Codebook CPDS III 1990-2012
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Populism and Progressive Social Movements in Macedonia: from Rhetorical Trap to Discursive Asset*
164 POLITOLOGICKÝ ČASOPIS / CZECH JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE 2/2016 Populism and Progressive Social Movements in Macedonia: From Rhetorical Trap to Discursive Asset* LJUPCHO PETKOVSKI AND DIMITAR NIKOLOVSKI** Abstract Since 2009, Macedonia has experienced the two largest waves of progressive civic activism in post-socialist times. In the 2009–2012 period, smaller groups of citizens rallied around issues as different as protection of public spaces, police brutality, rising prices of electricity, etc. Yet, it was not before the larger student mobilizations took place in 2014 that the social space significantly opened up with a number of social groups protesting the increasingly authoritarian rule of the il- liberal incumbents. In this paper, we investigate and compare the discursive strategies of the social movements (SM) in the two periods, especially the shift from ‘anti-populist rhetorical trap’ from the first period to the broader appeals for solidarity and a construction of equivalences which charac- terized the second period. In so doing, we hypothesize and demonstrate that the relative success in the second period can be accounted for in terms of the more inclusive discourse which helped SM avoid the ‘anti-populist trap’, thus challenging illiberal populism with progressive and (formally) populist discourse. Theoretically, the analysis goes back and forth between two approaches to stud- ying populism: the dominant theory which sees populism as democratic illiberalism and Laclau’s theory of hegemony that sees populism as a formal political logic with no predetermined ideological content. Keywords: Macedonia; populism; social movements; anti-populist rhetorical trap DOI: 10.5817/PC2016-2-164 1. Introduction Since 2009, Macedonia has experienced the two largest waves of progressive civic activism in post-socialist times. -
Third Evaluation Round Evaluation Report on Slovenia On
DIRECTORATE GENERAL OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND LEGAL AFFAIRS DIRECTORATE OF MONITORING Strasbourg, 7 December 2007 Public Greco Eval III Rep (2007) 1E Theme II Third Evaluation Round Evaluation Report on Slovenia on Transparency of Party Funding (Theme II) Adopted by GRECO at its 35 th Plenary Meeting (Strasbourg, 3-7 December 2007) Secrétariat du GRECO GRECO Secretariat www.coe.int/greco Conseil de l’Europe Council of Europe F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex +33 3 88 41 20 00 Fax +33 3 88 41 39 55 I. INTRODUCTION 1. Slovenia joined GRECO in 1999. GRECO adopted the First Round Evaluation Report (Greco Eval I Rep (2000) 3E) in respect of Slovenia at its 4 th Plenary Meeting (12-15 December 2000) and the Second Round Evaluation Report (Greco Eval II Rep (2003) 1E) at its 16 th Plenary Meeting (Strasbourg, 8-12 December 2003). The aforementioned Evaluation Reports, as well as their corresponding Compliance Reports, are available on GRECO’s homepage (http://www.coe.int/greco ). 2. GRECO’s current Third Evaluation Round (launched on 1 January 2007) deals with the following themes: - Theme I – Incriminations: Articles 1a and 1b, 2-12, 15-17, 19 paragraph 1 of the Criminal Law Convention on Corruption (ETS 173) 1, Articles 1-6 of its Additional Protocol 2 (ETS 191) and Guiding Principle 2 (criminalisation of corruption). - Theme II – Transparency of party funding: Articles 11, 12, 13b, 14 and 16 of Recommendation Rec(2003)4 on Common Rules against Corruption in the Funding of Political Parties and Electoral Campaigns, and - more generally - Guiding Principle 15 (financing of political parties and election campaigns) . -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Parliaments and Legislatures Series Samuel C. Patterson
PARLIAMENTS AND LEGISLATURES SERIES SAMUEL C. PATTERSON GENERAL ADVISORY EDITOR Party Discipline and Parliamentary Government EDITED BY SHAUN BOWLER, DAVID M. FARRELL, AND RICHARD S. KATZ OHI O STATE UNIVERSITY PRESS COLUMBUS Copyright © 1999 by The Ohio State University. All rights reserved. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Party discipline and parliamentary government / edited by Shaun Bowler, David M. Farrell, and Richard S. Katz. p. cm. — (Parliaments and legislatures series) Based on papers presented at a workshop which was part of the European Consortium for Political Research's joint sessions in France in 1995. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8142-0796-0 (cl: alk. paper). — ISBN 0-8142-5000-9 (pa : alk. paper) 1. Party discipline—Europe, Western. 2. Political parties—Europe, Western. 3. Legislative bodies—Europe, Western. I. Bowler, Shaun, 1958- . II. Farrell, David M., 1960- . III. Katz, Richard S. IV. European Consortium for Political Research. V. Series. JN94.A979P376 1998 328.3/75/ 094—dc21 98-11722 CIP Text design by Nighthawk Design. Type set in Times New Roman by Graphic Composition, Inc. Printed by Bookcrafters, Inc.. The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials. ANSI Z39.48-1992. 98765432 1 Contents Foreword vii Preface ix Part I: Theories and Definitions 1 Party Cohesion, Party Discipline, and Parliaments 3 Shaun Bowler, David M. Farrell, and Richard S. Katz 2 How Political Parties Emerged from the Primeval Slime: Party Cohesion, Party Discipline, and the Formation of Governments 23 Michael Laver and Kenneth A. -
A Comparative Constitutional Analysis Between Italy and Hungary
Department of Political Science Master’s Degree in International Relations – European Studies Chair in Comparative Public Law POPULISM IN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE EUROPEAN UNION: A COMPARATIVE CONSTITUTIONAL ANALYSIS BETWEEN ITALY AND HUNGARY SUPERVISOR CANDIDATE Professor Cristina Fasone Claudia Mattei 635892 CO-SUPERVISOR Professor Giovanni Orsina Academic Year 2018/2019 1 Table of contents Introduction 6 1 CHAPTER – POPULISM 9 1.1 What is populism? A definition for a highly contested phenomenon 10 1.2 Understanding populism 14 1.2.1 Who are the people? 14 1.2.2 Who are the elites? 18 1.2.3 The real meaning of the volonté générale 19 1.2.4 The people and the general will: populism vs. democracy 20 1.3 Historical birth of populism 24 1.3.1 The American People’s Party 24 1.3.2 The Russian narodnichestvo 26 1.4 Marriage between populism and ‘host’ ideologies: different families 29 1.4.1 Right-wing populism 30 1.4.2 Left-wing populism 31 1.4.3 Populist constitutionalism 33 1.5 Why does populism develop? 36 1.5.1 The causes behind the populist rise 37 1.5.2 The cause of the cause: the auto-destruction of politics as origin of populism 39 1.5.3 Technocracy replaces politics: the case of the European Union 41 1.6 Populism in the world 44 2 CHAPTER – POPULISM IN EUROPE 48 2.1 Genesis of populism in Europe: Boulangism 48 2.2 Populism in Western Europe 51 2.2.1 Post-WW2 populist experiences in Western Europe 51 2.2.2 The rise of modern populism in Western Europe 53 2 2.3 Populism in Eastern Europe 58 2.3.1 Interwar populism in Eastern Europe 58 2.3.2 -
Supplementary File
Online-Appendix for the paper: Electoral behavior in a European Union under stress Table A1: Eurosceptic Parties in the 2014 European Parliament election Country Parties Austria EU Stop, Europe Different, Austrian Freedom Party Belgium Workers Party of Belgium, Flemish Interest Bulgaria Bulgaria Without Censorship, National Front, Attack Croatia Croatian Party of Rights Cyprus Progressive Party of the Working People, National Popular Front Czech Dawn of Direct Democracy, Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia, Party of Republic Free Citizens Denmark Danish People’s Party, People’s Movement against the EU Estonia Conservative People’s Party of Estonia Finland True Finns France Left Front, Arise the Republic, National Front Germany National Democratic Party of Germany, The Left, Alternative for Germany Greece Communist Party of Greece, Coalition of the Radical Left, Independent Greeks, Popular Orthodox Rally, Golden Dawn Hungary FIDESZ-KDNP Alliance, Jobbik Ireland Ourselves Alone Italy Left Ecology Movement, Northern League, Five Star Movement Latvia Green and Farmers’ Union, National Independence Movement of Latvia Lithuania Order and Justice, Election Action of Lithuania’s Poles Luxembourg Alternative Democratic Reform Party Malta none applicable Netherlands Socialist Party, Coalition CU—SGP, Party of Freedom Poland Congress of the New Right, United Poland, Law and Justice Portugal Left Bloc, Unified Democratic Coalition Romania Greater Romania Party, People’s Party—Dan Dianconescu Freedom and Solidarity, Ordinary People and Independent -
Journal of Comparative Politics 2
Volume 4, Number 1, January 2011 CompaJ O U R N A Lr Oa F tive Politics ISSN 1338-1385 GG ANGEVALUATIONGOFGTHEGQUALITYGOFGIMPACTG ASSESSMENT:G THEGCASEGOFGSLOVAKIAGANDGSLOVENIA Katarína STAROŇOVÁ GG CENTRAL-EUROPEANGINTRA-SLAVICGDIPLOMACY:GG AGCOMPARATIVEGAPPROACH Boštjan UDOVIČ GG DIMENSIONSGOFGPARTYGELECTORALGPROGRAMMES:GG SLOVENIANGEXPERIENCE Simona KUSTEC LIPICER and Samo KROPIVNIK GG HYBRIDIZATIONGOFGDEMOCRACYGINGCENTRALGANDG EASTERNGEUROPE:G BETWEENG“IMPORTED”GDEMOCRATICGMODELGANDGINHERENTG POLITICALGCULTURE Cirila TOPLAK GG FORGTHEGCOMMONGGOOD:G COMBATINGGCORRUPTIONGINGNEWGEUGMEMBERGSTATES Lars JOHANNSEN and Karin HILMER PEDERSEN Journal of Comparative Politics 2 Editorial Team General Editor General Editor Miro Haček Peter Csányi Department of Political Science Pan European University Faculty of Social Sciences Institute of Political Science University of Ljubljana Tomášikova 20, 821 02 Kardeljeva ploščad 5, Ljubljana, Slovenia Bratislava, Slovakia [email protected] [email protected] Assistant Editor Irena Bačlija Department of Political Science Faculty of Social Sciences University of Ljubljana Kardeljeva ploščad 5, Ljubljana, Slovenia [email protected] JCP uses two-sided peer review process before publication. Those wishing to sub- mit papers should send their e-version to either of the General Editors at one of the addresses above in compliance with the Submission Guidelines. The views ex- pressed are neither those of either of co-publishers. Authors retain sole copyright. Articles appearing in JCP are -
Political Conflict, Social Inequality and Electoral Cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-2018
World Inequality Lab – Working Paper N° 2020/25 Political conflict, social inequality and electoral cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-2018 Attila Lindner Filip Novokmet Thomas Piketty Tomasz Zawisza November 2020 Political conflict, social inequality and electoral cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-20181 Attila Lindner, Filip Novokmet, Thomas Piketty, Tomasz Zawisza Abstract This paper analyses the electoral cleavages in three Central European countries countries—the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland—since the fall of communism until today. In all three countries, the left has seen a prolonged decline in support. On the other hand, the “populist” parties increased their support and recently attained power in each country. We relate this to specific trajectories of post-communist transition. Former communist parties in Hungary and Poland transformed themselves into social- democratic parties. These parties' pro-market policies prevented them from establishing themselves predominantly among a lower-income electorate. Meanwhile, the liberal right in the Czech Republic and Poland became representative of both high-income and high-educated voters. This has opened up space for populist parties and influenced their character, assuming more ‘nativist’ outlook in Poland and Hungary and more ‘centrist’ in the Czech Republic. 1 We are grateful to Anna Becker for the outstanding research assistance, to Gábor Tóka for his help with obtaining survey data on Hungary and to Lukáš Linek for helping with obtaining the data of the 2017 Czech elections. We would also like to thank Ferenc Szűcs who provided invaluable insights. 1 1. Introduction The legacy of the communist regime and the rapid transition from a central planning economy to a market-based economy had a profound impact on the access to economic opportunities, challenged social identities and shaped party politics in all Central European countries. -
Conditions and Limits of Programmatic Party Competition in Slovakia Rybář, Marek
www.ssoar.info Conditions and Limits of Programmatic Party Competition in Slovakia Rybář, Marek Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Rybář, M. (2006). Conditions and Limits of Programmatic Party Competition in Slovakia. Politics in Central Europe, 2(1), 84-98. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-64427 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie -
Right–Wing Populist Parties in the Eu – the Case Study of Hungary from 2009 to 2019
UNIVERSITY OF SARAJEVO FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE SARAJEVO RIGHT–WING POPULIST PARTIES IN THE EU – THE CASE STUDY OF HUNGARY FROM 2009 TO 2019 MASTER THESIS Mentor: Prof. dr. Kapidzic Damir Student: Leila Lizde Index:1013/ II – PIR Department: Politology Stream: International relations and diplomacy Sarajevo, September 2020 2 3 Contents 1 INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................. 6 2 THEORETICAL–METHODOLOGICAL APPROACH ................................................... 7 2.1 Research problem ........................................................................................................ 7 2.2 Research subject .......................................................................................................... 8 2.3 Research objectives ................................................................................................... 10 2.3.1 Scientific research objectives ............................................................................. 10 2.3.2 Social research objectives .................................................................................. 10 2.4 System hypothesis ..................................................................................................... 11 2.4.1 General Research Hypothesis ............................................................................. 11 2.4.2 Specific hypotheses of research ......................................................................... 11 2.5 Method of research -
Models of Democracy and the Design of Slovenian Political Party Web Sites
Models of Democracy and the Design of Slovenian Political Party Web Sites Simon Delakorda Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia, [email protected] Abstract. Web sites of Slovenian political parties do not fully exploit the Internet’s potential for interactive and deliberative communication on political issues with citizens, because they favour a competitive-elitist perception of democracy. As result, political party’s web sites are mainly used for political mobilization, agitation in persuasion. Supporting this model of democracy via web pages enables political parties to strengthen their position of power and control in decision-making process, to legitimise a hegemonic position of representative democracy within political system, to impose the perception of citizens as consumers of political information and to provide democratic legitimization for capitalist mode of production. In order to strengthen citizen’s e-participation on political issues, a conceptual shift in designing political party’s web sites according to participatory and deliberative model of democracy is needed. Keywords: Political parties, Web sites, Electronic democracy, Citizens, Slovenia 1 Introduction There is a wide recognition among authors that Internet is playing an increasingly important role in party politics [Vreg, 2000; Selm, Jankowski and Tsaliki, 2001; Norris, 2003; Gibson, Lusoli and Ward, 2003]. Political parties in western democracies have recognized the importance of Internet technology in improving their communication strategies, political mobilization and information delivery. On the other hand, many authors argue [Nixon and Johansson, 1998; Becker and Slaton, 2000; Franz, 2000] that the web sites of political parties do not fully exploit the potential of the Internet for participatory means.