ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
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Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe
This page intentionally left blank Populist radical right parties in Europe As Europe enters a significant phase of re-integration of East and West, it faces an increasing problem with the rise of far-right political par- ties. Cas Mudde offers the first comprehensive and truly pan-European study of populist radical right parties in Europe. He focuses on the par- ties themselves, discussing them both as dependent and independent variables. Based upon a wealth of primary and secondary literature, this book offers critical and original insights into three major aspects of European populist radical right parties: concepts and classifications; themes and issues; and explanations for electoral failures and successes. It concludes with a discussion of the impact of radical right parties on European democracies, and vice versa, and offers suggestions for future research. cas mudde is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science at the University of Antwerp. He is the author of The Ideology of the Extreme Right (2000) and the editor of Racist Extremism in Central and Eastern Europe (2005). Populist radical right parties in Europe Cas Mudde University of Antwerp CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521850810 © Cas Mudde 2007 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. -
2019 European Elections the Weight of the Electorates Compared to the Electoral Weight of the Parliamentary Groups
2019 European Elections The weight of the electorates compared to the electoral weight of the parliamentary groups Guillemette Lano Raphaël Grelon With the assistance of Victor Delage and Dominique Reynié July 2019 2019 European Elections. The weight of the electorates | Fondation pour l’innovation politique I. DISTINGUISHING BETWEEN THE WEIGHT OF ELECTORATES AND THE ELECTORAL WEIGHT OF PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS The Fondation pour l’innovation politique wished to reflect on the European elections in May 2019 by assessing the weight of electorates across the European constituency independently of the electoral weight represented by the parliamentary groups comprised post-election. For example, we have reconstructed a right-wing Eurosceptic electorate by aggregating the votes in favour of right-wing national lists whose discourses are hostile to the European Union. In this case, for instance, this methodology has led us to assign those who voted for Fidesz not to the European People’s Party (EPP) group but rather to an electorate which we describe as the “populist right and extreme right” in which we also include those who voted for the Italian Lega, the French National Rally, the Austrian FPÖ and the Sweden Democrats. Likewise, Slovak SMER voters were detached from the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) Group and instead categorised as part of an electorate which we describe as the “populist left and extreme left”. A. The data collected The electoral results were collected list by list, country by country 1, from the websites of the national parliaments and governments of each of the States of the Union. We then aggregated these data at the European level, thus obtaining: – the number of individuals registered on the electoral lists on the date of the elections, or the registered voters; – the number of votes, or the voters; – the number of valid votes in favour of each of the lists, or the votes cast; – the number of invalid votes, or the blank or invalid votes. -
C 367 Jornal Oficial
Jornal Oficial C 367 da União Europeia 57.º ano Edição em língua portuguesa Comunicações e Informações 16 de outubro de 2014 Índice IV Informações INFORMAÇÕES DAS INSTITUIÇÕES, ÓRGÃOS E ORGANISMOS DA UNIÃO EUROPEIA Parlamento Europeu PERGUNTAS ESCRITAS E SUA RESPOSTA 2014/C 367/01 Perguntas escritas apresentadas por deputados ao Parlamento Europeu e respetiva resposta dada por uma instituição da União Europeia ......................................................................................................................... 1 (Ver nota ao leitor) PT Nota ao leitor A presente publicação contém perguntas escritas apresentadas por deputados ao Parlamento Europeu e a respetiva resposta dada por uma instituição da União Europeia. Para cada pergunta e resposta é apresentada, antes de uma eventual tradução, a versão na língua original. Por vezes, a resposta pode ser dada numa língua que não seja a da pergunta. Isto depende da língua de trabalho da comissão a quem é requerida a resposta. Estas perguntas e respostas são publicadas nos termos dos artigos 117.º e 118.º do Regimento do Parlamento Europeu. Todas as perguntas e respostas são acessíveis através do website do Parlamento Europeu (Europarl) na rubrica «Perguntas parlamentares»: http://www.europarl.europa.eu/plenary/pt/parliamentary-questions.html SIGNIFICADO DAS SIGLAS DOS GRUPOS POLÍTICOS PPE Grupo do Partido Popular Europeu (Democratas-Cristãos) S&D Grupo da Aliança Progressista dos Socialistas e Democratas no Parlamento Europeu ALDE Grupo da Aliança dos Democratas e Liberais pela -
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology Or Internal Dissent?
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology or Internal Dissent? Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Eileen Marie Kunkler, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2010 Thesis Committee: Goldie Shabad, Adviser Trevor Brown Copyright by Eileen Marie Kunkler 2010 Abstract In 2008, three political clubs were officially formed within the United Russia party structure: the Social-Conservative Club, the Liberal-Conservative Club, and the State-Patriotic Club. Membership of these clubs includes many powerful Duma representatives. Officially, their function is to help develop strategies for implementing the government‟s Strategy 2020. However, a closer examination of these clubs suggests that they also may function as an ideology incubator for the larger party and as a safety valve for internal party dissent. To answer the question of what the true function of these clubs is an attempt will be made to give: a brief overview of Unity‟s and Fatherland-All Russia‟s formation; a description of how United Russia formed; a summary of the ideological currents within United Russia from 2001-2009; a discussion of the three clubs; and a comparative analysis of these clubs to the Christian Democratic party of Italy and the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan. Based on this evidence, it will be argued that primary purpose of these clubs is to contain intra-party conflict. ii Dedication Dedicated to my family and friends iii Acknowledgements I wish to thank my adviser, Goldie Shabad, for all of her help, advice, and patience in working on this project with me. -
Heritage, Landscape and Conflict Archaeology
THE EDGE OF EUROPE: HERITAGE, LANDSCAPE AND CONFLICT ARCHAEOLOGY by ROXANA-TALIDA ROMAN A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Classics, Ancient History and Archaeology School of History and Cultures College of Arts and Law University of Birmingham May 2019 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. ABSTRACT The research presented in this thesis addresses the significance of Romanian WWI sites as places of remembrance and heritage, by exploring the case of Maramureș against the standards of national and international heritage standards. The work provided the first ever survey of WWI sites on the Eastern Front, showing that the Prislop Pass conflictual landscape holds undeniable national and international heritage value both in terms of physical preservation and in terms of mapping on the memorial-historical record. The war sites demonstrate heritage and remembrance value by meeting heritage criteria on account of their preservation state, rarity, authenticity, research potential, the embedded war knowledge and their historical-memorial functions. The results of the research established that the war sites not only satisfy heritage legal requirements at various scales but are also endangered. -
A Comparative Constitutional Analysis Between Italy and Hungary
Department of Political Science Master’s Degree in International Relations – European Studies Chair in Comparative Public Law POPULISM IN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: A COMPARATIVE CONSTITUTIONAL ANALYSIS BETWEEN ITALY AND HUNGARY SUPERVISOR CANDIDATE Professor Cristina Fasone Claudia Mattei 635892 CO-SUPERVISOR Professor Giovanni Orsina Academic Year 2018/2019 1 Table of contents Introduction 6 1 CHAPTER – POPULISM 9 1.1 What is populism? A definition for a highly contested phenomenon 10 1.2 Understanding populism 14 1.2.1 Who are the people? 14 1.2.2 Who are the elites? 18 1.2.3 The real meaning of the volonté générale 19 1.2.4 The people and the general will: populism vs. democracy 20 1.3 Historical birth of populism 24 1.3.1 The American People’s Party 24 1.3.2 The Russian narodnichestvo 26 1.4 Marriage between populism and ‘host’ ideologies: different families 29 1.4.1 Right-wing populism 30 1.4.2 Left-wing populism 31 1.4.3 Populist constitutionalism 33 1.5 Why does populism develop? 36 1.5.1 The causes behind the populist rise 37 1.5.2 The cause of the cause: the auto-destruction of politics as origin of populism 39 1.5.3 Technocracy replaces politics: the case of the European Union 41 1.6 Populism in the world 44 2 CHAPTER – POPULISM IN EUROPE 48 2.1 Genesis of populism in Europe: Boulangism 48 2.2 Populism in Western Europe 51 2.2.1 Post-WW2 populist experiences in Western Europe 51 2.2.2 The rise of modern populism in Western Europe 53 2 2.3 Populism in Eastern Europe 58 2.3.1 Interwar populism in Eastern Europe 58 2.3.2 -
SHADES of NATIONALISM in the CONTEMPORARY ARAB WORLD : the ISLAMIC FACET. Sottor of 9^Ilo
SHADES OF NATIONALISM IN THE CONTEMPORARY ARAB WORLD : THE ISLAMIC FACET. THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF Sottor of 9^ilo£(09[)p - IN WEST ASIAN STUDIES (POLITICAL SCIENCE) •Y ZAMm AHMAD BHAT Und«r th« Supervision of Dr. FAZAL MAHMOOD CENTRE OF WEST ASIAN STUDIES AU6ARH MUSUM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (INDIA) 2002 ,D1S fo^ "^.1 ^ ^-.t^' *&l^r- ( A. 1 .^ .IffM Ort^r. •.. T5915 •^ «1 n9 IS* ^/7 «i1 ^ C C «^ CENTRE OF WEST ASIAN STUDIES ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH-202002 (INDIA) Dated. 23./uAZ (llFrltftralr This is to Q@^^M e^tfee^is entitled "SHADES OF -' ^^.^'^^M*^: •"!'% NATIONAUSM IN THB CONTEMPORARY ARAB WORLD: THB-tS]!,»i|^^fimby'lVlR. ZAMIR AHMAD BHAT for t|ie a\Yard oSMi.T^. dpgjee ip. West Asian Studies (Political Scten^'e)\^s li^n #epare%tj|\df r|my supervision. This is his o^g4ia^i;^a^|nffj(^t%^-bfst,i^|^niy knowledge, it has not been^^*^44S"^^^y^Jtere-ejse for the award of any degree. -St . (Dr. Fazal Mahmood) Supervisor CONTENTS Page No. Acknowledgement and Preface i-v Chapter I: Introduction 1-18 Chapter II: Rise of Arab Nationalism and Impact of World War I 19-40 (A) Decline of Ottoman Empire 19-32 (B) The Arab Revolt of 1915 32-37 Chapter III: Arab Nationalism at the Advent of Twentieth Century 41-65 (A) Jamal Al-Din Al-Afghani 41-46 (B) Muhammad Abduh 47-54 (C) Rashid Ridha 54-61 Chapter IV: Contemporary Islamic Political Activism 66-128 (A) Hasan Al-Banna 66-82 (B) Sayyid Qutb 83-102 (C) Abul Al'a Mawdudi 103-120 Chapter-V: Islamic Revolution of Iran and its Impact on West Asia 129-169 (A) Ayatullah Ruhullah Musavi Khomeini 129-152 (B) Dr. -
Political Conflict, Social Inequality and Electoral Cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-2018
World Inequality Lab – Working Paper N° 2020/25 Political conflict, social inequality and electoral cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-2018 Attila Lindner Filip Novokmet Thomas Piketty Tomasz Zawisza November 2020 Political conflict, social inequality and electoral cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-20181 Attila Lindner, Filip Novokmet, Thomas Piketty, Tomasz Zawisza Abstract This paper analyses the electoral cleavages in three Central European countries countries—the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland—since the fall of communism until today. In all three countries, the left has seen a prolonged decline in support. On the other hand, the “populist” parties increased their support and recently attained power in each country. We relate this to specific trajectories of post-communist transition. Former communist parties in Hungary and Poland transformed themselves into social- democratic parties. These parties' pro-market policies prevented them from establishing themselves predominantly among a lower-income electorate. Meanwhile, the liberal right in the Czech Republic and Poland became representative of both high-income and high-educated voters. This has opened up space for populist parties and influenced their character, assuming more ‘nativist’ outlook in Poland and Hungary and more ‘centrist’ in the Czech Republic. 1 We are grateful to Anna Becker for the outstanding research assistance, to Gábor Tóka for his help with obtaining survey data on Hungary and to Lukáš Linek for helping with obtaining the data of the 2017 Czech elections. We would also like to thank Ferenc Szűcs who provided invaluable insights. 1 1. Introduction The legacy of the communist regime and the rapid transition from a central planning economy to a market-based economy had a profound impact on the access to economic opportunities, challenged social identities and shaped party politics in all Central European countries. -
Agrarian Theory and Policy in Bulgaria from 1919-1923
New Nation, New Nationalism: Agrarian Theory and Policy in Bulgaria from 1919-1923 By Eric D. Halsey Submitted to Central European University Nationalism Studies Program In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Advisor: Michael Laurence Miller CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2012 Abstract There exists a critical gap in the literature between analysis of the regime of Alexander Stamboliski from a basic historical perspective and a broader ideological perspective rooted in nationalism theory. The result of this gap has been a division of research between those who look simply at the policies of the regime and those who attempt to discuss it in a framework of what is almost always Marxist ideology. By examining the policies and historical context of the Stamboliski regime in conjunction with analyzing it through the lens of nationalism theory, the depth and importance of the regime become clearer. Through this framework it becomes possible to view what is often called an anti-national regime as a nationalist regime attempting to re-forge the national identities of Bulgaria and, eventually, the entire Balkans. This comes with implications in how we view nationalism in the Balkans, Agrarianism, and the broader processes of addressing modernization and the region's Ottoman legacy. CEU eTD Collection i Acknowledgements First and foremost I would like to thank my mother for all of her love and support through all of my travels, studies, and research. It can't be easy to see a son rush off into something so unknown to you. I would also like to thank my academic advisor from my undergraduate university Professor Nabil Al-Tikriti for his support, advice, and useful commentary through the past several years. -
The Italian Communist Party 1921--1964: a Profile
University of Windsor Scholarship at UWindsor Electronic Theses and Dissertations Theses, Dissertations, and Major Papers 1-1-1966 The Italian Communist Party 1921--1964: A profile. Aldo U. Marchini University of Windsor Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd Recommended Citation Marchini, Aldo U., "The Italian Communist Party 1921--1964: A profile." (1966). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 6438. https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd/6438 This online database contains the full-text of PhD dissertations and Masters’ theses of University of Windsor students from 1954 forward. These documents are made available for personal study and research purposes only, in accordance with the Canadian Copyright Act and the Creative Commons license—CC BY-NC-ND (Attribution, Non-Commercial, No Derivative Works). Under this license, works must always be attributed to the copyright holder (original author), cannot be used for any commercial purposes, and may not be altered. Any other use would require the permission of the copyright holder. Students may inquire about withdrawing their dissertation and/or thesis from this database. For additional inquiries, please contact the repository administrator via email ([email protected]) or by telephone at 519-253-3000ext. 3208. NOTE TO USERS Page(s) not included in the original manuscript and are unavailable from the author or university. The manuscript was scanned as received. it This reproduction is the best copy available. UMI Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THE ITALIAN COkkUNIST PARTY 1921 - 196A: A PROPILE by ALDO U. -
Dynamics of Youth Euroscepticism a Thesis
DYNAMICS OF YOUTH EUROSCEPTICISM A THESIS SUBMITED TO THE GARADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY ÖNDER KÜÇÜKURAL IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN SOCIOLOGY DECEMBER 2005 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof.Dr. Sencer Ayata Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Assoc. Prof. Dr. Sibel Kalaycıoğlu Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science. Dr. Mustafa Şen Supervisor Examining Committee Members Assoc. Prof. Dr. Galip Yalman (METU, ADM) Dr. Mustafa Şen (METU, Sociology) Assist. Prof. Dr Aykan Erdemir (METU, Sociology) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Önder Küçükural Signature : iii ABSTRACT Dynamics of Youth Euroscepticism Küçükural, Önder M.Sc., Department of Sociology Supervisor: Dr. Mustafa Şen December 2005, 138 pages The aim of this thesis is to describe the dominant features of Euroscepticism in Turkish context and to understand its main dynamics with special reference to a particular group, the youth in Turkey. A field research was conducted in order to understand youth’s EU support. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against