this social order relate to how space is perceivedThe comfortable. and safe feel and return can children and to women environment which an of creators the be to seen are men where order, social highly gendered is a of expression an byalso dominated is men. it time, same the At Somaliland in life political and public which in culture political gendered a reflects depiction a Such world. political and public the in tors women are related to the domestic sphere, while men are the active negotia well as men. As illustrated by speaking of women as the ministers of interior, as government local the from pressures severe the resist could women that hs iw a ehe i Smlln. n mn hwvr nt only not however, man, One Somaliland. in echoed was view This To satisfy women, children and youth, special arrangements are need grew uphere. they because neverchildrensatisfied, will our be teenagers and that sure 100% be can we don’t, we If (…) time. spare their in stadium or a playground or some libraries – places they can use baseball or football a like them, for something do to have We home. go we before things some do to hope … whywe Thatis move,just we if So childrenour havewill Burao.in time hard a right? countries, Scandinavian the in country,Europe, this in in here raised and born are children our of Now,most boring. be will that care, day without school, a without home them move just we If activities. of lots things, of lots have they to … go school. they care; day to go they – there level. have Western they a wealth This at school real a need they home, get they school. If the with starting are we therefore and prepared be need to We future. their and lives their ruin not do we that sure consider we things the of one is This doubted still he but explained, man this different, are women Some out. something figure to try will they and areas, harsh the and times hard the to men the send they So school”. to go need children “the and midwife?” the is “where is women’sThe question first patience.… have don’t they children, the and women the and more, much tolerate men because first, return men the think I very eiul t make to seriously - - - tion remainsinsecure.Onemanexpresseditlikethis: UK residential neighbourhood are the long-term goal, but the actual realiza & Somscan the of visions the cases, all In ideals. gender “traditional” more with order social a in embedded be to thus are facilities public navian-like relations. Scandi Thefamily and conservativegender more of restoration a Burao,whichin be envisionedlife to the rather seems of part be to seem ity these aspects of life in the West. Nor do Scandinavian ideals of gender equal towardsstance critical haverather men a Somali some and Somalis, among Muslim life as well gender and family relations in the West are hotly debated in Somaliland, and several of the Somscan & UK members are very religious. Scandinavian life. The possibility of practising Islam is a valued aspect of life situated inSomalilandsurroundings. Scandinaviana realizing lifestyle about class more middle and lifestyle mali So local the to returning of question a less be would then, home”, “Going Burao. of rest the with contact much need not would that neighbourhood than that. Returnees and IDPs have recently been characterized as “among as characterized been recently have IDPs and Returnees that. than receive IDPs 2003). Notes, support evenBriefing less (UNHCR months nine for food offers Programme FoodWorld the while allowance, transportation a and sheets plastic blankets, stoves, kerosene UNHCR with returnees The the provides repatriation. UNHCR-supported voluntary through 2003 to 1997 from Ethiopia from returned have refugees 215,000 about and 2004), land. There are an estimated 40,000 IDPs in Somaliland (Global IDP Project, Somali in groups vulnerable most the of one constitute IDPs Ethiopia, from paulins, clothes, sacks and other available materials. Together with returnees their in living but house, comfortable a to West with no other place to live. townspeopleThey were, poor in other words,or not returning from IDPs the former either Burao, from originating people of lived in the school area since 1996. The squatters seemed to consist primarily people, 700-800 about manysquatters, so areas, for public case other the is School. As Secondary Bashir Sheikh the school, secondary big a is area UK very visible when the “squatter incident” happened. Close to the Somscan & The squatterincident are sustainable.” they know,don’tif we but plans, some haveWehere. future the in is what risky.Burao “Wein don’tsaid, knowlife man make one might As that issue another is Burao in return. composition consider clan Thethey tense before facilities more require who members, UK & Somscan other of expectations the nextplan. with up come must we then back, come families of lot a When children. local the with go will children our where is this and area, the in schools two the rehabilitating houses and water fixing building and are we that is now Reality now. see will We We might not build all this stuff in the next ten years – it is open. Thehowever,neighbourhood, UK & Somscan transferof total a not is The sensitivity of constructing a new neighbourhood in Burao became the with clash might future the of vision realistic However,more this

aqal , huts made of old tar old of made huts , ------

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Somali-Scandinavian A Dreaming When “the Diaspora” Returns to the Desert turnees fromEthiopiaorinternallydisplacedpersonsisthusimmense. re and Gulf the the Westor from returnees for conditions life and standard living in difference The2004). (UNOCHA, assistance for need desperatehaving a as Burao in camps IDP and returnee and poor”, the of poorest the of legacies: claiming the right to land in the name of previous settlement previous of name the in land to right the claiming legacies: of kinds two between conflict a of at points squatters. interpretation the Themajority clan the as lineage clan same the and SNM, movement, resistance Somaliland the in hero a was Hussein Ali Resettlement”. Hussein “Ali the named been has resettlement squatter new the were, it As clans. other two the from mainly are Ethiopia from returnees the as light, this in seen be also can proposed first area resettlement the to move to squatters the of refusal ritorialization process, in other words, interrupted by the EC renovation. The maintain part of the Sheikh Bashir Secondary School as clan land. A clan ter is that the squatters – or rather a warlord related to the squatters – wanted to clan. hypothesisThe this by dominated largely be to said also were bought larger two the between in living Burao.in areas clan The clan schoolthe of area UK & Somscan that land the and the from be to said were squatters matter ofcommunication. a just all was It unusual. was conflict this if even expected, be to are flicts was tragic, it would not influence decisions of whether to return or not.incident Con the if Even control. under was everything that worried) pretty and penhagen were quick to reassure me (at that time, on my way to Somaliland would have been no problems, people said. Somscan & UK members in Co there information, correct giventhe been had squatters the only If Burao. in maliland had received from a squatter leader as well as government officials So and Copenhagen in members UK & Somscan explanation the wasThis bush. the in out sent be to school the from evicted being against protesting planation was that the squatters had received incorrect information and were man explained. one as it”, about serious are we that demonstrate “to section, Swedish the rebuilding of the school began as well as the construction of three houses in move;to temporarilyschool,were another students to the relocated the and agreed squatters the negotiations, some After happen. not did Luckily,this said. rumours readyreciprocate, street to the on schoolwere the from dents day,next the and stu school, the of parts down burnt squatters the of some out, and one squatter was shot dead and two policemen were hurt. That night new the land. However,of on the big move-out day,owners the squatters resisted; the a fight broke be would they as squatters, the satisfy to expected further away from the town. This, Somscan & UK members told us, had been the squatters with EC project money, next to the Somscan for & UK area but still bought was land of piece a Then,proposal. this down turned squatters area forreturneesfromEthiopialocatedafewkilometresoutsideBurao.resettlement Thea to move to told were they First, out. move to had therefore squatters the and renovated, be to was School Secondary Bashir Sheikh the nte itrrtto ws ae o ca lnae h mjrt of majority The lineage. clan on based was interpretation Another ways.several in ex interpreted Theofficial was incident Thesquatter when clear became interests differing in result differences such That ------tual returncantakeplace. even an which under conditions the as such – well as opportunities future ceiving asylum in the West, in Re contrast to 2003). Miller,staying in and the region, Castles circumscribes 2003; Lisborg, and Lisborg 2004; Sørensen, in the West or the Gulf States, destinations are more limited (van Hear, 2002; relatives to connections without people or people poor for that means This asylum politics, travelling to the West as an asylum seeker is very expensive. and visa restrictive the to Due people. wealthier the among been had West the for left had who people most since destinations, and mobility class, cial overallhierarchythe mirror so to of said be can incident squatter Thus,the EC. the to proposals make or ownland their buy actually to possibilities the have not do squatters the poor, Being years. several had for there squatters settled the been and shade, and buildings brick has school The offered. Bashir School is closer to town than the resettlement area the squatters were private property, andclan. legacies, on draw to squatters (former) the for possible it makes settlement re squatter the of name the power.Furthermore, state by backed property privateof name the in power,land backedbyclan to right the claiming and nor explained: clearly.very expectations these expressed Buraogovernor in and Thegover mayor the Both skills. and resources of transfer the to relation in especially tries. There seems to be outspoken expectations connected to “the diaspora”, coun neighbouring in refugees Somali of thousands hundred the to seems, “diaspora” refers to Somalis living in the West and the Gulf States, and not, it diaspora”. “the of return the promote to UK & Somscan favourof in acted Somaliland better deal than they were first offered, the local and national government of with money and guns”. However, while the squatters succeeded in getting a “warlord a of hands the in were they if agency,even of deprived not were they action; of course the of developmentsay the their in had also squatters (see Sørensen and van Hear, 2003 for a discussion of this argument). Still, the The Somscan & UK project can thus be seen to enlarge class divisions Sheikh Theclass. social of issue the to relates interpretation third A we cannotafford it.… government a as but back, come some We’rethat back. happy come can they then diamonds, and oil find we money.When and materials ownpeople. their local with the Theycome must than more demand they as accommodation their afford cannot money.send we government,but backthe come As not should they themselves, of care take cannot they If in. living are that they countries the thank We good. is own it their etc., with accommodation, helps and money with returns diaspora the If vocabulary.The Somali the entered has “diaspora” word the Today THE ROLEOF“THEDIASPORA” ------

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Somali-Scandinavian A Dreaming When “the Diaspora” Returns to the Desert expected to stop, even in is the case of return. “If you havemembers left without money,family of support economic Thewell. as people local the benefit will that projects initiating and economically people supporting by Somaliland rebuilding in responsibility their accept to diaspora”expected is man expresseditlikethis: One Somaliland. to returning for reasons prime the of one as difference” a Making adifference,beingdifferent pected tomakeadifferenceiftheycan. Rather,Somalilanders. returning ex of are realities they the from cry far a is 2000), Kleist, Fink-Nielsen& divisions(cf. class exacerbating without locals the livelike and homeland their rebuild to exile from return refugees where situations”, refugee of solution ideal “the as repatriation of economy moral the words, other in Or position. class their maintain to expected are West the from people that indicate country the of rebuilding the of vanguard the also Horst,2004). see 2003; (Horst, return to difficult it makes that burden a as and pectation ex cultural accepted an as both explained is fortunate, less wealthier the for provide the which in sharing”, of “economy This 2002). Gundel, 2004; Horst, 2003; Horst, (UNDP,2001; households many for income economic remittances are the main source of hard currency in Somaliland and the sole strategy,since livelihood crucial a is West the from support economic The money.for him by,asking came who people on 100 US$ month about spent every and 200 US$ with parents his supported man One ones. remote to take care of oneself, but also to support other family members, even quite the from malis Westwhomto. talked I Toability the requires only not return you cannotcontribute,you betterstay where you are. if economy; Somaliland poor verythe and fragile the strainWest not should nafo called and scorned are resources these without return do who people The you cannot come back without money, resources or land”, as the mayor said. , handicapped. The logic seems to be that unsuccessful returnees from returnees unsuccessful that be to seems logic handicapped. The , eunn fo teWs wt epy okt i nt ecm. “The welcome. not is pockets empty with West the from Returning something; they canparticipateinthereconstruction. do can they back, come they when so (…) people, trained our Somaliland or the people living abroad, they say, okay, we want in living people the So nothing. are you here doctor.But a are you.But ifyou go back, youperson who area respected; you is secretary,professional a or engineer an or doctor don’tthey use move. to ones a first are move even if you they here, And when the are country the to important whoare people the all people, educated the all know, you war, a In (…) it. about something do and come and yourself contribute to is that do to way only the and rebuilding, the in participate should we that mostly is It Several Somscan & UK members in the West also mentioned “making relativesof support economic continue Theto expectations So Thebyreturned emphasized wassuch also expectations of reality and be in be not - - -

different fromtheotherSomalisliving inBurao, Omarsaid: feels he if Burao.Asked in working useful the more feels of he while guys”, blackone engineers, other the of “one just was he Scandinavia, in living secondary school, in graduated again started as an engineer Omar and Scandinavia, got a regular to job. Still, flight his war.After civil the before malia So in engineer an as work to able and trained was Omar,who is example prominent Somscan & UK members, however, seem to have “made it”. One the of majority 2002). The (Kleist, sad” and angry “very men the especially makes that status in decline immense an as seen be can welfare, public on anywhere or else as an asylum seeker, havingDenmark to start one’s education all overto again or be Coming respect. and recognition of terms in ity son, 1995; Kleist, 2002), but visiting the “homeland” equally emphasizes Ander the (cf. “Somali” being of feeling the intensify to seems abroad Staying a stranger. as himself found and Denmark to flight his after time first the for that he realized he had this hyphenated identity, when he visited Somaliland and – Somali-Danish perceivesas he himself that explained Copenhagen in man One else”. something or Somali-Danish Danish, Somali, yourself sider ratherawkwardthe you Somaliland “Docon and question: Copenhagen in members UK & Somscan asked I when expressed, also were identities ated Hyphen project. the of orientation transnational the of indication striking a is UK & Somscan perspectives.name local Thevery and transnational both has Burao, in neighbourhood new a to ideas Westernor Scandinavian ring 1998). navian”mentality, (Levitt, remittances whatPeggysocial or called has Levitt “Scandi a and skills of transfers about is It different. being of consciousness nomic remittances. They are also about new spaces of identification and the other words, contributions from Somalis in the West are not only about eco their contributions, status and qualifications are valued and respected. Or in where Somaliland, in speak, to so down, upside turn men involved the of Therefore, we need to share our experiences with them”. The social locations havedon’tresources;Europe. they the from have inherited we mentality the don’t country the in people “The explained, man one As politicians. as or democracyof collectivity,promoters and as – Somaliland in actors future as themselves see members UK & Somscan Likewise procedures. political and efficiency experience, work of terms in West the from exposure positive a Several government officials and other returnees repeated the idea of idea the repeated returnees other and officials governmentSeveral tematically. sys and effectively more together work to how learned I ideas. some got and Danes Swedes, met I studied. it. developedI And people other experience. how Yougained see I world. another Forwasit me, history.just TheyI’ve(…) problems. the met seen Yeah, I am different. Firstly, they met difficulties here, shootings. mobil social upward for possibility a thus is Somaliland to Returning As shown above, the Somscan & UK project, with its focus on transfer SOMALI-SCANDINAVIAN DREAMING ------

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Somali-Scandinavian A Dreaming When “the Diaspora” Returns to the Desert and inSomalilandtriesto“maintaintwo legs”. about having two homes. As one man said, he is at home both in Scandinavia might be about a “double strangeness” or “double distance”, it might also be belonging of sense a such exile. While of country the to belonging of sense than that. complicated more is answer the members, some for case the be might this While environment. Somaliland a in comfort Scandinavian worlds: two of best the offer would simply – facilities sufficient are there once – bourhood neigh UK & Somscan the to return that be could answer straightforward a Scandinavia, in environment hostile rather often the Given UK. & Somscan in transnationalengagement their to relate UK Scandinaviathe in and malis Discourses ofreturn in mainstreamideasofrepatriation(seeHansen,thisvolume). movementenvisionedpermanent the charactertemporary than and circular more a of be to seems often return Furthermore, 2002). al., et Fink-Nielsen (2001; governments European by offered support repatriation the than port a of Westernacquisition pass the with happen to likely more is Somaliland Western passport. a As I and others haveholding pointed out, voluntaryon repatriation to dependent is return that guess my is it Also, frame. time ible tation oftheorganization: renovated, they might be dreaming as well. As expressed in a recent presen are schools and supplied is water only if all, for and once and immediately return, actually will families member UK & Somscan 330 the all that think policymakers and decision should Furthermore, Somaliland. to, return tion men to not in, invest to Somaliland of stability the and future the optimistic in an belief requires it project”; “dream a is UK & way,Somscan this in per cent of the Danish members are estimated to hold Danish passports. Also 90 about it; overcome to strategy the and – anxiety this share members UK Somaliland, which still has not been recognized by any country. Somscan & in situation unstable the of because important considered mechanismis rity secu a as passport Western A passport. Western a holding by West the to reference is not only about hybrid identity.of frame It bifocal also is a about Such maintaining up. kept are Somaliland as well as residence of try This chapter raised the question how the status and standing of So of standing and status the how question the raised chapter This flex and long a within operates UK & Somscan the words, other In end upnotreturningatall(Jama andJensen, 2004). might some Even, families. their return and Scandinavia/UK in livestheir give up will they before place in be to facilities more await will others shortly,whereas repatriate to ready are Some frame. time set a following not step, by step progress to willing and patience with equipped are members the but distance, the play with neighbourhood equipped” grounds, schools, police station, “fully health clinic, etc. remains far in a of vision The “Maintaining two legs” means that relations to the Scandinavian coun - access ------

gagement ismuch lessappreciated. the to relation in ratherWesternthan wheresocieties, transnationalen host 2001), Goldring, 1998; Goldring, 2001; Fouron, and (Schiller Somaliland positions to related be to seems the way,in this In status Somaliland. their in status the West and in communities Somali and respect experience, gain do they salary, a earn not do – Burao in employees two the of exception the with – they While relations. lots of social capital by virtue of their engagement in a range of activities and kinds of community work as well. other They are organizational nodal points with in engaged be even might and UK, & Somscan for hours extra work residence: Theyskills. haveorganizational and practical Theybut jobs, of hold countries Western their in it made have to seem also UK & Somscan in do not seem to be compatible. And, indeed, the men who make a difference society” host racist a in refugee Somali “victimized and man” successful a es with success in terms of getting a job or education. The positions of “being Scandinavia. This “absence” of racist encounters coincided in almost all cas though all the interviewees agreed that the situation is difficult for Somalis in any expressed UK & Somscan of members leading the of None UK. the or Scandinavia of out get to not is it maliland; no doubtcontribute totheaccumulation ofsocialcapitalandprestige. must projects development attract to ability the underestimated; be cannot members, and the relations to DRC. Also, manythe value of the EC grant probably of lineage clan “local” the coordinators, employed two the through connected transnationally and locally both is diaspora” “the from actor tive collec a as UK & Somscan to. return to place easy an not is structure, clan tense and complicated a and unemployment high infrastructure, damaged in the dry semi-desert, visibly scarred from the civil war in terms of poor and situated locality post-conflict a as Burao, UK. & Somscan of establishment development and transfer of social capital has played an essential part in the nition, power relations,opportunities,nation-building,andgender. recog about also is It houses. comfortable new building than more about is is now clear that the question cannot be phrased that simply. Somscan & UK The returnof“thediaspora”? that arearticulateddifferentlyby thetwo groupsofmembers. tendencies two reflect they rather, articulations; of sets two these between contradiction no is there However, Somaliland. in investments best the of one probably land, cheap buy to opportunity the emphasizing about more framed in the rather abstract development and nation-building discourse and members. For this group, the engagement in Somscan & UK seems to be less often unemployed and have not made it to the same degree as the prominent racism. of are successiveexperiences Thesemen encounter they discriminatory,where and more and more getting is environment the where dinavia, that they have returned or plan to do so because they feel unwanted in Scan Another group of transnational actors, however, are Somalis who state So rebuild to is UK & Somscan of aims stated the of one all, of First So far this chapter has shown that the process of “getting local”, i.e. the it hope I finally, desert? So, the transform to return diaspora” “the will within h “oaiad isoa and diaspora” “Somaliland the personal encounters of racism, of encounters in ------

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Somali-Scandinavian A Dreaming When “the Diaspora” Returns to the Desert in complicatedrelationsbetweenpower andspace–such asthecompeting embedded is incident squatter the of conflict local the how shows chapter standing of space offered by Lefebvre and the concept of social locations, this under multi-faceted the drawingon By spaces. transnational of dimensions years timeandseewhat itlookslike. ten in land” Danish “the visit to interesting extremely be could It sure: for is thing One dreamt. are dreams and made, are plans built, being are Still, houses place. take to going is return large-scale a if knows actually Nobody unsure. remains neighbourhood residential UK & Somscan equipped fully ing familymembers. they live up to the expectations of making a difference and continue support as insofar respect and recognition with met is diaspora” “the time, same the areas and – in a broader context – democracy, efficiency, and orderliness. At recreational facilities, Scandinaviansuchpublic of states, as aspects welfare valued maintaining for opportunities the offers dreams of place this houses, comfortable from playedApart out. be can life family Muslim and dinavian as the dream of a gendered social order, where an appropriate Somali-Scan seen be can Scandinavian-likeneighbourhood a of vision the that proposed have I Furthermore, territorialization. clan and property private of legacies The concept of social capital, however, is not sufficient to explore all explore to sufficient however,not capital, is social of Theconcept Finally, it is essential to remember that the future and realization of a of realization and future the that remember to essential Finally,is it - - - 5. 4. 3. 2. 1. 7. 6. For different discussions about clan, see Lewis (1994), Griffiths (2002) Griffiths (1994), Lewis see clan, about discussions different For mate up to 200,000 people. Theexactnumber Somalisof unknown; istheUKin someobservers esti tion. migra Somali of account historical detailed more a for (2004) Kleist See Republic of Somaliland. the by claimed regiongeographical the indicate to Somaliland to refer I for members their time,helpandconfidence. UK & Somscan thank I all, of Most comments. useful for Sørensen Nyberg Ninna and Wilson Fiona Horst, Cindy Black, Richard help; precious for Jensen Hvid Lone and DRC the 2003; October 5-17 Somaliland, in fieldwork during company good for Hansen Peter thank also I suggestions. and comments all for thank to wish I 2004. April 1 – 2004, and at the ASA conference “Locating the field”, Durham, 29 March FebruaryMigrationBrighton, Sussex Serial, vemberthe Seminar at 2003, “Determinants of Transnationalworkshop: Engagement”, the Santa Domingo, at 27-29 No presented paper a of version revised a is chapter This women insupporting,passive roles”(Goldring,2001:503). and politics of realm “public” the in prominent and active as cast] [are bywheredescribed Goldring, “men hometownassociations, Mexican in engagement gendered the to parallels are there different, is context the Somaliland. Thoughto unique course, of not, is culture political a Such tion, see Levitt (1998) and Faist (2000). For a discussion of the importance of social capital in transnational migra and Farah (2000). NOTES - - - -

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Somali-Scandinavian A Dreaming When “the Diaspora” Returns to the Desert Assal, M.A.M. Anderson, B. Gundel, J. Griffiths, D. Goldring, L. Fink-Nielsen, M.,andN.Kleist Fink-Nielsen, M.,P. Hansen,andN.Kleist Farah, N. Fangen, K. Faist, T. Diken, B. Castles, S.,andM.J.Miller Brah, A. 2004 1995 2002 2002 2001 1998 2000 2002 2001 2000 2004 2000 1998 2003 1994 “Sticky labels or rich ambiguities?”, rich or labels “Sticky Exodus, for Development Research, Copenhagen. Centre study”, case Somalia “Thenexus: migration-development Diaspora London”, in refugees Kurdish and “Somali 7: 501-538. spaces”, tional “The gender and geography of citizenship in Mexico-US transna tion Publishers,NewBrunswick, NewJersey, 165-195. (Eds), Guarnizo E. L. and “The M.P.transnational in powerin fields”, status social of Smith velopment &InstituteofHistory, RoskildeUniversity Centre. De International of Institute thesis, MA Danmark, fra repatrierer somaliere Tilhørsforholdetsfå så hvorforpolitikker, af analyse En 35: 52-65. mobilitet? fortsat eller afsluttet – Repatriering the Backyards ofGlobalisation”. the workshop “Living at the Edge, Migration, Conflict and State in among Somalis in Denmark and Somaliland”, paper presented at repatriation and Place-making responsibilities, and rights “Roots, London &New York. “Yesterday, tomorrow”, Somali Studies,3-5September, of Aalborg. Congress International 9th the at in presented paper immigrants Norway”, Somali among ethnicity symbolic and “Identity national SocialSpaces, and Trans-Migration International of TheDynamics and Volume Company, Aldershot. Theory Social and Ambivalence Strangers, the Modern World migration”, of age “The London &New York. diaspora”, of “Cartographies Bergen, BRIC,Oslo. Homemaking for Somalis and Sudanese in Norway Grus , Ashgate, Aldershut. , 16:12-22. Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power and Culture in Studies Global Identities: REFERENCES , 3rdEd.,Palgrave, Houndmiles &New York. ClarendonPress,Oxford. Voices from the Somali Diaspora International Population Movements in Movements Population International Transnationalism from Below Transnationalismfrom otsig Identities Contesting Diaspora and Challenges of Challenges and Diaspora Ahae Publishing Ashgate , New Identities in the in Identities New Den Ny Verden Ny Den , University of Routledge, , , Transac , Cassell, - - - , ,

Johnsdottor, S. Jensen, L.H. Jama, A.F., andL.H.Jensen Ibrahim, J.Y., and A.J. Farah Horst, C. Halane, F.W. Marcus, G.E. Mahler, S.J.,andP.R. Pessar Lisborg, A., andM.Lisborg Lewis, I.M. Levitt, P. Lefebvre, H. Landholt, P., L. Autler, andS.Baires Kleist, N. 2004 2002 2004 2004 2001 2004 2003 2004 1995 2001 2003 1994 1998 1991 1999 2002 Nomads, Sailors and Refugees, A brief history of Somali migra Somali of history brief A Refugees, and Sailors Nomads, rcie f eae icmiin, ud oorps n Social Anthropology 10,Lund. in Monographs Lund circumcision”, the female reassess of exile practice Swedish in Somalis How God: By “Created “Debriefing note”,DanishRefugeeCouncil,Copenhagen. tional CongressofSomaliStudies,3-5September, Aalborg. Interna 9th the at presented paper homeland”, the to return of “Somscan and UK - Diaspora joining forces to better the chances scan Cooperative Associations, Örebro&Copenhagen. Frivilligt återvandringsprojekt, Al-hijra Informationscenter & Som Somali diaspora”, the of strategies livelihood Transnationalmobility: and “Money the DadaabcampsofKenya”, PhD, University of Amsterdam. in life refugee with cope Somalis How nomads: “Transnational of SomaliStudies,3-5September, Aalborg. en in Sweden”, paper presented at the 9th International Congress “Otherness, A challenge or an obstacle for Somali-Swedish Wom ethnography”, “Ethnography in/of the world system: The emergence of multi-sited 7: 441-459. national spaces”, “Gendered geographies of power: Analyzing gender across trans- velopment StudiesandGeography, RoskildeUniversity Centre. and mobilitetsstrategier”, MA thesis, Institute of International De menneskesmugling asylmigration, Om - Denmark “Destination renceville, The RedSeaPress,NewJersey. bone”, and “Blood diffusion, “Social remittances: Migration driven local-level forms of cultural and Carlton. Space of TheProduction doran transnationalism”, “From hermano lejano to hermano mayor: The dialectics of Salva tion, SussexMigration Working Papers, 1-14. somaliere idiaspora, blandt Danmark med Møder sted, et end mere er hjemme Når International Migration Review Annual Review of Anthropology Identities – Global Studies in Culture and Power Global Migration Perspectives The Call of Kinship in Somali Society Somali in Kinship of Call The Kvinder, Køn&Forskning , Malden, Blackwell Publishing, Oxford Publishing, Blackwell Malden, , Ethnic andRacialStudies , 32:926-948. , 11:31-40. , 24:95-117. , 1-19. , 22:90-315. , Law , ------,

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Somali-Scandinavian A Dreaming When “the Diaspora” Returns to the Desert Skak, T. Nielsen, K.B. Montclos, M.A.P. www.inm.dk Wilson, F. van Hear, N. UNOCHA UNHCR BriefingNotes UNDP Udlændingestyrelsen Sørensen, N.N.,andN.van Hear Sørensen, N.N. Simmel, G. Schiller, G.N.,andG.Fouron 1998 2003 2003 2003 1999 2002 2004 2003 2001 2003 2003 2004 1950 2001 De er så svære at integrere, in A.-B. P. Steen (Ed.), P.Steen A.-B. in integrere, at svære så er De “Next stop Britain: The influence of transnational networks on the “A refugee diaspora’: When the Somali go West”, in K. Koser (Ed.), tion Affairs. Integra and Immigration Refugee, of Ministry the of Homepage & CentreforDevelopment Research, Huancayo & Copenhagen. tional University of the Centre of Peru, Roskilde University Centre cia y Especio Social: Estudios sobre conflicto y recuperación “Introducing violence and social space”, in F. Wilson (Ed.), gen, (02)9:1-18. Paper,WorkingCDR diasporas”,Copenha refugee among exile and Home relations’: ‘transnational to solutions’ ‘durable “From manitarian Affairs. Hu of Coordination the for Office www.irinnews.org:UN UN - SOMALIA: IDPs, returnees desperate for assistance in Somaliland unchr.ch. July,since www.returned have 9,000 over Somalia: North-West Development Programme, Kenya. Somalia Report Development Human hagen. Årsrapport Udlændingestyrelsens habilitation programme in Somaliland”, Draft ReportIIS-research component to Copenhagen.DRC’s community based integrated re Somaliland, in dynamics reintegration and livelihood on “Study Danish InstituteforDevelopment Studies,Copenhagen. Report, Finaltransfers”, migrant of “Thedimension development penhagen. praksisog Integrationpolitik sammen? mellem mel (Ed), WolffH. K. in stranger”,“The Search forHome “Georges woke up laughing”, University ofSussex. secondary movement of Danish Somalis”, MA Migration Studies, New African Diasporas , The Free Press,New York, 402-408. , DukeUniversity Press,Durham&London. , Routledge,London&New York, 37-55. Long-distance Nationalism and the , Udlændingestyrelsen, Copen Udlændingestyrelsen, , The Sociology of Georg Sim Georg of Sociology The , Nairobi, United Nations United Nairobi, , , Munksgaard, Co Munksgaard, , Kan vi leve vi Kan Violen , Na ------Revolving Returnees in Somaliland Peter Hansen

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Revolving Returnees in Somaliland world of transnational flows. The chapter develops the concept of “revolving understanding of identity that does not capture the mobile practices of today’s an reflecting concepts sedentary are “repatriation” and “return” that argues “returnees” are not staying in Somaliland permanently, however. This chapter these of all years.several Almost for distance a at haveobserved they place the marry,at family,houses, look and havecurious friends and a visit work, build businesses, small in invest to Somaliland to coming are countries ern West from Somalilanders governance, and peace relative of establishment B nomic circumstances. us nottoseetransnational practices asmereadaptationtoglobalsocio-eco chaptercautions the “opportunities”, diversitythese the of exploring In tors. These “opportunities” relate to a variety of economic, social and cultural fac because they believe they have better “opportunities” here than in the West. Somaliland to come returnees” “revolving Many West.the and Somaliland works, knowledge, money and documents to be able to “circulate” between net need people that concludes the West,and and Somaliland between ity whyexplains also mobil of forms “revolvingcontinued maintain returnees” analyses the nature of transnational engagements in Somaliland. The chapter and returnees” “revolving of kinds different the characterizes chapter The migratorymobile and side, one the practiceson homecomings other.the on final and return of ideology an between dynamics the capture to returnees” lowing the declaration of the independence of Somaliland and the and Somaliland of independence the of declaration the lowing Fol practice. migratory a as “return” of notion the challenges and ased on ethnographic fieldwork in Somaliland, this chapter explores ABSTRACT ------

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 131 132

Revolving Returnees in Somaliland single event, as a one-way and permanent change of place. Within the past the place. Within of change permanent one-wayand a as event, single a as seen is origin of country a to residence of country a from migration of perma residence of place person’s nently. a Within thisdominantnarrative ofmigration andidentity, changes thepractice that event single a as tion not staying inSomalilandpermanently (Hansen,2001). This chapter charac are West the from Somaliland to coming Somalilanders the of Most years. havethey severalhaveplace for the distance at a look followed at curious a family,and and marry,work, friends houses, visit build businesses, small in lilanders from North America and Europe are coming to Somaliland to invest relativeof establishment the and Somaliland, governance,and peace Soma Following good. for return civilof decades war, of Republic the declarationof the independence the of not do reasons of number a for who but land, migrants” who apply a discourse on final and permanent return to the home their coming to Somaliland. In this sense, “revolving returnees” are “circular describe they how to contrary run that practices mobile maintaining while homecomings final on discourse a in engage they as returnees”, “revolving as to referred Somaliland. are Thesemigrantsof Republic the and countries Westernbetween (Duany, migration”2002) “circular of phenomena pirical em the explores chapter this migration”, “return analysing and about ing and challenges the notion of “return” as a migratory practice. Instead of talk flows ofpeople,ideas,goods,technology andcapital(Appadurai, 1990). mobile practices and contexts characteristic of today’s world of transnational the capture not do identity,they of and understanding sedentary a from ing movement. The point is that “return” and “repatriation” are concepts originat of world empirical the to justice do not does return of processes describe to rightly argues in her (1999) scrutiny of Hammond the discourse As of repatriation, “repatriation”. the terminology or we use “return” after even – ments reflect or theorize the empirical phenomenon of migrants’ continuous move tion” (see for example Bakewell, 1996, 1999), since this scholarship does not “repatria and 2000) King, 1992; 1980, Gmelch, 2000; Ghosh, Bas 1994; com, example for (see migration” “return on theories applying in problem migratorypractice.However,a policy as a but as not fundamental a is there chapter,this In 2000). Kleist, Fink-Nielsen& examined migration”is “return (Hansen, 1998; Stepputat, 1994; Warner, 1994; Malkki, 1995; Rogge, 1994; person and place that roots people in particular cultural and national spaces to a large extent on the supposed existence of a natural relationship between 1997; Allen &Morsink,1994; Aleinikoff, 1995). 1994, 1993, 1985, 1980, (UNHCR, crisis” world’srefugee “the to solution the “refugee regime”, the return or repatriation of Within citizenship. refugees is hold seen also as they the ideal where origin of country a to return who “refugees” as defined be can refugees” “Repatriating origin. of country their to “return” who and citizenship (Western) obtained have who migrants” or “refugees as defined be can migrants” “Return 7). 2004: (IOM, policy tion many Westernin migragovernments’elements important as haveemerged decades, “return migration” and “repatriation” as special migratory practices ay xenl bevr ad oiyaes fe udrtn migra understand often policymakers and observers external Many Based on ethnographicon fieldwork Based this Somaliland, explores in chapter rests return of idealization the observers, manyby noted been has As ------around theworld. Somalis the scattered has migration involuntary and voluntary both words, other In havens. safe finding for lately and education and employment for fined, not only by the falling rains and filling wells, but also by opportunities the rain. For the past century or more, migration among Somalis has been de of households and their livestock has been attuned to the seasonal rhythm of centuries. for Somalis havenomadic dispersal to crucial been Themigration and mobility of practices sense, this In climate. harsh extremely an in sible survivalmake pos that dispersal and mobility characterizedof strategiesby being as pastoralists Somali livelihoodsof the describes 1994) (1961, Lewis to upholdcontinuedformsofmobilitybetweenSomalilandandthe tend whythey Finally,analyses study Somaliland. this in engagements their of nature the analyses and returnees revolving of kinds different the terises and possessions from which they had fled so abruptly three years earlier. But camps in Ethiopia and Djibouti and went back to what was left of the homes the independence of Somaliland of in May declaration 1991, large numbers the of refugees left the and forces government Somali the of defeat the ing Follow America. North and Europe to afield further and Yemen,and bouti Dji Ethiopia, to borders the across fled refugees of thousands of Hundreds Somalia. of history the in before ever than scale larger a on out broke war civil the 1988, In countries. majority, neighbouring the to others, fled while West,the in asylum political for applied and country the left Somalis many left the Horn of Africa because of civil war and political unrest. In the 1980s, ful SomalisareturningtoIndiaandPakistan foruniversity degrees. problems of access to and the cost of education, a large number of resource travelling to any Western country on a Somali passport, and partly because of to work towards university degrees. Today, in part owing to the difficulties of During the 1970s, young Somalis went to North America, Europe and Russia A third wave consists of Somalis who migrated for the purpose of education. nationals) are either faced with foreign poor other legal status as or havewell been as forced to (Somalis leave. migrants most and dramatically declined and in Arab countries are facing difficulties. Employment opportunities have Gulf the in remained who Somalis Today,many economies. oil-driventhe booming the in work to states Gulf the and East Middle the to migrated lis second wave beganatthestartof1960s,when alargenumberofSoma A Africa. of Horn the of area Somali-inhabited the in live to returned have tired seamen have settled in cities like Cardiff and Copenhagen, while others 1982: (Cassanelli, 260). Today, trade century,world’sa the maritime almost sailing for severalafter re oceans the in work to countries Arab America, or Europe, Russia to went century twentieth early the since who seamen, were abroad work to Africa of Horn the leave to Somalis first the of Some The Somali diaspora grows out of a long tradition of labour migration. culture. nomadic Somali of heart the at be to said often is Migration Lastly, a fourth wave consists of the large number of Somalis who have DISPERSAL AND DIASPORA West. ------

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Revolving Returnees in Somaliland Republic ofSomaliland. like Kenya and Ethiopia, further afield to Europe and North America, or to the ple to flee their homes. Somalis from the south fled to neighbouring countries ginning of 1991, it broke out on a large scale in the south, again causing peo while the war was coming to an end in the northern part of Somalia at the be come one of the favourite places for the Hargeisa upper be class also to has dine at it night, Kenya.As from trees banana the Germany,and from the grapes Holland, from flowers the Canada, from imported been has grass The configuration. global a truly is garden the West,the in pastures prosperous and lush more to links transnational with Hargeisa in families many so Like horizons. traveldistant with and associated is Somaliland, in kind its of one which the hotel management is especially proud since it is probably the only for its thriving tourism. Not only the name of the hotel, but also its garden, of and the project of setting up a fine hotel in a place that is not exactly known building the by impressed been haveThey hotel. the at work and come to hotel has even attracted Somalilanders from North America and Saudi Arabia country. their of towards future feel many the Somalilanders confidence The The millions of dollars invested in the hotel is a tangible manifestation of the Somaliland. privateplayedin the has diasporasector in Somaliland the role positivethe and 1991, in Somaliland independence self-declared achievedits has since that progress and peace the symbolises hotel the Hargeisa, in impressivemost and country.biggest the the in of buildings Tomany people country.the outside livesToday, partly whoone Somalilander is a hotel the by constructed been has hotel the Somaliland, in buildings new all almost Like notices. one buildings first the of one is Hotel built Ambassador newly certain ways, clearlyhasbeenpartofalargerworld formany years. in be might it as provincial and small people, its and place this how senses ally moving around Hargeisa, the capital of the Republic of Somaliland, one liland today. Not only by observing the different migrants, but also by physic- Soma in practices and histories migratorymany different are there Somalis, displaced persons. internally or refugees repatriating either as million) 3.5 around at (estimated meant numerous displacements across borders, leaving the entire population havemore and years 15 past the Somaliland, in Forpeople borders. its side out lives population the half that said often is it Somaliland, to relation In 2003). (UNHCR, Denmark in 10,000 and Britain Great in 33,000 America, North in in Yemen,34,000 81,000 Djibouti, in 20,000 Ethiopia, in 38,000 Kenya,in living were 155,000 approximately that estimates UNHCR 2002), of end the (at 425,455 of population refugee Somali total a of Out dubious. highly are context Somali the in migrants and refugees on statistics izations, well as double counting on the part of governments and international organ- Coming from the airport heading towards the centre of Hargeisa, the Hargeisa, of centre the towards heading airport the from Coming of dispersal the of history short mentioned above the in indicated As Due to the difficulties of identifying who is a refugee and who is not, as MOBILE MARKERS - - - - - Hargeisa. Today, some Somalilanders in even suggest identities that diasporic their diasporic of identi importance the towards also but horizons, distant new neighbourhoods point not only towards different experiences and more the practices, daily and history colonial the geographies, regional and local to refer Hargeisa of neighbourhoods old the Whereas “Shit”. and Area” ing “Fuck Place”, “Paradise Place”, June”, “Indian “Sinai”, “26 “Clouds”, Five”, Water”, “Region “Falling “Drinking”, Station”, “Radio Place”, “Camel Madar”, “Sheik Sea”, “Lion’s Jigjiga”, “Red Borama”, Place”, of “TheEye “Civilian Area”, “Soweto”, “Little like names given were Hargeisa of hoods owners and residents have to these distant places. Previously, the neighbour houses’ the that links “New the wayCorner”, York”signalling “Berlin”, and “Nor London”, “Half like names given and mushrooming are Hargeisa of and histories links to Europe, with North America Somalilanders or the Middle by East. constructed These days,are new parts houses these of Most ing. construction gives Hargeisa an atmosphere of a place very visibly in the mak houses that have been built or are under construction. This ongoing physical and beingwellsituatedwithintransnational flows. countries foreign with associate today people value the shows garden the tries. of families that have come to Somaliland after living a lifetime in Arab coun number substantial a permit. quite work are their Therefore,there terminate authorities the if country the in stay to right legal haveno they decades, for living Somalilanders there have and been thrown out Somalis of the country. the Even countries, if they Arabhave lived in there unemployment creased in to Due years. several for Arabia Saudi in lived have who businessmen Somali by opened been have shops several clinic, medical the as building same the in Also days. these Somaliland in finding are nationals other that opportunities work the also but country the in investing of possibility the in TheArabia. Saudi medical clinic shows not in only the confidence that many Somalilanders havelife his of most lived has that investor Somali a from comes clinic the supporting money Kenya.The and Canada from women youngSomali are nurses the and Djibouti, from secretary Rwanda,the from as doctors in Iran, the US and England for several years. The lab technician is from India and one from Pakistan. Before coming to doctors Somaliland, two they has worked Hargeisa in clinics medical finest the of One flows. gional and todiasporichistoriestransnational connections. passports, Westernwith Somalilanders to West,the in life a to ascribe land Somali in people many status high However,the questionable. expresses it important aspect in social interaction in Somaliland today is of course highly most the as identities clan replacing fact in are identities diasporic Whether Somaliland. in them to marker social significant most the being as identity clan their replacing is passport Canadian or British a having example for of ties are replacing their clan identities. They argue that their diasporic identity Moving towards the centre of Hargeisa, one also notices the many new Other elements of daily life in Hargeisa point towards global and re and global towards point Hargeisa in life daily of elements Other ------

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Revolving Returnees in Somaliland nls lnug nwppr i Smlln, hy ie roiy o stories to priority give they Somaliland, in newspapers language English biggest the of one of editor the to According America. North or Europe in liland. Every week there are several stories about the Somaliland community Soma and diaspora the between links continued the and Somalilanders the dressing up women. The coffers have names like “Washington”, “New York”, also how Western names are good for business – especially when it comes to The names and history of cakes. these shops wedding indicate not and only the decoration flow ofhenna people but hairstyles, makeup, dresses, proper Hargeisa. They provide the bride and female guests for the wedding with the or “Salons”, which thrive on the increased number of weddings being held in and North America are not difficult to find. A special kind of shop is “Coffers” and the interaction of ideas, goods and people between Hargeisa and Europe liland. Soma in context political local a in themselves staging and in engaging in interest an have still they but Hargeisa, awayfrom miles of thousands lives their live may diaspora Somaliland the And Somaliland. in newspapers the still, events that take place in Western countries are part of the local news in liland. The Somaliland community may be spread throughout the world, but portrayto also sometimes ownlivestheir diasporic Soma in audience an to discussing politics that relate directly to the administration of Somaliland in and interest great a have to appear diaspora the in living Somalilanders Also awayplaces. far in doing are general in familymembers Somalilanders other or how friends and about read inHargeisa People information. of flow Somaliland overout spread is community byworld,together the held partly still is it the the although that show they all, of First community. maliland So the about characteristic very something say newspapers the in articles written also are stories intelligentsia andhencefutureofSomalilandresidesinthe West. the of proportion big a that notion the sustains migrant” “successful the of story welfare. the social Also on based budget meagre a of out money remit ters living in the West are not outright success stories, and they often have to mit money to their poorer relatives. In reality, however, most often the remit the notion that Somalilanders living in the West have the responsibility to re family members living in the West. from Thesent portrayal of the successful migrants sustains remittances on depends Somaliland in inhabitants the of land. As has been documented elsewhere (Hansen, 2004), a large proportion Somali in politically and economically on goes what to directly relate because they stories”, “good are stories of kinds these editor, the to According Somaliland. of recognition the for work who diaspora the in Somalilanders projects “the successful migrant”. The second kind describes the activities of sity, works in a well-known company making lots of money or in other ways univer from graduated has who diaspora” in Somalilander “successful the describes story of categories. kind twoThe first into divided be roughly can diasporathe in Somalilanders about Stories Somaliland. in on whatgoes for important very are they because countries, Westernin Somalilanders about The weekly local newspapers in English also testify to the dispersal of dispersal the to testify also English in Thenewspapers local weekly Other clear indications of the dispersal of the Somaliland community Somaliland the of dispersal the of indications clear Other written stories Besides by Somalilanders living in the West. The stories and West.the stories Thein living Somalilanders about ebr o te oaiad diaspora, Somaliland the of members ------“return migrants” in Somaliland during the first half of 2003. However, to However, 2003. of half first the during Somaliland in migrants” “return of half first From2003. 4,000 around were there that conclude could one figures, these the in Somaliland left passengers 12,000 and entered sengers Airport statistics from Hargeisa Airport show that approximately 16,000 pas 15). money,1991: people, (Rouse, of information circulation and the goods Rouse has called a “transnational migrant circuit” that is maintained through Dubai andHargeisa. Sydney,London, Ottawa, like places in time the showing display on clocks 50 or so internet cafes and the hundreds of telephone “substations” that have Scandinavia, the thousands of second-hand cars from Japan and Europe, the from clothes second-hand the agents, travel many the companies, transfer money 20 than more the are flows transnational of indicators obvious more bystarted are shops womenSomaliland from Westerncountries. the Among the of many that fact the to pointing “Copenhagen”, and “Paris”,“London” fered from a severe brain drain over the past 25 years. They have been crucial the suf knowledgefrom has and that transferringWestideas country in a to important very havebeen industry” “development the within returnees” ing “Revolv reconciliation. and rehabilitation haveof processes in roles NGOs playedvital Somaliland, In NGOs. international and local of number the in growth rapid a been has there Somalia, in services public gov and ernment the of collapse the Since industry”. “development the within ployed nomic andjudicialprocesses. projects. Today, the Somaliland diaspora is heavily involved in political, eco development and resolution conflict in involved become havediaspora the in Somalilanders 1991, in Barre Siad of toppling the Since militias. fighting the help to Ethiopia to supplies other and medicine blankets, money, sent the and United Kingdom (Lewis, 1994). During the Arabia civil war, Saudi Somalis in the diaspora in primarily living Somalis by organized was Barre, Siad dictator, Somali former the against movement resistance establishment armed the an of example, For ago. years hundred one than more malia So of out migrating engaged started Somalis since daySomaliland present been in locally has diaspora Somali the that stress to important is it detail, any in today.so Somaliland doing in Before engagements their at look to is of passengersisregionalcomingfrom Addis Ababa andNairobi. passengers come from London and Copenhagen, but by far the largest share overseas most Ababa, Addis from Hargeisa to flight daily a operates which Ethiopian Airlines, to time. According of periods longer or shorter for liland Soma to come holidays,who summer the during especially Somalilanders, many are there that is indicate do statistics airport the What years. several spanning information statistical more accumulate to need would one land, Somali to migration” “return of scale the of estimation accurate an make As illustrated above, the Somalis are a prime example of what Roger what of example prime a are Somalis the above, illustrated As One large group of Somalilanders from the Western diaspora is em is diaspora Western the from Somalilanders of group large One Somaliland in returnees” “revolving the characterizing of way One SCALE AND ENGAGEMENTS ------

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 137 138

Revolving Returnees in Somaliland a maleSomalilanderfromSweden: havethe to relativelyin said West.been “successful” by me to explained As be can people these well-educated, society.being the Besides in women of rights, human to relating minority rights, good governance, issues the environment and the position raisingand role and society civil a establishing in course, poses a challenge to people who often have lived in the West for Westmore thantenyears. the in lived have often who people to challenge a poses course, realities. of This,local the to connected well very be to needs one in politics, engage and Somaliland to come ToWest. the from sent remittances or often rely on their own returnees savings, profitsrevolving from investments inthese privatetherefore, businesses month; a US$300 paid approximately is only Somaliland in minister diaspora A politics). in the involved become from to wishing people and spokespersons political (ministers, director-generals,circles bureaucratic and political its of context the in maliland have established familiesinSomalilanduponreturn. they or children, and spouses their with Somaliland to havereturned others Still Somaliland. in project new a start among to Westernmoney donors for money. Then they will return to the West and try of to findout aruns newNGO jobtheir oruntil toor lobbycontract their of duration the for Somaliland stayonly in will they and “unsuccessfully”, out falls “experiment” the Often children. and “despouses their without the Somaliland in live industry” within velopment employed are that migrants the of Several Somaliland. to privileged in the sense of having the opportunity to “experiment” by coming are returnees revolving above, noted As countries. Western of departments ports and hence access to travelpass and the Westernprotection haveand help from that the community,foreign donor the within connected well are that jobs, international to access has that elite mobile a of part are returnees revolving Thealso. Somaliland in “involved” be to West the in “involved” portable be to easily necessary is it above, have explained As skills. specialized whoand credentials (1996) Hannerz by analysed “cosmopolitans” the to similar elite, an of members as seen be can Somaliland in industry” A second group of revolving returnees have become involved in So in involved become have returnees revolving of group second A “development the within employed returnees revolving of group The be involved hereeither… cannot they and there, involved not are they Sweden; in there anything will not are they because losers back, coming Theabout think here… never coming are who people the are those away,are they while house a money,build some money,send some collect to able are who and Sweden in employed come be who Sweden, in don’tsuccessful are who those back… All come they naturalization, this get they until experiment…but and back back…go come Theycan can they then and enough secure are they passport. Thenwhatever or passport Danish or Swedish a get to is successful being of way One here. cessful I think that those who are successful in Sweden will also be suc

- - - - - vide insurance against unemployment. Many of the revolving returnees that returnees revolving the of Manyunemployment. against insurance vide family,his/her and person pro a can privatefor provideit will and business good in Westerncountries. A as welfare social no is there and limited, veryis Somaliland in available jobs of number Thewomen. and men old, and young of consist to tends sector business private the in returnees revolving of economy.group unregulated The and booming supposedly the in invest to the Westcome from Somalilanders Many taxation. without almost goods fact, Somaliland is a free trade zone, where it is possible to import and export in but, services, these provides that state a be officially maynot Somaliland companies. privateby over taken been largely have electricity and services health education, of provision the as such services government traditional Somalia, of Republic former the in administration stable most the has liland Soma though Even Somaliland. in tremendously grown has sector business private the institutions, social and economic financial, its with state tioning func a of absence the Partlyof modest. because relatively is Somaliland in business abroad, the capital needed to start a restaurant or open a small shop companies, supermarkets and vending kiosks. Compared to starting a private opening small-scale businesses, such as restaurants, beauty salons, transport in engaged currently are diaspora the from Somalilanders sector. business assets in Somaliland. With people coming from all over the world, the market tangible few the of land. one of represent Theseplot plots a owns whoover the most common reasons for conflict between families relates to arguments for. killing and fighting worth assets only the be to Today,used rights of one grazing and wells camels, Somalilanders, nomadic the among and war the Before land. for each other) killing (and nowfighting are people banization, ur rapid Followingthe Somaliland’scities. in major land of plots buying or family residinginSomaliland. split between spouses and children living in the West are and them the of larger Many West.extended the in lives their half and Somaliland in lives their explained by aSomalilanderfrom Toronto: The business potentials in Hargeisa and unemployment. Somaliland of are often case exaggerated. in As families their and themselves secure to order in business private in invest also industry” “development the in employed are tid motn fr o rvlig eune cnen te private the concerns returnees revolving of form important third A fut gop f eovn rtres eae t scrn ownership securing to relates returnees revolving of group fourth A half live may sector business private the in returnees revolving The it well…. plan didn’t here stay didn’t that ones the So one.… for market a be will there one open you if that mean doesn’t it Hargeisa, no is there Thaiin restaurantbecause just came…and They homework.just their do didn’t people of lot a opportunities…but of lot a and system, of kind wassome there that and waspeace there that Somaliland, to return to waspossible it that believing started people 1998 in but safe, not was simply it and warcivil the was there return; to impossible almost was it time, that fore Be 1998. around optimism of lot a was there that is problem I’m a returnee and many of my friends have returned as well. The - - - - -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 139 140

Revolving Returnees in Somaliland men used to invest in camels, the contemporary diasporic Somalilanders are now selling each plot of land for five thousand dollars. Whereas Somali sea are and piece, a dollars hundred few a for Hargeisa in land of plots bought ago, years ten Somaliland to havecome Somalilanders Many years. ten just in times many increased has Hargeisa like city a in land of plot a for price purpose have beenreported forDenmarkalone. land for corrective education is difficult to estimate, but several cases for this Somali to back sent are who Somalilanders young of number culture. The Somali of interpretation parents’ their to according acceptable is waythat a in behave to how learn to parents their by Somaliland to back sent forcibly history,and culture Somali about something learn to maythey or have been voluntarily Somaliland to come either have They Somalilanders. young of of “curiosity”ortochew meet friends and family members they have not seen for several years or out to spouses, future for look to come may Others West.the in reunion family future a planning of aim the with Somaliland in livingchildren and spouses their visit to come may visitors these of Some holidays. their during liland woman fromEnglandexplainedaboutherplotoflandinHargeisa: well. as family the one of As return future the to often but profit a making to related only not are cities major the in land of plots buying or securing for Reasons guns. with or law customary and elders clan their through dispute the settling up end often people system, legal trustworthy and functioning well- a Without owners. rightful the are they that certify to papers holding land. In practice, the same plot of land may be owned by several owners, all the that authorities have not issued severalguarantee ownership papers on the same plot of no have People land. of piece same the claim to appeared bought a piece of land ten years ago but in the meantime other owners have in Hargeisa who spend months sorting out disputes over land. They may have Hargeisa is not easy, however. Today, there are many in land diasporic owning or Somalilanders Buying Hargeisa. in houses and land of plots investingin The last group of revolving returnees to be mentioned here consists here mentioned be to returnees revolving of group last The Soma visiting people to relates returnees revolving of group fifth A in thefuture.… coming to Hargeisa. I want to make sure that she can come here of possibility the has daughter my that sure make to want I but land of piece this on house a build never will I Maybe out… it will meet with the leader of the other clan…. Then they will sort he and clan my of leader the contacted have I Now dollars…. the same plot of land also and they won’t accept a few hundred again…. But now there is a family that claims to have papers on also…. I pay them a few hundred dollars and then they go away land the claims and up shows that someone be to seems there plot my visit I time every owner…but rightful the as me states and I also have a document from the Somaliland authorities that owner… rightful the I’m saysthat that time that from document a have I Hargeisa. for plan city the of part was it and 1981 in plot the bought I dispute. land a settle to Hargeisa in here I’m chat . - - - n hi atmt o aae neuiy codn t Hrt ii) ti mo this (ibid), bile strategy or “nomadic heritage” consists of three elements: a Horst mentality of to According insecurity. manage to attempt their in strategy mobile elaborate already an employed Somalis out, broke war the when flight. Therefore, and war the before even insecurity with dealing to accustomed been have Somalis camp, Kenyanrefugee a in Somalis among al., 1994:7). et (Basch borders political and cultural, geographic, cross that fields social defined astheprocesses by which migrants forgeandsustainmulti-stranded nationalism long before the term was introduced into migration research and havethey that appears it centuries, for Africa practicingtrans-been of forms of Horn havethe Somalis survivedhowin at historically Looking trade. and heavily being travel,dispersal, worldof as global communication a remittances, in entwined seen be to needs generally, more Somaliland in life and points out that migration patterns cannot be seen as an empirical index of index empirical an as seen be cannot patterns (1995:160) migration that out points Salzman with nomadism, engagement alife-long on flecting Re circumstances. economic and social political, global emerging mere to adaptation to practices transnational and mobility reduce to be not to careful need we so, Even locality. socio-economic one than more adap to an tation from emerging strategy” “subsistence of form some of pressions ex are practices transnational of forms other and migration circular course, Of practices. bicultural and bilingual and networks kinship extended bases, home multiple markets, several include to geographically broadened have migrants among strategies subsistence that concludes (2002) Duany States, circum stances. In a study socio-economic of circular migration between Puerto Rico global and the United to adaptation mere is it whether question today on reflect to need we “transnational a what livelihood strategy” and is London areallpartofthesame“nomadiccultural pattern”. in housing better for applying time same the at and Somaliland in house a building or Europe, and Somaliland in career professional ones pursuing in both investing Somaliland, and Europe both spans that family transnational a within travelling sense, this In activities. and settings socio-economic ent differ in invest they and networks; social dispersed strongly within operate different between advantagetake to settings socio-economic they place; one just than more of travel They strategies: livelihood transnational employ asylum seekers in Western countries or as revolving returnees in Somaliland, Kenya,in livingcamps refugees in words,as many other both In Somalis, as Kenyanthe in refugees Somali survivalsupporting daily their in camp (ibid). still are and charactertransnational a acquired havenow Somalia, in life of circumstances local from developed characteristics, “nomadic” three these dispersing investments in family members and activities. Horst points out that tion to assist each other in surviving, and risk-reduction through strategically obliga the entails that network social strong a pastures, greener for looking As pointed out by Horst (2004: 2) in her study of livelihoodstrategies of study her in 2) (2004: Horst by out pointed As Hargeisa, of population the of part large chapter,a this in shown As oee, n re t udrtn rvlig eune i Somaliland in returnees revolving understand to order in However, AND TRANSNATIONALISM RISK MANAGEMENT ------

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 141 142

Revolving Returnees in Somaliland “nomadism proper” (ibid: 163), we need to see “transnational adaptation” “transnational see to need we 163), (ibid: proper” “nomadism and pastoralism understand to how on conclusion ParaphrasingSalzman’s environment. the by generated patterns behaviour than rather environment an to brought constructions cultural as seen be should investments diverse socio-economic variables. In other words, patterns of mobility, dispersal and an aura of“virginity”. As explainedby arevolving returneefromNorway: Somaliland presents the possibility of a new beginning and gives the country of newness the that appears It pastures. greener for alwayslooking of tage” Somaliland. This “opportunity talk” corresponds well with the “nomadic heri- culture” or buy land they believe they have “better opportunities” to do so “their in with contact in get careers, professional their pursue business, do to Somaliland in are they Whether Somaliland. in opportunities” “great have analysed. are West the and Somaliland between mobility maintain to tend they why reasons and underlined are Somaliland in themselves engage returnees ing chapter,this of part re maining whyreasons apparent most the of some revolv the In management”. “risk than “experimenting” or taking” “risk more Somaliland after having spent many years in the West. To many, it resembles Looking reasons. of variety a economically at migrating to for Somaliland, it often makes no sense to but come to management”, “risk of strategy a of out primarily even or only not activities, transnational in engage they that in mind. opportunities economic of calculation rational a than more much with ings surround their to relate people that stress to need we words, other In tion. ac and custom human of patterns generate that factors organizational and interactionthe including cognitive,of affective, technological, demographic process plural and complex a as 2004) (Horst, nomadism” “transnational or in theolddays….Somaliland islikethenewfoundland…. You can do whatever you like…. It is a bit like going to America people. other with things. start Youstart can can you then and been done. Everything…here everything is undone, up to now… Things are not mature like in Norway, where things have already virgin. is it here think I contacts. the and luck the with up go to this forever…, but here I can make my career and might be able teacher,home like wasa continue will it teachingSomali…and like. I ThereI whatever become can minister.I a become can I Here I can be involved in making decisions. I can be somebody. There is a widespread conception among revolving returnees that they stress to need we Somaliland, in returnees revolving to regard With OPPORTUNITIES AND INDIVIDUALITY IN A VIRGIN COUNTRY - - - - feeling of being “reborn”; of once again being able to reclaim individualized have tolive aloneinOslo. sioned at not having been able to find a job and knowing that he would now disillu very Norway to returned He Somaliland. in stayed she and donors, years earlier to work for a local organization funded by several international several Somaliland to come had wife teacher.His a as work to Norway to return to decided therefore and politics in job a finding of dream his realize Norway after spending half a year in Somaliland, however. He was unable to to returned Norway from Somalilander above-mentionedfuture. The the country in well-functioning a become and fruit bear will attention, and care proper the with that, entity emerging and new a as Somaliland presents ity” “virgin country”. of virgin Theimage “cultivatingthe in themselves engage manyHargeisa, revolvingof streets returneesmain the alsoin take shops uppart-time up opening farming and andministries thereby in chairsphysically who persons as will play animportantroleinthefutureofSomaliland. Besidesfillingempty themselves see returnees revolving sense, this In and revival.rebuilding of process a faces now and war civil the during destroyed eovn rtres n toe h lv mr praety n Somaliland in Kibreab identified by as positivewelcoming, outright or neither be to seems permanently more live who those and returnees revolving each other (cf. Van Hear, 1998: 56). In Somaliland, the relationship between coming, tolerating, accepting, rejecting, antagonistic or even violent towards for the different empirical cases. Both “stayees” and “returnees” may be wel know who theyare. As explainedby amaleSomalilanderfromCanada: people where gossip, and family,rumours friends, of world social known a way,this within In positioned socializing. are and returnees who”revolving is “who about talking spent is time of lot a where city a is Hargeisa merits. and identities individual of appreciation and recognition the by replaced is anonymitythe burdening refugee Somali a being of stigmatization and West wherethe sphere social another enter they Hargeisa, in that explain turnees re Revolving Somalia”. from refugee black “a only see instead and istics, the in individualveryfew their characterthat Westrecognize or about care the West.in racism and Theyexplain stigmatization to subjected havebeen identities lost in diaspora. Revolving returnees in Somaliland stress how they To many revolving returnees the notion of “virginity” corresponds to a was Somaliland that impression the reflects “virginity” of image The The relationship between “returnees” and “stayees” varies of course of varies “stayees” and “returnees” between relationship The This gives you status,anditmakesyou feelpartofsociety…. whoyouknowsare…. porter the even airport, youthe arrivein nice…but when you come here everybody knows you…. When realized that we had not met we anyone hours that twoknew us…. after Thisand can friend, be a with France in walking was I time, …One are… you who know to people want you …Also, outsiders… remain will they in; fit never will some but go, they wherever home make will people Some there…. stay to been wouldI Otherwise, stay myand Canada, in never had intention back…. go to time about was it that thought I and time long a haveI livingplaces. of other tired in got for I workedCanada in - - - - -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 143 144

Revolving Returnees in Somaliland work or more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance mutual of relationships institutionalized less or more or work net durable a of possession to linked ofthe are that resources potential or aggregation actual “the as defined been has capital Social Somaliland. in and music, with these cultural Westernsignals, they stage themselves as diasporic Somalilanders to listen and clothes, “Western” wear cars, big drive houses, impressive relatively build they Moreover, institutions. de velopment within employment find to them enables that education Western and example in relation to the “development industry”, they have language skills ways.Forunconscious and conscious of variety a use in capital” “cultural Somaliland their in returnees Revolving exclusion.” cultural and social for signals…used cultural status high shared, widely i.e., “institutionalized, as ferring to the diaspora. Lamont and Lareau (1988:156) define cultural capital bination of economic, cultural and social capital forms accumulated in or re witha distinct also people “diasporic capital”. are The notion of “diasporic they capital” points background; to a personal com specific and local very that or this having as recognize people whom individuals just not are They Somaliland. in society within themselves position to West the from money British or Danish development institutions with running projects or funding or projects running with institutions development Danish or British in Somaliland. For example, many revolving returnees are well connected to returnees in Somaliland use their transnational networks to find employment forms of capital can be important sources of power and influence. Revolving tention on the positive sides of sociability, and highlights how non-monetary at our focuses it because Somaliland in returnees revolving in understanding notion useful a is capital Social 248). 1985: (Bourdieu, recognition” or ees. The general picture is one of acceptance and high expectations towards few “stayees” toclaimthemoral highgroundinrelationtorevolving return only are there words, other In Somaliland. everyonefled almost cases, nian Bos and Eritrean the both to Contrary Bosnia. of case the in (2003) fansson Ste by identified as conflictual, especially nor Eritrea, of case the in (2002) themselves inSomaliland,butrather analyse primarily not so. does Thissection, do to possibility the have they if and when Somaliland in themselves gage en only Revolvingreturnees and reasons. variety of a Western for countries money fortheorganizationheworks forinSomaliland. went he 2003, of end the back to Canada to celebrate Christmas with At his family and to lobby for more Canada. in partly and Somaliland in partly Somalilander above-mentionedfrom Canada Theworks for 2004). an organization Farah,in Somaliland and (see lives threats even or harassment sion, exclu social face may they acquaintances, and friends relatives, of number vast a by made demands financial the meet to able not are West the from returnees revolving However,if being. well national and personal their for responsibility special havinga as returnees revolving upon look Somaliland in people Many diaspora”. the from “Somalilanders or returnees revolving o lre xet rvlig eune ue hi sil, ewrs and networks skills, their use returnees revolving extent, large a To As pointed out above, revolving returnees travel between Somaliland travelbetween returnees revolvingabove, out pointed As LOCAL AND DIASPORICCAPITAL how theydoso. why revolving returnees engage returnees revolving ------government, clan elders and other important persons and institutions, such institutions, and persons important other and elders clan government, the partners, business important to connections local right the Somaliland, without but in dollars of thousands of hundreds invest to opportunity the career.political or Youhavebusiness privatemay successful a into capital” “diasporic of form any convert to able be rarely only will she or he liland, Soma in connected well not is Somalilander diasporic a If 1995). Simons, simply because you want to expand your network for potential future use (cf. want to achieve or obtain something, and a lot of time they is wheneverspent on socializing relations family and friendships ties, People connections, challenge. their use tremendous a presents Hargeisa skills, social or family friends, without people For systems. formalized or structures bureaucratic maliland work through personalized networks and only very seldom through and to know your way around the social fabric of society. Most things in So socially in Hargeisa, you will need to be well connected to the local context as a businessman, development worker, politician, or just to live and function secure their success or well being in Somaliland. In order to “be somebody” in relationtoatheoryoftransnational andvery localnetworks. of way,thought this be In to Somaliland. needs in capital capabilities social in Hargeisa,something hewould never beableto doinEngland. companytransport own his starting of lives.Secondly,possibility the has he in Hargeisa. First of all, this is where he grew up and where most of his family suade them to join him in Somaliland. He wishes to settle more permanently per hopefully will that playground own its with house big a building is he cleaning jobs. He is planning to bring his wife and children to Hargeisa, and company in Somaliland has been accumulated in London by working at two transport a up setting and trucks the buying London. for in Themoney dren and works in Hargeisa, and half the year he lives with his wife and two chil he lives he year if the Half is. he and who knowseverybody nickname, his famous, mentions quite was grandfather his him, to According Hargeisa. in history long a has family his for and Hargeisa, family in the born was He with years. many been has that house a in cousins and brothers sisters, grandfather,father,mother,his with together Hargeisa in lives He Djibouti. and Holland via Somaliland to them sent and England in truckstwo bought pean surplus food from the port of Berbera to eastern Ethiopia. This man has Euro transporting for rates local the times five than more paid are that nies compa transport Somaliland for business lucrative a quite created has This the present, At Somaliland. through Ethiopia to aid food importing is Community European Somaliland. in company transport a started has who land the West, andofbeingwellembeddedinlocalrealitiesagendas. in capital social and cultural economic, accumulated havingboth of nation “become combi also interesting an present to returnees revolving sense, this them In somebody”. enables that works society the how good a of and knowledge history family a having “locals”, being of fact the precisely is It society. Somaliland the and Hargeisa to ties and histories personal have impossible. to all Therefore,close returnees revolvingbe will investment an An important point, however, is that their “diasporic capital” will not will capital” “diasporic their however,that point, is important An An example that illustratesthat example An Eng from Somalilander a is well point this ------

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 145 146

Revolving Returnees in Somaliland what to do in case he has an accident or if someone damages his truck. If he how to approach the people that need goods to be transported; and he knows know and trust; he knows his way around the city and the country; he knows manythat people name family a has he language; Somali the ny:speaks He relate to making money, pursuing personal careers, living with family and family with living careers, personal pursuing money, making to mayrelate somebody” “be and something” “do to wish the and TheseWest. “opportunities” the in than Somaliland in opportunities better have they that varietya ways.of Whatevermotivestheir migratingfor may believethey be, for engaging in transnational activities, as they relate to their surroundings in reasons manyhave Somaliland in returnees Revolving West.the and liland knowledge, moneyanddocumentstobeable to“circulate” between Soma networks, need they described, have I As can. they when only transnation activities al in engage people that is drawn be to conclusions basic most the of One practice. transnational of form specific a as countries Western to engageinSomaliland. it is the interplay of economic, cultural and social capital that enables people with people that know more about doing business or contact driving in a come truck. In they short, that sense the in capital, cultural accumulate to able be also are returnees revolving networks, Through Commission. European information about the market, investment opportunities or contracts with the ital, actors in Somaliland may gain access to economic capital such as loans, cap- social 1998). Through(Portes, character intangible more a has capital economic capital that is in people’s banks or money transfer accounts, social and people’sheads”, “inside is that capital cultural to Compared members. liland also by economic investments in friends, family and potential network Soma in often interactionand through created be givento not need are but relations social networksand course, Of capital. economic accumulating in instrumental be can deliberatesociability and of groups construction in tion “being somebody” alsoenableshim“todosomething”. sense, this In business. do to him for difficult very be would it Hargeisa, in family trusted and knownimportant. very well is Withouta family his know they because him practices.trust and people valuescultural that Theof fact understanding good a has also he and Somaliland, and Hargeisa to ties ship friend and family his on relies he business, doing in that is point can. The his extended family will secure his release or help him in whatever way they some for if reason he should be arrested by Also, the police or “get into trouble” Somaliland. in other way, in companies insurance functioning no are system, based on clan identities and loyalties, is quite important, since there this – deceased the of family the to compensation the pay him help will ily fam extended his of members someone, kills and accident an have should Many factors enable him to start and run a successful transport compa n hs hpe, hv aaye mgain ewe Smlln and Somaliland between migration analysed have I chapter, this In The point about social capital is that it highlights the fact that participa OF TRANSNATIONAL PRACTICES THE CONTINUATION ------of the often unrealistic expectations of family and friends that they pay for pay they that friends and family of weary expectations unrealistic become often the they of when West, the to return will They something. want or need they whenever networks negotiate and mobilize to having always the to return will West,annoyed,of become tired they and because irritated patience and stamina needed to settle more permanently in Somaliland. They the have not simply may they or alliances, and connections ties, sustaining taurant. People may notbeadequatelyskilledinsocializing,creatingand res Thaia up opening and signs the reading not in owners restaurant and politiciansWannabe limited. maytalkingfailinvery muchtoo aboutwomen’s are sector rightsdemocracy,andbusiness private the and industry” ment “develop the within jobs well-paid the and high very is rate employment families. their and or Thethemselvesun for income high and Somaliland stable a provide in job permanent a find to able not are they because West “gold digging”inavirgincountrythanactual“riskmanagement”. or “experimenting” taking”, “risk resembles more Somaliland to Migration mere adaptation to global socio-economic circumstances and opportunities. general in and becoming who appreciated, they want to be. In this sense, transnational practices are not and known is that society a in living friends, that determinestheirengagementsintransnational activities. culturalinterplayand aspects the social is material, it economic, short, of In “effectiveness”. and “punctuality” “order”, “governance”, regulations”, and “laws its with system” “Western the about nostalgic almost are they Often, Western country that provides health services, social security and education. a in living of comfort and security “corruption”. the and Theymiss politics” “clan system”, “chaotic the of tired are them of few a quite Somaliland, In school. start to have children their when or fixed, teeth their have to need everythingeveryday. Theymoney,of out whenrun return they will sick,get As has been pointed out, many migrate between Somaliland and the and Somaliland between migrate many out, pointed been has As - - -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 147 148

Revolving Returnees in Somaliland Aleinikoff, T.A. Ghosh, B. Fink-Nielsen, M.andN.Kleist Farah, N. Duany, J. Cassanelli, L. Bourdieu, P. Bascom, J. Basch, L.,N.Glick Schiller, andC.SzantonBlanc Bakewell, O. Appadurai, A. Allen, T., andH.Morsink 1995 2000 2000 2004 2002 1982 1985 1994 1994 1999 1996 1990 1994 “State-centered refugee law: From resettlement to containment”, to resettlement Fromlaw: refugee “State-centered the UnitedNations, 1-5. Despair?, or Hope (Ed.), Ghosh B. in “Introduction”, Internationale ved Kanditatspeciale Udviklingsstudier ogHistorie. Danmark, fra repatrierer somaliere Tilhørsforholdetsfå så hvorforpolitikker. af analyse En Links Migration Review States”, United the and Rico Puerto between grants mi circular of practices sociocultural The livelihoods: “Mobile toral people1600–1900”,University ofPennsylvania Press. “The shaping of Somali society: Restructuring the history of a pas New York, 241-58. Theory (Ed.), and Research for Richardson the Sociology of Education J.G. in capital”, of forms “The New York, 225-248. Order,World Changing the and Migration eastern Sudan”, in Gould, in W. Eritreans T. of S., case A. M. FindlayThe (Ed.), repatriation: refugee of dynamics “The USA. Breach, and Gordon states”, nation deterritorialized and ments predica postcolonial unbound: Transnationalprojects, “Nations search reconsidered”, Africa in programmes migratingvillagers? or refugees “Returning Voluntaryrepatriation University ofBath. Refugee Repatriation in Africa: Towards a Theoretical Framework? and Modernity, SAGE Publications,London,295-310. M. Featherstone (Ed.), in economy”, cultural global the in difference and “Disjuncture and Allen T. in search Institute for home”, Social Development (UNRISD), go Geneva, 1-13 refugees Morsink(Eds),H. When “Introduction: California (Eds), Knudsen J.C. and D.E.Valentine in , Picador, London. , UNHCR,no.15. , University ofCaliforniaPress. REFERENCES , 36(2):355-388. When Refugees Go HomeRefugeesWhenGo International Organization for Migration and Migration for Organization International Global Culture eun irto: ore of Journey Migration: Return , Nationalism, Globalization New Issues in Refugee Re Refugee in Issues New John Wiley & Sons, & Wiley John itutn Refugees, Mistrusting , UnitedNationsRe , adok of Handbook , Greenwood, International Population - - - - - , Hannerz, U.

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Revolving Returnees in Somaliland

Van Hear, N. Warner, D. Rouse, R. Rogge, J. UNHCR Simons, A. Stepputat, F. Stefansson, A. Salzman, P.C. 1997 2003 1993 1994 1998 1985 1994 1991 1994 1980 1995 1994 2003 1995 Annual Theme:ExecutiveChallenges. of Repatriation Committee Information note on the development of UNHCR’sof development the on note on Information guidelines eea cnlso o Itrainl rtcin N. 4 (XLV), 74 No. Protection. International on conclusion General “Migration crises and the making of diasporas”, in diasporas”, of making the and crises “Migration ROM. 7, edition, January 1999 Protection, International wholeon the mittee of the High Commissioner’s Programme, Sub-committee of Com Executive repatriation, voluntary of aspects protection the CD-ROM. 7,edition:January 1999 Conclusion no. 40, Voluntary repatriation, Genève, 27 August. 161-174. mathematics”, liberal of tique “Voluntary repatriation and the meaning of return to home: A cri munities ras: The Mass Exodus, Dispersal and Regrouping of Migrant com 2002 Annual StatisticalReport:Somalia ROM. 7, Commissioner’sHigh the Programme, REFWORLDUNHCR CD- UNHCR REFWORLD CD-ROM. 7, edition: January 1999 Mxcn irto ad h sca sae f postmodernism”, of space social the and migration “Mexican “Repatriatrion of refugees. A not so simple ‘optimum’ solution”, in tion, UNHCR REFWORLD CD-ROM. 7, CD-ROM. REFWORLD UNHCR tion, Protec International on whole the of Sub-committee Pro gramme, Commissioner’s High the of Committee Executive sioner, on Note VoluntaryCommis byHigh Submitted the Repatriation, Colorado. Dissolution of Networks 175-185. diaspora and Mayanreturn movement”, the of case The space: of politics the and “Repatriation of Anthropology, Institute University ofCopenhagen. Thesis, PhD Sarajevo, Post-War in re(integration)”, “Under my own sky? The cultural dynamics of refugee return and Peoples reflection”, autobiographical An nomads: “Studying Diaspora Nations forSocialDevelopment, Geneva, 14-49. T. Allen and H. Morsink (Eds), , 36(37):157-166. , UCKPress,London,13-62. 1(1):8-23. edition: January 1999 Smla noe Wsve Press, Westview Undone, Somalia , When Refugees Go Home , Genève, 48 session, 9 September. . Genève, 23rd meeting, 3 August. ora o Rfge Studies Refugee of Journal Journal of Refugee Studies . Genève, 36. UNHCR REFWORLDCD-UNHCR , UNHCR,Genève. edition: January 1999 January edition: UNHCR REF WORLD New Diaspo New , Genève. Nomadic , United 7(2): , , 7(2): ------, Life Across the Atlantic: The ExperienceofColombianand Dominican Migrants inEurope Transnational Family Ninna Nyberg Sørensen Luís E. Guarnizo

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 151 152

Transnational Family Life across the Atlantic: The experience of Colombian and Dominican migrants in Europe spatially fractured familyrelationsandeven familybreakdown. mental impact is moreover often assessed in negative terms and as leading to develop the streams, migration particular of feminization the of analyses In consequences. which with and purposes, what for circumstances, what support ra take their point of departure in issues such as remittances, return and diaspo I status ofdifferentlysituatedandhierarchically orderedfamilymembers. and standing the shape that lives everyday the in inclusion and exclusion of forms micro-political implicit, more the to related be to seem nation, the as sending states’ attitudes towards incorporating transnational migrants into well as countries, destination in regulation Moreover,migration.state male fe from result than rather precede to tend relations family fractured that concluded is It relations. parent-child / husband-wife fractured spatially of consequences the concerns issue second relationships. The family national and how the feminization of migration translates into new and distinct trans- whether of question the issues. concerns crucial Thefirst two addressing by analysis of transnational family life among Latin American migrants in Europe that migrants play in promoting development in the source countries still role the of However,assessments concerns. family larger in embedded t is generally accepted that migration motivation and decision making is This chapter aims at critically supplementing this debate through an through debate this supplementing critically at aims chapter This without considering who migrates and who stays behind, under behind, stays who and migrates who considering ABSTRACT - - -

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 153 154

Transnational Family Life across the Atlantic: The experience of Colombian and Dominican migrants in Europe ily systems has been far from evolutionary. He concludes that despite the despite that concludes He evolutionary. from far been has systems ily fam- geo-cultural delimited territorially different, of development the how show to this uses and family the global on perspective sociological a and historical applies Therborn century. 20th the throughout institution family ent family members’ transnational family formations and the power relations duce a more nuanced analysis of the relationships established between differ roles asmothersandhousewives. traditional more their question to opportunities US the in finding and tions rela family limiting of set a behind leaving involved often migration Their relationships with spouses or other relatives that oppressed them back home. US, several women embarked on migratory projects in order to change their economic, mainly is Hondagneu-Sotelo (1994) found that in the migration case of Mexican migration to behind the motivation the that notion the ing what of Challeng place. analysis first the in activities the transnational in engage to people makes crucial is life family transnational on focus a that mother-childmaintained suchnormativitystudies – heterosexual and bonds father-ratheri.e. a conventional– on “family” based of though construction all other types of transnational social relations” (Basch et al., 1994: 238). Al for foundation initial the constitute kin as defined people between relations (2004) isthe“everyday provenance ofmostmigrant transnationalism”. through an analysis of transnational family life, which according to Vertovec spatial. and project Throughoutthis chapter,to the contribute to attempt we social the extent between relationship lesser the a on to effects transformative (and immobility’s) mobility’s of conceptualizations new to led has it where studies, development international and science geography,political into sociology and anthropology from terrain its expanded has – practices social transnational broadly more or – migration transnational of study the orous debates among migration scholars. Fromvig- the sparked early has 1990s research to the migration present, international in turn transnational The erature on gendered cultural politics, migration and transnational processes. lit theoretical recent the on drawing by demography and sociology within delimited geo-cultural spaces. tions and functions are carried out structures and only to a limited extent encompasses family life in which rela However, Therborn’sfamily bounded territorially on focuses mostly analysis took shape after large-scale migrations, for example, from Africa to America. in the family and is primarily concerned with hybrid/creole family forms that changes historical on migration international of influence the incorporates analysis His development. socio-cultural of understandings uni-linear and and inter-communication, which he then juxtaposes with more universalistic variation phenomena, social of interconnectedness the to refers perspective society.Therborn’sglobal post-family the declaring for evidence empirical no is there changes, profound undergone has institution family the that fact n i lts bo, öa hron 20) ecie cags n the in changes describes (2004) Therborn Göran book, latest his In Drawing on such insights, the specific aim of the chapter is to intro to is chapter the of aim specific the insights, such on Drawing and processes “family that established theorizing transnational Early discussions family-theoretical the supplementing at Thisaims chapter across rather than within specific and well ------ouetd hi sgiiat rnntoa cnetos ih thecountries with connections transnational significant their documented haveUS the in studies recent because migrants Dominican and Colombian of Spain, rarely includes Latin Americans. More specifically, we have chosen case the for except novelratherand, still is context European a in processes Latin such Documenting US. of the in background and Asian Caribbean, American, especially – groups migrant multiple about literature of body ing grow and large a by documented widely been has processes transnational – ColombiansandDominicansinvarious Europeancountries. groups migrant American Latin two to reference with issues these address Weenvisaged. be can approaches alternative whether and analyses porary how transnational family life generally is understood and applied in contem fractured husband-wife / parent-child relations. Then follows a discussion on spatially relationships. of mily consequences the concerns Theissue second particular of migration streams translates into feminization new and distinct transnational fa- the whether of question the concerns first The issues. addresses two analysis following The migration. international by caused tures struc family in change and continuity for accounting in helpful is focus in ties. family transnational through sustained and servedThis expansion slight lives to reach forbidden shores to be able to fulfill their family obligations: to contrary,the On their behind. risk “Manymigrantsleft continues, Goytisolo those to relationships social off cut themselves or from off cut are men and women that mean necessarily not does elsewhere permanently or porarily of a better life, for freedom, to make money, or out of necessity. Moving tem “deem they appropriate”, but they land may also whateverabandon their “native to land” in searchmove to choose may men and Women Marrakesh. Parisin primarily exile, in life his of most spent has 1950s late the since and have made anefforttopreserve thecoreexperienceofeach case. Weaccounts. nuanced more and larger of summaries short thus are below represented cases Thehours. several lasted which of some – conversations in-depth long, during migrants various of narratives the on based us by ed comparative, multi-sited, and multi-year field work. As conditions. such, the cases represent a variety migratory of common experiences found during our contemporary of result a as occurring processes larger of typical or exemplary are cases these that claim we Nevertheless, not are predominance offemalemigrants amongthesetwo groupsinEurope. the of because Dominicans and Colombians to relation in processes tional are interested in discussing gendered cultural politics, migration and transna from which they migrated, a central concern of our inquiry here. Finally, we TRANSNATIONAL FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS THE FEMINIZATION OFMIGRATION AND Why focus on these Latin American groups in Europe? The existence of “Space invites movement”, says Spanish writer Juan Goytisolo, who Goytisolo, Juan writer Spanish says movement”, invites “Space cases Thesecases. six around analysis the build to chosen have We representative in the conventional sociological meaning of the term. the conventionalof the meaning in sociological 2 The cases are construct 1

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Transnational Family Life across the Atlantic: The experience of Colombian and Dominican migrants in Europe that locate women in dependent roles to men, our argument throughout this femininity and masculinity of notions privilege constructions gender most fulfill family obligations back home is ofto course amigration key insight.on However,embark men since and women both Thattranslation). my 2004, provide for dependents and make living back home a possibility” (Goytisolo, poor school performance, children’sdelinquency and even high pregnancies, incidence of child sui teenage alcoholism, male divorce, abandonment, and spousal separation of incidents rising to pointed repeatedly has work family disintegration. Together with news stories and policy reports, scholarly to leading inevitably not if potentially as migration to due separation family tic group has given rise to various analytical problems. First, many have seen relations (Anthias,2000). unit of reproduction and cultural transmission or a space for gendered social feminist theory, the family has moreover been conceptualized as a gendered sexuality,consumption). Withinsocialization, and of labour regulation (e.g. functions its of terms in or kinship) of genealogy deeper or network wider the and co-resident, necessarily not are who kin close household, or group domestic the by(e.g. encompassed institution connections the and relations of kinds the of terms in either defined generally is family Theties. legal or mating sexual blood, of bonds by another one to related individuals of up made group domestic a denotes generally family the of concept the which recently transnational fatherhood(e.g.Pribilsky, 2004). Avila, 1997), transnational childhood and (e.g. Salazar Hondagneu-Sotelo Parreñas, (e.g. 2003), and more motherhood transnational on work including life, family transnational of analyses various to led also has It migrants. of gender roles, and social organization in the source and destination countries ning vector of migratory experiences and consequences defi- for a family structures, as gender of centrality the on focus renewed a to led has migration the find to work in an informal have labour market. Finally, often the complexity manifests itself in and ones) forged with or documents required officially the without (i.e. surreptitiously destination of countries the enter to forced often are who background class different of individuals include creasingly and heterogeneity social informalization growing the in observed also is migration of ity minican migration from the United States to Europe. This emerging complex ones the in itself manifests growing complexity in migration practices and experiences. This complexity a to led and flows population traditional of direction the reversed has tries, coun southern and northern between inequalities economic growing and turally andmorally evaluated. gration for the form and conditions under which their migration is socio-cul lot a matters it that is article feminization , which in the present case means a redirection of Colombian and Do and Colombian of redirection a means case present the whichin , Within migration research, identification of the family with the domes to according literature existing the in consensus general a is There globalization uneven by stimulated migration, international Current of migration, as migrants from the same source country in country source same the from migrants as migration, of of particular streams. The increase in independent female independent in increase Thestreams. particular of usiuin f od mgain etntos y new by destinations migration “old” of substitution who in the family engages in transnational mi transnational in engages family the in ------transnational families are not biological units with multiple national residences, identities and loyalties. Like other families, cope to haveand argue, Vuerelaborders”. Bryceson Transnational families, national across “familyhood term they process a unity; and welfare lective col of feeling a create eachother,and from separatedtogether yethold but time the of most or some live that families as families transnational define and whoVuerela, Bryceson on borders. drawThey across place taking tion reproduc social as life family transnational approach (2004) Schiller Glick space (Pribilsky, 2004:315). gal relationships; as well as parent-child relationships in transnational social it; the manifold ways migration transforms, reorients and reprioritizes conju surrounding men’s (and women’s) mobility; women’s (and men’s)nuances reaction the to misses totally life family or households disorganized on focus the argues, Parreñas,However,Pribilsky Salazar 2003). as 2000; Gamburd, female motherswho leave husbandsandchildren behind(foracritique,see migrant with dealing work in salient conspicuously been has outcomes tive of such accounts, see Hochschild, 2003: 22). Second, the prediction of nega cide asaconsequenceoffamilyseparation duetomigration (forasummary maintain specific types of family relations and structures across borders (An to ability their discern to and positioning social their understand to able be to order in country’seconomy destination given a of sectors particular into 2000). Secondly, we have to take into account women’s labour incorporation of migrationwomenof position the and sourcethe in thefeminization (Ribas-Mateos, countries between relationship the first consider to need would we question processes? this Totransnational answer and migration politics, cultural gendered migrationevaluate which to from context different Europe-bound a provide would that believe to reasons there are words, other In Lima? Herrera by described experience Mexico-US the wayfrom any in fer necting Latin American and Caribbean families across the Atlantic would dif physical movement betweensendingandreceiving societies. ties. financial and They stay emotional in contact by modern means byof communication and by occasional space social one in together brought are members family Dispersed 91). cit: op Lima (Herrera worlds separate two into life compartmentalizing divide radical a than rather continuum, fluid a form to experiences transnational allowing networks, social extensive by area. Metropolitan Transnationalbuffered are argues, HerreraLima families, New Yorkthe and City Mexico in region Puebla-Tlaxcala the between ated cre have migrants that space social transnational fluid the to reference in bers. This is one of the central arguments that Herrera Lima (2001: 89) posits than the forces, both legal and physical, that separate individual family mem and Vuerela, 2002:3-7). in access to mobility, differences resources, including various types of capital members, and lifestyles (Bryceson their amongst inequality mediate must families transnational families, other like And communities”. “imagined or In their rethinking of conventional wisdom on migration, Levitt and Levitt migration, on wisdom conventional of rethinking their In Are there any grounds for thinking that transnational practices con practices transnational that thinking for grounds any there Are stronger be may together families transnational hold that forces The per se , but social constructions ------

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Transnational Family Life across the Atlantic: The experience of Colombian and Dominican migrants in Europe adopted havea quite countries different European take. most Indeed, be, apart mayfrom family it reunification, restricted asylum, however immigration, continued allowed has US the while example, factor.For contributing a as byprovidedcontext legal the by sourceconsidered the be should countries, shaped part in migration, of Finally,circumstances 2000). general thias, the taking up factory work. She then had her third child, the fruit of a relationship the basis of being a single mother. She stayed on welfare for four on years before welfare claimed Lourdes Netherlands, the in Back children’smigration. minican Republic to do the paperwork related to her own and Do her twothe young to back going involvedagain. This over all status her regulating of process the begin to had and rights residence her lost sponsor,Lourdes her to blood-related not was Lourdes that out found later authorities Dutch the daughter.cal twoleft Lourdes young childrensister. her of care the in When biologi her be to Lourdes claimed and nationality Dutch held whowoman Dominican a by facilitated wasmigration Lourdes’ life. family transnational of complexity the illustrativeof is 1988, in Netherlands the to Republic can Dominican-Dutch-Indian familyrelations mobile livelihood strategies acrossinternationalborders. of continuation a be may what and relationships such in “distinct” is what concluding before – abroad reside some whom of nationality same the ing shar members family include only whetherthey e.g. – relationships” family “transnational by mean we what define to need therefore we possibilities, of array complex the Given reference. of point prime the remains cessarily ne- longer no origin of country the which for relations family transnational relationships and in European Relationships a status. undocumented an legalize to order to marriage Europe, in when or, 2003), Brennan, see visa, through place first the in tinent con the to access gain to order in men European with relationships marital transnational family relationships and structures. distinct These include entering into and new produce also but borders” across “familyhood limit only not may markets labour migrant segregated highly and controls stricter migration 2004), Sørensen, 2000; Gamburd, 20; cit: op (Anthias home back left relatives for providing for responsibilities major and links family tional transna strong have may workers domestic migrant while But elsewhere. living members family their for providing of capable workers family paid to workers family unpaid as women of role subordinate the of transformation sider a “normal” family life. At the same time, their work makes possible the con would people most what living restrict severely that sectors industry, sex/leisure the and service domestic in concentrated particularly be to tend female Latin American migrants outnumber men by far.Europe, why,Not in surprisingly,explains partially they Thisactivities. feminine as of conceived conventionally are care). activitiesThese elderly and child to labour mestic do (from activities domestic in especially sector, service the on centrated virtually closedtolegalmigration sincetheearly1970s(Sørensen,2002). and work contracts in the service sector, most European countries have been The case of Lourdes, con has Europe in demand labour most years, several past the For por residencia por 3 who at the age of 19 migrated from the Domini (for residence) may both result in distinct in result both may residence) (for matrimonio

por residencia por por amor por (marriage for a for (marriage (for love)(for ------Although she finds life in the Netherlands very difficult, she has no plans of plans no has she difficult, very Netherlands the in nationality. life finds she Although Dutch for applying currently is Lourdes 2002. in child) fourth granddaughtertheir of (Lourdes’ birth the since least not Netherlands, the in the contrary, they have occasionally contributed to Lourdes’ family economy On remittances. for need no have and well-off rather are India in members illnesses). family Theof case the in expenses medical cover (to remittances father, and four brothers to whom Lourdes and her husband send occasional grandfather,her has still Lourdes her Domingo, Santo Backin cousin. a and al standards. The familymoved back totheNetherlandsafterfive months. found it impossible to put up with local social conditions and low education was quite eager to establish husband a new family life in Her Santo Domingo, permanently.but Lourdes there themselves establish could they whether went to the Dominican Republic together.husband Indian The purpose of the her trip was to see and Lourdes 1998, In India. to returned all have lings sib and parents His citizenship. Dutch holding Germany,now to migrants with aDominicanliving in theNetherlands. ways returning to New waysto returning York,base. his had Thehe abroad felt trips he where in Queens and Manhattan. He went to Spain, Norway, Holland and Italy, al – calledhimimmigrant becausehecamefrom New York.family own his even – locals the island, the on Backancestry. Dominican his of because immigrant an considered was York,New bad he a In was experience. It Republic. Dominican the to visit family only and one his on job as a computer specialist. At the age of 21, Coco accompanied his mother well-paid a technology,advancedfound in graduating after and, university the entered US-resident, a re-married She behind. work sweatshop leaving mother in Queens. During Coco’s childhood years, his mother succeeded in his of care the in left was Coco there. awaitingwasher future better a that her convincedwork factory able availNew readily Yorkin about established City already Dominicans from news and father,Coco’s from divorce the after steadily deteriorating bean had Plata Puerto in mother’sNew situation York.His for Republic minican Do the left 1970s, early the in mother, his when old Coco years three Denmark. only was to migrant Dominican a Coco, of case the is This origin. Dominican-US-Scandinavian familyrelations dual citizenshipsofvarious combinations. hold moreover children Her “destination”. and “origin” of those than tries coun more livingin members of consist to come has family years,Lourdes’ Overthe life. transnationalfamily of meaning the redefining simultaneously while Republic Dominican the in members family to relations family tional return. The case of Lourdes illustrates that it is possible to maintain transna maintain to possible is it that illustrates Lourdes of case The Over the years, Lourdes has facilitated the migration of a sister, an aunt Indian of son the mid-1990s, the in husband current her met Lourdes After graduating in sign language, Coco worked with young deaf-mutes of country original an to ties the broken have may migrants Other abuelos until he, six years later, joined his later,joined years six he, until ------

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Transnational Family Life across the Atlantic: The experience of Colombian and Dominican migrants in Europe (mostlyNorth African)encountered. fellowInproblems 1998, of migrantskind hethe met to asubject Danish neverNew was in womanCoco authorities, immigration local by passport) Dominican a holding (though can-American stay in Norway resulted in a son born after his departure. Considered an Afri His visa. tourist overstayinginvolveda often and months six to three lasted only for marital life but also for the children left behind, who may suffer from not problematic, are relations such that instead proposing approach, guine san less a takes chains” care “global on literature emergent However,the lation of family members and in functioning rather smoothly across borders. circuconstant a through allegiances family maintaining in successful being whichin as cases generallyconcentratedescribed on migrationis to tended life. family unfolding for environment best the provides necessarily up grew and rathera way,in non-nostalgic reject, whichin place the that born were they conventionalthan “harmonious” less nor undivided families. Theyboth also rent family relations – the ruptures on the way notwithstanding – as no more cur their represent directions. They many in flow Norway,emotions while Republic as well as in India; in Coco’s case, money is sent from Denmark to sense of collective unity and welfare with family members in the Dominican bers holding different nationalities. In Lourdes’ case, this dispersal includes a mem family including space, transnational in dispersed rather but origin of country their in located necessarily not are members family these but cial, finan as well as emotional members, family to links life. maintain Theyily whom hemaintainscontactthroughvisits. Norway,in son with his to allowances monthly remits fact in Coco that out – he insisted that he is not sending remittances to anybody. Curiously, it turns establish to the leveltry of transnational relations between source researchersand destination countries as we which in ways the of one – remittances New researcher’smigrationYork. about the question with confronted in When members family other and sister mother, his with contact maintains He Copenhagen. in daughter) and (wife family Coco nuclear his present. with lives the currently to holds he job a children, deaf-mute for institution an in job a to way the paved that programme integration an enter to Immigrants able was for Centre Education the from assistance through and classes, paid cleaning job, married (to secure his migrant status), began taking Danish the intention of staying only six months. However, he found a relatively well- to Denmark. In December 1999, Coco boarded a plane to Copenhagen with to their daughter, to see if she could live there. She could not and went back they decided that City,Yorkhe should New return, and that she in should visit after giving prospects birth career good Coco’s Given pregnant. became girlfriend Danish the where Copenhagen to YorkCity.went Together, they CARE AND CHANGESINGENDERRELATIONS Much, albeit by no means all, literature on transnational migration has liveboth Coco and Lourdes what maywe transnationalconsider fam DUE TO FEMALE MIGRATION ------4

subject to the abuse and violence of men who are themselves torn about the “they become pawns in the heritage politics of the household, and are often since life, family women “deterritorialized” of on brunt the particular.bear and Womenin general in families on strains immense involve diasporas cesses without necessarily blaming the victim, Appadurai suggests that global ago when thedemandwas primarilyformaleworkers. to be somewhat distinct from those created by migration only a few decades appear which forms, family transnational “care-drained” of emergence the encouraged has functions caretaking in women migrant for demand labour the words, other In 2003). Hochschild, and Ehrenreich 2000; (Hochschild, the with wife/mother’s associated traditional services role leads to a of “care drain” transferin the countries of the origin process, this In countries. rich to poor from love and care of importation the by created being are chains care global theory, demand-pull and supply-push conventional in As tries. coun developed in risen has functions care-taking for Demand migration. of feminization the to havecontributed countries developing in households female-headed in increase an and mobility, social blocked countries, rich and poor between gap wagegrowing a drain”. that “care is a Theargument where her daughter, Lupe, was born. The separation from her husband in husband her from separation The born. was Lupe, daughter, her where apartment small a to husband her with moved she 1980s, early the in rying employeesrailways.both the house, with parents’ her in up grew mar After She 1961. in Cali urban in born was María María. of case the by illustrated Female-centered familyrelations…and theItaliannovio globalization, morefemaleheadsofhouseholdsareforced tomigrate. by generated impoverishment further the Given mix. forms family centred rude somewhat a with say,generalization, that the two socio-cultural may or economic processes of female- we countries), two the within as well as tions of “family” vary in the Colombian and Dominican cases (both between 2004). Sørensen, see summary, a (for exclusion and poverty to response in or mother the of centrality and valuing cultural on either based region, the throughout widespread are forms family centred female- since analysis, present the for itself. relevant Thisfamily is the to or childrearing to either necessary nor central neither is relationship conjugal the mother-child bond forms the affective and economic core and where the which in mother-centeredfamilies them among connections, and latedness logical studies – have shown, the “family” covers a multitude of senses of re anthropo numerous as well as – century 20th the in forms family of review gender roles, family values and family functions. As Therborn’s (2004) broad 2003: 42). while(Appadurai,strivingculture” of family-as-microcosm the reproduce to ethnoscapes, new these of fantasies and desires the out “play to have technology”,they and capital of dispositions new and earning of kinds new of cultural and formations”. However spatial much dispersed family members shifting may “enjoy the fruits in opportunity and heritage between relation In an attempt to formulate a general theory of global cultural pro- cultural global of theory general a formulate to attempt an In The mix of female-centred family forms and impoverishment may be mayimpoverishment and forms family female-centred of mix The conventional question and re-orient to serves only not migration But

5 Although the cultural no cultural the Although - - - - -

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Transnational Family Life across the Atlantic: The experience of Colombian and Dominican migrants in Europe from hermother’s. far not own her of house a in invested she that money little a save to aged mother could look after Lupe while María worked. Over the years, she man the that so partly period, difficult a during her support to partly er’shouse, moth her to back moved father.She her of death the with coincided 1986 could nolongermeetthedown payments andhadtosellthehouse. they bought in the early 1990s in Medellín. By the late 1990s, however, they ly economy, the three women began saving money for a family house, which the age of 20. When the daughters were old enough to contribute to the fami at Magaly,bymother raised single were a Celia became whosister younger in her and She interview, old. the years 34 of Josefina was time apartment the Madrid. At Josefina’s in gathered were 2002 September in who Mejias, Political insecurityinColombiaandstereotypesSpain María uponherreturntoColombia. to money remit to her Italy,enable in livingto better also a but Lupe secure ment for a small business place. Future business profits are meant to not only Both María and Lupe put a little money aside each month for the down pay services. communication other and calls phone cheapinternational offering self-employed a as Lupe tablish Colombia in a couple of years, while Lupe will stay in Italy. The plan is to es Italian the Marrying rental. through income future her supplementing of plan the with mother spends the money from Italy to add another floor to her house in Cali Maria’sColombia in Back calls. long-distance on spent are euros 200 other Maria’sfor month mother.a euros 600 An around remit to Lupe and María bring in other family members. Moreover, living with the Italian tics or working in the sex industry – are dead ends if one wishes to legalize or ships with Italian men. The two other alternatives – working as live-in domes she was abletosponsorherdaughter’s migration. months, eight another After months. four within Colombia in dept her back fact that he paid the rent and the daily living expenses enabled María to pay in the restaurant and moved into his apartment a couple of months later. The Italian current her met She restaurant. a in washingdishes woman).Italian elderly an for (caring job first her as well arrivedas immigrants)newly to beds out renting byliving a made who woman Dominican a by owned apartment an (in ing France to La Spezia in Italy. The travel Madrid, “package” included both to initial board in Montpellier Bogotá and Barcelona through from train travelledby she plane there from and a boarded and 2001 April in Cali left She be able to pay for the “travel agent’s” services María took a loan in her house. for having helped Colombian women with travel arrangements to Europe. To would allow her to make a better living. She contacted a local woman known Another case of female-centred family migration is represented by the relation establish to obliged are womenmigrant María, to According that place any to abroad, migrate to decided María 2000, Around novio is not part of Maria’s future plans. She intends to return to return to intends She plans. Maria’sfuture of part not is 6 After two months she found a better paid job paid better a found she twomonths After locutorio owner, a migrant service business service owner,migrant a novio novio (boyfriend) allows ------visiting Spain on a two-week tourist trip in January 2001 with Celia – an – Celia with 2001 January in trip tourist two-week a on Spain visiting visa. a without entering of possibility the – important most perhaps – relativelyand language, livinglowcosts, common a offered hand, other the on Spain, high. very were there expenses living that knew women three the visits, family from but mid-1980s, the in Switzerland to migrated Magaly of sister A Europe. was there finally and “Thirdcountry; World” another to go more safe environment than Colombia as well as a a shared language, offered but whyRica Costa visas; obtaining of terms in choice problematic a was migrated there in the 1980s, looked good in terms of wage opportunities but language; USA, known to the family since a brother on Josefina’s father’s side because of the yen, but then again very far away and difficult because of the option good a seemed Japan ToJosefina, considered. seriously were value currency and language requirements, countries. Visa various of advantages pay the monthly bills. With her mind set on migration, Josefina calculated the that Josefina’s wages – as an employee of a courier service – could no longer extent the to economy national the deteriorated had and risk, at was being his psychological that well- the extent to son school-age Josefina’s fected af had hazard. This daily a city the around movement made had Violence Medellín. hometown their in conditions living insecure the of enough had US does. the as citizens, Spanish of parents to rights immigration any grant not does daughter,their bybirth. citizen Spanish a Theyhowever,ignored, Spain that for Spain to back exit possible a securing on keen were they Colombia, to back go to intended both they While birth. by citizen Colombian-Spanish dual a be would baby daughter their that ensure to and Josefina visit to drid Ma to went husband her and she pregnant, months eight was she 2002 of movedmigrationshe – Bogotá. plans to Medellín from autumn the in When future family’s female-centred the to key – bonuses travel international for grandmother Magaly. his by accompanied arrived who Madrid, in son her with reunited Josefina 2001, of end the By son. the her receive to need served pressing and immediate more an apartment having finally marriage, via status her legalizing Spanish the to relationship her moved.While both they which into apartment an for lease the signed who –she man Spanish a met strategically somewhat andperhaps – Luckily Colombian. was fina since most a job, rental offices or private finding renters backed than out after learningdifficult that Jose more be to out turned housing decent Finding various products and was assigned to promote the sale of Kiwi fruit in Spain. firm during her time off. Later, she became an agent for a firm that promoted computer a for material information andsup distributing by income inacafeteria her plemented employment found then She firm. textile lombian Madrid in April 2001,andlefthersoninthecareofmother. Back in Medellín, Josefina sold her remaining belongings, boarded a plane to Spain. on decided travelJosefina free – to employeeof Aviancaaccess with The Mejías’ migration history took off when Josefina a few years earlier ak n ooba Cla otne wrig o vac.T qualify ToAvianca. for working continued Celia Colombia, in Back Co a for agent sales a as Spain in career migrant her started Josefina novio paved the way to way the paved 7 After - - - - -

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Transnational Family Life across the Atlantic: The experience of Colombian and Dominican migrants in Europe actually returned shortly after delivery,political after dangerous shortly and returned unstable actually the ample. Though Celia and her husband both held good jobs in Colombia, and Josefina’sfollowing ex of thought the mother,with playedold 52-year ing, middle-aged Spanish boyfriend to legalize her status. Magaly, her good look friends of her Santo Domingo employers. She accepted the offer (the pay (the was substantially offer better than whatthe she could earn accepted in Santo Domingo), She left her employers. Domingo Santo her of friends close were who family Jewish a for work Panamaand to go to offered was employers.former her workstayedfor to She returned when1994, she until second child, Fresa’s husband died. Left with no means of subsistence, Fresa everyone’snot her is of it after.birth everlive the happily to after lot Shortly But daughters. two in resulted relationship their years three within and well her treated husband Her barrios. class Domingo’sworking Santo of one to employers her of neighbourhood class upper the from moved and man est hon and poor a married Fresa 25, of age the At afternoon. the in returned their prepared and morning the in career.any She wavedpursue goodbye to the family’sor school children when they left for attend school to e.g. children, own their of luxuries the her neverallowedhand, other the on but family”, the of “part as extent some to her treated domestic. They live-in a as kin fictive her for working involved of bonds family of 13. It is not uncommon for poor Latin American families to establish fictive byin whencapital the in family class upper an was she age the at orphaned taken was but Republic, Dominican the in village rural a in born wasFresa daughters. teenage her and Fresa of case the been time. Thishas of periods Compadrazgo, domesticwork andblurredfamilyboundaries tions toovercome theirstructural disadvantages. women’s migrant vulnerability; and of the use advantageby migrant women take of native not men’s may needs/construc or may who men, European women in the minds of sometimes older, and often not particularly attractive Latina of construction the position; vulnerable a in migrants place that tors fac structural by framed as understood be course of must women these of Mejías. the for maycase as the future, be the in abroad Theeveryday tactics relocate can family entire whichthe on grounds the as serve or – migration gal status to reunite with a daughter in Italy in order to enable her own return migration status can facilitate circular migration – as when María uses her le Legal housing. decent find to or status, migration legalize to homeland, the to flows monetary the enlarge to either established were men European to occur.necessarily Tacticalrelationships not will drain” “care a that lustrate il cases two these separation, temporal their of consequence a as mothers and children of part the on drain emotional an expect could we While ing. rear children’sand the caring in participated already who grandmothers of migrate.to relativelya for behind left were Children care the in period short decision the to prior absent were husbands and fathers that meaning tion, open. options exit keep to imperative it made Colombia in situation security and Contrary to María in Italy, Josefina seemed determined to marry her marry to determined seemed Josefina Italy, in María to Contrary In other cases, however, family members stay separated for extended for separated stay however,members cases, family other In occurred divorce cases, Josefina’s and María both In compadrazgo to richer families. In Fresa’s case, this bond this Fresa’scase, In families. richer to bocadillos and hot chocolate when they when chocolate hot and before migra ------depends on this particular contract. She contemplated finding herself a herself finding contemplated She contract. particular this on depends Amsterdam each timeshehastopay herexpenses. Fresa needs to have money wired by Western Union from Santo Domingo to tax. savedincome rangementDutch however,Fresa the The is, flip-side that Domingo. Santo in Thisaccount bank ar a to transferred be wages monthly in her contract in addition to full board. Moreover, he insisted that her entire stipulated Euros 1,200 paythe to refused he and apartments); friends’ his of included much more than was stipulated in her contract (e.g. cleaning some nanny during his childhood years, replaced him. Working for him, however, the by now old patriarch fell ill and died. His son, for whom Fresa served as a the way forlegalentrytotheNetherlands.Shortlyafterherarrival, however, pavedwhich service, domestic for contract a signed She him. join to asked family. When the family father in 2002 was stationed in Amsterdam, she was most ofherincomeforthedaughters’education. remitted she Panamawhichtime during years, two City. lasted contract Her husband’sher of COPA for care sister,a flight the boarded in and daughters the nuancessurroundingmotherly love andways ofcaring. on such parent-child relationships, a focus on global care drain risks missing break the chain of poverty. While not denying the hardships migration places are able to pay for the mothers education of migrant the these children afar,they from left behind, guidance expecting to and care emotional to addition tions, international migration enables substantial economic contributions. In (Sørensen, 2004). monogamy serial on based and matrilocal is migrants other of opportunities. backgroundincome Thefamily better least at or services and rights social for search a in country their leave – widowed or divorced ther whe- – women single many and society, Dominican of sectors poorer the term separation from their children. Marital instability is more acute amongst in domestic service prior to international migration. The consequence is long- these women are poor, have migrated from rural to urban areas, and worked Manyof Europe. in service domestic in working colour of migrants minican tion feelings, she maintains a sense of motherhood by contributing to their educa Domingo consider the aunt to be their mother, and although this hurts Santo Fresa’sin daughters her now By housewife. Dutch a as herself establish and She hopes to find another man, leave the unsatisfying domestic work behind, relationship. But he nevertheless left her for another younger a foreign woman.established she whom with man, older an met year,she Last Dutchman. para queellastenganotra salidadelaquehetenidoyo Fresa wished to leave her job, but her legal status in the Netherlands the in status legal her but job, her leave to wished Fresa Back in Santo Domingo, she once again returned to work for her “old” Fresa’s experience is in many ways typical for many poorly skilled Do 8 improvingnecessarily not ownWhile their lives workingand condi 9 . - - - -

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Transnational Family Life across the Atlantic: The experience of Colombian and Dominican migrants in Europe needs” (Pribilsky opcit:329). household for claims better make to which through language authoritative an with “women invests management Remittance gains. economic the age man to “partner” a needs also migrant the better; off pay to tends only not migration transnational, becomes migration When migrate. who those with remains income of allocation the and generation the both for responsibility internally,migrating When economies. migration transnational and internal Pribilsky,to ing qualitativebetween laysanswerthe difference the in of part breadwinners? primary the Accord as role their reinforce men their as even laws totheirhusbandsintheUnitedStates. in- their by reported be may impropriety of sign slightest the even that fear whilewomenmen abroad, for possibility – economic an not if moral– a be differ.to seems maynevertheless infidelity control While social Theof level labourers). day hiring and trucks driving (e.g. men with associated viously left in Ecuador are similarly brought into gendered spaces and positions pre routinely understood as natural andbe might unchanging”otherwise that (Pribilskywork of op nature cit:gendered the 319). of awarenessWives of level new “a in migration.Men’susher duties domestic necessary the to attention overtake to come – remittances ling byhandled tasks before husbands their hand- to addition in – womenwhereas cleaning, and cooking as such roles life acrosslongdistancesandextendedperiodsofseparation. family and relationships roles, redefine to work couples’ of understanding a “add” nuanced more a to present men’sto perspectiveon and gendered experiences manages Pribilsky Ecuador, in spouses their and York New in women’son focus only.experience migrants male with interviews on Based studies gender that and disintegration, family to leads necessarily migration to due separation spousal that namely transmigration, of views held monly com two with issue takes He life. family and co-parenting, relations, jugal con examine to out Pribilskysets States, (2004) United the to Ecuador from angle, namely that of fatherhood as it is played out in current male migration left behind. children the in entanglement emotional divorceand abandonment, spousal previous the examples have shown, they do as not necessarily lead to disorganized families, But 42). 2003: (Appadurai, arrangements” fractured tially spa in aspirations and understandings mutual their negotiate and pool bers mem family as deterritorialization of “traumas the to exposed and liticized po becomes easily relations parent-child and husband-wife as such arenas intimate in reproduction cultural of task the migration, international With construction. generational and gender of categories meaningful other and of gender roles and ideologies by altering traditional roles, divisions of labour Migration serves to re-orient and question normative understandings normative question and re-orient to serves Migration Why, then, do Ecuadorian women feel that they are “moving forward” While abroad, male migrants come to assume some traditional female different a from life family transnational of issue this Approaching TRANSNATIONAL MOTHERHOOD, FATHERHOOD AND CHILDHOOD ------his analysis also shows, howeverimplicitly,shows, also society’sanalysis that his disciplining moral home”, “broken a to equal always not is parent a of migration the that ing (Pribilsky opcit:331). priceless’ opens up new possibilities for the roles of father as well as mother” the “transformation of children from ‘economically worthless’ to ‘emotionally tant index for relative success. Within the context of transnational parenting, school.to them send Providing childrenthe for “better” impor an itself in is and economy farm family the to obligations their childrenof their relieve to afford can households migrant transnational successful economically tion, addi In 330). cit: op (Pribilsky it puts Pribilsky as fonder” grow hearts some cising expectations of respect from thousands of miles away. Distance “made exer by it do longer no can they children, small their with relationship any have to want they if that realize to come men absences, prolonged to Due ( respect through relationships such build to expected are fathers typically are mothers ( trust of relationships foster believedto Ecuador, In follows: as also goes are argument The children altered. couple’s the to relationships Parental change. that wife of the armed conflict. Not only are women and girls the majority of internally withinthe family, Colombian women are also gender-basedviolence to subjected perpetrator. addition the In knew women these of to violence on account most that and violence sexual of victims been havewomen of cent per 5.3 that reveal Statistics partners. or husbands their of hands the at violence of In Colombia, it is estimated that as many as 41 per cent of women are victims actors. armed byperpetrated violence to vulnerable furthermore are lombia Co in conflict armed continuing the by displaced girls and Womenplace. takes violence sexual and domestic most where home, their be may bean Carib the and America Latin in children and women for place dangerous livelihood. Somay exposuretoviolent familyrelationships. stable a searchof travelin to abroad parent single a propel mayitself ration – volatile family relations? As our previous analysis has shown, marital sepa of conseq-uence ratherthe it is or – migrationcausing of feminization the Is tional community itself (Sørensen, 2004). The question nevertheless remains: ing state, within the national patriarchal community, and within the transna representing the nation, there are strong sensitivities at play: within the send of “family values” abound in the debate. As women are seen as symbolically of notions organic present of grain the against goes however, Europe, to women American Latin of migration role. current Theabsentee this of continuation fathers are supposed to be Since extent. great a to varies fathers and mothers transnational of Pribilsky’s analysis is interesting on several accounts. Apart from show and husbands between relations only not is it Pribilsky’sanalysis, In One of the world’s most violent regions is Latin America. The most The America. Latin is regions violent most world’s the of One mothers, domesticity and morality, and culturally coded narratives coded culturally morality,and and domesticity mothers, INTERMEZZO: GENERALIZED AND DOMESTIC VIOLENCE absent anyway, their migration abroad is in many ways a confianza ) with their children,whiletheir with ) respeto ). ------

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Transnational Family Life across the Atlantic: The experience of Colombian and Dominican migrants in Europe women,(Peace 2003). service” “community a as weekend a for combatants to girls their lence perpetrated by armed actors, who reportedly request that parents offer vio to vulnerable particularly also are they Colombia, in persons displaced the attack but also seriously deteriorating the life of undocumented migrants, by affected directly people the among grief and horror,death causing only anybefore wasaction the taken Twin Towersbut status), attackedwere by not terrorists, her legalize (to her marry and wife his divorce to promised He can paid) job. In her own case, the nightclub work led to finding a North Ameri lower (but decent more a finding before nightclubs and bars from up way New in her that York,work found to experience, had professional woman a and training by lawyer a Patricia, 2003). (August Denmark for then 2001), New (2000- for City first York Bogotá, leaving before men Colombian with violence may notapplytothem. domestic from women European protecting laws the that find nevertheless may men European with relationships strategic into entering abroad. Those or relocating family members vulnerable to violence (domestic and political) of aim the with migration transnational in engage may grate with the understanding that family separation is temporary, many others earnings. better and mobility occupational migrant Latino allowing not market labour European tight a of problem the ical violence, the problem of polit- continuing of problem the to reference by explained maybe return of postponement stayor of Prolongation partner’sthere. networks social violent wider a escape to order in US the over Europe choosing for even maybe and migrate, to deciding for reasons several among one as do violence mestic mention migrants female that uncommon not is it however, material, broader the In violence. domestic involves cases the of None Colombia. in tion decisions were directly affected by the situation of generalized violence The dangersofmarryingforavisa women of who seekcaredosoasaresultofdomesticviolence(CLAIHR,2002). cent per 80 that and violence, family of type some experience homes Dominican six in one that 15-45, aged women Dominican among were committed by murders a spouse. It is these estimated that murder is of the sixth cause of cent death per 60 Republic. Dominican the in murdered were women 103 2001, October 31 and 2000 November 1 Between tics. statis police’s death national the by confirmed is Republic Dominican the in violence domestic of seriousness 3). The 2002: March (Basta, victim the to known someone or member family a by perpetrated were cases these of violence. sexual reported Themajority cent per 31.3 and physicalviolence, reported cent per 32.4 violence, emotional reported cent per 65.3 centres, these attending women the among that found Republic Dominican the in PROFAMILIAof clients teachersfor services (SEMMA) health public the and novio This was the case for Patricia, who had her share of bad experiences bad of share her had Patricia,who for case the wasThis Josefina’sand migraMaría above, presented experiences the Among A 2001 study of the prevalence of gender-based violence among female and later to becoming a driver in his truck and trailer company.trailer and truck his in driver a becoming to later and machista violence within the family, as well as 10 While some women may mi may women some While escaping the family the escaping ------

they have beenmarriedforseven years! before husband abusive divorcean they if deportation, but women migrant to much offer not could classes integration and language Danish during her that the “democratic” and “egalitarian” Danish society that was presented to in a crisis centre for battered women. Imagine her surprise when she learned tionships to foreign women. After a violent domestic fight, Patricia ended up rela abusive of history hidden and dark a had he that find to only husband and troublesome negotiations – allowed family reunification with her Danish long after – was and Sweden to visa tourist a through Denmark entered less Patricianeverthe down. Denmark enter Patriciato for couple’s application the turned authorities Danish the laws, reunification family Danish new the to meet her in the spring of 2003. After three days, the couple married. Given Colombia to went and responded man Danish website. A dating a on ment to Colombia. who she left in her grandmother’s care in Bogotá – Patriciadaughter, her decided to return about worried feeling as well as – papers without streets the walk to longer any daring Not threat. security a as seen suddenly were who of how state policies and programmes at both ends of the migration con migration the of ends both at programmes and policies state how of discussions are analyses these in absent Relatively families. or within households relations gender of terms in framed been generally have migration might callmethodologicalregionalism. we what with substituted extent certain a to is nationalism methodological optic, defined territorially analysis’ However,this direction. to right due the in step a is systems family geo-cultural of analysis Therborn’sglobal (2004) Schiller,Glick 2003). and (Wimmer place takes – life family implication by and – life social which within container natural logical, the is the state nation that assumption the is, that nationalism; methodological termed have Schiller Glick and Wimmerwhat of go let to necessary is it discussion, the further to order In 2002). Olwig, and Sørensen see critique, further (for ries connect family members of the that ties social the with concerned remained have foci research empirical the because least borders. not across Thisis connections continuous of tion descrip simple the beyond – transformation family and such formation family as – processes micro-social closely more address to failed largely have but relations, family cross-border of processes larger at look to havetended migration transnational of studies way.Existing the along transformed but trans-national social space (Faist, 2000). Such social formations within are not static formation social of type new a or 2001) (Levitt, communities tional transna of development the to contribute practices their and localities, or Back in Colombia, Patricia posted her picture and a brief bio-state brief a and picture her posted Patricia Colombia, in Back Discourses on transnational family life in the age of feminization of feminization of age the in life family transnational on Discourses and/ states nation multiple with identify and interact often Migrants AND LEVELSOFINCLUSION ON FAMILY, NATION same nationality across nation state bounda ------

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Transnational Family Life across the Atlantic: The experience of Colombian and Dominican migrants in Europe their home countries’ economies). As Salazar Parreñas has forcefully argued, to (and them on depending those to make women these contributions able valudownplayingthe of and women migrant vilifying or victimizing either of risk the run analyses Such 2004). (Sørensen, emotions of economy litical po the and 2001) (Goldring, politics gender family-level influence tinuum increasing significantly. This suggests that changes to the gendered division gendered the to changes significantly. that increasing suggests This family life before the late 1980s, when the number of migrant women began to threat a perceivedas not was migration transnational Europe, In policies. So with. grappled be must the inevitably cultural and moral values must forming the basis it, for family and with migration associated policies the and state, the of role The processes. economic and political social, connected inter and complex by affected as seen be should therefore, life, family nal re-combinations. and Transnatio-combinations multifarious its in formation everydaytransnationalfamily livesinvolvedof those micro-politics of the in extensionthe and oflaws citizenship certain dual (through societies socialsending in benefitsand – forth) so to their extraterritorial co-nationals)and policies, welfare social regulations, market labour integration, zenship, – affect the of inclusion and exclusion in host societies (through immigration policy, citi regulations State level. micro the at processes of result the just not are ders tion ofdualormultinationalfamilies. forma the to contributing actively are policies migration strict and controls border enhanced visas, for or love for marry men and women whether But “family”. as count that ones only the and important most the are nationals reintroduced methodological nationalism in haveother guises, namely that family mayties to fellow ties social long-distance on focus the of inter-state regulations, framework administrative and legal specific the beyond and emerge within the setting of international migration systems as well as within transnational analysis has vigorously shown how transnational social spaces consist of family members originating from the same national group. cerned with the family con habitually takes for granted research that transnational families migration Nevertheless, sexuality. and class ethnicity, race, new transnational family alliances are formed and economic differences within distinct groups. At the same time, however, cultural social, of as well as groups migrant various between differences of riage intoand/orfamilyformationwithawideselectionofnationalities. societies as well as to the creation of new transnational family forms by mar destination and source between families transnational of spread the to ute tions. Finally, it overlooks how migration and labour-market policies contrib separa temporal and spatial accommodate to fatherhood and motherhood of meanings the transform migrants howoverlooks also It (Therborn,2004). assumed habitually than ownsocieties, our evenwithin wide-spread, less is family nuclear the since Eurocentric, or perspectiveethno- this tiveis that is 53). One problem among others related to a nuclear family centred perspec 52- (Salazar 2003: families Parreñas, transnational in children of difficulties that a return to the nuclear family is the only viable solution to the emotional view the promotes moreover mothers as women’srole migrant questioning The emergence of family structures and the shape they take across bor cognizant be must families transnational of definition any course, Of across lines of national origin, 11 While ------social capital (e.g. family and community relations that benefited children’sbenefited that relations community and family (e.g. capital social and income), with purchased experiences and goods, (money, capital cial human capital including (skills, knowledge and traits resources,that foster achievement in provided society), finan husbands and fathers transnational context. historical in placed Throughoutcentury,20th the of half second the be childshould life family transnationalhood. around worries of Theround latest and fatherhood transnational to also but motherhood transnational one’s for family(SalazarParreñas, economically 2003:54). providing to include motherhood their redefining to by makefamilies women contributions economic the recognize to is policy, foreign receiving as as well well countries. as as domestic ing in step, first A send in needs) transnational emerging on (based policy family and reality) there is a dire need for a reconstituted gender and family ideology (based on than hithertoacknowledged. playmay a much more decisive– role in the emergence of transnational family origin life of countries migrants’ the in as well as Europe in – labour of good feministpointofdeparture. a be to seems relations family escape to need a as well as sustain to wish a by both caused be can migration that realizing and unit social harmonious a as family the of notions idealist unworldly and ideal of go Letting tection. pro international of orbit the outside but houses inside practices domestic routinely nevertheless womendiscriminates against byviolence to issue ofdomestic relegating the asylum to right the and rights human of world The Nights One suffer intheirnew“European”families. childrenmayand mothers violence the or origin of countries the in families plaguing violence domestic of problem the solve it will nor breadwinner, main the being of problems the solve necessarily not will women migrant Hochschild,(see lies Parreñas,Salazar 2000; of return the for Calling 2003). phrasing Brycesonand Vuerela, 2002:11). state by redefining the status nation of the its inhabitantsredefine continually andopportunities theirjob familialand relationslegislation (paramigration changing how scrutinize critically to reasons good are there – better” same the “do even or – same the do to able be not should mothers transnational that believe to reason no is there While 2000)). (Gills, development social A second step would be to approach not only problems pertaining to pertaining problems only not approach to be would step second A shown, have paper the throughout provided examples case the As Goytisolo (2004) reminds us of a central sentence in sentence central a of us reminds (2004) Goytisolo An emergingpolicy areaiscareforthechildren oftransnational fami : “The world is the house of those who do not have a house”. a have not do who those of house the is world “The : A Thousandand ------

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 171 172

Transnational Family Life across the Atlantic: The experience of Colombian and Dominican migrants in Europe 1. 10. 9. 8. 7. 6. 5. 4. 3. 2. grants in Europe (Spain, Italy, the United Kingdom, Denmark and the and Denmark Kingdom, United the Italy, (Spain, Europe in grants carried out jointly by the authors among Colombian and Dominican mi The empirical examples presented stem from an ongoing research project national socialrelationsare developed. migration as such, but they do control the conditions under which trans- control not limited. do rather Thus,states is physicalmovement control whereasmarket), labour the to of capability regulation their (through ity ble. Still, we maintain that states are capable of controlling social mobil transnationalpractices.their as well Theseseparahardly are twoissues as countries host in incorporation migrantgrant’s determine status legal There is lively debate over whether local labour market conditions or mi tovec, 2004). (Verup” growing waysof and systems educational nations, two tween be “caught feeling up end may and parent(s) migrant their accompany late to the children left behind. They may as well pertain to children who StevenAs Vertovecre just not do entanglements emotional us, reminds family forms. specific culturally of effect the be may also but poverty to due is ways al and necessarily not instability marital that underline to this Wenote Spain didnotrequirevisasfromColombiansuntil2002. fee. now matured networks can be used by byother national groups, often Theirfor a off. took Colombia from migration mass before industry care Italian the in themselves established Dominicans group. migrant tional na the to bound necessarily not are networks transnational that shows woman Dominican a by facilitated was María’smigration that fact The and connectionsthatmay leadtonewfamilyforms. relatedness of forms other engenders individuals, transsexual and gay Migration induced by sexual orientation, that is, the migration of lesbian, children, was documentedby Guarnizo(1997a,1997b). for particular in relations, family Dominican for migration of cost The the throughout used chapter arefictitious. names informants, of anonymity the protect To Milan andLondonconductedbetweenJanuary andJuly 2005. Rome, Barcelona, Madrid, in migrants Dominican and Colombian 821 of sample probability a includes also It Republic. Dominican the and Colombia in locations various in members family or migrants visiting returned, 200 around with and Netherlands, the and Denmark England, Italy, Spain, in locations multiple in migrants Dominican and lombian finished inand July 2005. It includes in-depth interviews with2002 some 500 Co of summer the in started collection Data Europe. to gration mi Dominican and Colombian of effects development and practices, transnational incorporation, of mode the compares project larger The Science Research Council. Social Danish the by funded partly been has project Netherlands). The NOTES ------11. the policy by claimingthatitprevents forced/arranged marriages. legitimizes Integration for Minister TheDenmark. to spouse their bring overmigrantsbe and that livingmustyearsmarry Denmark24to in old requires 2002 in introduced law new origin. A of country the in spouse a finding of practice groups’ migrant some with synonymous become havefamilies wheretransnational Denmark in case the Thiscurrently is

Living Across Worlds: Diaspora, Development and Transnational Engagement 173 174

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