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Home , Audrey McLaughlin, Denis Lazure, Ed Broadbent, Eric Kierans, Jack Layton, Marijuana Party (Canada)

NDP HITS THE JACK-POT IN : FROM DECADES OF WORK TO OVERNIGHT SUCCESS

Derek Leebosh

The NDP sweep of Quebec was surprising only for its speed and magnitude. It was the culmination of a series of serious attempts to appeal to Quebec over the past 40 years. In the with Robert Cliche and again in the 1980s with , the party came closer than most people realize to making a breakthrough in Quebec. Once polarization over the “national question” faded, the social democratic values of Quebecers set the stage for the NDP to fill the vacuum.

Le balayage du NPD au Québec ne doit surprendre que par son ampleur et sa soudaineté. Car il résulte d’une série d’importantes tentatives échelonnées sur un demi-siècle en vue de séduire l’électorat de cette province. Dès les années 1960, avec Robert Cliche, puis à nouveau dans les années 1980, cette fois avec Ed Broadbent, le NPD est venu beaucoup plus près qu’on le croit généralement d’y réaliser une percée. Une fois amoindrie la polarisation suscitée par la « question nationale », il s’était ainsi créé un vide politique que les valeurs sociales-démocrates des Québécois ont permis au NPD de combler.

ate on the night of May 2 as election results from across pen. The social and cultural values of most Quebecers and their poured in, veteran observers of the Canadian views on most public policy issues have long been in sync with L political scene were greeted with two sights most proba- the NDP’s social democratic ideology and postmodern stances bly never expected to see in their lifetimes. Not only did the on various moral and social issues. A strong case could be made win 103 seats to vault ahead of the that in 2011 there is a far better policy and values match and become the official opposition in Canada’s between the NDP and Quebecers than there is currently Parliament, but the driving force behind the NDP’s success was between the NDP and the people of — the birth- an unprecedented surge (dubbed the “ crush”) of support place of the party! Research has shown that Quebecers have a in the province of Quebec, traditionally an electoral wasteland much more collectivist attitude toward society and tend to be for the NDP. The NDP went from having one seat in Quebec at more supportive of “big government” than any other dissolution to having 59 seats out of 75, turning the seemingly . At the provincial level, both the Parti Québecois invincible Bloc Québécois into road-kill and almost wiping the and to a lesser extent the would be con- Liberal and Conservative parties off the electoral map as well. sidered quite social democratic by pan-Canadian standards. It Much has already been written about NDP Leader Jack is no coincidence that Thomas Mulcair — ’s deputy Layton’s personal popularity with Quebecers and about the leader — came to the NDP after having been a cabinet minis- impact of events and turning points of the 2011 election cam- ter in the Quebec Liberal provincial administration. paign in Quebec such as Layton’s appearance on the popular Prior to the NDP’s founding in 1961, its predecessor the Sunday-night TV show Tout le monde en parle and the French lead- Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) had never ers’ debate. Some commentators have tried to dismiss the NDP had any real following in Quebec — despite the valiant efforts success in Quebec either as a fluke or as being purely the result of of leader Thérèse Casgrain, a feminist well ahead of her time. Layton’s charisma. In reality, this election was the culmination of A party founded by Protestant clergy from the prairies preach- a long tale of mutual flirtation between Quebec and the NDP that ing the was too culturally alien, and the fact that goes back over 40 years — a flirtation that came very close to the CCF was explicitly “socialist” led to denunciations from being consummated on at least two previous occasions. the pulpit in Duplessis-era Quebec. There may have been a What is most surprising about the NDP sweep of Quebec natural affinity even then between the CCF’s collectivism and is not that it happened but rather that it took so long to hap- Quebec, but this was a mismatch in an era when society was

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still polarized along Catholic versus was the first federal party to embrace the CBC host (later a Liberal senator) Laurier Protestant lines. “deux nations” theory of LaPierre, Charles Taylor and others, and The first big date between the NDP Confederation, which was a precursor to was being taken increasingly seriously. In and Quebec came in the mid-1960s. the later discussions of asymmetrical an interesting foreshadowing of events After the NDP was founded, the dream federalism and special status for Quebec over 40 years later, there was even a by- was that the new party would shed its that dominated constitutional debate in election in 1967 in Outremont, where the “hayseed” image and build bridges with the subsequent decades. Douglas also NDP candidate, lost quite the and other progres- managed to recruit a Quebec leader by narrowly. The new sive elements in Quebec. This was the the name of Robert Cliche who turned administration of Daniel Johnson was at time of the in Quebec, out to be a charismatic and highly loggerheads with the centralizing tenden- cies of the federal Liberals and Some commentators have tried to dismiss the NDP success in their combative justice minis- Quebec either as a fluke or as being purely the result of Layton’s ter, Trudeau. Johnson was charisma. In reality, this election was the culmination of a long looking to hedge his bets by supporting non-Liberal candi- tale of mutual flirtation between Quebec and the NDP that goes dates at the federal level and back over 40 years — a flirtation that came very close to being in some ridings this meant consummated on at least two previous occasions. quietly backing the NDP.

and the Lesage provincial government respected figure. Cliche was a law pro- he first flirtation between the NDP was embarking on an ambitious social fessor from the Beauce region of Quebec T and the voters of Quebec seemed to democratic agenda of expansion of (ironically, Beauce is now noted for its show potential — but then Quebec social programs, secularization and and for being the personal (along with the rest of Canada) was swept of hydro-electric power. fiefdom of the libertarian once and off its feet by another suitor, Pierre Elliott Federally, the NDP staked out some poli- future cabinet minister ) Trudeau. Needless to say, Trudeau’s cen- cy stances that were coincidentally pop- and began attracting more and more tralizing “One Canada” vision of federal- ular in Quebec, such as opposition to the support to the NDP in the mid-1960s. ism left no room for the asymmetrical deployment of nuclear warheads in federalism proposals involving special Canada and support for the creation of hat was a time when a political status for Quebec coming out of both the . The NDP began to make T vacuum appeared to be opening up NDP and the Progressive Conservatives. inroads among public intellectuals in in Quebec. For soft nationalists and The newly burgeoning Quebec inde- Quebec. It’s a well-known piece of intellectuals and opinion leaders, the pendence movement also had little inter- Canadian political folklore that in the Conservatives under Diefenbaker were est in anything that smacked of 1963 election Professor Charles Taylor not an option, the Liberals were bogged “renewed federalism.” As was to be the ran for the NDP in Mount Royal and down with endless scandals and Réal case 20 years later, when federal politics that one of his campaign workers was his Caouette’s reactionary Créditiste phe- in Quebec gets polarized around the good friend and fellow professor Pierre nomenon was fading fast. In the 1965 “national question” it tends to suck every Elliott Trudeau, who had denounced election, the NDP recruited some bit of oxygen out of the room and to shut Lester Pearson as a “defrocked prince of notable candidates and came close to down any discussion of any other issue. peace” in the pages of Cité libre for his winning in several Quebec ridings. The last thing the Liberal Party needed in decision before the 1963 campaign to Little did anyone know at the time that Quebec was any competition beyond reverse Liberal Party policy and accept ’s switch to the Liberals Réal Caouette, and at the time there was Bomarc missiles armed with nuclear and his win over Charles Taylor in speculation that if Robert Cliche were to weapons on Canadian soil. Mount Royal that year would set in be elected to Parliament, he might be a Back in those days, there was little motion a chain of events that would potential successor to . or no expectation that Anglo-Canadian cause the NDP to crash on the launch- The Liberals enticed a very popular for- politicians would be bilingual — and ing pad in Quebec three years later. mer provincial Liberal cabinet minister, the NDP’s Tommy Douglas was as The mid-1960s were a good time to , to run against Cliche in a unilingually anglophone as his rivals be a New Democrat in Quebec. The suburban riding. Cliche’s fate Lester Pearson and . party’s openness to special status for (and that of most other non-Liberals in Douglas, however, was open to the Quebec (a policy also adopted by the fed- Quebec) was sealed the day before the newly emerging aspirations of Quebec eral Progressive Conservatives of that era) 1968 election, which happened to coin- in the 1960s, and under his leadership was getting noticed, and the NDP started cide with the Saint-Jean-Baptiste Day the NDP welcomed many Quebec assembling a dream team of candidates parade in Montreal. A crowd of separatist nationalists to its ranks; and the NDP for the next election including Cliche, demonstrators hurled bottles and debris

114 OPTIONS POLITIQUES JUIN-JUILLET 2011 NDP hits the Jack-pot in Quebec: From decades of work to overnight success

The Gazette, Montreal Jack Layton in a surging crowd in Montreal on April 23 — in a theatre in the middle of ’s riding of Laurier-Ste.-Marie. Despite the appearance of overnight success in the campaign, it was the culmination of years of work by Layton in Quebec, and decades of NDP efforts that had previously borne little or no fruit. at the review stand, and while everyone NDP and even considered running for became leader in 1975, he spoke almost else ducked for cover, Trudeau didn’t the federal NDP leadership in 1975. no French at all, and even if he had, it flinch. This image was on the front page Throughout the 1970s Trudeau and probably would not have made much of every newspaper in Canada as people the Liberal Party were such a proverbial difference. Politics in Quebec, after the went to the polls. Kierans defeated Cliche “elephant in the room” as far as federal 1976 provincial election brought the PQ by a narrow margin, while the rest of the politics in Quebec was concerned that it to power, was almost totally subsumed NDP all-star cast of candidates in Quebec was almost impossible for any other by the “clash of the titans” between that year went down like ninepins. voice to be heard. There was some fanci- Trudeau and Lévesque. Virtually the Cliche quit as Quebec NDP ful speculation in the NDP in the early entire progressive civil society in Quebec leader, became a judge and later head- ‘70s that the 25 to 30 percent of — unions, social movements, the major ed up the high-profile Cliche commis- Quebecers who were voting for the Parti cultural and intellectual figures, in other sion on corruption in the Québécois might be enticed to vote for words all the people who would have construction unions in Quebec. One the federal NDP since both parties had a been the natural constituency of the of his two co-commissioners also social democratic orientation. David NDP — gravitated toward the PQ and to made a name for himself: a Montreal- Lewis was also the first CCF-NDP leader the nationalist movement. The NDP based Tory “backroom boy” by the who could speak any French whatsoev- was simply irrelevant to the great debate name of . Ironically, er! The PQ had no interest in shoring up in Quebec in the 1970s and also fell vic- Eric Kierans — the man who single- the NDP in Quebec, and in 1972 René tim to a stereotype among some handedly snuffed out the NDP’s great Lévesque campaigned across Quebec Quebecers of being seen as “centraliz- hope for a Quebec breakthrough — urging Quebecers to abstain from cast- ing.” For Quebecers who saw themselves lasted two years as a Liberal cabinet ing a vote in Canadian elections. as progressive and yet also federalist and minister before having a falling-out in favour of a strong federal role, with Trudeau and quitting politics. He he rest of the 1970s and early 1980s Trudeau’s Liberals were a perfectly good also announced during the 1972 elec- T was a time of hibernation for the alternative. Meanwhile Quebecers elect- tion campaign that he was voting NDP in Quebec. When Ed Broadbent ed the PQ to two consecutive majority

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governments when it ran on a distinct- Mulroney brought in policies to placate espite the letdown of the 1988 elec- ly left-of-centre social democratic plat- his small-c conservative base in western D tion, the NDP had established form. could only press Canada, it was a vote loser in Quebec some infrastructure and was still showing their faces against the glass window of and vice-versa. Quebecers were starting signs of life in Quebec. As late as 1990, the candy shop called Quebec and to warm to Ed Broadbent. He spoke while the was on its watch while René Lévesque made off French with about as thick an accent as final death march, Phil Edmonston of with all the candy. Jean Chrétien had speaking English, and the NDP won a by-election in Chambly Any time that a political vacuum that seemed to add to his charm. In the with 70 percent of the vote, becoming had been created in Quebec, there was mid-1980s there was a period when the the first NDP MP ever from Quebec. always the possibility that the NDP NDP not only flirted with being the lead However, once again the NDP had the could fill it. The story of the repatriation party across Canada in national public rug pulled out from under it in Quebec. of the Constitution in 1982 and the sub- opinion polls, but was consistently In the wake of the collapse of the Meech Lake Accord, the Bloc A strong case could be made that in 2011 there is a far better Québécois was created and policy and values match between the NDP and Quebecers that party very quickly than there is currently between the NDP and the people of siphoned away virtually all of what was left of the NDP’s Saskatchewan — the birthplace of the party! Research has support in Quebec. In some shown that Quebecers have a much more collectivist attitude ways, for the NDP it was like toward society and tend to be more supportive of “big being in a casino for hours, government” than any other Canadians. pumping coin after coin into a slot machine, then walking sequent decline and fall of the federal polling at what were considered stratos- away only to see someone else put in one Liberals in francophone Quebec has pheric levels for the NDP in Quebec. coin, pull the lever and have a cascade of been told many times. Once Trudeau In many ways for the NDP the lead- coins fall into their lap. retired in 1984, the NDP was weakened up to the 1988 federal election in Quebec The was a very dark period by internal divisions around the consti- was the exact reverse of the lead-up to the for the federal NDP all across Canada, tutional debates and felt that it had to 2011 election. The party was polling at and Quebec was the least of its worries. “save the furniture” in high levels when the election was called The party chose two consecutive lead- in the face of the Tory juggernaut under and was taken very seriously by its oppo- ers, Audrey McLaughlin and Alexa Mulroney. Much has been written about nents. Ed Broadbent in 1988, like Jack McDonough, who spoke little French how pivotal the first-ever French lead- Layton in more recent times, seemed to and had little understanding of Quebec ers’ debate was in 1984 and how the flu- be riding a wave of personal popularity in sensibilities. As long as the BQ was giv- ently bilingual, Quebec-born Mulroney Quebec. However, once again this flirta- ing voice to Quebecers’ progressive sen- made mincemeat out of , tion did not bear fruit. In the late 1960s, timents on social and economic issues, whose skills proved to the NDP was side-swiped by the national there was really no reason for Quebecers be overrated. What is less well-known is question in Quebec. In 1988 the NDP fell to look to the NDP, which was barely that Ed Broadbent had been brushing victim to another highly polarizing issue holding onto official party status. In the up on his French and spending a lot of in Quebec — the agreement 2000 federal election, the NDP took just time in Quebec. He was willing and able with the US. For a variety of reasons free over 1 percent of the vote in Quebec, to take part in the French debate and got trade with the US was very popular in and in many ridings NDP candidates some credit for making the effort. Quebec, and while leftwing civil society received fewer votes than did candidates The mid-1980s were the second tended to passionately oppose free trade running for the Natural Law Party or the period when it seemed like everything in English Canada, in Quebec this was . Under Gilles Duceppe suddenly moved into place for a major not the case at all. The PQ even went the BQ had moved far from its origins as NDP breakthrough. Quebecers quickly from covertly cheering on the NDP to a party of renegade Tories and was now became disillusioned with the openly providing organizational support a clearly left-wing party with positions Conservatives, and the Liberals were still to Mulroney’s Tories. The Tories swept on most issues that were indistinguish- stigmatized by the constitutional wars of Quebec and the NDP was left with no able from those of the NDP. the early 1980s. The Meech Lake Accord seats at all despite a record 14.4 percent Throughout this period, it should be seemed like a solution to the “national of the popular vote in the province. noted that Quebecers never exhibited a question” and was quickly endorsed by Broadbent quit as NDP leader, and his negative attitude toward the NDP. It was the NDP. The Conservatives had swept failure to make a breakthrough in simply not on the radar screen. Alexa Quebec in 1984 but had very shallow Quebec was probably the biggest disap- McDonough had reasonable approval roots in the province. Every time pointment of his political career. ratings in Quebec — to the extent that

116 OPTIONS POLITIQUES JUIN-JUILLET 2011 NDP hits the Jack-pot in Quebec: From decades of work to overnight success people knew enough about her to form municipal politics, by strengthening support in Quebec was simply a perceived an opinion. In 2002, before Jack Layton links between the NDP and progressive lack of viability. The NDP had no repre- had even become leader, Environics social movements and by emphasizing sentation in Quebec, had no spokespeo- polling showed some unexpected bumps environmental and social issues. To most ple of any note and was simply not taken in NDP numbers in Quebec. In the early New Democrats, this meant winning seriously. No one would “waste” their 2000s more and more issues on which more seats in and — vote on a party that was perceived as not the NDP took positions that were popu- with the idea of winning seats in being competitive and as having no lar in Quebec took centre stage in Montreal still a long-term fantasy. What chance, particularly in a polarized duop- Canada. On social issues such as same- few NDP members there were in Quebec oly where the conventional wisdom was sex marriage and abortion , mostly supported Layton, given that he that federalists would all vote Liberal and Quebecers as a whole tended to be very was more bilingual than the other major nationalists of any hue would all vote BQ. socially liberal and on the same page as candidates, and he had taken stands on Nonetheless, initial steps were taken the NDP. The same could be said for the issues like the and on asym- and NDP support in Quebec inched up NDP approach to environmental issues. metrical federalism that were more in from 1 percent in 2000 to 5 percent in The NDP’s opposition to the wars in Iraq line with mainstream “soft nationalist” 2004 to 8 percent in 2006. In the summer and outflanked the BQ and opinion in Quebec. of 2006 Layton, whose fluency in French also began to attract some attention. had by that time vastly improved, made Research has shown that antipathy he first priority for the NDP in the the strategic decision that the NDP toward George W. Bush and toward T 2004 and 2006 elections was to would hold its federal convention in American foreign policy in gener- , and this drew a fair al was more intense in Quebec The NDP was simply irrelevant to the amount of publicity in the fran- than anywhere else in Canada. great debate in Quebec in the 1970s cophone media. One of the When Jack Layton decided keynote speakers was Thomas to run for the federal NDP leader- and also fell victim to a stereotype Mulcair, who had recently ship in 2002, creating “winning among some Quebecers of being seen resigned from ’s cab- conditions” for the NDP in as “centralizing.” For Quebecers who inet after a dispute over an envi- Quebec was not at all central to saw themselves as progressive and yet ronmental issue. Little did his campaign. Although Layton anyone know at the time that he had grown up in Montreal and also federalist and in favour of a strong would prove to be the spark that his father and grandfather had federal role, Trudeau’s Liberals were a would light the orange flame. been politicians in Quebec, he perfectly good alternative. Meanwhile For almost 50 years the NDP had lived in Toronto since the Quebecers elected the PQ to two had always struggled against a early 1970s and his entire politi- jinx in Quebec of never having cal career had been forged in consecutive majority governments elected anyone at any level, and Toronto municipal politics. His when it ran on a distinctly left-of- this always meant the party Quebec roots were not well- centre social democratic platform. could never be seen as being known or promoted among the viable. It was clear that the first party rank and file. Though Layton had reestablish a presence in traditional areas step to making a pitch for votes in learned French in his youth, after 30 of strength in English Canada. As a result Quebec was to win something some- years in Toronto and after having mar- little money or resources were devoted to where and to have at least one more ried into a Chinese-Canadian family, he Quebec in those campaigns. Federal poli- high-profile spokesperson in the may have had greater fluency in tics in Quebec was dominated by news of province in addition to Jack Layton. Cantonese than he did in French when the sponsorship scandal — an issue tailor- When , ’s erst- he launched his candidacy. The NDP made for the Bloc Québécois. However, while , resigned his elects its leader through a straight one- making a breakthrough in Quebec was seat a year after the Liberal defeat in member one-vote process with no always a longer-term priority of Layton’s. January of 2006, Layton saw a golden weighting by province or by riding. He knew that making the NDP the sec- opportunity. Despite having a reputa- There were more card-carrying NDP ond choice of BQ supporters would put tion for being “the safest Liberal seat in members in some provincial riding asso- the NDP in a strong position when the Canada,” Outremont was actually the ciations in Saskatchewan at that time BQ declined. When the NDP commis- riding where the NDP had had its best than there were in all of Quebec. The sioned research in the lead-up to the 2004 showing in all of Quebec in 2006, and main thrust of Layton’s leadership cam- election, they were pleasantly surprised the Liberal vote had been in decline for paign revolved around his ability to by how positively voters in Montreal several consecutive elections. There was reestablish the NDP in Canada’s urban reacted to Layton and to the NDP as a a sizable BQ base in the riding — but centres by leveraging his background in party. The main obstacle to getting more Outremont had too large a nonfran-

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cophone population to ever be winnable The win in Outremont did not pro- ly consummated. Now the only ques- for the BQ. In many ways, the dynamics duce instant results, but it showed for the tion is whether this will be a long-term of the Outremont by-election proved to first time that NDP wins were possible in relationship. Some observers (particular- be a dress rehearsal for what happened Quebec, and as a result in 2008 the NDP ly supporters of other parties) speculate across Quebec in the 2011 election. was able to recruit more credible candi- that the rise of the NDP in Quebec will dates than ever before and ran a fully prove to be a one-night stand. n retrospect, the landslide NDP win in funded ad campaign in the province. However, there are also reasons to I that by-election on September 17, Although the NDP failed to win any believe that the NDP breakthrough in 2007, was a far more pivotal event that additional seats in 2008, Layton’s person- Quebec has a good chance of lasting a anyone was willing to acknowledge at al popularity advanced. NDP numbers long time. In fact, the NDP may not the time. Most of the commentary at the also steadily rose in Quebec in the wake have even reached its ceiling in Quebec in 2011. Even though the When Jack Layton decided to run for the federal NDP leadership BQ was reduced to four seats, in 2002, creating “winning conditions” for the NDP in Quebec it still took 23 percent of the was not at all central to his campaign. Although Layton had popular vote in Quebec. Those votes will be up for grown up in Montreal and his father and grandfather had been grabs in the next and future politicians in Quebec, he had lived in Toronto since the early elections. All polling during 1970s and his entire political career had been forged in Toronto the 2011 election campaign municipal politics. His Quebec roots were not well-known or clearly indicated that the NDP was overwhelmingly promoted among the party rank and file. the second choice of voters time quickly wrote off the NDP win as a of the abortive coalition with the Liberals who stuck with the BQ. It is an open fluke. There has long been a tendency and BQ in December 2008, since Quebec question whether the BQ will be on the among many political reporters in was one place where the coalition had ballot at all in the next federal election. Canada to look at every political event been very popular. Polling data from late It has lost official party status and all the through the lens of what it says about the 2009 through 2010 began to consistently funding and staffing that goes with that. Liberal Party. Therefore it came as little show the NDP in the high teens even Quebec has just about the highest surprise when the morning after the by- while BQ support was still high, and the rate of unionization in Canada and atti- election, the headline in the Globe and fact that BQ voters kept naming the NDP tudes toward the role of the state and Mail was “Tories Steal Seat from Bloc as as their second choice indicated a lot of social and environmental issues that are Liberals Lose Outremont” — one had to potential. The data also showed that significantly to the left of those found in read the fine print to learn which party Layton’s personal popularity was getting the rest of Canada. The remaining BQ actually won in Outremont. As it turned higher and higher, to the point where he vote, to the extent it’s on the left, may out, the NDP was able to replicate the was routinely coming ahead of both naturally migrate to the NDP in 2015. Outremont experience very effectively and as Meanwhile, there is work to be done by later on, decimating the BQ vote while most trusted federal leader and was clos- Jack Layton and the senior members of also taking a slice of the Liberal vote. In ing in on Gilles Duceppe. his team — managing expectations, some ways, the small Conservative break- There had always been a belief that especially in Quebec, as well as obvious through in Quebec in the 2006 election if the NDP could just get its foot in the caucus management issues around the created some new synergies for the NDP door in Quebec, the proverbial dam nearly two-thirds of his caucus who since it opened the door to a left/right could break. It almost happened when have no prior experience in Parliament. debate in a province where previously Quebec flirted with Robert Cliche in The good news for Layton and the federal politics had been totally dominat- 1968 and it almost happened again with NDP is that they have four years in ed by the federalist/sovereignist dichoto- the brief love affair with Ed Broadbent front of them, as the official opposition. my. Once Stephen Harper’s in the mid-1980s. In 2011 the theory Conservatives began to have ambitions was finally put to the test. As it turned Derek Leebosh is vice-president, public in Quebec, they quickly jettisoned out, once Quebecers saw the NDP as a affairs, at Environics Research. He has been Reform Party positions on federalism and viable party that was positioned to win conducting surveys and moderating focus made gestures like recognizing Quebec as seats and be a major player, there was groups on public policy issues for over 20 a “nation” and allowing Quebec to opt seemingly nothing to stop the NDP years. As a nine-year-old boy in 1972, he out of various federal provincial arrange- from racking up a sweep of Quebec that was impressed by David Lewis’s attacks on ments. This gave the NDP some cover for went beyond the party’s wildest dreams. “ bums” and distributed its own proposals on Quebec, described Under Jack Layton the love affair leaflets for the NDP in Westmount, Quebec. in the Sherbrooke Declaration. between Quebec and the NDP was final- [email protected]

118 OPTIONS POLITIQUES JUIN-JUILLET 2011