The Italian Communist Party 1921--1964: a Profile
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Carlo Azeglio Ciampi
Carlo Azeglio Ciampi Italia, Primer ministro (1993-1994) y presidente de la República (1999-2006) Duración del mandato: 18 de Maig de 1999 - de de Nacimiento: Livorno, provincia de Livorno, región de Toscana, 09 de Desembre de 1920 Defunción: Roma, región de Lacio, 16 de Setembre de 2016</p> Partido político: sin filiación Professió: Funcionario de banca Resumen http://www.cidob.org 1 of 3 Biografía Cursó estudios en Pisa en su Escuela Normal Superior, por la que se diplomó en 1941, y en su Universidad, por la que en 1946 obtuvo una doble licenciatura en Derecho y Letras. Durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial sirvió en el Ejército italiano y tras la caída de Mussolini en 1943 estuvo con los partisanos antinazis. En 1945 militó en el Partido de Acción de Ferruccio Parri, pero pronto se desvinculó de cualquier organización política. En 1946 entró a trabajar por la vía de oposiciones en el Banco de Italia, institución donde desarrolló toda su carrera hasta la cúspide. Sucesivamente fue técnico en el departamento de investigación económica (1960-1970), jefe del departamento (1970-1973), secretario general del Banco (1973-1976), vicedirector general (1976-1978), director general (1978-1979) y, finalmente, gobernador (1979-1993). Considerado un economista de formación humanista, Ciampi salvaguardó la independencia del banco del Estado y se labró una imagen de austeridad y apego al trabajo. Como titular representó a Italia en las juntas de gobernadores de diversas instituciones financieras internacionales. Con su elección el 26 de abril de 1993 por el presidente de la República Oscar Luigi Scalfaro (por primera vez sin consultar a los partidos) para reemplazar a Giuliano Amato, Ciampi se convirtió en el primer jefe de Gobierno técnico, esto es, no adscrito a ninguna formación, desde 1945, si bien algunos líderes políticos insistieron en sus simpatías democristianas. -
Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’
Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996). -
Media E Informazione - Lunedi 1 E Martedì 2 Giugno 2020 (N
1 Università IULM Osservatorio su comunicazione pubblica, public branding e trasformazione digitale Direttore scientifico: prof. Stefano Rolando ([email protected]) Comunicazione e situazione di crisi https://www.iulm.it/it/sites/osservatorio-comunicazione-in-tempo-di-crisi/comunicare-in-tempo-di-crisi Media e informazione - Lunedi 1 e Martedì 2 giugno 2020 (n. 90-n.91) Rallentamento Il 2 giugno del 1946, attraverso referendum istituzionale, gli italiani scelsero di porre fine alla forma monarchica del Paese, anche a causa della commistione con il ventennio fascista, optando per la forma repubblicana. Con 12.182.855 voti, il 54,3% dei votanti scelse la Repubblica, con 10.362.709, il 45,7% dei votanti scelse la Monarchia. L’affluenza fu dell’89,08%. Solo l’11% degli italiani scelse l’astensione. La carta geo-politica dell’Italia fu molto segnata da quel voto: il centro-nord ebbe una dominante di voto repubblicano, il centro-sud e isole ebbe una dominante di voto monarchico. Il governo in carica fino a fine 1945 presieduto dall’azionista Ferruccio Parri e il successivo presieduto dal dc Alcide De Gasperi prepararono l’insediamento dell’Assemblea costituente che – con le presidenze del socialista Giuseppe Saragat e poi del comunista Umberto Terracini – si insediò il 26 giugno del 1946 e terminò i suoi lavori, un mese dopo la promulgazione in G.U. della Costituzione repubblicana, il 31 gennaio del 1948. Nel frattempo il Paese fu governato con tre mandati consecutivi dall’esecutivo presieduto da De Gasperi. Alla Costituente la DC ebbe il 35,2% dei voti, i socialisti il 20,7%, i comunisti il 18,9%, i liberali il 6,8%, i “qualunquisti” il 5,3%, i repubblicani il 4,4% gli azionisti l’1,5%. -
Redalyc.Antonio Gramsci a Torino (1911-1922)
Utopía y Praxis Latinoamericana ISSN: 1315-5216 [email protected] Universidad del Zulia Venezuela Maffia, Gesualdo Antonio Gramsci a Torino (1911-1922) Utopía y Praxis Latinoamericana, vol. 16, núm. 53, abril-junio, 2011, pp. 95-105 Universidad del Zulia Maracaibo, Venezuela Disponibile in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=27919220009 Come citare l'articolo Numero completo Sistema d'Informazione Scientifica Altro articolo Rete di Riviste Scientifiche dell'America Latina, i Caraibi, la Spagna e il Portogallo Home di rivista in redalyc.org Progetto accademico senza scopo di lucro, sviluppato sotto l'open acces initiative Antonio Gramsci in Turin (1911-1922) Gesualdo MAFFIA ipartimen to di Studi Politici, Universidad de Torino, Italia. La ciudad de Torino le ofrece a Antonio The city of Turin offered Antonio Gramsci un ambiente muy fecundo para su for- Gramsci a very fertile environment for his politi- mación política e intelectual, gracias a la presti- cal and intellectual development, thanks to its giosa tradición universitaria y a su rápido desa- prestigious university tradition and rapid indus- rrollo industrial. Gramsci, abandona sus estudios trial development. Gramsci abandonded his uni- universitarios, se dedica al periodismo político, versity studies and dedicated himself to political renovando la difusión del socialismo, ofrece un journalism, renewing the diffusion of socialism, ejemplo de periodismo crítico, atento a los he- offering an example of critical journalism, aware chos y a las contradicciones de la sociedad liberal -
Interests, Preferences, and Center-Left Party Politics in Corporate Governance Reform
Interests, Preferences, and Center-Left Party Politics in Corporate Governance Reform John W. Cioffi* and Martin Höpner** (Published in: Politics & Society 34, 4, 463-502. Page numbers of the orginal text are marked with (here starts p. xxx)) John W. Cioffi ([email protected]), J.D., Ph.D., is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of California, Riverside. His research explores the relationships between law and political economy and focuses on the politics of corporate governance reform in Europe and the United States from the 1980s to the present. His publications include: “Revenge of the Law?: Securities Litigation Reform and Sarbanes-Oxley’s Structural Regulation of Corporate Governance,” in Martin Levin, Martin Shapiro, and Mark Landy (eds.), Creating Competitive Markets: The Politics and Economics of Regulatory Reform (Brookings Institution Press, 2006); “Building Finance Capitalism: The Regulatory Politics of Corporate Governance Reform in the United States and Germany,” in Jonah D. Levy (ed.), The State After Statism: New State Activities in the Age of Globalization and Liberalization (Harvard University Press, 2006); “Corporate Governance Reform, Regulatory Politics, and the Foundations of Finance Capitalism in the United States and Germany,” German Law Journal (2006); “The State of the Corporation: State Power, Politics, Policymaking and Corporate Governance in the United States, Germany, and France,” in Martin Shapiro and Martin Levin (eds.), Transatlantic Policymaking in an Age of Austerity (Georgetown University Press, 2004); “Restructuring ‘Germany, Inc.’: The Corporate Governance Debate and the Politics of Company Law Reform,” Law & Policy, (2002). Martin Höpner ([email protected]), Ph.D., is a political scientists and researcher at the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies in Cologne, Germany. -
Euroscepticism in Political Parties of Greece
VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND DIPLOMACY DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Eimantas Kočanas EUROSCEPTICISM IN POLITICAL PARTIES OF GREECE Master’s Thesis Contemporary European politics study program, state code 621L20005 Political sciences study direction Supervisor: Prof. Doc. Mindaugas Jurkynas Defended: PMDF Dean - Prof. Doc. Šarūnas Liekis Kaunas 2016 European Union is like a painting displayed in a museum. Some admire it, others critique it, and few despise it. In all regards, the fact that the painting is being criticized only shows that there is no true way to please everybody – be it in art or politics. - Author of this paper. 1 Summary Eimantas Kocanas ‘Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece’, Master’s Thesis. Paper supervisor Prof. Doc. Mindaugas Jurkynas, Kaunas Vytautas Magnus University, Department of Diplomacy and Political Sciences. Faculty of Political Sciences. Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it’s imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). -
Amadeo Bordiga and the Myth of Antonio Gramsci
AMADEO BORDIGA AND THE MYTH OF ANTONIO GRAMSCI John Chiaradia PREFACE A fruitful contribution to the renaissance of Marxism requires a purely historical treatment of the twenties as a period of the revolutionary working class movement which is now entirely closed. This is the only way to make its experiences and lessons properly relevant to the essentially new phase of the present. Gyorgy Lukács, 1967 Marxism has been the greatest fantasy of our century. Leszek Kolakowski When I began this commentary, both the USSR and the PCI (the Italian Communist Party) had disappeared. Basing myself on earlier archival work and supplementary readings, I set out to show that the change signified by the rise of Antonio Gramsci to leadership (1924-1926) had, contrary to nearly all extant commentary on that event, a profoundly negative impact on Italian Communism. As a result and in time, the very essence of the party was drained, and it was derailed from its original intent, namely, that of class revolution. As a consequence of these changes, the party would play an altogether different role from the one it had been intended for. By way of evidence, my intention was to establish two points and draw the connecting straight line. They were: one, developments in the Soviet party; two, the tandem echo in the Italian party led by Gramsci, with the connecting line being the ideology and practices associated at the time with Stalin, which I label Center communism. Hence, from the time of Gramsci’s return from the USSR in 1924, there had been a parental relationship between the two parties. -
Italy's Atlanticism Between Foreign and Internal
UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 25 (January / Enero 2011) ISSN 1696-2206 ITALY’S ATLANTICISM BETWEEN FOREIGN AND INTERNAL POLITICS Massimo de Leonardis 1 Catholic University of the Sacred Heart Abstract: In spite of being a defeated country in the Second World War, Italy was a founding member of the Atlantic Alliance, because the USA highly valued her strategic importance and wished to assure her political stability. After 1955, Italy tried to advocate the Alliance’s role in the Near East and in Mediterranean Africa. The Suez crisis offered Italy the opportunity to forge closer ties with Washington at the same time appearing progressive and friendly to the Arabs in the Mediterranean, where she tried to be a protagonist vis a vis the so called neo- Atlanticism. This link with Washington was also instrumental to neutralize General De Gaulle’s ambitions of an Anglo-French-American directorate. The main issues of Italy’s Atlantic policy in the first years of “centre-left” coalitions, between 1962 and 1968, were the removal of the Jupiter missiles from Italy as a result of the Cuban missile crisis, French policy towards NATO and the EEC, Multilateral [nuclear] Force [MLF] and the revision of the Alliance’ strategy from “massive retaliation” to “flexible response”. On all these issues the Italian government was consonant with the United States. After the period of the late Sixties and Seventies when political instability, terrorism and high inflation undermined the Italian role in international relations, the decision in 1979 to accept the Euromissiles was a landmark in the history of Italian participation to NATO. -
Scelba, Mario
Scelba, Mario S. nacque a Caltagirone, in provincia di Catania, nel 1901. Sin da giovane si avvicinò al movimento cattolico, in particolare all’esponente di punta del neonato Partito popolare, don Luigi Sturzo, di cui divenne nel primo dopoguerra uno stretto collaboratore. Ostile al fascismo, come altri giovani esponenti del PPI, visse con amarezza la decisione di vari esponenti popolari di allinearsi al fascismo, nonché il cauto atteggiamento assunto dalla Chiesa cattolica nei confronti del regime. Durante gli anni della dittatura decise di rinunciare a un’attività politica aperta. Nel 1942 fu comunque uno dei primi esponenti cattolici a favorire la nascita nella clandestinità del nuovo partito che avrebbe assunto il nome di Democrazia cristiana (DC). Fin dalle prime fasi di vita della DC S. si collocò su moderate una linea moderata; le sue posizioni si rifacevano a quelle espresse da Alcide De Gasperi, tanto da essere nominato nel 1944, in occasione del primo congresso democristiano tenutosi a Napoli, vicesegretario del partito. Con la formazione del governo guidato da Ferruccio Parri, il ruolo di S. quale esponente di rilievo della DC era confermato dalla sua nomina a ministro delle Poste e Telecomunicazioni, incarico che egli mantenne nei due governi, guidati da De Gasperi tra la fine del 1945 e il 1946. In quest’ultimo anno S. veniva eletto all’Assemblea costituente e nel 1948 sarebbe divenuto deputato, restando membro dell’assemblea di Montecitorio sino al 1968 (da quell’anno fino al 1979 avrebbe ricoperto il ruolo di senatore). Nel 1947, con la fine dell’esperienza di coalizione antifascista e con l’uscita dal governo del Partito comunista italiano (PCI) e del Partito socialista italiano (PSI), De Gasperi formava un primo governo centrista, che avrebbe tra l’altro dovuto affrontare la difficile prova delle prime elezioni politiche dell’Italia repubblicana nell’aspro clima di scontro, accentuato dall’emergere della Guerra fredda. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Short Report
AUSTRALIAN EPHEMERA COLLECTION FINDING AID FORMED COLLECTION FEDERAL ELECTION CAMPAIGNS, 1901-2014 PRINTED AUSTRALIANA AUGUST 2017 The Library has been actively collecting Federal election campaign ephemera for many years. ACCESS The Australian Federal Elections ephemera may requested by eCall-slip and used through the Library’s Special Collections Reading Room. Readers are able to request files relating to a specific election year. Please note: . 1901-1913 election material all in one box . 1914-1917 election material all in one box OTHER COLLECTIONS See also the collection of related broadsides and posters, and within the PANDORA archive. See also ‘Referenda’ in the general ephemera run. CONTENT AND ARRANGEMENT OF THE COLLECTION 1901 29-30 March see also digitised newspaper reports and coverage from the period 1903 16 December see also digitised newspaper reports and coverage from the period 1906 12 December see also digitised newspaper reports and coverage from the period 1910 13 April see also digitised newspaper reports and coverage from the period Folder 1. Australian Labour Party Folder 2. Liberal Party 1913 31 May see also digitised newspaper reports and coverage from the period Folder 1. Australian Labor Party Folder 2. Liberal Party Folder 3. Other candidates 1914 ― 5 September (double dissolution) see also digitised newspaper reports and coverage from the period Folder 1. Australian Labor Party Folder 2. Liberal Party 1917 5 May see also digitised newspaper reports and coverage from the period Folder 1. Australian Labor Party Folder 2. National Party Folder 3. Other candidates 1919 13 December see also digitised newspaper reports and coverage from the period Folder 1. -
14707176.Pdf
I c/66-14 AN ESSAY ON REVISIONISM IN THE ITALIAN COMMUNIST PARTY Giorgio Galli Massachusetts Institute of Technology Center for International Studies International Communism Project The following essay explores the evolution of Italian Communist re- visionism. In general when we speak of "revisionism" in the Italian Communist Party (PCI) we usually refer to the question of whether the conquest of power is possible and of what strategy the Party puts forward in order to achieve it: the classical questions, in short, which were at the center of the first great revisionist debate in the Second International. Extensive comparisons have therefore been made between Italian "revisionism" and its classical antecedents. But first a brief review of the PCI's attitude toward the Italian Con- stitution may be illuminating. At a particularly signi icant moment in its recent history, the Eighth Congress of December 1956, the PCI approved the "Elements for a Policy Declaration" which regards the Italian Constitution that went into effect in January 1948, as an "important victory on the Italian road to Socialism," and illustrates one fundamental aspect of it in the follow- ing manner: As far as private property is concerned, it is guaranteed by law, 'with the aim of safeguarding its social function and making it accessible to all,' and it is precisely for this reason that the Constitution lays down limits for it and even provides for expro- priation, with compensation, for 'reasons of general interest.' It is not, therefore, unreasonable to state that the Republican Constitution . sets up some of the conditions which may, when they are put into effect .