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The POSS-Final Suffix Order in Dagur∗

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The POSS-Final Suffix Order in Dagur∗ The POSS-Final Suffix Order in Dagur Gong The POSS-Final Suffix Order in Dagur∗ 2 Background on Dagur • Dagur is an endangered Mongolic language of northern China spoken by about 132,000 people Mia Zhiyu Gong, Cornell University with 24,300 monolinguals (Ethnologue 2019). [email protected] • There are four (mutually-intelligible) dialects of Dagur: Buteha, Qiqihar, Hailar, and Ili/Xinjiang. The 50th Annual Meeting of the North East Linguistic Society • The data in this paper comes from Buteha and Hailar dialects. October 26, 2019 2.1 Background on Dagur Nominal Morphology ................................................... ......................................... • The head noun can be followed by three types of suffixes (in this order): PL, CASE, POSS. 1 Introduction j • This talk: (2) Merden (minii) guˇc -sul -d -min ˇašGen ši -sen Merden 1S.GEN friend -PL -DAT -1S.POSS letter write -PST ⊲ Dagur possessive constructions ‘Merden wrote a letter/letters to my friends’ ⊲ The stem-CASE-POSS (POSS-final) order as in (1)1 (1) Merden (maanii) guˇc -d -maan j ˇašGen ši -san • The basic possessive morphology in Dagur is illustrated with (3): Merden 1PL.GEN friend -DAT -1PL.POSS letter write -PST (3) a. (minii) biteG -min j b. *minii biteG ‘Merden wrote a letter to our friend’ 1S.GEN book -1S.POSS • In (1) ‘my book’ ⊲ The DP our friend is marked for dative case ⊲ There is person and number agreement between the possessor (marked as genitive case) and the ⊲ The dative marker precedes the 1PL.POSS suffix possessive (POSS) suffix. ⊲ • All (attested) case and POSS suffix in all person-number combination follow this order 2. The prenominal genitive possessor is optional. ⊲ The POSS suffix is obligatory. • Analysis for the POSS-final order in (1), based on the behavior of coordinated DPs under suspended affixation: 2.2 The POSS-final order ⊲ Suspended affixation is base-generated, i.e., a “low coordination” structure in which the sus- • When the possessive construction is marked for case, CASE suffix precedes POSS suffix. The pended affix attaches to the entire coordinate phrase in Dagur, and should not be analyzed as reversed order is ungrammatical. ellipsis. ⊲ The surface order is due to a postsyntactic Lowering operation (Embick and Noyer 2001), which (4) a. Šii (minii) biteG -ii -min j uˇ -sen -ši lowers K0 to adjoin to D0. you.NOM 1S.GEN book -ACC -1S.POSS look -PST -2S ‘You read my book’ • The rest of the talk is organized as follows: b. *Šii (minii) biteG -min j -ii uˇ -sen -ši §2 Background on Dagur you.NOM 1S.GEN book -1S.POSS -ACC look -PST -2S §3 Dagur possessive constructions under suspended affixation §4 A Lowering + low coordination analysis • The systematic POSS-final order contrasts with the more common stem-POSS-CASE (CASE-final) §5 Summary order in e.g., Turkish: (5) Turkish ∗I thank the Dagur speakers whom I have had the opportunity to work with in Morin Dawa, Hailar, and Hohhot. I also thank Miloje Despic,´ John Whitman, Sarah Murray, and friends and colleagues at Cornell Linguistics for their valuable a. Kitab -ım -ı oku -du -n feedback. Fieldwork for this project was funded by the East Asia Program Research Travel Grant and the Mario Einaudi book -1S.POSS -ACC read -PST -2S Center International Research Travel Grant at Cornell University. Unless otherwise cited, all data comes from the author’s ‘You read my book’ fieldwork. Any error is the author’s responsibility. 1Abbreviations used in the gloss are as follows: 1/2/3 -first/second/third person, ACC -accusative case, CONJ - b. *Kitab -ı -(ı)m oku -du -n conjunction, DAT -dative, GEN -genitive case, LOC -locative, NOM -nominative, PL -plural, POSS -possessive, PST -past book -ACC -1S.POSS read -PST -2S tense, S -singular 2See Appendix A. 2 The POSS-Final Suffix Order in Dagur Gong The POSS-Final Suffix Order in Dagur Gong • Other languages or language families in which some variants of the POSS-final order is attested: • There are two types of analysis for suspended affixation: ⊲ Finnish (Pierrehumbert 1980), Mari (Guseva and Weisser 2018; McFadden 2004), Mordvin (McFadden (8) ellipsis analysis 2002, 2004), (proto-)Uralic in general (Nichols 1973), Mangghuer (Slater 2005), Evenki (Nedjalkov [[ A -suffixes ] & [ B -suffixes ]] 2014), etc. (9) low coordination analysis • Next, I present further data on the POSS-final order in Dagur and propose an analysis to account [ A&B ] -suffixes for such order. (10) Distribution of suspended affixation in Dagur nominal conjunction3 3 Dagur possessive constructions under suspended affixation (Recall from (2) that the canonical suffix order is stem-PL-CASE-POSS) • Previous morphological analyses proposed for POSS-final order a. N-PL & N-PL b. N-POSS & N-POSS ⊲ McFadden (2004): hierarchical operation (Lowering) c. N-CASE & N-CASE ⊲ Guseva and Weisser (2018): linear operation (metathesis) d. N-PL-CASE & N-PL-CASE e. N-PL-CASE & N-PL-CASE • Approach to investigating the POSS-final order – suspended affixation f. * N-PL-CASE & N-PL-CASE ⊲ Suffixes exhibit various morphological patterns under suspended affixation g. N-PL-POSS & N-PL-POSS ⊲ Provides clues to the underlying structure h. N-PL-POSS & N-PL-POSS i. * N-PL-POSS & N-PL-POSS ⊲ e.g., Guseva and Weisser (2018) on Mari j. ??/* N(-PL)-CASE-POSS & N(-PL)-CASE-POSS Dagur exhibits different properties from Mari under suspended affixation k. * N(-PL)-CASE-POSS & N(-PL)-CASE-POSS Guseva and Weisser (2018)’s metathesis analysis for Mari cannot be extended to Dagur. See l. N(-PL)-CASE-POSS & N(-PL)-CASE-POSS Appendix B for discussion. m.* N-PL-CASE-POSS & N-PL-CASE-POSS n. * N-PL-CASE-POSS & N-PL-CASE-POSS 3.1 Background on suspended affixation in Dagur • Suspended affixation: one grammatical ending serves two or more parallel words (Lewis 1967). • Dagur suspended affixation generally observes the right edge condition (REC) • Two types of coordination/conjunction: with or without an overt coordinator (11) The right edge condition (REC): • Both types allow suspended affixation. The elements omitted due to suspended affixation must be at the right edge of the non-final conjuncts. (6) with an overt coordinator • ... with one exception: suspending POSS while preserving CASE degrades the grammaticality (10j). [seb boloor šeb j -sul] ir -sen teacher CONJ student -PL come -PST 3.2 Dagur suspended affixation is low coordination, not ellipsis ‘teachers and students came’ • I argue that Dagur suspended affixation should be analyzed as low coordination, not ellipsis: *‘a teacher, and students came’ (12) [ XP1 & XP2 ] -suffix1-suffix2-suffix3 (7) without a coordinator 3.2.1 Suspending 3S.POSS suffix -inj in definite environments [gungren, tareeˇcin, seb, šeb j -sul] ir -sen worker, farmer, teacher, student -PL come -PST • In possessive constructions, the POSS suffix can be freely suspended: ‘workers, farmers, teachers, and students came’ (13) [tereG, mori -min j] (14) Merden -ii [xukur boloor mori -in j] *‘a worker, a farmer, a teacher, and students came’ vehicle horse -1S.POSS Merden -3S.GEN ox CONJ horse -3S.POSS ‘my vehicle and (my) horse’ ‘Merden’s ox and (Merden’s) horse’ 3See Appendix C for selected examples. 3 4 The POSS-Final Suffix Order in Dagur Gong The POSS-Final Suffix Order in Dagur Gong • Non-possessive usage of 3S.POSS suffix -in j: (anaphoric) definite environment (19) pii boloor ˇcas pen CONJ paper ⊲ The 3S.POSS suffix -in j often appears with anaphoric definite DPs, with no possessive interpre- ‘pen and paper’ tation. (20) a. Merden seb beitleen tašikui daa (15) a. Udiš nek biteG1 au -sen -bi. ... Merden teacher CONJ principal yesterday one book buy -PST -1SG. ‘Merden is a teacher and a principal’ ‘Yesterday I bought a book.... b. ene ger engel beitleen geGeeken j b. ...Merden [biteG1 -ii -in ] uˇ -sen this room spacious CONJ bright Merden book -ACC -3S.POSS look -PST ‘this room is spacious and bright’ ‘...Merden read the book.’ c. pinguee -ii id -sen beitleen moil -ii (baa) id -sen -bi c. ...Merden [biteG (-ii)] uˇ -sen apple -ACC eat -PST CONJ hackberry -ACC also eat -PST -1S Merden book (-ACC) look -PST ‘I ate apple and (also) ate hackberry’ ‘...Merden read (a) book.’ • The 3S.POSS suffix -in j turns an adjective into an argumental DP • Ellipsis analysis predicts that [stem-POSS & stem-POSS] is allowed regardless of the meaning of POSS (21) a. nek xulaan pinguee ⊲ Example (16b) shows a coordination of two definite nouns followed by -in j one red apple ‘a red apple’ (16) a. Udiš xukur1 aol -d iˇci -sen. Mori2 hudee -d iˇci -sen. ... b. xulaan -in j yesterday ox mountain -DAT go -PST. horse grassland -DAT go -PST. red -3S.POSS ‘Yesterday, the ox went to the mountain. The horse went to the grassland.’ ‘the red one’ j j b. ...Ene udur, [xukur1 -in , mori2 -in ] xaˇir -sen c. xulaan -ii -in j id -sen -bi this day ox -3S.POSS horse -3S.POSS return -PST red -ACC -3S.POSS eat -PST -1S ‘Today, the ox and the horse returned. ’ ‘I ate the red one’ ⊲ For some speakers, suspending -in j on the first conjunct in (16b) is ungrammatical: d. *xulaan -ii id -sen -bi red -ACC eat -PST -1S (17) %...Ene udur, [xukur , mori -in j] xaˇir -sen 1 2 Int.‘I ate the red one’ this day ox horse -3S.POSS return -PST ‘Today, the ox and the horse returned. ’ • A [ AP-in j & AP-in j ] coordination requires argument coordinator boloor, not predicate coordina- ⊲ However, the same speakers allow suspended affixation of regular possessive suffix. tor beitleen (22a)-(22b). a. stem-in j & stem-in j ✓ regular possessive 4 • However, suspending 3S.POSS suffix on the first conjunct requires the predicate coordinator (22c), b.
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