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ROBERT BOURASSA: VISION AND RESILIENCE

John Parisella

Robert Bourassa was elected of on four occasions, from 1970 to 1976 and 1985 to 1994. He can be characterized as the rightful heir to , father of the and considered by many as one of the most transformative Quebec in history. While Lesage brought significant change in many areas, Bourassa made Quebec stronger economically and a serious player on the Canadian constitutional stage.

Premier ministre du Québec de 1970 à 1976 puis de 1985 à 1994, ayant remporté quatre élections, Robert Bourassa peut être qualifié d’héritier légitime de Jean Lesage, père de la Révolution tranquille. Historiquement, beaucoup le considèrent comme l’un des chefs les plus novateurs qu’ait connus le Québec. Si Jean Lesage a suscité des changements dans maints domaines, Robert Bourassa a fait du Québec une force économique et un acteur clé de la scène constitutionnelle canadienne.

ince 1960, has been governed by prime min- forces that came to be. The ushered in a period of pro- isters coming from Quebec for 37 years (Trudeau, found transformational change and Liberal Jean Lesage and S Mulroney, Chrétien, Martin) and for 15 years from the his équipe du tonnerre became the principal vehicle for rest of Canada (Diefenbaker, Pearson, Clark, Campbell, change. His tenure in office, known as the Quiet Turner, Harper). It goes a long way in explaining the impor- Revolution, marked an important shift in Quebec’s tradi- tance that the Quebec agenda of constitutional reform and tional power structure. language politics has played on the national scene. Being Under Lesage’s stewardship, the education system chosen in the top 5 among Canadian premiers in the last 40 began the transformation from a strongly religious domi- years is the recognition that Quebec Premier Robert nated sector to a modern, secularized system. Changes were Bourassa (1970-76, 1985-94) played a central role in how also brought to the health care, economic and energy sec- the national debate was framed. tors of the day. Inspired by the slogan of Maître chez nous, His vision, which included a primary role for Quebec the state-owned Hydro Québec nationalized some privately within the Canadian constitutional family, and his owned energy companies, paving the way for making resilience (nearly 15 years in office and four election victo- Quebec an energy powerhouse. ries) on both the provincial and national scenes illustrate By the time Lesage left office in 1966 (he was defeated why Bourassa was the most politically significant Quebec by the ’s Daniel Johnson, father of future premier of his time and the one who interacted the most premiers Pierre Marc and Daniel Jr.), his work though high- with his fellow premiers in Canada. ly transformative was still inconclusive in the realm of con- Jean Lesage (1960-66) is generally acknowledged in stitutional reform, social policy, language policy and Quebec history as the most transformative premier of mod- economic development. ern times in Quebec. Lesage followed the autocratic rule of , who was an avid opponent of emerging espite his many progressive reforms, Lesage was unable progressive forces in Quebec and not considered an active D to quell an emerging sovereignty movement that player on the Canadian national scene. Back then, Lesage seemed to capture the imagination of a new generation. and his party represented much of the progressive thinking While the reforms of the Quiet Revolution remained in place in the province, and he quickly engaged with the rest of under the more conservative regime of Daniel Johnson and, Canada to explore the possibility of constitutional reforms. later, Jean-Jacques Bertrand, it was clear that a more signifi- cant rendezvous with history was in the making. o understand the scope of the Bourassa years, we must René Lévesque, possibly Lesage’s most popular minister, T refer to the decade preceding his own election and the left the Quebec in 1967, eventually forming

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Parti Québécois (PQ) the following already taking shape. The PQ, reform tional manufacturing model in the year. He soon became the principal minded with a social democratic and to a high-tech, knowledge-based architect for promoting the separation prosovereignty outlook, became the economy, and where Quebec in the of Quebec from Canada. Meanwhile, major opposition party. The union 1980s and 1990s, under Bourassa’s the charismatic of the movement, empowered by years of stewardship, was able to become a federal Liberal Party was elected prime combating the conservative and major proponent of with the minister in June of 1968, arguing for a repressive government of Maurice US in 1987-88 and, later, with Mexico strong national government to combat Duplessis and emboldened by new in the North American Free Trade the rise of Quebec separatism. A con- labour legislation from the Lesage Agreement in 1992-93. Bourassa’s most impor- His vision, which included a primary role for Quebec within the tant contribution to the Canadian constitutional family, and his resilience (nearly 15 economic future of Quebec, years in office and four election victories) on both the provincial however, was the develop- and national scenes illustrate why Bourassa was the most ment of Quebec’s energy potential. politically significant Quebec premier of his time and the one In 1971, he launched who interacted the most with his fellow premiers in Canada. the most ambitious project in Quebec history — the stitutional confrontation between fed- years, became a force to be reckoned development of the James Bay eralist and sovereignist forces in with when it came to public service Hydroelectric Project. I recently visited Quebec was about to become a grow- employee negotiations. Finally, a polit- these installations with some ing force on the national scene. ical terrorist group the FLQ (Front de American friends from my days as Libération du Québec) burst into the Quebec’s delegate general in New York. obert Bourassa, a youthful MNA forefront with the kidnapping of Visiting the Robert-Bourassa Power R elected in 1966 with strong eco- British diplomat in Station Visiting Centre provides con- nomic credentials, gradually emerged , and the murder of one of crete evidence of Quebec’s enormous as the rightful heir to Jean Lesage. Bourassa’s key political lieutenants, renewable energy capacity and poten- With the popular Lévesque and his PQ Labour Minister a few tial. It has vindicated Bourassa’s stand gaining strength, it seemed Quebec days later. in favour of hydroelectric power over was also looking to a new generation This period of turmoil was taking the nuclear energy option, which was of leadership within the established place when the freshly elected supported back in the early 1970s by . It soon became Bourassa’s government was embarking the opposition PQ. clear that Bourassa’s vision was not on a major reform to the provision of limited to pushing and completing health care services by bringing in uebec society, which today has what Lesage’s Quiet Revolution had medicare over the objections of Q North America’s lowest carbon begun, but also to making economic Quebec doctors. The latter had chosen footprint, has its electricity generated development the central part of his to voice their opposition with a by over 95 percent from renewable mission in public life. However, he province-wide strike. sources. By the time Bourassa left office quickly became aware that he needed in 1994, Quebec had become a leader to address the constitutional issue eanwhile, the FLQ crisis resulted in renewable energy, biotechnology from a Quebec federalist perspective M in the application of the War and aerospace. Successive premiers should he form the government. Measures Act, at the behest of Premier have acknowledged his contribution In 1970, the Harvard and Oxford Bourassa. It was an immediate test for and some, such as current Premier Jean educated economist became leader of the new premier and his leadership Charest, have expressly built on his the Quebec Liberals and was elected skills. In this early period of turbulence accomplishments. Quebec’s youngest premier on April and uncertainty, he proved to be a cool Outside of medicare, working to 1970, at age 36. Lévesque and Trudeau and steady leader in the face of adver- transform the Quebec economy, now had company when it came to sity and change. It was his trademark building the and discussing the future of Quebec within in the years to come. free trade advocacy, Bourassa also Canada and fighting for the hearts and Overall, Bourassa’s 15 years in made many other important structur- minds of Quebecers. office show a combination of his al reforms to that have Unlike Lesage, who had battled vision and his resilience. There were passed the test of time and continue and defeated an existing order, profound and new economic forces at to be a cornerstone of today’s Quebec Bourassa took office at a time when a work where the Quebec economy society. These include making French new political and social order was gradually moved from a more tradi- the official language of Quebec, while

2 OPTIONS POLITIQUES JUIN-JUILLET 2012 Robert Bourassa: Vision and resilience ensuring respect for English-speaking While his cherished goal of consti- ture. Subsequent events ranging from institution and minority , estab- tutional reform proved to be elusive, it the Constitutional Act of 1791, to the lishing Quebec’s first immigration was not from a lack of trying. He was a Rebellions of 1837-38, to the Durham and environment ministries, adopt- key player at the Victoria conference Report, to the Union Act of 1841, and to ing a charter of rights and , 1971, the (1987- the achievement of responsible gov- setting up legal aid, negotiating a 1990) and the ernment (1849) only reinforced the quasi-constitutional agreement with (1992). He was also actively involved notion of la survivance and Quebec the Quebec nation to develop campaigning for the No side in both identity. Any changes in governance the James Bay Project, establishing the 1980 and 1995 referendums on had to consider this reality. the Council on the Status of Women, sovereignty. It is accurate to conclude and harmonizing both the federal that Bourassa was a persistent and o most Quebecers, Confederation and the provincial tax system to make determined opponent to those pro- T is a compact between two found- the Quebec economy more competi- moting Québec sovereignty. ing nations — French and English. tive internationally. Canada is seen as a creation by four Finally, his government concluded o fully appreciate Bourassa’s provinces (, Nova a quasi-constitutional agreement in T approach to federalism and con- Scotia, Quebec and ) and the 1991 (administrative arrangement stitutional reform, however, it is federal formula is understood as a needing the assent of both the Quebec important to understand how compromise. Every Quebec premier is and Canadian governments to change Quebecers see Canada and how they conditioned by this history and must or abrogate it) on immigration, be seen to protect and defend giving Quebec additional pow- Quebec’s jurisdictions and ers and funds for selection and To fully appreciate Bourassa’s interests as a priority. This integration of immigrants. This approach to federalism and explains why Quebecers con- agreement is now considered constitutional reform, however, it is sider their provincial govern- essential to Quebec’s demo- important to understand how ment as the one closest to graphic future. them and consider the special Lesage may have started Quebecers see Canada and how they stewardship of its premier as the process to modernize see themselves and their leaders in the essential to its very survival. Quebec society by changing its process. While Bourassa was a With Quebec being the institutions, but Bourassa went federalist, he was expected to be a only jurisdiction with a French further by transforming its majority (82 percent) in North economy, tapping into its ener- defender of Quebec’s interests at the America, no Quebec premier gy potential and redistributing constitutional table. His positions were can expect to be elected without the wealth created through rooted in Québec’s political culture. a profound understanding and important social programs. In defence of Quebec’s identity. so doing, he made Quebec stronger for see themselves and their leaders in the The rise of the PQ party under the pop- future generations. Lesage would have process. While Bourassa was a federal- ular René Lévesque only made this real- approved. ist, he was expected to be a defender of ity more acute to Bourassa and his Quebec’s interests at the constitutional government. Any perception of weak- ourassa was, above all, a strong table. His positions were rooted in ening Quebec’s powers or interests can B believer in federalism — a feder- Quebec’s political culture. serve to reinforce the prosovereignty alist vision based on economic The , culture and forces, which remained his principal imperatives and political realities. historic character have conditioned for opposition throughout Bourassa’s Unlike some Quebec federalists serv- centuries how Quebecers approach tenure. Any failure, as we saw later with ing at the federal level, his federalism their governance. For many Quebec the Meech Lake Accord, could bring the was not of the emotional kind and in historians and political theorists, the country to the brink of breaking up. so being, it did not generate the kind British Conquest of 1760 marked the of passion that his counterparts in beginning of the quest for the survival t is within this political dynamic Ottawa would have wished. It did not of a people under new rulers. The I that Bourassa had to operate at the prevent him from engaging in consti- Quebec Act of 1774, a British act, recog- constitutional table. His refusal to rati- tutional reform and being an endur- nized the characteristics for survival fy the (much to Prime ing figure in the process. No other (religion, language, territorial manage- Minister Trudeau’s chagrin) had a lot premier has engaged in as many con- ment, the civil code ) that fostered the more to do with forces within Quebec, stitutional reform exercises as Quebec identity and made this identi- who felt threatened by the agreement, Bourassa. ty a significant part of its political cul- than his own objections. Bourassa

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chose then to say no, though in later years, he expressed regret about that course of action and regarded it as a mistake. The 1980 referendum results in Quebec in favour of federalism pre- sented the opportunity to pursue con- stitutional peace between Quebec and the Rest of Canada (ROC). After all, 59.6 percent of Quebecers rejected the PQ formula of sovereignty-association and responded to Prime Minister Trudeau’s appeal for real constitution- al change. The subsequent events, which led to the repatriation of the Canadian Constitution without the Quebec government’s formal consent, failed to solve the problem or end the debate, which in that sense continues to this day.

rue, Lévesque was the Quebec pre- T mier and could hardly become a new father of Confederation along with Trudeau, but Quebec’s nonsigna- ture served to divide Quebec-based federalist forces. Bourassa returned to power in 1985 in this context. But with a new premier and a new prime minister ( was elected prime minister in September 1984), a new opportunity for constitutional peace eventually surfaced. Soon after Bourassa came back to power in December 1985, he accepted Prime Minister Mulroney’s overture for another constitutional round. They knew each other well and were close friends. Optimism was in the air. Bourassa laid out some key conditions, most notably the recognition of Quebec as a and the return of the Quebec veto on future constitution- al change (a veto bargained away by René Lévesque and the so-called Gang of Eight, who opposed Trudeau’s consti- tutional package of 1982). The result was the Meech Lake Accord of 1987, with ratification to be completed by June 1990. The length of the process, however, proved to be the undoing of the Accord. The Gazette, Montreal By 1990, the mood in Canada had Premier Robert Bourassa speaks to the Quebec Liberal policy convention in early 1991 in changed and some provinces, who Montreal. Bourassa was just returning to the job after an absence of several months for were early backers, had new premiers cancer, and found a party roiled by the death of the Meech Lake Accord in June 1990.

4 OPTIONS POLITIQUES JUIN-JUILLET 2012 Robert Bourassa: Vision and resilience who now opposed the original Accord once again a look at the Bourassa party after losing it. And this says much (Frank McKenna in New Brunswick, years and his legacy. about the resilience of the man. in Newfoundland). The What this biography shows has a opposition by former prime minister lot to do with the personality and the ourassa never gave up. Even in his Trudeau only reinforced the resistance character of this complex man. All B final days, according to his wife, to the Meech Lake Accord. In June who worked with him would sponta- he still clung to the hope that he could 1990, after a valiant attempt to save it, neously speak of his gracefulness, his beat his cancer. Despite the disap- pointments, he was hopeful All who worked with him would spontaneously speak of his about Canada, the federal gracefulness, his generosity, his humility and his genuine system and the opportuni- kindness. His disarming sense of humour in small groups and ties to grow together. Clearly, his accomplish- his unwavering belief in public service always made him an ments were many, his fail- instant hit with young people who remained throughout his ures were few. After all these entire life his most cherished constituency, irrespective of their years, he remains a model political allegiances. for many who still believe in the nobility of public the revised Meech Lake Accord failed to generosity, his humility and his gen- service and the belief in the potential be ratified. Bourassa and the ROC now uine kindness. His disarming sense of of one’s fellow citizens. faced a real constitutional crisis, one humour in small groups and his Today, Quebec’s Premier Jean that could lead to the separation of unwavering belief in public service Charest often refers to Bourassa’s vision, Québec from Canada. always made him an instant hit with his character and how he is an inspira- young people, who remained tion to him every day. He often reminds ollowing the failure of the Meech throughout his entire life his most us about how Bourassa never gave up in F Lake Accord, support for sovereign- cherished constituency, irrespective the face of adversity. ty rose to over 65 percent support. Here, of their political allegiances. When one examines Premier notwithstanding the strong approval What was most appealing, howev- Charest’s emphasis on finding new eco- ratings for sovereignty and the er, was his approach to politics and the nomic markets, advocating for a free expressed hope by some that Bourassa intensity of political debate. He was a trade agreement between Canada and would achieve it, he chose instead to visionary and inspired a generation of the European Union, passing legislation engage in another risky constitutional followers, who became engaged in on pay equity, developing the Quebec exercise that culminated in the defending and promoting Quebec’s north with his Plan Nord and promoting Charlottetown Accord of 1992. While interests. He never personalized differ- Quebec’s leadership in the Canadian fed- Bourassa made some important gains ences with his political opponents. He eration with the creation of the Council for Quebec in the agreement, the 1992 could disagree without being disagree- of the Federation, one can see that the constitutional deal did not generate able. His civility and his respect for the Bourassa model is alive and well. much enthusiasm across Canada. A achievements of previous govern- Robert Bourassa won four out of national referendum, held to ratify the ments as a basis to build on have also five elections as premier (in two of Accord, failed. Even Quebec voters earned him much respect and affec- them he had 50 percent-plus majori- rejected Bourassa’s endorsement of the tion beyond the partisan divide. And ties). His times were formative, trans- Accord by a 55-45 margin. finally, his primary purpose for engag- formative, sometimes turbulent, but The constitutional question ing in political life was to build for always challenging. His steadiness, remains unsolved to this day but future generations a society where eco- his integrity and his unwavering Bourassa, by his willingness to engage nomic development and prosperity engagement to making Quebec in two more constitutional rounds and would contribute to advancing social stronger economically, ensuring not pursue sovereignty, played a role justice for all citizens. greater social justice for its citizens in preventing the breakup of Canada. Germain recounts Bourassa’s years and fostering better relations with the Through his entire political life, in the political desert after he lost power rest of Canada best summarize his Bourassa never wavered in his belief to the PQ in 1976 and resigned as leader years in office. that Quebec’s best course was to of the Quebec Liberals. He never aban- remain a part of a federal Canada. doned his goal of returning to power, John Parisella is the director of Just recently, a biography of even if there was “only a 1 percent the Université de Montréal, HEC, Robert Bourassa by renowned chance of making it happen.” He eventu- Polytechnic Fundraising Campaign and an Quebec author Georges-Hébert ally became the only leader in Canadian associate professor at the Université de Germain was published, sparking history to regain the leadership of his Montréal.

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