A Comparative Analysis of Party Based Foreign Policy Co
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Immigration, Citizenship and Canada's New Conservative Party
6 Immigration, Citizenship, and Canada’s New Conservative Party inder marwah, triadafi los triadafi lopoulos, and stephen white Since its inception in 2003, and particularly since forming government in 2006, the Conservative Party has made a concerted effort to draw support from new Canadians. Its aggressive courting of the “ethnic vote” stands in marked contrast to positions taken by its predecessors, the Reform Party and Canadian Alliance. Unlike conservative parties in Europe, the United States, and Australia, Canada’s new conservatives have supported the maintenance of a relatively expansive program of mass immigration. They have also abandoned their predecessors’ rejec- tion of multiculturalism and, under the current minister of citizenship, immigration and multiculturalism, Jason Kenney, implemented an aggressive ethnic “outreach” strategy aimed at peeling immigrant sup- port away from their principal competitor, the Liberal Party of Canada. At the same time, however, the Conservatives have pursued policies aimed at appealing to their conservative base. With regard to citizen- ship, new rules have been introduced making it harder for naturalized citizens to pass Canadian nationality on to their children while residing outside of Canada. 1 A review of citizenship policy also promised to fur- ther toughen rules on naturalization while extending the state’s ability to revoke nationality. In one offi cial’s words, citizenship would become “harder to get and easier to lose.” 2 Changes to refugee policy have also been introduced to crack down on “bogus” claimants. While citizen- ship policy has provided the Conservatives with a forum for devel- oping themes relating to patriotism and core Canadian values, their positions on refugee policy have nicely complemented their “tough on crime” credentials. -
Rebalanced and Revitalized: a Canada Strong
Rebalanced and Revitalized A Canada Strong and Free Mike Harris & Preston Manning THE FRASER INSTITUTE 2006 Copyright ©2006 by The Fraser Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written permission except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. The authors have worked independently and opinions expressed by them are, therefore, their own, and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the supporters or the trustees of The Fraser Institute. The opinions expressed in this document do not necessary represent those of the Montreal Economic Institute or the members of its board of directors. This publication in no way implies that the Montreal Economic Institute or the members of its board of directors are in favour of, or oppose the passage of, any bill. Series editor: Fred McMahon Director of Publication Production: Kristin McCahon Coordination of French publication: Martin Masse Design and typesetting: Lindsey Thomas Martin Cover design by Brian Creswick @ GoggleBox Editorial assistance provided by White Dog Creative Inc. Date of issue: June 2006 Printed and bound in Canada Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Data Harris, Mike, 945- Rebalanced and revitalized : a Canada strong and free / Mike Harris & Preston Manning Co-published by Institut économique de Montréal. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0–88975–232–X . Canada--Politics and government--2006-. 2. Government information-- Canada. 3. Political participation--Canada. 4. Federal-provincial relations-- Canada. 5. Federal government--Canada. I. Manning, Preston, 942- II. Fraser Institute (Vancouver, B.C.) III. Institut économique de Montréal IV. -
Quebec's New Politics of Redistribution Meets Austerity1
4 Quebec’s New Politics of Redistribution Meets Austerity1 Alain Noël In the late 1990s, wrote Keith Banting and John Myles in their Inequality and the Fading of Redistributive Politics, Quebec represented “the road not taken by the rest of Canada” (2013, 18). While the redistributive state was fading across Canada, the province bucked the trend and im- proved its social programs, preventing the rise of inequality observed elsewhere. The key, argued Banting and Myles, was politics. With strong trade unions, well-organized social movements, and a left-of-centre partisan consensus, Quebec redefined its social programs through a politics of compromise that conciliated efforts to balance the budget with social policy improvements. In this respect, Quebec’s new politics of redistribution in the late 1990s and early 2000s seemed more akin to the coalition-building dynamics of continental European countries than to the more divisive politics of liberal, English-speaking nations (Banting and Myles 2013, 17). Quebec’s Quiet Revolution, in the 1960s and 1970s, was a modern- ization process, whereby the province sought to catch up with the rest of Canada and meet North American standards. The Quebec govern- ment insisted on defining autonomously its own social programs, but overall its policies converged with those pursued elsewhere in Cana- 1. I am grateful to the editors and to Denis Saint-Martin for comments and suggestions. Federalism and the Welfare State in a Multicultural World, edited by Elizabeth Goodyear-Grant, Richard Johnston, Will Kym- licka, and John Myles. Montréal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, Queen’s Policy Studies Series. -
AHEPA Steamed About White House GID Event NYC Mayor Holds Greek
O C V ΓΡΑΦΕΙ ΤΗΝ ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑ Bringing the news ΤΟΥ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΥ to generations of ΑΠΟ ΤΟ 1915 The National Herald Greek Americans A WEEKLY GREEK AMERICAN PUBLICATION c v www.thenationalherald.com VOL. 12, ISSUE 599 April 4, 2009 $1.25 GREECE: 1.75 EURO AHEPA Steamed About White House GID Event Ike Gulas Sends Letter to Obama Criticizing “Gatekeepers,” Andy Athens Issues Response By Evan C. Lambrou Special to The National Herald NEW YORK – Most Greek Ameri- cans would agree that the annual White House ceremony commemo- rating Greek Independence Day is a very special event. Community leaders emphasize that it is an hon- or for the President of the United States to issue a proclamation rec- ognizing the significance of Greek Independence Day each year, and to be able to meet with him at the White House on that day. But while there is consensus about those things, there is also sharp disagreement about the way the event has been handled over the years. Some people feel exclud- ed. Case in point: AHEPA, the coun- try’s oldest and largest civic organi- zation of Hellenic heritage, typical- ly sends a contingent of at least five each year, and often up to 8-12. It did not get to seat as many people at this year’s event, held in the East Room of the White House just last AHEPA President Ike Gulas New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg addresses the audience during a reception he hosted at Gracie Mansion in New York City for the 188th an- week. niversary of Greek Independence on Monday, March 30, 2009. -
Gender Stereotypes and Media Bias in Women's
Gender Stereotypes and Media Bias in Women’s Campaigns for Executive Office: The 2009 Campaign of Dora Bakoyannis for the Leadership of Nea Dimokratia in Greece by Stefanos Oikonomou B.A. in Communications and Media Studies, February 2010, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens A Thesis submitted to The Faculty of College of Professional Studies of The George Washington University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Professional Studies August 31, 2014 Thesis directed by Michael Cornfield Associate Professor of Political Management Acknowledgments I would like to thank my parents, Stella Triantafullopoulou and Kostas Oikonomou, to whom this work is dedicated, for their continuous love, support, and encouragement and for helping me realize my dreams. I would also like to thank Chrysanthi Hatzimasoura and Philip Soucacos, for their unyielding friendship, without whom this work would have never been completed. Finally, I wish to express my gratitude to Professor Michael Cornfield for his insights and for helping me cross the finish line; Professor David Ettinger for his guidance during the first stage of this research and for helping me adjust its scope; and the Director of Academic Administration at The Graduate School of Political Management, Suzanne Farrand, for her tremendous generosity and understanding throughout this process. ii Table of Contents Acknowledgements………………………………………………………………………..ii List of Figures…………………………………………………………………………….vi List of Tables…………………………………………………………………………….vii -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
7. Political Development and Change
F. Yaprak Gursoy 1 Democracy and Dictatorship in Greece Research Question: From its independence in 1821 until 1974 democracy in Greece witnessed several different types of military interventions. In 1909, the military initiated a short-coup and quickly returned to its barracks, allowing democracy to function until the 1920s. During the 1920s, the armed forces intervened in politics frequently, without establishing any form of dictatorship. This trend has changed in 1936, when the Greek military set up an authoritarian regime that lasted until the Second World War. In 1967, again, the Generals established a dictatorship, only to be replaced by democracy in 1974. Since then, the Armed Forces in Greece do not intervene in politics, permitting democracy to be consolidated. What explains the different behaviors of the military in Greece and the consequent regime types? This is the central puzzle this paper will try to solve. Studying Greece is important for several reasons. First, this case highlights an often understudied phenomenon, namely military behavior. Second, analyzing Greece longitudinally is critical: military behavior varied within the country in time. What explains the divergent actions of the same institution in the same polity? Looking at Greece’s wider history will allow showing how the same coalitional partners and how continuous economic growth led to different outcomes in different circumstances and what those different circumstances were. Finally, studying the divergent behavior of the Greek military helps to understand democratic consolidation in this country. Even though Greece has a record of military interventions and unstable democracies, since 1974, it is considered to have a consolidated democracy. -
Ilillllllll\II~\IIII\\II\\I\\\IIIIIII
Ilillllllll \II~\IIII\\II\\I\\\IIIIIII 200507280 REGULATING THE POWER SHIFT: THE STATE, CAPITAL AND ELECTRICITY PRIVATISATION IN AUSTRALIA Damien Cahill and Sharon Beder In 1990, British political economist Grahame Thompson observed: One of the most remarkable features of the 'conservative tum' experienced in the UK since 1980 is the paradoxical emergence of extensive reregulation of economic activity in a period supposedly typified by drastic deregulation. (Thompson, 1990: 135) Thompson's comments point to one of the central, but least understood, contradictions of nee-liberalism: that a system which is justified on the premise of a withdrawal of state intervention in the economy has entailed an active role for the state in its implementation and maintenance. This article examines the realities of neo-Iiberalism in practice through an analysis of the history and experience of electricity privatisation in Australia. Such realities are contrasted with common assumptions made about neo-Iiberalism by both its advocates and some of its opponents. The case of electricity privatisation, it is argued, highlights not only the failure of neo-liberalism to deliver its promised benefits, but also the centrality ofthe capitalist state and class conflict to the dynamics ofneo liberalism in practice. We therefore reject the 'withering away of the state' approach to understanding neo-liberalism. In doing this we are contributing to a critique of the role of capital and the state in neo liberalism. Copyright of Full Text rests with theoriginal copyright owner and, except as permitted under theCopyright Act1968, copying this copyright material is prohibited without thepermission oftheowner or itsexclusive licensee or agent orby wayof a licence from Copyright Agency Limited. -
Carleton University, 1992 C.E.P., Institut D’Etudes Politiques De Paris, 1993
Diversity and Uniformity in Conceptions of Canadian Citizenship by Byron Bennett Magnusson Homer B.A. (Honours), Carleton University, 1992 C.E.P., Institut d’Etudes Politiques de Paris, 1993 A THESIS SUBMITTED iN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDifiS Department of Political Science We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1994 Byron Bennett Magnusson Homer, 1994 _________ ____________________________ In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. (Signature) Department of %Eco..\ The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada Date DE-6 (2/88) ii Abstract This thesis uses philosophical and conceptual analysis to examine communitarian critiques of homogenous liberal conceptions of citizenship and the contemporary recognition pressures in the Canadian polity. It attempts to make some observations on the degree of difference that the Canadian society could support without destroying the sentimental bond of citizenship that develops when citizens feel they belong to the same moral and political community. The assumption made in our introduction is that diversity or differentiation becomes too exaggerated when citizens no longer feel like they are similar and can reach agreement on common objectives. -
Gender Voting Gap in the Dawn of Urbanization: Evidence from a Quasi-Experiment with Greek Special Elections
GreeSE Papers Hellenic Observatory Discussion Papers on Greece and Southeast Europe Paper No. 146 Gender voting gap in the dawn of urbanization: evidence from a quasi-experiment with Greek special elections Georgios Efthyvoulou, Pantelis Kammas and Vassilis Sarantides March 2020 Gender voting gap in the dawn of urbanization: evidence from a quasi-experiment with Greek special elections Georgios Efthyvoulou, Pantelis Kammas and Vassilis Sarantides GreeSE Paper No. 146 Hellenic Observatory Papers on Greece and Southeast Europe All views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Hellenic Observatory or the LSE © Georgios Efthyvoulou, Pantelis Kammas and Vassilis Sarantides Contents Abstract_______________________________________________________________ii 1. Introduction ________________________________________________________1 2. Theoretical considerations_____________________________________________5 2.1 Gender gap in political preferences and the effect of female labour force participation_________________________________________________________5 2.2 The U-shaped relationship between economic development and female labour force participation____________________________________________________6 2.3 Greece in the dawn of urbanization: The case of an economy in transition____9 3. Empirical design____________________________________________________10 3.1 Data and variables _______________________________________________10 3.2 Empirical model specification_______________________________________15 -
Phil Fontaine
Indian Residential Schools Resolution Canada Media Clips Résolution des questions des pensionnats indiens Canada Manchettes Wednesday, January 18, 2006 ™ mercredi, 18 janvier 2006 M e d ia C lip s - 1 8 J a n u a ry 2 0 0 6 A c tu a lité d u 1 8 ja n v ie r 2 0 0 6 Table of Contents/ Table des matières IR S A R T IC L E S-A R T IC L E S D ’IR S R E SID E N T IA L SC H O O L P A Y O U T ...............................................................................................................3 CONSERVATIVE STRATEGIST SANDRA BUCKLER ON FONTAINE COMMENTS ...4 P H IL F O N T A IN E P R E SS C O N F E R E N C E O N F M M A N D R E SID E N T IA L SC H O O L C O M M IT M E N T S.......5 FONTAINE WORRIED BY TORY ABORIGINAL AGENDA.....................................................7 FONTAINE INTERVIEW.......................................................................................................................8 AN EXCLUSIVE WEB COMMENT: PHIL FONTAINE ............................................................1 0 NATIVE LEADER TO VOICE CONCERNS WITH TORY........................................................1 1 M A R T IN C O U R T S N A T IV E S ......................................................................................................................1 3 B C -R E SID E N T IA L -SC H O O L S....................................................................................................................1 5 B C -C D A -N E W S-D IG E ST (A L SO C P N E W SW IR E )....................................................................................1 6 F SIN V IC E -C H IE F F E A R S T O R IE S W O U L D A L T E R D E A L ......................................................................1 7 F IR ST N A T IO N V O T E S K E Y F O R N Y ST R O M (SIM IL A R IN T H E L E A D E R P O ST )..................................1 8 TORIES CRITICIZED FOR POSITIONS ON FIRST NATIONS ISSUES ................................................ -
West European Politics the Transformation of the Greek Party
This article was downloaded by: [Harvard University] On: 11 July 2010 Access details: Access Details: [subscription number 915668586] Publisher Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37- 41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK West European Politics Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t713395181 The transformation of the Greek party system since 1951 Takis S. Pappasa a Politics at the Aristotle University, Thessaloniki, Greece To cite this Article Pappas, Takis S.(2003) 'The transformation of the Greek party system since 1951', West European Politics, 26: 2, 90 — 114 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/01402380512331341121 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380512331341121 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.