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The West German Gendered Division of Labor and Women's RECONCILING FAMILY AND WORK: The West German Gendered Division of Labor and Women’s Emancipation, 1960s to 1980s Sarah E. Summers A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History (European and Gender). Chapel Hill 2012 Approved by: Karen Hagemann Konrad H. Jarausch Christopher Browning Claudia Koonz Donald Reid ABSTRACT SARAH E. SUMMERS: Reconciling Family and Work: The West German Gendered Division of Labor and Women’s Emancipation, 1960s – 1980s (Under the direction of Karen Hagemann and Konrad H. Jarausch) While most Western European countries moved towards family policies that supported a “dual earner” family model in the 1970s, the policies of the Federal Republic of Germany clung much longer to a male breadwinner/female homemaker family model in a “modernized” version that allowed mothers to earn a supplementary income through part- time work. This model continued to inform family policies despite an intense public debate that began in the 1960s over the “women’s question” and a more equal division of labor in the family, economy, and society. The main aim of this project is thus to explore the factors that contributed to the continuing importance of the “male breadwinner/female homemaker- supplementary earner” family model. This project comes to two conclusions regarding the persistence of this model. First, through case studies on The Nanny Project (Tagesmütter Projekt), Maternal Leave Policy (Mutterschaftsurlaub), and “Childrearing Money” (Erziehungsgeld), I conclude none of these three laws seriously questioned the male-breadwinner family model that had informed family policy since the 1950s. Rather, policy makers supported the stay at home care of mothers, except in cases of economic necessity, on the assumption that the best possible care for a small child was by its mother at home. Second, this dissertation challenges the “autonomous” definition of the “New ii Women’s Movement” in West Germany by exploring the role of West German feminists, women’s trade union activists, and female politicians throughout the drafting process of each law. I posit that rifts among women were created by fears of association with East German family politics and communism in the major parties and the trade unions, an anti-institutional autonomous women’s movement fueled by critiques of the Federal Republic’s Nazi past, and a hyper-politicization of family politics around democratic and Christian principles by the CDU/CSU beginning in the 1950s. These ideological divisions among female activists hindered the creation of a unified front that would compel the government to question the male-breadwinner family model. Ultimately, the efforts of these women reinforced, rather than changed, inherent conceptualizations of the family. iii To my family iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The completion of this dissertation cannot be attributed to the solitary work of one person, but to the community of mentors, colleagues, friends, and family who provided academic and moral support throughout the writing process. First and foremost, I would like to thank my advisors Karen Hagemann and Konrad H. Jarausch for providing guidance and feedback, without which this dissertation would not have been half as good. Furthermore, I would like to recognize the Department of History at UNC for providing an open and friendly academic environment and the financial means by which to complete my doctorate. I would also like to thank the German Academic Exchange Service whose financial generosity enabled the completion of my research in Germany in from October 2008 until July 2009. This research would also have not been completed without the help of the many wonderful archivists at the Archiv des Instituts für Zeitgeschichte in Munich, the Archiv der Sozialen Demokratie in Bonn, the Archiv für Christlich-Demokratische Politik in Sankt Augustin, the Bundesarchiv Koblenz, the Deutscher Bundestag Parlamentsarchiv, and finally the Frauenforschungs-, -bildungs- und -informationszentrum e.V, both located in Berlin. I have also been fortunate to have many colleagues who have bridged the friend divide and have provided much needed feedback during the drafting process. The coffee shop writing sessions with Sarah Vierra and Marina Jones, as well as the impromptu conferencing with Laurie McManus, ensured that the solitary activity of writing was a bit more fun and social, as well as provided a forum for immediate and beneficial comments on drafts. Finally, v Sarah Bond provided knowledgeable advice on how to navigate the writing process, as well as essential moral support. Finally, I would like to thank my parents Ken and Debra Summers, my sister and brother-in-law Diane and Matthew Stackhouse, and my husband Matthew Borris (as well as Mikey and Boscoe). Without their constant encouragement and outside perspective, this dissertation would not have been possible. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES …………………………………………………………………………...ix LIST OF FIGURES…………………………………………………………………………...x LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS………………………………………………………………...xi I. INTRODUCTION ……………………………………………………………………1 II. AGITATING FOR THE RIGHT TO FAMILIY AND EMPLOYMENT: WOMEN’S ACTIVISM AND THE GENDERED DIVISION OF LABOR…….….26 Demographic and Social Changes for West German Women, 1950s-1980s…….31 Mothers are Political Too: The Autonomous Women’s Movement……………..41 The Private in Politics: Female Activism in the Political Parties………………...66 Balancing Family and Work: DGB Women’s Debates and Politics……….….....89 III. “THE LESSER OF TWO EVILS:” THE CONTROVERSY OVER THE TAGESMÜTTER MODELLPROJEKT, 1971-1980……………..………….…99 The Family Ministry and the Origins of the Tagesmütter Modellprojekt, 1972-1974……………………………………………………….103 Reluctant Acceptance? Reactions to the Tagesmütter Modellprojekt, 1972-1974……………………………………………………….122 The DJI’s Results and Political Suggestions, 1974-1980………………………..139 Reaction to the Project Results, 1978-1980……………………………………..149 IV. A STEP FORWARD? THE MANY INTERPRETATIONS OF THE SPD MATERNAL LEAVE POLICY, 1978 – 1980……………….…..…………………161 The Mutterschaftsurlaub Proposal and its Origins……………………………....165 Reactions to the Mutterschaftsurlaubgesetz……………………………………..178 vii V. THE MEANING OF WOMEN’S WORK: ERZIEHUNGSGELD, CDU FAMILY POLICY, AND “FREEDOM OF CHOICE” FOR MOTHERS……………………202 Erziehungsgeld and the CDU During the Social Liberal Coalition, 1973-1978.............................................................................................206 The Birthrate Decline and Reactions to Erziehungsgeld, 1975-1981…………...218 Erziehungsgeld Becomes Law, 1985-1986……………………………………...239 VI. CONCLUSION……………………………………………………………………..255 VII. BIBLIOGRAPHY…………………………………………………………………..268 viii LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1 Women’s Employment 1950–1989…………………………………………………32 1.2 Employment Rate of Mothers in West Germany, 1950–1980 (in % of cohort)……………………………………………………………………...33 1.3 Weekly Work Hours of Women, 1961–1986 (in % of total female workforce).………………………………………………………………….35 1.4 Top Ten Professions for Women and Men, 1980…………………………………...36 1.5 Participation in Full-time Education by Age and Gender…………………………...37 1.6 Unemployment Rate in West Germany, 1978–1982………………………………...38 1.7 Female Membership of SPD and CDU, 1932-1980……………………...………….67 1.8 DGB Female Membership, 1950-1980……………………………………………...90 2.1 Childcare for Zero- to Six-year-old Children in the FRG and GDR, 1955-1989 (in percent of coverage)……………………....……...……..114 2.2 Overview of the Social Status Indicators of the Tagesmütter Families and Parents………..……………………………………………………...143 4.1 Birthrate Developments in West Germany, 1950-1980…………….……….…......220 ix LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 Flier reproduced in Helke Sander, “Mütter sind politische Personen,” Courage vol. 3, 1978, 38............................................................................................44 x LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ACDP Archiv für Christlich-Demokratische Politik (Archive for Christian Democratic Politics) AdsD Archiv der sozialen Demokratie AKE Arbeitskreis Emanzipation (Working Committee for Emancipation) AsF Arbeitsgemeinschaft sozialdemokratische Frauen (Working Group of Social Democratic Women) BAK Bundesarchiv Koblenz (Federal Archive Koblenz) BMFa Bundesministerium für Familienfragen (Federal Ministry for Family Affairs) BMFJ Bundesministerium für Familie und Jugend (Federal Ministry for Family and Youth) BMJFG Bundesministerium für Jugend, Familie, und Geseundheit (Federal Ministry for Youth, Family, and Health) CDU Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands (Christian Democratic Union of Germany) CSU Christlich-Soziale Union in Bayern (Christian Social Union of Bavaria) DFI Demokratische Fraueninitiative (Democratic Women’s Initiative) DGB Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund (German Trade Union Federation) DJI Deutsches Jugend Institut (German Youth Institute) FAZ Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung FDP Freie Demokratische Partei (Free Democratic Party of Germany) FFBIZ Frauenforschungs-, bildungs- und informationszentrum e.V. (Women’s Research, Education and Information Center) FRG Federal Republic of Germany GDR German Democratic Republic IG-Metall Industrie-Gewerkschaft Metall (Metal Worker’s Union) xi OECD Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development SDS Sozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund (Socialist German Student Federation) SGB Sozialgesetzbuch (Civil Code) SPD Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (Social Democratic Party of Germany)
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