Politics in Central Europe
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ISSP 2017 Czech Republic 1
ISSP 2017 Czech Republic 1 ISSP Background Variable Documentation Please name the ISSP module which the documentation refers to (e.g., “Health and Health Care / ISSP2011”): Social Networks and Social Resources / ISSP 2017 Please name your country: Czech Republic SEX - Sex of respondent National Language English Translation Question T1. Zaznamenejte pohlaví T1. Enter respondent’s sex: no. and text respondenta: Codes/ 1) Muž 1) Man Categories 2) Žena 2) Woman Interviewer Interviewer observation Instruction Construction/Recoding: Country Variable Codes (in translation) è SEX 1. Man 1. Male 2. Woman 2. Female not used 9. No answer ISSP 2017 Czech Republic Documentation for ISSP background variables, ISSP 2014 onwards © GESIS 2 BIRTH – Year of birth This question can be asked as an alternative to asking about AGE. If BIRTH is not asked directly, it must be computed by DATEYR ‘year of interview’ minus AGE ‘age of respondent’. National Language English Translation Question B2. Ve kterém roce jste se B2. What year were you born? no. and text narodil/a? Codes/ ODMÍTL(A)=9999. REFUSED =9999. Categories Interviewer ZAPIŠTE ROK NAROZENÍ DO ENTER YEAR OF BIRTH IN Instruction RÁMEČKU. DIGITS IN THE BOX Translation Note Note Construction/Recoding: (list lowest, highest, and ‘missing’ codes only, replace terms in [square brackets] with real numbers) Country Variable Codes/Construction Rules èBIRTH Constructio n Codes 1930 [MIN BIRTH] 1999 [HIGH BIRTH] 9999. No answer 9999. No answer Optional: Recoding Syntax recode B01A (1923 thru 1999=copy) (else=9999) into BIRTH. ISSP 2017 Czech Republic Documentation for ISSP background variables, ISSP 2014 onwards © GESIS 3 AGE - Age of respondent This question can be asked as an alternative to asking about BIRTH. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Political Conflict, Social Inequality and Electoral Cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-2018
World Inequality Lab – Working Paper N° 2020/25 Political conflict, social inequality and electoral cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-2018 Attila Lindner Filip Novokmet Thomas Piketty Tomasz Zawisza November 2020 Political conflict, social inequality and electoral cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-20181 Attila Lindner, Filip Novokmet, Thomas Piketty, Tomasz Zawisza Abstract This paper analyses the electoral cleavages in three Central European countries countries—the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland—since the fall of communism until today. In all three countries, the left has seen a prolonged decline in support. On the other hand, the “populist” parties increased their support and recently attained power in each country. We relate this to specific trajectories of post-communist transition. Former communist parties in Hungary and Poland transformed themselves into social- democratic parties. These parties' pro-market policies prevented them from establishing themselves predominantly among a lower-income electorate. Meanwhile, the liberal right in the Czech Republic and Poland became representative of both high-income and high-educated voters. This has opened up space for populist parties and influenced their character, assuming more ‘nativist’ outlook in Poland and Hungary and more ‘centrist’ in the Czech Republic. 1 We are grateful to Anna Becker for the outstanding research assistance, to Gábor Tóka for his help with obtaining survey data on Hungary and to Lukáš Linek for helping with obtaining the data of the 2017 Czech elections. We would also like to thank Ferenc Szűcs who provided invaluable insights. 1 1. Introduction The legacy of the communist regime and the rapid transition from a central planning economy to a market-based economy had a profound impact on the access to economic opportunities, challenged social identities and shaped party politics in all Central European countries. -
European Election Study 2014 EES 2014 Voter Study First Post-Electoral Study
European Election Study 2014 EES 2014 Voter Study First Post-Electoral Study Release Notes Sebastian Adrian Popa Hermann Schmitt Sara B Hobolt Eftichia Teperoglou Original release 1 January 2015 MZES, University of Mannheim Acknowledgement of the data Users of the data are kindly asked to acknowledge use of the data by always citing both the data and the accompanying release document. How to cite this data: Schmitt, Hermann; Popa, Sebastian A.; Hobolt, Sara B.; Teperoglou, Eftichia (2015): European Parliament Election Study 2014, Voter Study. GESIS Data Archive, Cologne. ZA5160 Data file Version 2.0.0, doi:10.4232/1. 12300 and Schmitt H, Hobolt SB and Popa SA (2015) Does personalization increase turnout? Spitzenkandidaten in the 2014 European Parliament elections. European Union Politics, Online first available for download from: http://eup.sagepub.com/content/early/2015/06/03/1465116515584626.full How to cite this document: Sebastian Adrian Popa, Hermann Schmitt, Sara B. Hobolt, and Eftichia Teperoglou (2015) EES 2014 Voter Study Advance Release Notes. Mannheim: MZES, University of Mannheim. Acknowledgement of assistance The 2014 EES voter study was funded by a consortium of private foundations under the leadership of Volkswagen Foundation (the other partners are: Riksbankens Jubileumsfond, Stiftung Mercator, Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian). It profited enormously from to synergies that emerged from the co-operation with the post-election survey funded by the European Parliament. Last but certainly not least, it benefited from the generous support of TNS Opinion who did the fieldwork in all the 28 member countries . The study would not have been possible the help of many colleagues, both members of the EES team and country experts form the wider academic community, who spent valuable time on the questionnaire and study preparation, often at very short notice. -
Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 3
COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ELECTORAL SYSTEMS - MODULE 3 (2006-2011) CODEBOOK: APPENDICES Original CSES file name: cses2_codebook_part3_appendices.txt (Version: Full Release - December 15, 2015) GESIS Data Archive for the Social Sciences Publication (pdf-version, December 2015) ============================================================================================= COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ELECTORAL SYSTEMS (CSES) - MODULE 3 (2006-2011) CODEBOOK: APPENDICES APPENDIX I: PARTIES AND LEADERS APPENDIX II: PRIMARY ELECTORAL DISTRICTS FULL RELEASE - DECEMBER 15, 2015 VERSION CSES Secretariat www.cses.org =========================================================================== HOW TO CITE THE STUDY: The Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (www.cses.org). CSES MODULE 3 FULL RELEASE [dataset]. December 15, 2015 version. doi:10.7804/cses.module3.2015-12-15 These materials are based on work supported by the American National Science Foundation (www.nsf.gov) under grant numbers SES-0451598 , SES-0817701, and SES-1154687, the GESIS - Leibniz Institute for the Social Sciences, the University of Michigan, in-kind support of participating election studies, the many organizations that sponsor planning meetings and conferences, and the many organizations that fund election studies by CSES collaborators. Any opinions, findings and conclusions, or recommendations expressed in these materials are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the funding organizations. =========================================================================== IMPORTANT NOTE REGARDING FULL RELEASES: This dataset and all accompanying documentation is the "Full Release" of CSES Module 3 (2006-2011). Users of the Final Release may wish to monitor the errata for CSES Module 3 on the CSES website, to check for known errors which may impact their analyses. To view errata for CSES Module 3, go to the Data Center on the CSES website, navigate to the CSES Module 3 download page, and click on the Errata link in the gray box to the right of the page. -
ISSP 2018 Czech Republic
ISSP 2018 Czech Republic ISSP Background Variable Documentation Please name the ISSP module which the documentation refers to (e.g., “Health and Health Care / ISSP2011”): ISSP 2018, Religion IV Please name your country: Czech Republic SEX - Sex of respondent National Language English Translation Question T1. Zaznamenejte pohlaví T1. Enter respondent’s sex: no. and text respondenta: Codes/ 1) Muž 1) Man Categories 2) Žena 2) Woman Interviewer Interviewer observation Instruction Construction/Recoding: Country Variable Codes (in translation) SEX 1. Man 1. Male 2. Woman 2. Female not used 9. No answer ISSP 2018 Czech Republic BIRTH – Year of birth This question can be asked as an alternative to asking about AGE. If BIRTH is not asked directly, it must be computed by DATEYR ‘year of interview’ minus AGE ‘age of respondent’. respondent’. National Language English Translation Question B1. Ve kterém roce jste se B1. What year were you born? no. and text narodil/a? Codes/ ODMÍTL(A)=9999. REFUSED =9999. Categories Interviewer ZAPIŠTE ROK NAROZENÍ. ENTER YEAR OF BIRTH Instruction Translation Note Note Construction/Recoding: (list lowest, highest, and ‘missing’ codes only, replace terms in [square brackets] with real numbers) Country Variable Codes/Construction Rules BIRTH Constructio n Codes 1925 [MIN BIRTH] 2000 [HIGH BIRTH] 9999. No answer 9999. No answer Optional: Recoding Syntax recode B1 (1925 thru 2000=copy) (else=9999) into BIRTH. ISSP 2018 Czech Republic AGE - Age of respondent This question can be asked as an alternative to asking about BIRTH. If AGE is not asked directly, it must be computed by DATEYR ‘year of interview’ minus BIRTH ‘year of birth’. -
Alternative Voting, Alternative Outcomes: 2018 Presidential Election in the Czech Republic
Munich Social Science Review, New Series, vol. 3 (2020) Alternative voting, alternative outcomes: 2018 Presidential election in the Czech Republic Jan Oreský Institute H21, Zapova 1559/18, 150 00 Prague 5, [email protected] Prokop Čech Institute H21, Faculty of Social and Economic Studies J. E. Purkyne University in Usti nad Labem, Czech Republic, [email protected] Abstract: In this paper, the official two-round system is compared to the D21- Janeček method, using representative data collected during the 2018 presidential election in the Czech Republic. Under the D21-Janeček method, voters were allowed to cast up to three plus votes, with the option of casting one minus vote for the nine presidential candidates. Because of the systematically capped multiple votes, the outcome of the Janeček method differed significantly from the actual election. Additional votes provided more information about voters’ preferences and candidates’ profiles. Here it showed that the Janeček method favours inclusive candidates who are able to attract the support from voters of other candidates, and disadvantages polarising candidates. Furthermore, the overlap of plus and minus votes reveals which candidates are most hurt by the splitting of votes under plurality voting. A relatively large overlap of plus votes between the main two contenders also suggests that the differences between them were not as big as was presented by the media. Keywords: Czech Republic, presidential election, representative study, D21- Janeček method, alternative voting system JEL Classification: D72 ; D78 ; H10 ; Z18 © 2020 Verlag Holler, München. ISSN 0170-2521 ISBN 978-3-88278-312-4 www.accedoverlag.de 114 Munich Social Science Review, New Series, vol. -
Dataset of Electoral Volatility in the European Parliament Elections Since 1979 Codebook (July 31, 2019)
Dataset of Electoral Volatility in the European Parliament elections since 1979 Vincenzo Emanuele (Luiss), Davide Angelucci (Luiss), Bruno Marino (Unitelma Sapienza), Leonardo Puleo (Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna), Federico Vegetti (University of Milan) Codebook (July 31, 2019) Description This dataset provides data on electoral volatility and its internal components in the elections for the European Parliament (EP) in all European Union (EU) countries since 1979 or the date of their accession to the Union. It also provides data about electoral volatility for both the class bloc and the demarcation bloc. This dataset will be regularly updated so as to include the next rounds of the European Parliament elections. Content Country: country where the EP election is held (in alphabetical order) Election_year: year in which the election is held Election_date: exact date of the election RegV: electoral volatility caused by vote switching between parties that enter or exit from the party system. A party is considered as entering the party system where it receives at least 1% of the national share in election at time t+1 (while it received less than 1% in election at time t). Conversely, a party is considered as exiting the part system where it receives less than 1% in election at time t+1 (while it received at least 1% in election at time t). AltV: electoral volatility caused by vote switching between existing parties, namely parties receiving at least 1% of the national share in both elections under scrutiny. OthV: electoral volatility caused by vote switching between parties falling below 1% of the national share in both the elections at time t and t+1. -
Can We Do Better?
CAN WE DO BETTER? Grassroot parties’ success in maintaining their movement origins Comparative analysis of Podemos and Jobbik By Borbála Greskovics Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Zsolt Enyedi CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2016 Abstract This thesis aims to examine parties that criticize the traditional political system and traditional parties as well – whether or not they are able to do differently; or better from their perspective. I respond to this question by analyzing movement parties that typically aim to do something reformist compared to the parties that already exist. I analyze two parties in two different parts of Europe, with different historical backgrounds, both of which emerged from social movements, although with opposing ideologies. The leftist Podemos (‘We can’) in Spain and the radical right, Jobbik (‘Jobbik’) in Hungary, are both rooted in a movement and both claim that they can do better than the other parties that they believe have failed after the regime changes within their respective countries. This aim necessitates the exploration of empirical data that can be used to understand this complex phenomenon. Therefore, in this thesis, besides looking for an answer to the questions I also attempt to find those empirical materials that can be used to gain a deeper understanding of parties’ movement-like characteristics. The outcome of the thesis reveals certain characteristics of each party that might be connected to its movement origins. Podemos’ movement characteristics appear already in its operational structure, while Jobbik’s movement-like characteristics appear mainly in its informal relationship to its supporters. -
GUILTY NATION Or UNWILLING ALLY?
GUILTY NATION or UNWILLING ALLY? A short history of Hungary and the Danubian basin 1918-1939 By Joseph Varga Originally published in German as: Schuldige Nation oder VasalI wider Willen? Beitrage zur Zeitgeschichte Ungarns und des Donauraumes Teil 1918-1939 Published in Hungarian: Budapest, 1991 ISBN: 963 400 482 2 Veszprémi Nyomda Kft., Veszprém Translated into English and edited by: PETER CSERMELY © JOSEPH VARGA Prologue History is, first and foremost, a retelling of the past. It recounts events of former times, relates information about those events so that we may recognize the relationships between them. According to Aristoteles (Poetica, ch. IX), the historian differs from the poet only in that the former writes about events that have happened, while the latter of events that may yet happen. Modern history is mostly concerned with events of a political nature or those between countries, and on occasion with economic, social and cultural development. History must present the events in such a manner as to permit the still-living subjects to recognize them through their own memories, and permit the man of today to form an adequate picture of the events being recounted and their connections. Those persons who were mere objects in the events, or infrequently active participants, are barely able to depict objectively the events in which they participated. But is not the depiction of recent history subjective? Everyone recounts the events from their own perspective. A personal point of view does not, theoretically, exclude objectivity – only makes it relative. The measure of validity is the reliability of the narrator. The situation is entirely different with historical narratives that are written with a conscious intent to prove a point, or espouse certain interests. -
Codebook CPDS III 1990-2012
Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET III 1990-2012 Klaus Armingeon, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler The Comparative Political Data Set III 1990-2012 is a collection of political and institutional data. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for a group of 36 OECD and/or EU- member countries for the period 1990-20121. The data are primarily from the data set created at the University of Berne, Institute of Political Science and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation: The Comparative Political Data Set I (CPDS I). However, the present data set differs in several aspects from the CPDS I dataset. Compared to CPDS I Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus (Greek part), Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia have been added. The present data set is suited for cross-national, longitudinal and pooled time series analyses. The data set contains some additional demographic, socio- and economic variables. However, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD. For trade union membership, excellent data for European trade unions is provided by Jelle Visser (2013). When using the data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source. This data set is to be cited as: Klaus Armingeon, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler. 2014. Comparative Political Data Set III 1990-2012. Bern: Institute of Political Science, University of Berne. Last updated: 2014-09-30 1 Data for former communist countries begin in 1990 for Bulgaria, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Hungary, Malta, Romania and Slovakia, in 1991 for Poland, in 1992 for Estonia and Lithuania, in 1993 for Lativa and Slovenia and in 2000 for Croatia. -
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Journal of Contemporary European Research Volume 12, Issue 3 (2016) Research Article Vincenzo Emanuele, LUISS, Rome Nicola Maggini, University of Florence Bruno Marino, Scuola Normale Superiore, Florence Citation Emanuele, V., Maggini, N and Marino, B. (2016). ‘Gaining Votes in Europe against Europe? How National Contexts Shaped the Results of Eurosceptic Parties in the 2014 European Parliament Elections’, Journal of Contemporary European Research. 12 (3), 697 - 715. First published at: www.jcer.net Volume 12, Issue 3 (2016) Vincenzo Emanuele, Nicola Maggini and Bruno Marino Abstract In the wake of the harshest economic crisis since 1929, in several European countries there has been a rise of Eurosceptic parties that oppose EU integration. The 2014 European Parliament elections were a fundamental turning point for these parties. In this article, after a theoretical discussion on the concept of Euroscepticism, we provide an updated classification of Eurosceptic parties after the 2014 European Parliament elections. We show the cross-country variability of such parties’ results and present two hypotheses aiming at explaining Eurosceptic parties’ results, one related to each country’s economic context and one related to each country’s political-institutional context. Through a comparative approach and the use of quantitative data, we test the two hypotheses by creating two standardised indices of economic and political-institutional contexts. Three important findings are shown: Eurosceptic parties perform better in either rich, creditor countries or in poor countries; Eurosceptic parties perform better in countries with peculiar political-institutional features, such as high levels of party system instability and a more permissive electoral system; finally, and crucially, favourable political-institutional contexts seem to be more important than favourable economic contexts for Eurosceptic parties’ electoral results.