Liberalism, Quebec's Political Culture, and George-Etienne Cartier, 1864-1871 by David J. Banoub, BA
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Liberalism, Quebec’s Political Culture, and George-Etienne Cartier, 1864-1871 By David J. Banoub, B.A. (Hons) A thesis submitted to The Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts Department of History Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario August 1,2007 © Copyright 2007, David Banoub Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 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The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation. reproduced without the author's permission. In compliance with the Canadian Conformement a la loi canadienne Privacy Act some supporting sur la protection de la vie privee, forms may have been removed quelques formulaires secondaires from this thesis. ont ete enleves de cette these. While these forms may be includedBien que ces formulaires in the document page count, aient inclus dans la pagination, their removal does not represent il n'y aura aucun contenu manquant. any loss of content from the thesis. i * i Canada Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Abstract The political career of George-Etienne Cartier has traditionally been described as either that of a great nation-builder or that of a self-interested opportunist. This thesis suggests that these two views can be reconciled through a study of liberalism—a philosophy that elevates the role of the individual. Throughout his career Cartier stressed the importance of each citizen’s right and responsibility to follow their self-interest and acquire property. Individual success and wealth would contribute to stronger and more prosperous communities, which in turn, would create a strong nation. When situated within the political culture of 1860s Quebec, Cartier’s reliance on liberal language and logic highlights a previously unexplored similarity between his party, the Bleus, and his chief critics and opponents, the Rouges. Despite opposing each other on matters of policy, this thesis will suggest that the two parties shared a liberal logic with matters of property, progress, cultural protection, and cultural cooperation. 11 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Acknowledgements There are several people whom I would like to thank for their support and advice during the completion of this project. At Memorial University, Dr. A. A. den Otter, Dr. Sean Cadigan and Dr. Lindsay Bryan all encouraged me to combine my interests in philosophy, politics and history. They have continued to offer their support and advice. It was also Dr. den Otter who suggested, at the start of my final year at Memorial, that I study Canadian history, or at least try a course. At Carleton University, Dr. Duncan McDowall was welcoming of my interests in the nineteenth century, and provided me with a copy of the still unpublished Hansards from 1871. Dr. John Walsh provided valuable comments prior to drafting of this work, and continually helped and challenged me to make sense of a variety of definitions. Most significantly, I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr. Dominique Marshall, for her advice, guidance, comments, criticisms and, especially, her patience over the last two years. Finally, I would like to acknowledge a deep debt to my family and friends who helped me focus and helped me relax. They were also gracious and polite while I tried to come to terms with a variety of theories at inopportune times. iii Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Table of Contents Page Abstract ii Acknowledgements iii Table of Contents iv Chapter 1 George-Etienne Cartier Quebec and Canadian History 1 Chapter 2 The New Nation, The Liberal Nation: Ambition, Competition 30 and Metaphor Chapter 3 The Pursuit of Property, the Mastery of Territory and the Nature 62 of Nation Chapter 4 The Cultivation of Self-Government: Freedom, Reason, Progress 95 and Development Chapter 5 Conclusion 128 Bibliography 137 iv Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter 1 Introduction George-Etienne Cartier, Quebec and Canadian History “On peut trouver des actes a critiquer dans ma carriere politique, tout homme est peccable; mais je puis vous dire, en toute sincerite, que j ’ai toujours travaille pour obtenir pour mes compatriotes, la plus grande somme d’avantage et de bonheur possible.”1 With this regretful acknowledgment to the electorate in Montreal-East, George-Etienne Cartier, an iconic figure in Canadian history, effectively ended his political career. A key author of Confederation, Cartier was essential in securing French-Canadian support for the plan. He had aggressively encouraged settlement of the Northwest and negotiated British Columbia’s entrance into Canada. His career ended with a humiliating loss in the 1872 federal election. His political actions have frequently been highlighted in traditional political narratives. More recent studies of social, economic and intellectual histories in Canada and Quebec have come to new conclusions about the interaction of ideas and the nature of political culture. One such approach, and the focus of this study, is the analysis of politicians’ actions and beliefs in the context of the period’s liberalism. Despite the traditional understanding of Quebec society as conservative, these examinations of political culture have shown that liberal ideas about the individual, progress and property had an important influence on society and politics. Because of his role and influence, Cartier needs to be understood within this political culture, and this thesis will explore Cartier as an important example of mid-nineteenth-century Quebec’s emerging liberal politics. The intention throughout is to compare Cartier’s stances and language with those of his colleagues and critics, and to situate his politics within a larger context. 1 George-Etienne Cartier, Discours de Sir George Cartier, Joseph Tasse, ed., (Montreal, 1893) 758. 1 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 Cartier was the most powerful politician in Quebec2 throughout the 1850s and 1860s. He cemented his position by carefully balancing the interests of the Seminary of Montreal, the Conservative party and the Grand Trunk Railway. Cartier reconciled his commercial and class aspirations with his cultural allegiances by arguing that through economic expansion French Canadians could become more politically and economically influential, and therefore more culturally secure. By 1870, however, the institutional base of Cartier’s power was fragmented and challenged. Quebec’s Ultramontane movement was feuding with the Seminary of Montreal for religious hegemony. Divided religious interests fractured the Conservative party. Similarly, the Grand Trunk Railway’s dominance was challenged by the upstart Pacific Railway. With Bright’s disease attacking his legs and kidneys, Cartier did not have the stamina or the energy for the 1872 campaign. He attended only two public meetings and sat through them both. On August 28,1872 Cartier lost in his riding to the young liberal Louis-Amable Jette 4 Despite subsequently being handed a seat in Manitoba, he put an end to his political career. He traveled to London, where he would remain until his death on 20 May 1873. After his death, Cartier was heavily implicated in the campaign corruption of the Pacific Scandal. John A. Macdonald convincingly suggested that railway magnate Hugh Allan had manipulated Cartier, who was sick and desperate to win the election.5 In a 1965 speech, historian Mason Wade suggested that the “importance [of Cartier’s career] 2 To avoid confusion, except when quoting from a source, I will refer to Quebec and Ontario throughout, by their modern names. The Constitutional Act of 1791 named this province Lower Canada. The Act of Union, in 1841, joined Upper and Lower Canada into the United Province of Canada; Ontario and Quebec were then referred to as Canada West and East, respectively. The Confederation Act of 1867 once again