DOCSLIB.ORG

Table of Contents

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Table of Contents TABLE OF CONTENTS THE CHRETIEN LEGACY Introduction .................................................. i The Chr6tien Legacy R eg W hitaker ........................................... 1 Jean Chr6tien's Quebec Legacy: Coasting Then Stickhandling Hard Robert Y oung .......................................... 31 The Urban Legacy of Jean Chr6tien Caroline Andrew ....................................... 53 Chr6tien and North America: Between Integration and Autonomy Christina Gabriel and Laura Macdonald ..................... 71 Jean Chr6tien's Continental Legacy: From Commitment to Confusion Stephen Clarkson and Erick Lachapelle ..................... 93 A Passive Internationalist: Jean Chr6tien and Canadian Foreign Policy Tom K eating ......................................... 115 Prime Minister Jean Chr6tien's Immigration Legacy: Continuity and Transformation Yasmeen Abu-Laban ................................... 133 Renewing the Relationship With Aboriginal Peoples? M ichael M urphy ....................................... 151 The Chr~tien Legacy and Women: Changing Policy Priorities With Little Cause for Celebration Alexandra Dobrowolsky ................................ 171 Le Petit Vision, Les Grands Decisions: Chr~tien's Paradoxical Record in Social Policy M ichael J. Prince ...................................... 199 The Chr~tien Non-Legacy: The Federal Role in Health Care Ten Years On ... 1993-2003 Gerard W . Boychuk .................................... 221 The Chr~tien Ethics Legacy Ian G reene ........................................... 241 The Devil's in the Detail: The Chr~tien Legacy for the Third Sector K athy Brock .......................................... 263 Could the Rebels Find a Cause? House of Commons Reform in the Chr~tien Era D avid Docherty ....................................... 283 Jean Chr~tien and a Decade of Party System Change Steve Patten .......................................... 303 INTRODUCTION: THE CHRETIEN LEGACY As guest editors for this special issue on the Chr~tien Legacy we have greatly appreciated the opportunity to reflect on the last decade of Canadian politics and to solicit and collect articles that canvas a wide terrain of public policy. We were delighted by the response to our invitation to contribute and with the superlative quality of the submissions we received. And while this collection is not comprehensive, we are confident that readers will be impressed with the breadth of the coverage. We wish to thank all of the contributors, the anonymous reviewers and the board, the staff and volunteers at the Centre for Constitutional Studies, particularly Tsvi Kahana and Matthew Woodley, for their efforts in compiling this volume. The articles in this issue of the Review make it clear that assessing Jean Chr~tien's prime ministerial legacy is a complex task, and increasingly so as time passes. The sponsorship scandal and the subsequent cloud of uncertainty surrounding the Liberal Party's electoral prospects will require further assessment as their consequences are played out, but the authors in this volume did not have the benefit of this knowledge in formulating their contributions. What they do bring to their analyses are considerable experience and expertise as policy observers and critical thinkers. We are confident that readers will find the reflections in these pages to be provocative, insightful and informative. Among the challenges in assessing the Chr6tien legacy is determining which of the Liberal government's post-1993 initiatives reflect responses to broad domestic and international political forces, which initiatives might be ascribed to the specific impetus ofChr~tien's leadership, and how the general and specific might come together in any particular policy field. Reg Whitaker, in his overview of the Chrrtien decade, reminds us of the constitutional fatigue that gripped the nation in the period immediately preceding the Liberal's 1993 election victory. In response to this fatigue, Chr&ien felt it would be imprudent to pursue "mega constitutional" politics. The result, Robert Young asserts, was a nearly disastrous unwillingness to contemplate the possibility of a "yes" victory in the 1995 Quebec referendum. So while the terrain of domestic politics may have lead any prime minister to avoid grandiose constitutional gestures, Chr~ien's reading of the Qu6bec situation, his federalist proclivities and his experience during the 1980 referendum, lead to a peculiarly Chr6tien-esque (lack of) response. Another example of the conflation of the general and the specific can be found in the context of the Canada-U.S. relationship. Stephen Clarkson 2004 Revue d'9tudes constitutionnelles Introduction and Eric Lachapelle argue that assessing the Chr~tien legacy necessarily requires attention to the objectives and actions of the U.S. administration. But as Macdonald and Gabriel demonstrate, even in the face of the overwhelming force of our hyper-power neighbor, and even in the security-conscious, post-September 11 world, it was still possible for Chr~tien to approach continental integration with "calculated and pragmatic ambivalence." Many of the contributors to this volume remark on the paradoxes of Chr~tien's governing style. Yasmeen Abu-Laban describes the last ten years of immigration policy in terms of continuity and transformation, integration and exclusion. On ethics, Ian Greene observes the juxtaposition of the 1993 Red Book promise to govern with integrity with an old-style politician who believed in using influence as part of the game of politics. Tom Keating draws our attention to Chr~tien's rhetorical support for the United Nations, but Canada's declining military commitments to U.N. actions, as well as rhetorical support for human rights, but a willingness to pursue trade agreements with China and Indonesia. Paradox and contradiction are, of course, the lifeblood of political analysis. Chr~tien's particularly ardent attachment to pragmatic governance provided fertile soil for such antinomies. "Incrementalist," "pragmatist," "agent of history," "as visionary as possible under the circumstances" - all of these assessments of Jean Chr6tien's prime ministerial legacy can be found on the following pages. Perhaps this range of views reflects the precipitateness of the task, or perhaps the range ofjudgments is a testament to the nature of the legacy itself. In any event, we hope that the collection will provide fodder for your own determinations. Vol. 9, No. 1 & 2 Review of ConstitutionalStudies JEAN CHRE'TIEN AND A DECADE OF PARTY SYSTEM CHANGE Steve Patten* I. INTRODUCTION When Jean Chrrtien assumed the leadership of the Liberal Party of Canada in June, 1990, the Canadian party system was entering a period of turmoil. The pan-Canadian, two-party plus system of partisan competition that had matured under Pearson, Trudeau and Mulroney was in tatters as constitutional politics, regionalism, ideological debates and public cynicism undermined the Mulroney coalition of the 1980s. The Reform Party, which was less than a year away from making its decision to "go national," was represented in Parliament by its first elected MP, Deborah Grey. Popular federal Cabinet minister, Lucien Bouchard, was about to break from the government to establish himself as leader of the newly formed Bloc Qu~bcois. And the popularity of the Mulroney Conservatives was on a downward trajectory that would eventually devastate the "Party of Confederation." Indeed, the 1993 election that brought Jean Chr~tien to power and saw the Progressive Conservatives reduced to just two seats in the House of Commons, also established the fledgling Bloc qu~b~cois and Reform Party as Canada's principal opposition parties. It's small wonder, then, that this tumultuous election has been characterized as a classical example of a "critical election" - that is, an election in which both popular support for parties and the terms of political debate are dramatically altered.' The Chr~tien Liberals replaced the governing Conservatives at a fundamental turning point in Canadian party politics. The three-decade-old "system" of partisan politics to which Canadians had grown accustomed was unraveling. Not surprisingly, then, the ensuing years were to be a period of uncertainty, experimentation, and change. The Chr~tien Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Alberta. A. Brian Tanguay, "Canada's Party System in the 1990s," in James Bickerton & Alain-G. Gagnon, eds., CanadianPolitics, 3d ed. (Peterborough: Broadview Press, 1999) 325. On "critical elections" see Walter Dean Bernham, CriticalElections and the Mainsprings of American Politics (New York: W.W. Norton, 1970); Walter Dean Bernham, "Great Britain: The Death of the Collectivist Consensus?" in Louis Maisel & Joseph Cooper, eds., Political Parties:Development and Decay (London: Sage Publications, 1978) 267. 2004 Revue d'etudes constitutionnelles 304 Jean Chrrtien and Party System Chan~e era party system was a system in transition.2 Thus, the character and practice of partisan politics during the Chrrtien years will, one day, seem out of step with the party system as it existed before and after Jean Chrrtien's tenure as Prime Minister. Of course, the task of examining Chr~ien's role in a decade of party system change requires some clarity regarding what is meant by the term "party system." At bottom, electoral competition between party organizations produces competitive patterns and interrelationships that constitute the core of what is meant by the party system.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • CRITICAL THEORY and AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism
    CDSMS EDITED BY JEREMIAH MORELOCK CRITICAL THEORY AND AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM Critical Theory and Authoritarian Populism edited by Jeremiah Morelock Critical, Digital and Social Media Studies Series Editor: Christian Fuchs The peer-reviewed book series edited by Christian Fuchs publishes books that critically study the role of the internet and digital and social media in society. Titles analyse how power structures, digital capitalism, ideology and social struggles shape and are shaped by digital and social media. They use and develop critical theory discussing the political relevance and implications of studied topics. The series is a theoretical forum for in- ternet and social media research for books using methods and theories that challenge digital positivism; it also seeks to explore digital media ethics grounded in critical social theories and philosophy. Editorial Board Thomas Allmer, Mark Andrejevic, Miriyam Aouragh, Charles Brown, Eran Fisher, Peter Goodwin, Jonathan Hardy, Kylie Jarrett, Anastasia Kavada, Maria Michalis, Stefania Milan, Vincent Mosco, Jack Qiu, Jernej Amon Prodnik, Marisol Sandoval, Se- bastian Sevignani, Pieter Verdegem Published Critical Theory of Communication: New Readings of Lukács, Adorno, Marcuse, Honneth and Habermas in the Age of the Internet Christian Fuchs https://doi.org/10.16997/book1 Knowledge in the Age of Digital Capitalism: An Introduction to Cognitive Materialism Mariano Zukerfeld https://doi.org/10.16997/book3 Politicizing Digital Space: Theory, the Internet, and Renewing Democracy Trevor Garrison Smith https://doi.org/10.16997/book5 Capital, State, Empire: The New American Way of Digital Warfare Scott Timcke https://doi.org/10.16997/book6 The Spectacle 2.0: Reading Debord in the Context of Digital Capitalism Edited by Marco Briziarelli and Emiliana Armano https://doi.org/10.16997/book11 The Big Data Agenda: Data Ethics and Critical Data Studies Annika Richterich https://doi.org/10.16997/book14 Social Capital Online: Alienation and Accumulation Kane X.
    [Show full text]
  • Journaux Journals
    HOUSE OF COMMONS OF CANADA CHAMBRE DES COMMUNES DU CANADA 37th PARLIAMENT, 1st SESSION 37e LÉGISLATURE, 1re SESSION Journals Journaux No. 12 No 12 Tuesday, February 13, 2001 Le mardi 13 février 2001 10:00 a.m. 10 heures The Clerk informed the House of the unavoidable absence of the Le Greffier informe la Chambre de l’absence inévitable du Speaker. Président. Whereupon, Mr. Kilger (Stormont — Dundas — Charlotten- Sur ce, M. Kilger (Stormont — Dundas — Charlottenburgh), burgh), Deputy Speaker and Chairman of Committees of the Vice–président et président des Comités pléniers, assume la Whole, took the Chair, pursuant to subsection 43(1) of the présidence, conformément au paragraphe 43(1) de la Loi sur le Parliament of Canada Act. Parlement du Canada. PRAYERS PRIÈRE DAILY ROUTINE OF BUSINESS AFFAIRES COURANTES ORDINAIRES PRESENTING REPORTS FROM COMMITTEES PRÉSENTATION DE RAPPORTS DE COMITÉS Mr. Lee (Parliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the M. Lee (secrétaire parlementaire du leader du gouvernement à la Government in the House of Commons), from the Standing Chambre des communes), du Comité permanent de la procédure et Committee on Procedure and House Affairs, presented the des affaires de la Chambre, présente le 1er rapport de ce Comité, 1st Report of the Committee, which was as follows: dont voici le texte : The Committee recommends, pursuant to Standing Orders 104 Votre Comité recommande, conformément au mandat que lui and 114, that the list of members and associate members for confèrent les articles 104 et 114 du Règlement, que la liste
    [Show full text]
  • Canada, the Us and Cuba
    CANADA, THE US AND CUBA CANADA, THE US AND CUBA HELMS-BURTON AND ITS AFTERMATH Edited by Heather N. Nicol Centre for International Relations, Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada 1999 Canadian Cataloguing in Publication Data Main entry under title: Canada, the US and Cuba : Helms-Burton and its aftermath (Martello papers, ISSN 1183-3661 ; 21) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-88911-884-1 1. United States. Cuban Liberty and Democratic Solidarity (LIBERTAD) Act of 1996. 2. Canada – Foreign relations – Cuba. 3. Cuba – Foreign relations – Canada. 4. Canada – Foreign relations – United States. 5. United States – Foreign relations – Canada. 6. United States – Foreign relations – Cuba. 7. Cuba – Foreign relations – United States. I. Nicol, Heather N. (Heather Nora), 1953- . II. Queen’s University (Kingston, Ont.). Centre for International Relations. III. Series. FC602.C335 1999 327.71 C99-932101-3 F1034.2.C318 1999 © Copyright 1999 The Martello Papers The Queen’s University Centre for International Relations (QCIR) is pleased to present the twenty-first in its series of security studies, the Martello Papers. Taking their name from the distinctive towers built during the nineteenth century to de- fend Kingston, Ontario, these papers cover a wide range of topics and issues rele- vant to contemporary international strategic relations. This volume presents a collection of insightful essays on the often uneasy but always interesting United States-Cuba-Canada triangle. Seemingly a relic of the Cold War, it is a topic that, as editor Heather Nicol observes, “is always with us,” and indeed is likely to be of greater concern as the post-Cold War era enters its second decade.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Culture of Canada
    CHAPTER 2 The Political Culture of Canada LEARNING OBJECTIVES By the end of this chapter you should be able to • Define the terms political culture, ideology, and cleavages. • Describe the main principles of each of the major ideologies in Canada. • Describe the ideological orientation of the main political parties in Canada. • Describe the major cleavages in Canadian politics. Introduction Canadian politics, like politics in other societies, is a public conflict over different conceptions of the good life. Canadians agree on some important matters (e.g., Canadians are overwhelmingly committed to the rule of law, democracy, equality, individual rights, and respect for minorities) and disagree on others. That Canadians share certain values represents a substantial consensus about how the political system should work. While Canadians generally agree on the rules of the game, they dis- agree—sometimes very strongly—on what laws and policies the government should adopt. Should governments spend more or less? Should taxes be lower or higher? Should governments build more prisons or more hospitals? Should we build more pipelines or fight climate change? Fortunately for students of politics, different conceptions of the good life are not random. The different views on what laws and policies are appropriate to realize the ideologies Specific bundles of good life coalesce into a few distinct groupings of ideas known as ideologies. These ideas about politics and the good ideologies have names that are familiar to you, such as liberalism, conservatism, and life, such as liberalism, conserva- (democratic) socialism, which are the principal ideologies in Canadian politics. More tism, and socialism. Ideologies radical ideologies, such as Marxism, communism, and fascism, are at best only mar- help people explain political ginally present in Canada.
    [Show full text]
  • Core 1..104 Hansard (PRISM::Advent3b2 6.50.00)
    CANADA House of Commons Debates VOLUME 138 Ï NUMBER 116 Ï 2nd SESSION Ï 37th PARLIAMENT OFFICIAL REPORT (HANSARD) Wednesday, June 11, 2003 Speaker: The Honourable Peter Milliken CONTENTS (Table of Contents appears at back of this issue.) All parliamentary publications are available on the ``Parliamentary Internet Parlementaire´´ at the following address: http://www.parl.gc.ca 7131 HOUSE OF COMMONS Wednesday, June 11, 2003 The House met at 2 p.m. challenged clients received a donation from Sun Country Cable, a donation that will enable the centre to continue its work in our Prayers community. Sun Country Cable donated the building. This building is next to Kindale's existing facility and both properties will eventually lead to construction of a new centre. In the meantime, the Ï (1405) building will be used for training and respite suites. [English] I am proud to be part of a community that looks out for those less The Speaker: As is our practice on Wednesday we will now sing fortunate. Charity does begin at home. O Canada, and we will be led by the hon. member for Winnipeg North Centre. *** [Editor's Note: Members sang the national anthem] [Translation] SOCIÉTÉ RADIO-CANADA STATEMENTS BY MEMBERS Mr. Bernard Patry (Pierrefonds—Dollard, Lib.): Mr. Speaker, I would like to share some of my concerns about the recent decision [English] by Société Radio-Canada to cancel its late evening sports news. CHABAD Hon. Art Eggleton (York Centre, Lib.): Mr. Speaker, I rise to I am worried, because last year this crown corporation had also decided to stop broadcasting the Saturday night hockey games, La pay tribute to Chabad Lubavitch which is the world's largest network Soirée du hockey.
    [Show full text]
  • House & Senate
    HOUSE & SENATE COMMITTEES / 63 HOUSE &SENATE COMMITTEES ACCESS TO INFORMATION, PRIVACY AND Meili Faille, Vice-Chair (BQ)......................47 A complete list of all House Standing Andrew Telegdi, Vice-Chair (L)..................44 and Sub-Committees, Standing Joint ETHICS / L’ACCÈS À L’INFORMATION, DE LA PROTECTION DES RENSEIGNEMENTS Omar Alghabra, Member (L).......................38 Committees, and Senate Standing Dave Batters, Member (CON) .....................36 PERSONNELS ET DE L’ÉTHIQUE Committees. Includes the committee Barry Devolin, Member (CON)...................40 clerks, chairs, vice-chairs, and ordinary Richard Rumas, Committee Clerk Raymond Gravel, Member (BQ) .................48 committee members. Phone: 613-992-1240 FAX: 613-995-2106 Nina Grewal, Member (CON) .....................32 House of Commons Committees Tom Wappel, Chair (L)................................45 Jim Karygiannis, Member (L)......................41 Directorate Patrick Martin, Vice-Chair (NDP)...............37 Ed Komarnicki, Member (CON) .................36 Phone: 613-992-3150 David Tilson, Vice-Chair (CON).................44 Bill Siksay, Member (NDP).........................33 Sukh Dhaliwal, Member (L)........................32 FAX: 613-996-1962 Blair Wilson, Member (IND).......................33 Carole Lavallée, Member (BQ) ...................48 Senate Committees and Private Glen Pearson, Member (L) ..........................43 ENVIRONMENT AND SUSTAINABLE Legislation Branch Scott Reid, Member (CON) .........................43 DEVELOPMENT / ENVIRONNEMENT
    [Show full text]
  • The Emergence of Parties in the Canadian House of Commons (1867-1908)
    The Emergence of Parties in the Canadian House of Commons (1867-1908). Jean-Fran¸coisGodbouty and Bjørn Høylandz y D´epartement de science polititque, Universit´ede Montr´eal zDepartment of Political Science, University of Oslo Conference on the Westminster Model of Democracy in Crisis? Comparative Perspectives on Origins, Development and Responses, May 13-14, 2013. Abstract This study analyzes legislative voting in the first ten Canadian Parliaments (1867-1908). The results demonstrate that party voting unity in the House of Commons dramati- cally increases over time. From the comparative literature on legislative organization, we identify three factors to explain this trend: partisan sorting; electoral incentives; and negative agenda control. Several different empirical analyses confirm that intra-party conflict is generally explained by the opposition between Anglo-Celtic/Protestants and French/Catholic Members of Parliament. Once members begin to sort into parties according to their religious affiliation, we observe a sharp increase in voting cohesion within the Liberal and Conservative parties. Ultimately, these finding highlight the importance of territorial and socio-cultural conflicts, as well as agenda control, in ex- plaining the emergence of parties as cohesive voting groups in the Canadian Parliament. This study explains the development of party unity in the Canadian House of Commons. We take advantage of the historical evolution of this legislature to analyze a complete set of recorded votes covering the first ten parliaments (1867-1908). This early period is of interest because it was during these years that the first national party system was established, the electoral franchise was limited, and the rules and procedures of the House were kept to a minimum.
    [Show full text]
  • Mike Duffy: Allan Rock's Cloud of Bad Luck
    CTV.ca - Canadian Television's Web Destination 12/8/02 6:44 PM Mike Duffy: Allan Rock's cloud of bad luck By Mike Duffy, Ottawa Editor, CTV Newsnet Updated: Sun. Dec. 8 2002 2:50 PM ET Remember the Li'l Abner comic strip character Joe Btfsplk, the world's worst jinx? He could never get rid of the rain cloud that followed him everywhere. Some people here in Ottawa believe that description fits Industry Minister and putative Liberal leadership candidate Allan Rock. On the surface, Rock appears to have it all: Handsome, bilingual, an accomplished big-time lawyer who left the glitz of Toronto to come to Ottawa to make a difference in our public life! How many leadership candidates can boast of having hung out in college with Beatle John Lennon? But beneath the charisma, some Liberals say there is a man with the Midas touch, but in reverse. Too many of Rock's political projects have gone sour. When he was minister of health, there was the fight over compensation for victims of tainted blood. Jean Chretien and Paul Martin were running the government, but it was Allan Rock who carried the can. During the anthrax scare Rock tried to buy a generic form of CIPRO even though Bayer held the patent. In the justice portfolio, he was singled out for having launched the Airbus investigation which ended with Brian Mulroney being paid $2 million in legal fees. And now he's taking a share of the blame for the massive overspending on gun registration. Justice Minister Martin Cauchon and his predecessor Anne MacLellan, are only too happy with sit back and allow Rock to carry the can for this billion dollar boondoggle.
    [Show full text]
  • '-Sp-Sl'-' University Dottawa Ecole Des Gradues
    001175 ! / / -/ '-SP-SL'-' UNIVERSITY DOTTAWA ECOLE DES GRADUES JOSEPH DUBUC ROLE AND VIEWS OF A FRENCH CANADIAN IN MANITOBA l870-191l+ by Sister Maureen of the Sacred Heart, S.N.J.M. (M.M. McAlduff) Thesis presented to the Faculty of Arts of the University of Ottawa through the Department of History as partial ful­ fillment of the requirewents for the degree of Master of Arts ,<^S3F>a^ . LIBRARIES » Winnipeg, Manitoba, 1966 UNIVERSITY OF OTTAWA SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES UMI Number: EC55664 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMI® UMI Microform EC55664 Copyright 2011 by ProQuest LLC All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 UNIVERSITE D'OTTAWA ECOLE DES GRADUES ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis was prepared under the guidance of Dr. Alfred Vanasse of the Department of History. The writer wishes to thank him for his helpful direction, doubly appreciated since it had to be given entirely by mail. The writer also expresses gratitude to Archivist Hartwell Bowsfield and Assistant Archivist Regis Bennett of the Provincial Archives of Manitoba; to the Chancery staff of the Archiepiscopal Archives of St.
    [Show full text]
  • The NDP's Approach to Constitutional Issues Has Not Been Electorally
    Constitutional Confusion on the Left: The NDP’s Position in Canada’s Constitutional Debates Murray Cooke [email protected] First Draft: Please do not cite without permission. Comments welcome. Paper prepared for the Annual Meetings of the Canadian Political Science Association, June 2004, Winnipeg The federal New Democratic Party experienced a dramatic electoral decline in the 1990s from which it has not yet recovered. Along with difficulties managing provincial economies, the NDP was wounded by Canada’s constitutional debates. The NDP has historically struggled to present a distinctive social democratic approach to Canada’s constitution. Like its forerunner, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), the NDP has supported a liberal, (English-Canadian) nation-building approach that fits comfortably within the mainstream of Canadian political thought. At the same time, the party has prioritized economic and social polices rather than seriously addressing issues such as the deepening of democracy or the recognition of national or regional identities. Travelling without a roadmap, the constitutional debates of the 80s and 90s proved to be a veritable minefield for the NDP. Through three rounds of mega- constitutional debate (1980-82, 1987-1990, 1991-1992), the federal party leadership supported the constitutional priorities of the federal government of the day, only to be torn by disagreements from within. This paper will argue that the NDP’s division, lack of direction and confusion over constitution issues can be traced back to longstanding weaknesses in the party’s social democratic theory and strategy. First of all, the CCF- NDP embraced rather than challenged the parameters and institutions of liberal democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Fall 2017 Volume 30 Issue 3
    Fall 2017 Volume 30 Issue 3 Happy Holidays Heritage Mississauga’s Newsletter Contributors in this issue Inside . President’s Message / 3 The Editor’s Desk / 4 Vimy Park /4 CF-100 Canuck / 5 What Did You Bring? / 6 Don Marjorie Greg Thompson’s Company / 7 Jayme Meghan Barbara Hancock Hancock Carraro Haunted Mississauga / 7 Gaspar Mackintosh O’Neil Programs Plus / 8 the Credits / 9 Staff Contacts The Pines / 10 Jayme Gaspar: x 31 [email protected] Centennial Torch / 11 Meghan Mackintosh: x 23 [email protected] Confederation Caravan / 11 Jenny Walker: x 22 [email protected] Queen of the Township / 12 Kelly Ralston: x 0 [email protected] W. P. Howland / 13 Matthew Wilkinson: x 29 [email protected] Centennial Flag / 14 Kelly Jenny Remembering Dieppe / 14 Ralston Walker Heritage Matters / 16 NEXT DEADLINE January 19, 2018 Watch our Editor: latest video! Jayme Gaspar, Executive Director Content “This is Dundas Street” can be found on our Meghan Mackintosh, Outreach Matthew Linda YouTube channel: Coordinator, Matthew Wilkinson, Wilkinson Yao Historian www.YouTube.com/HeritageMississauga Layout & Typesetting Jayme Gaspar HERITAGE NEWS is a publication of the Mississauga Heritage Foundation Inc. The Foundation Photography (est. 1960) is a not-for-profit organization which identifies, researches, interprets, promotes, and Ancesty.ca, Councillor Carolyn encourages awareness of the diverse heritage resources relating to the city of Mississauga. The Parrish, Hancock Family, Heritage
    [Show full text]
  • Three Views of Atlantic Canada's Future
    THREE VIEWS OF ATLANTIC CANADA’S FUTURE Three people who have thought a lot about the problems of Atlantic Canada and what to do about them are Brian Crowley, President of the Atlantic Institute for Market Studies, Elizabeth Beale, President of the Atlantic Provinces Economic Council and Wade Locke, professor of economics at Memorial University. Policy Options’ editor William Watson sought their views on the region’s problems and what to do about them in a conference call in the second week of November. Au cours de la deuxième semaine de novembre, le rédacteur en chef d’Options politiques, William Watson, s’est entretenu par téléphone avec trois personnes qui ont longuement étudié les problèmes des provinces atlantiques et les solutions à y apporter, soit Brian Crowley, président du Atlantic Institute for Market Studies, Elizabeth Beale, présidente du Conseil économique des provinces atlantiques, et Wade Locke, professeur d’économique à la Memorial University. William Watson: I’d like to begin by ask- approach to business climate and so the reason for that poor performance. ing each of you for your overall view of on—lagging regions catch up with There’s a whole series of reasons for the questions I’d like to discuss today: more advanced regions at a rate of that but most have to do with the How would you characterize the poli- somewhere between two and three per excessive politicization that it intro- cies that Atlantic Canada has been cent a year. If you look at what we’ve duces into economic decision-making favoured (or cursed) with in the past? done in Atlantic Canada, we have not in the region.
    [Show full text]