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Compensatory Geminates in Japanese Dialects∗

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Compensatory Geminates in Japanese Dialects∗ Compensatory geminates in Japanese dialects∗ Hiroki Koga Saga University E-mail: [email protected] Phonological Forum 2015, Phonological Society of Japan Osaka University at Toyonaka, Japan August 19th, 2015 Abstract The current study reviews Hayata’s 1998 generative rule-based analysis and a plausible extension of Sasaki’s 2013 OT analysis, which deals with a complex phenomenon of Hasaki-Ibaragi dialect of Japanese, with regard to explaining the former part of geminates at the final of the non-past forms of the /r/-final verbs in Takeo-Saga dialect of Japanese. Sasaki’s 2013 ranking of Max[Place] and the markedness constraint *u#C (to prohibit the final vowel /u/ before the initial consonant of the syntactic head) incorrectly predicts for Takeo-Saga dialect that [siN gokiburi] does not sur- face for /sinu gokiburi/ ‘a cockroach that will die’. In addition, Sasaki 2013 as well as Hayata 1998 cannot explain why consonant geminates occur, not capturing the phenomenon in the dialect as compensatory germinates. The phenomenon of Takeo-Saga-Japanese dialect fits Hayes’ 1989 moraic theory in the framework of McCarthy’s 2008 HS-OT better. Hayata’s 1998 verb final /u/- deletion can be replaced with the more general markedness constraint *Vru, where /u/ or /ru/ is the non-past morpheme. 1) A markedness constraint, the prohibition of Prosodic Prominence on Ex- pletives on the assumption that the allomorphs of the non-past tense are /u/, /ru/ and /u+ru/, and 2) the faithfulness constraint Ident[cons] are relevant to why consonant germinates occur. The adop- tion of Hayes 1989 makes it possible to explain the Japanese phenomenon along the compensatory lengthening and germinates of other languages like Lesbian and Thessalian dialects of Greek. ∗The current study is supported by KAKENHI of Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS), specifically Grant-in-aid for Scientific Research (C), No. 24520432 in the academic year 2015. Contents 1 Methodology: Micro-comparative phonology 3 2 Phenomenon: the ‘non-past’ forms of the verbs in Takeo-Saga dialect 4 3 Review of previous studies 6 3.1 Hayata’s 1998 rule-based account . 6 3.2 Hayata’s 1998 verb final /u/-deletion . 7 3.3 Hayata’s 1998 vowel sound change of /e/ to /u/ . 8 3.4 An extension of Sasaki’s 2013 Optimality Theoretic account . 10 4 Proposal 11 4.1 Allomorphs of verb stems and allomorphs of the non-past affix . 11 4.2 Hayes’ 1989 moraic theory and the markedness constraint *Vru .......... 13 4.3 McCarthy’s 2008 Coda Condition . 14 4.4 McCarthy’s 2008 Harmonic Serialism-OT and Ident[cons] and *ProsPromExpl . 16 4.4.1 McCarthy’s 2008 Harmonic Serialism-OT . 16 4.4.2 Faithfulness constraint: Ident[cons] . 16 4.4.3 Markedness constraint: Prohibition of Prosodic Prominence on Expletive (Koga ms.) . 17 4.4.4 Ranking of violable faithfulness and markedness constraints . 17 4.5 Predictions . 17 4.5.1 Regarding nur ‘paint [Non-past]’, in which there is no morpheme boundary: 18 4.5.2 Regarding nur (n#u#r) ‘sleep [Non-past]’: . 19 2 1 Methodology: Micro-comparative phonology 1. If theoretical linguistics is one of the cognitive sciences, aiming at explaining how children acquire the languages for a relatively short period of time by modeling the human language fac- ulty, then what theoretical linguistics must explore is grammar in the scope of not only the target language or dialect but also its neighboring dialects and a standard language. 2. Children in country-side areas in Japan are exposed to 1) a native local language (or dialect), 2) its neighboring dialects and the standard language. 3. Any local dialect can be one of the neighboring dialects of another local dialect in Japan, for example, through family relationships. 4. Children in country-side areas in Japan acquire a native dialect and at least a few of other Japanese dialects and the standard Japanese, i.e., model grammar of the native dialect and at least a few of other Japanese dialects and the standard Japanese. 5. Dialectal differences, which may be minor or peripheral, may be crucial to have a deeper understanding of grammar of the target language or dialect extendable to those of its neighboring dialects and the standard language.1 1This goal is distinct from that of dialectology or typology which usually deals with local languages (or dialects). Their purpose is to classify dialects and languages. 3 2 Phenomenon: the ‘non-past’ forms of the verbs in Takeo- Saga dialect If its standard and Yanagawa-Fukuoka counterpart ends with /ru/ 1. The ‘non-past’ form of every 1) so-called vowel /e/-final base verb and 2) strong base verb, necessarily ending with /ru/ in standard Japanese and Yanagawa-Fukuoka dialect, ends i) with the former part of the geminate consonant like [g] of [gg] if immediately followed by a noun beginning with a consonant (like /gohan/ ‘rice’) or ii) with the glottal stop sentence-finally.2 Table 1: The former part of a geminate at the final of the non-past forms in Takeo-Saga dialect of Japanese in contrast with standard Japanese and Yanagawa-Fukuoka dialect of Japanese S-final RC#N condi. Neg. Imp. caus. consonant /r/-final stem verbs Takeo toP tog (g...) (torya:) tonna torasug (g...) ‘take’ standard toru toru (g...) toreba toruna toraseru (g...) Yanagawa toru toru (g...) toreba toruna torasuru (g...) vowel /e/-final stem verbs Takeo tabuP tabug (g...) (taburya:) tabunna tabesasug (g...) ‘eat’ standard taberu taberu (d...) tabereba taberuna tabesaseru (g...) Yanagawa taburu taburu (g...) tabureba taburuna tabesasuru (g...) vowel /i/-final stem verbs Takeo okiP okig (g...) (okirya:) okinna okisasug (g...) ‘get up’ standard okiru okiru (g...) okireba okiruna okisaseru (g...) Yanagawa okiru okiru (g...) okireba okiruna okisasuru (g...) strong stem verbs Takeo kuP kug (g...) (kurya:) kunna korasug (g...) ‘come’ standard kuru kuru (g...) kureba kuruna koraseru (g...) Yanagawa kuru kuru (g...) kureba kuruna korasuru (g...) strong stem verbs Takeo suP sug (g...) (surya:) sunna sasug (g...) ‘do’ standard suru suru (g...) sureba suruna saseru (g...) Yanagawa suru suru (g...) sureba suruna sasuru (g...) 2Native speakers say that they pronounce the glottal stop as the former part of the geminate of [kitte] ‘stamp’. Some kind of tension of the vocal folds is involved in the producing the sokuon in Tokyo dialect of Japanese according to Fujimoto’s 2014 physiological study. At least the glottal constriction is involved where Hayata 1998 claims the glottal stop occurs. 4 If its standard and Yanagawa-Fukuoka counterpart does not end with /ru/ 2. The ‘non-past’ form, not ending with /ru/ (or ending with /(w)u/, /tsu/, /mu/, /bu/, /nu/, /ku/, /gu/ or /su/) in standard Japanese and Yanagawa-Fukuoka dialect, never ends with the former part of a geminate consonant. Table 2: The non-past forms in Takeo-Saga dialect of Japanese in contrast with standard Japanese and Yanagawa-Fukuoka dialect of Japanese: not the former part of geminate consonants S-final RC#N condi. Neg. Imp. caus. consonant /w/-final stem verbs Takeo au au (g...) (aeba) auna awasug (g...) ‘meet’ standard au au (g...) aeba auna awaseru (d...) Yanagawa au au (g...) aeba auna awasuru (g...) consonant /t/-final stem verbs Takeo matsu matsu (g...) (mateba) matsuna matasug (g...) ‘wait’ standard matsu matsu (g...) mateba matsuna mataseru (g...) Yanagawa matsu matsu (g...) mateba matsuna matasuru (g...) consonant /m/-final stem verbs Takeo yomu yomu (g...) (yomeba) yomuna yomasug (g...) ‘read’ standard yomu yomu (g...) yomeba yomuna yomaseru (g...) Yanagawa yomu yomu (g...) yomeba yomuna yomasuru (g...) consonant /b/-final stem verbs Takeo yobu yobu (g...) (yobya:) yobuna yobasug (g...) ‘call’ standard yobu yobu (g...) yobeba yobuna yobaseru (g...) Yanagawa yobu yobu (g...) yobeba yobuna yobasuru (g...) consonant /n/-final stem verbs Takeo sin sin (g...) (sinya:) sinna sinasug (g...) ‘die’ standard sinu sinu (g...) sineba sinuna sinaseru (g...) Yanagawa sinu sinu (g...) sineba sinuna sinuasuru (g...) consonant /k/-final stem verbs Takeo kaku kaku (g...) (kakya:) kakuna kakasug (g...) ‘write’ standard kaku kaku (g...) kakeba kakuna kakaseru (g...) Yanagawa kaku kaku (g...) kakeba kakuna kakasuru (g...) consonant /g/-final stem verbs Takeo kagu kagu (g...) (kagya:) kaguna kagasug (g...) ‘meet’ standard kagu kagu (g...) kageba kaguna kagaseru (g...) Yanagawa kagu kagu (g...) kageba kaguna kagasuru (g...) 3. The non-past morpheme alternates among: 1) [P] minus /r/ or the consonant [Ci] as the first part of a geminate consonant [CiCi] minus /r/ (in Takeo-Saga dialect), where the consonant Ci can be any consonant, 2) [P] or a consonant as the first part of a geminate consonant [CiCi] (in Takeo-Saga dialect), where the consonant Ci can be any consonant, 3) [u] (in standard Japanese and Yanagawa dialect), and 4) [ru] (in standard Japanese and Yanagawa dialect). 5 3 Review of previous studies 3.1 Hayata’s 1998 rule-based account 1. The underlying form of the glottal stop and the former part of geminate consonants is /ru/, specifically 1) /...r+ru/ or 2) /-ru/.3 2. We argue for the stem final /r/ in 1). The stem final consonant /r/ occurs in the other verb forms of the negative, causative, passive and suggestive forms like [tor] of [toran], [torasuP] and [toraruP] and [toroi].4 3. We argue for /u/ in 1) as at least an allomorph. The glottal stop only occurs when the tense of the verb is the non-past tense. The non-past morpheme /u/ occurs in the other stem-final consonants /w, m, b, t, k, g, s/ except for /r/ and /n/. See Table 2. 4. We argue for 2). As the null hypothesis, Hayata 1998 assumes that the glottal stop in the other non-past forms, or those when the verb a vowel-final stem or a strong stem verb, is underlyingly /ru/.
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