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Changing Racial Labels 497

CHANGING RACIAL LABELS ~;rci;tlIirl~cl\ lo tlcli~icthc~ii\cIvc\ ;I\ it pcoplc. Wt~ilcri~itriv clifScrctit FROM "" TO "" TO r.;tc.i;tl tcrtits hitvc hccn r14c(I thr.ot~ghotrttheir Iii\forv. ttic \l;tntlitrcl "" TO "AFRICAN AMERICAN" prcfcrcntiitl tcr~nchanged I'rom "Colored" in the ninctccnth itntl ciirly twcnticth ccntirry to "Ncgro" from thcn until thc late 1960s. thcn to ..--. - ~...... - "Rlilck." iind now pcrh;rps to "African Americ;tn."' While the prc- -/-OMW. SMIrt-i I'crrcd term has changed several times, the common goal for I3l;ickr, hits hccn to find it group lahcl that instilleci group pride itnd self-esteem.

"Colored" to "Negro"

Abstract I.;thcls plitv ;In i~nportitritrole in tlcfining grotlp'i itntl "Colorcil" was the dominant term in the mid- to late nineteenth cen- intlivid~~nlswho hclonp to the grortps. This hits hccn cspcciitlly tury. It appears to have gained the upper hand because it was scccptcci truc for rirciitl ;tritl crhnic gt-orlpx in gcncr;tl anti lor I3l;tcks in by Whites as well as and was seen as more inclusive. covering pitrtict~lir~.Over tlic pi~stccntt~rv tlic st;tnd;i~-d tcl-~nfor Iilitcks mrrli~ttocsand others of mixed racial ancestry as well as those with hits shil'tctl ft.o~n"('c~lorctl" to "Negro" to "lllitck" ittttl ttow conlplctc I3li1ck ancestry. Others saw it ;IS too inclosive. however. pcrh;rps to "Al'ric;tn Anieric;tti." 'l'lic ch;tngcs citn he weti its covering not only 13lacks but Asians and other non-White races (Idit- itttc~trpI\liv lil:~ck\lo ~r*tlt>li~ic*tIictti~clvc\ ;ttr(I to p~intc\pcct weck 1979: Millcr 1937: Wilkinson 1990). ittic1 \tittrtIitig 111 :I \o~,ictv1Ir.1f Ii:l\ licl(l ~Ii~,tiito tw ~~~l~o~(li~i;ttc 'l'hcn late in the nineteeth century "Negro" began to gain greitter :tti(l iliI.c~lot acccptitncc. The movement to repl;tce "Colored" with "Ne~ro" was lctl I7y xt~cliitiflt~ctiti:il I3l;tck 1c;tclcrs ;IS 13ookcr I'. W;t~hin~ton;lntl I<;tci;tl Iitl)cl\ II.IVCI~c.<.lr 111 1:11 1111~~011:1111~~10 1(1;1~ h .~III('IIC.;III\ W. I;. 13. I)ul~ois.'l'hcre is some intlic;ttion that "Negro" wits f;tvorctl WrcncIic(1 1'1.01ir tlir~tII:I~I\~% I;t~itl\, Iil;tck\ lo\l tlrcir ~.otcpcr\or~itl I(ICII. hy Civil War freedmen while "Colored" was more popular ;irnong the titics. TriI7itl itt'Iil~:~tlo~~.httr\It~p t~c\. I~r~igrt;tgc. :111tl niittiv otlic~~CIIIIIII,;II established community of Blacks emancipated before the thirteenth attrihtrtcs wcrc tlc\ttci\ctl \r.licn I3l:tck\ wcrc cri\l;rvc~thv ;in itltcn c~rl- amenclment (Bennett 1970). "Negro" was also seen as grammatically t11t-c in ir foreign Ii111tl. lll;~ck\~r;t(lt~:tIlv hcpitn to :tcl~icvecrii;tt~cipit- more versatile, usable as both adjective and noun and in the singular lion or to gititi gro1111(1III~(ICI \I;Ivc~v.Oicy f'orgccl ;I II~W CIIIIII~Cirntl and the plural. Likewise. it was viewed as more economic:tl since it formcd institiltions itntl org:rtii/ir~io~~\to wrvc thcir ncctls itntl promotc did not need a noun to complete its meaning (c.g.. "Negroes" vs. their i~itercsts.This cff'ort \vits contiri~ritllyrept~l;ttctl hy Whitc society, "Colored people") (Miller 1937). Similarly. DuRois argued that "Ne- which strictly controllctl l3l;rcks ;rncl sought to shitpc itnd rcgulittc gro" was "etymologically and phonetically . . . much better itnd more Hlirck stittt~s;tti(l C~IISC~~IIS~CSS.'I'hc clevclopment of ir Hlitck comintl- logical than 'African' or 'colored' or any of the various hyphcnitted nity ;iccclcrirtctl irftcr the ('ivil War with thc itholition of slitvcry. htrt circumlocutions" (Bennett 1970). but he did not detail these ittlviin- Whitc in gcncritl atitl thc Southcrn systcni of scgrcgation iii tagcs. pitrticul;tr sevcrclv hittiipcrctl progress. "Negro" was also seen as a "stronger" term. As Kelly Miller (1937) As Hlacks cstithlishcrl conimr~nityand nirtionirl instittrtions such as noted. "Usually where deep-seated. philosophical meaning is involved churches. collcgcs. itntl cconomic iissociittions. they itdoptccl various 'Negro' is a much stronger term of the two. Try, if you will. to express the idea involved in Ncgro art, Negro music. Negro poetry . . . ant1 thc Nclgro Yecirhook in tcrms of the word 'coloretl': and see whitt a TOM W. MI 1 11 I\ ~III.CC~OI-.(;cncl;~l SII~I:I~ S~trvcv.NOH('. 'l'hi'; rese;~rch was tlonc for the (icner:tl Se~ci;~lSIII\*C~ l'r~>.jccl cl~rectecl IIV .l;tn~csA. I):IvI\:tnd 'I.I>IIIW. Sn~itl~.The lament;thle weakness wo~lldresult in this substitution." Howcvcr. this project is f~lnilctlhv t1)e N;tllo11;11Science 1'0111itl;ttion.pr;tnl SI:S-H7-IH467. I hc :tttlhor Ih:tl~ksI.;tu.rcncr Ilc~l>c~;~rlcl A W;tclc Snl~tlt1111 thcil ccrlllttlenls I. l,.e~rthis itr~icl~the tcr111~'l~l~t~kt\~" will he ~t\cel :I\ t11c s!;tl~~l;tr(lr;tci:11 refcrt,~~ce(err". 2."(:olo1.ed." "Negro," "Black." and "African" were all established English terms for Hl;lcks when Americ;~was first settletl. "African American" was in use at Ic;~rl;I.; e:~rly as the I;rte 1700s. The alleralionc in raci:~l lahels Ih:tt we itre dicc~lssingth~ls rcprrscnt changes in the accept:tnce of vitriorls lahels, not the creation of new term\. 498 Tom W. Smith Changing Racial Labels

co~~not;tlionei1111c I.IOITI r~\;tpe ;III(I ttot \o111c i~tl~c~~cnt~Iif'fCt~r~~cc 111 tl~(, in their lillrs while shifling to "Ncgro" for most othcr IISC~. "C'olorctl" ttvo tcl'lll\. wi~\i11so virt~ri~llyilhi~ndonctl in nilniing of new orgirnirittion.; hy the 11111 "Negro" ;ilso It;ttl consitlc~.;lhlr h;tlitlic;lln to o\.el-c.ctlllc. It lyZOs. ant1 no n;tlion;ll f3l;lck i~ssociiilionfoondcd ;~ftcrI940 (ant1 still tcn(Itvl to be II\CYI;I\ :I tc1.111of ~~cpro;~cli17~Wl~itc\ ;III(I I.III~~IC\I.s~tI~t~c*~~:(l ;~ctivcin 1990) rrsed "Colorctl" in it5 title (ti~hlcI). fro~tiits i~>soci:tlio~~to 111~ I ;~ciitIcpitl~ctx ,, Nipg;ilt'. :111tt "N1gge1 '' As "Negro" g;~incdi~cccp~;~ncc. there was ;I second prolonged strll&!- (I3c11ttctt 1070: t*r;~~tchIOXX: l.~lu,;tch 1070). A\ KoI;tnd A. I{;I~IOII ;ir- plc ovcr its spelling (Allen 1000, pp. 70. 73; Allport 1954. p. 183; I3cn- grlccl in his f;lmolls letter it1 1028 to I)rrliois. "'l'llc wortl. 'Ncgro.' or nett 1970. p. 377; Miller 1937; Simpson and Yinger 1972. p. 33). Advo- 'nigpcr.' is ;I white ~iian'swort1 10 n~itkcrts feel infcrior." cntcs of its use insisted that it he capitalized. As a New Orleans paper 1)cspitc this clcrog;~torvh;igpi~gc, tlic ctlgc hcg;rn to shift to "Ncgro." argrled in 1878. "The French, German. Irish. Dutch. Japanese and Iri p;~rt,it ;tppc;lrctl to Ilc ;I llcttcr, specific tern1 IOr I(l;tck\. "<'c)lorctl" other nationillities are honored with a capital letter, hut the poor sons wit.; seen its loo grricric. ;I tern1 ;in(\ one Ihill tlitl not .;cctn to 171-ovitlc of llitm must hear the burden of n small n" (l>itwack 1979. p. 541). A specific grollp itlcnlity or clctinc I3l;icks :IS ;I pcoplc. 'l'hc riqitig nunihcr brcakthrotrgh was linally achieve0 by the NAACP when the Nc~t-York of Asiiln immigriints Iiiity Iii~vcniittlc thc overinclusiveness of "C'oI- 7'intc.s announced in an editorial in 1930 that "In our 'style hook' orctl" ;I rnorc scriorls tlr;twh;ick. 13\11 i~tthe s;rnic time "Ncgro" h;ld 'Ncgro' is now added to the list of words to be capitalized. It is not lo hc slrclchctl lo covcr nlttl;tllocs ;In(! olhcrs 01' niixccl ;rnccstry wllo mcrely ii typogriiphical chitngc; it is ;in act of recognition of racial wcrc fiir from hring physic;tlly hlilck ;ind wcrc not considcrctl ;IS ;tppro- self-respect for those who have heen for generations in the 'lower priatcly tlcccrihctl ;is "Ncgro" hy sonlc.' cilsc"' (Rcnnett 1970. p. 778). The great cupi~nsionof White imniigr;lnt groups in the Iatc nine- Iccntli i111tl c;lrly twc~lticthcentirrics illso Inits lii~vcc~icc~rrriiged the idea thitt Iil:lckc nccdctl ;I \pccilic gro~lpniltiic th;it ni;ttclictl Itilliirli. "Negro" to "Black" Polish. ctc. fjut prohilhly Ilic ;ltlv;lnl;~gc w;rs [hilt "Nc~ro" w;~stlclinctl to I3y the 19.50s the dominant position of "Negro" wits secure. It was stitnct for ;I new way of thinking ;lhorlt I(liicks. K;rci;il progrccs itntl the the st;tndi~rdtcrm used hy Rl;lck organizations (table I)itnd wits wiclcly hopes ;tnd ;~.;piritlions of' I{l;lcks (rspcci;llly :IS illrlslr;ttctl hv Wilrhing- i~cccptetlhy hoth the Black and White media. Rut as the civil rights ton's self-help itlcology ) wcrc to hc c.;~pt~trctlhy t lie tcrtn "Negro," movcmcnt hcgitn milking t;tngihlc progress in the late 19.50s iintl early and olcl ri~ciillpiitterns in gcnerill iintl Sor~llicrnr;tci;tl trirtlitions in IY60s. fhc term "Negro" itself cventu;tlly fell under ittlilck. In ortler particular wcrc to he left hchind with "Colored." 13y the 1030s it hat1 to break from the past and to shed the remnants of and ritci;il hcconie the preferreti term. ;rnd "<:olorctl" incrcitsingly took on ;I serfdom. it was argued that a new name was needed. "Negro" was somcwh;rl tli~l~tior ;intiqrl;rtcd connotirtion. As Bennett noted. "lyor a criticized as imposed on Blacks by Whites, as denoting suhservience. short spcll, Ihc Icr~ii'Ncgro' occupiecl roughly Ihc siinic pli~ccin Ncgro cornplaccncy, and Uncle Tomism. In its stead "Black" was promoted life ;I$ the wortl.; 'I7liick' ittld 'Afro-A~~icric;~n'occ~ipy totlity. in othcr as stitnding for racial pride. militancy, power. and rejection of the words, it was ;I tcrni of niilil:~ncy. self-conscio~lslyrrsctl hy hlilck nicn stnti~squo (Rennett 1970; Ncwsweck 1968. 1969). ticfi;tntly :~rscrli~lgtlicir pritlc of rilcc" (f~ennctt1970. pp. 370-77). "Rlack" wits initially favored hy radical and militant Blacks in such 'Thc crlppl;~nting of "colorctl" hy "NC~I.~"progrcssctl gr;~tfrl;~lly, groups as the Rli~ckMuslims and Rlilck Panthers. Ici;tlSflrvcv Ihcrc is no :tr\oc~;~liorthclwcctl skin coli,r (very pro" wits used for those who wcre more cstirblishcd and iilentificd with 1ipt11ro vcrv tI;~tk):III(I p~cfc~tctlr;tci:~I ~ctttt the statrls quo (Bennett 1970; Ncwswcek 1969). While thc progressive Changing Racial Labels 50 1 iinrl i~ctivistiniitgcs of "Rlitck" hoosted its iicccpt;ince, the morc ratli- cal and cxtren~ist;tssociations rctarded its ;~doptionhy hoth RI:lcks ;~nciWhites." "l3lack" was also favored hecause of the natural halance it provitlcd to the term "White" (Allen 1990. p. 71). 1,inguistically it was the hcst p:~rilllclto or m;itch for "White."' If "White" was the proper racial lithel for that r;ice. then it was i~rguedthat "Black" was the proper term for the "opposite" race. This feature is illustrated in Martin Lu- ther King, Jr.'s "I Have a 1)ream" speech in 1963 (Washington 1986). While King favored the term "Negro." using it 15 times in that speech, he used "Rli~ck" as an adjective four times. In each instance it ap- peared in ;t parallel construction with "White" (e.g., "hlack men iis well as white men"). "Hlack" was also the best antonym of "White." For those wishing to emphasize Black separatism (as did some of its early advocates). this also was facilitated by the term "Rlack." AS Doris Wilkin- son (1990) noted. "Black" was chosen as a "deliberate antithesis to 'white."' "l3l;lck" illso connoted strength itntl power. i1 ck>nnection that wiis capitalizeci on hy the slogan "llliick power." This sirme assertion. of course, had heen made ahout "Negro" versus "Colored" a generation earlier. llut "Hlack" also had its negative aspects. It was seen as a derog;i- tory term hy some (Branch 1988, p. 748). Surveys of Rlack and White collcgc stutlenls in I963 indic;~tctl that hoth rated the term "hl;~ck person" n111ch less fiivoriihly than "Negro" (Willii~ms1966). In part this wits due to the strong i~ssoci;itionof "hlack" with evil (Allport 19.54. p. 182; Willi;lms 1966). Surveys of Rlack and White stutlents in the early 1960s forlnil that hoth regarded the color hl;tck much morc nepittively than white (Williams 1966). This lccl Willi;~m.; to preilict tililt efforts 10 "rcvers~'the conventionill symholism hy itsso- cii~tinghlitck with gootlncss iintl white with h;~dncss" worlld f;til "in ;I

culture where the symholism of white ;IS good and hlack ;IS h-

4. I.ike "Negro" ei~rlier."lll;~ck" was seen as a forw;~rd-looking. progrezzive lerm. "1ll;rck." however. illso had ;~s.;oci;~lionswith r;ldicaliFm ;rnd even violence thal were not ;i';~oci;~ledwill, "Negro" even when it W;IF the emergenl lerm. 5, "Negro." of course. is Sp;lniqh ;~ndI'orlt~glrese for the color hl;~ck. DeFpite the common root rne;rning. "Negro" w;rs no1 iI color lcrm in English ;lnct h;ld only ;I specr;~l- ired me;ininp ;IT ;I I;~helfor I3l;lck.;. 502 Tom W. Smith Changing Racial Labels

otrt ;~rivr;tci;bl connot:ttiorl W;IK \cell ;IS signilic.;~ntlvIIIOI.~ ~>o\tti\,cIli;111 duiil tcrm qtrcstions ;IS black occtlrrcnccs. then the pcrccnlitgc using in 1003. ilowcvcr. Wti~tcst~~clctlts tlicl riot cI1;ingc their ~;tti~ig\01. 111~ "l3li1ck" rosc from 2.6 pcrccnt in 1905-69 to 84.1 pcrccnt in 1970-74. color hI:ick. i11i(1 both White ;11ic1 ljl:~~.k\t~rdctits r:~tctl the coI(11.\vliitc O~~cstionsusing "Ncgro" and "colorcd" either switchcd to "i3l;t~k" more l';tvori~hly than hl;tck tWil1i;tms. '1'11ckcr.ibntl I)r~nh;~rii1071 ). or wcrc cliscc~ntinrrcd. 1,ikewisc. ;~dvoci~tcsof "ljl;~ck" prttgctl 11s ~rsci~s ;I r;~ci;il cpithct "Black" was piirticularly populitr among younger Blacks (13cnnctt hv ni;~kirigit it Icrtn ofposi~ivci~fli~.tii;~tion. .111st ;IS "Ncgro" hacl ovcr- 1970; Ncwsweck 1969). On the 1982 GSS the term "13l;tck" wits fa- come its use :is a slur i~nd;I pttt-clown dt~ring;in c;~rlicrperiod. \o now vorcd hy 61 percent of those horn after 1942. hy 55 percent of those "Hli~ck" shed its elerogi11o1-ycon~iot;itions. horn hetwccn 1933 and 1942. and hy 40 percent horn hefore 1933. 1~1.0111its i~iiti;bI~I(IV(>C~ICV 11y prog~.csstvc ;11i(1 t~iilit;t~~tclc~iic~its in tlic Convcrscly. on thc 1979-80 Niltioni~lBlack Survey "Negro" and "col- mid- IOhOs. "l3li1ck" I>cg;tn to win over tiiorc ;~nrlmorc co~~vcrts;triiong orcil" were fi>untl to hc un;~cccptithlcto 32.5 pcrccnt of Hl;lcks horn the miiinstrc;trii of I3l;1cks ;tlitl Whites. 'l';~hle? shows th;bt r.ori\itlcr;thlc hcforc 1933. 48 pcrccnt horn from I933 to 1942. and 64 percent horn e1is;igrccmcnt prc.vi~ilcil;tti~or~g Ill;~ck\ hy the I;~tc1000s. "Negro" w;bs ilftcr 1942. Nomcnclilturc choice is strongly influenced hy gener;~tion. still f;bvorccI hv :I pI111~i11itv01' lll;~cks.Iittt the olcler ~CI.I~I."(.'olorccl." Whilc the proposctl switch wits hcing hotly dchatcd in 1967 and was choscn hv ;I lil'th. whilc the emerging tertiis "lil;~ck" ;~ntl"Aft.o- 1968. it wits Iitrgely completed hy the early 1970s. As "Hlitck" g;~incrl Anirric:~n" wet.c f;tvorctl hv I0 ;~ntlI0 percent. rrsprctivclv." l3y 1074, gcncriil ;~cccpt;lncc. it lost nearly ;ill of its radical connections. Associ- however. "lll;~ck" Il;\cl g;~itiiq(lcot~\i(lc~.;~I~Ie grot~ri(I. will) ;I CIC~II.111i1- ;itions with scp;~r;ttism. violcncc, end political cxtrcmism wcrc Icft ioritv now prcf'erring it. S111.vcysin I(j70-XO ant1 10x2 showctl th;tt hehind. Rtrt "l3l;tck" was not ~ncrclya substitute for "Ncgro": lhc "1~I;tck" W;I\ \t~-o~icl\,f~~vot~ccl ove~. ;\I1 otlict~t.;~ci;bI tcr~ii\. tcrm h;ld helped to instill and milinlain it sense of group consciousnccs, Another \ortl.ce 1.111. tt.:tckitip the slirl'littg pt.cfere~~ccin r;tci:bl Ii11~cIs ri~ci;tlpritlc. anti ;I hope for racial justicc. is the II~C of Icrtrl\ it1 s~~~.vcvcj~~eslioti~. SIII.VCV\ tntl'it he scnsitivc to usi~igpropcr i.;lci:il term\ hcc.;~~~sc1Iii.y tlcpc~iclon the coopcr;~tio~lof rcp~c~ct~I;~ti~c~i:~Iio~i:bl \;tti~pIes. S~~rvcy\;~!tctttpt ~icittic~.to lc;t(l 11or From "lllack" to "African American" lag hchiritl pop111;tr Ilsapc hut to rctii;~inc~~~.~.ctit with it. I3v :tcccssirig t hc Roper (:cntcr's conipr~tcrircd1'01 .I. (l'rrlllic Opinion I.ocittion I,i- 1;rom the early 1970s to the late 1980s. the position of "Blitck" wa5 hr;try) tl;~t;i hi~scof slrrvey cl~~cslions11sed in nittion;~lsurveys. it is virtually unchallenged. It was preferred by ;I large majority of Bli~cks. possihlc to tr;~ck ch;ingcs iri ritci;~l tcrniinologv. As t;~hlc 3 shows. was used almost exclusively by Rlilck organizations, and was virtr~itlly "Ncgro" wit.; the ilorr~in;lnl lcrtn throtrgh lllc 1960s. with "Colored" the only term for Blacks used in surveys (tables 1. 2. 3).' sccing occ;~sion;~l11s~. "l3l;tck" Ihcn gibincd ;~sccnll:bncy ill the rill-ly Hilt then in Ilccemher 1988 ;II a meeting of Black leiltllers in Chicilgo. 1970s. ;tri(l the niitl-1070s h;ts hccn vil-t~~itllytlic only tcr~ii~~sctl. Kilmoni~11. llilclin. prcsidcnt of the Niltional Urhan Coillition. pro- Infact, the "Ncgrof('cil~rctl" to "l3l;tck" switch is cvcri morc cor~ccri- posctl th;~t "African American" rcpli~cc"I3lack." This gro~~pcndorsctl 11-i~tcclth;tn thcsc ligttrcs i~tclic;~tc.'l'lic four trscs of "lll;~ck" prior to the switch ilnd 1;tunchcd ii citmpaign in favor of "African Americitn" Io~(were rcli.rcnccs to the Hl:tck Mr~sli~iis.;111tl It;iII' of the nictitiorls tliitt rcccivctl witlc iltlcnti011. JCSWJi~ckson. as the grot~p'sspokcspcr- in l0h-60 urcl.c. inel~~iricsi~hout "hl;tck power.." If we cxcl~ltlc~hc son. i~tlriounccil,".Illst ;IS wc wcrc citllctl 'colored.' hut were not Ihi11. "hl;tck power" il~~cstioli.;I'rorli the lOf>5-(,0 pcr.iotl ;Inti co~rtttthe Nib- i~nilthen 'Ncgro.' but were not Ihi~l,lo he c;illed 'hlitck' is just ;IS liori;tl ()(linion Hc.sc;trcll ( 'csrilcrl(;cricr:tl Soci;tl SIII.VVV (N( )I<<'/( ;SS) h;~sclcss. .l11s1 i~syo11 h;~ve('hincsc who have ;I scnsc of roots in ('liin:~. . . or Iluropci~ns.its it wcrc. cvcry ethnic grollp in this co11ntl.y hits ;I rcfcrcncc to some historicitl culturc hiisc. . . . 'l'herc ilrc Armcniiin Amcricitns ;mil Scwish Americans and Arilh Amcric;~ns ;tncl Itali;ln Amcricans. Ancl with :I degree of ;icccpted ant1 rcason;thlc

7. 13tlt ~lnsettlcdw:~.; the oltl issue of c;tpil;tli/;rlitrn. While hoth upper- and lower- c;tsc /t's were fl.cqtrcntlv ttscd. !lie 111ost conillion pr;lctice wits 10 use ~nl;tllIcttrr\ 111 hot11 "hl:tck" ;~ntl"wllite" (Allen 1'190: H;l\pherry 1989: Simpson and Yinpcr 1972. pp. 12-11). Table 2. Preferred Rac~alTerm for Blacks among Blacks

Percentage preferring: African .American Afro-.American Black Colored Negro Other None: no ditTfrence Don't know 'V Ratio of: Black to .Afro African '.American Black to lu'egro Black to Colored

NOTE.-The surveys are: 5'1969 = Gallup: Whiih :erm do you like most'? Colored People Segro Blacks .Afro-American. 6,1974 = Roper: The uording of the next question may sound funny at first. but kou'll see *hy in a moment. Members of one racial group are variously described as .%fro-.Amencan. black. colored. or Yegro. What do most of the people of this race that kou come in day-to-day contact with prefer to be called-Afro-Amencan. black. colored. Negro. or what? 1979-80 = National Survey of Black .4mericans. Survey Research Center. Cnlvers~tyoi 41ichigan: People use different uords to de- iinbe people of the Black race. What word do you use'' Black lor blazk .Amencan):Xegro CaloredlAfro-.American Other Sone. DK. el;. First mentions counted. 3. 1981 = General Soc~alSurvey. National Opinion Research Center: Which uould )ou most like to be called. "Black." "Negro." "Colored." or ".lfro-.American." or does it make any difference? 611989 = .Vew York Times: Some people say the term "African-American" should be used instead of the word "black." Which do you prefer-"African-.Americanu or "black" or doesn't it matter much to you? .V is approximate. 91 1989 = .ABC Washinqron Posr: Have you heard or read about the term ".African-.\mencan" used larely to describe black Amsri- cans? Which term do you yourself prefer: black or African-.American? 7.1990 = NBC \Val1 Srrrer Journal: When someone refers to your race. do !ou prefer to be referred to as black. African-.American. or some other term? Registered voters only. 9119916 = Gallup: Some people say the term "African-American" should be used instead of the word "black." Which term do ou prefer-"African-.AmericanM or "black" or doesn't it matter to you? 911991L = Los Anprles Times: As you may know, are sometimes referred to as African-Americans. Whlch term do bou yourself prefer: black or African-American? Changing Racial Labels 507

pritlc. thcv cotinccl their heril:igc to their mother cotlntrv ;in(! whcrc they ;~rcnow." Ilc emph;~sil.etl."I'o he c;rllcd African Amcrici~nh;~s c~~ltul.;tlinlcprity" (Jet 1989; I,;rc:~yo 1989; Ncwswcck 1089; Willii~trls I988;i. I988h). - 'I'hc niirin goirl of the switch was to give I%lacksir colti~ralidcn1ific;t- '3 I tion with their heritage itncl itnccstral homeli~nd."his has been cmphil- C\ 7.'3. sized not only by Jackson but by virtually all other advocates. Ctlltrlre - would then become a lever for improving the lot of Blacks. For exam- ple, Edelin ohserved."Calling or~rselvcsAfrican-Americans is the first m 7, I step in the cultural offensive. Our c~~lturalrenaissance can change orlr 'I, r) lot in the nation and around the world" (Ebony 1989). It was also seen E as broadening society's perspective about Blacks and placing it in a

t global perspective. Jackson noted. "African American evokes a dis- 3n I cussion of the world" (Lacayo 1989). and Edelin added that the term 133 cr will help Blacks to be seen in ;I "glohal context" (Jet 1989). .- 1:urthcrmore. it was seen as putting Blacks on a parallel with While

'3.1 ethnic groups. On one level this referred only to comp;~rablelinguistic I 11 , terminology (e.g., "AfricanlPolish American"). But on a deeper level 1 3. the shift to a c~llture-and homeland-based term like that used hy most .a other groups rcconccpt~~itlizcdRli~cks as an ethnic group rathcr th;rn

1-t a race (Ebony 1989; Williams 1988a). This has an enormous potcnti;~l I 1C for change since Blacks have traditionally been viewed biologically Is' and physically as a race and not culturally as an ethnic group. While many While ethnic groups are seen as having distinctive physical traits 3a (c.g., tall, blond, blue-eyed Swedes) and racial groups are also seen as I having distinct cultures, the distinction between races and ethnic \C z groups is importi~ntfor several reasons. First, racial differences are dccmetl to he greater in mitgnitudc and more immutable. Kaei;tl differ- IC, Jj ences are viewed as genetically based and thus as beyond the ability Is' of society to change. 2 a Second. racial pre.irldice and discrimination have greatly exceeded ethnic in(oler;ince. On halance. America has a better record of ac- cepting i~ndfi~irly treating ethnic groups than it docs r;tcial grotlp5. "African Amet-ican" as opposed to "Rlnck" "would connote ethnicit y over color and connote equality in pl~~ritlism"(Allen 19%)). 13111 given

8. "Afric;in" itwlf. of cotlrsc. is not ;In incliecnoltr term htrt English for the I.:itin Afik.tr~rr~.c.It w;~.; used hy Ihc Kom;tn\ to rcfcr to hoth their provinrc of "Afric;~" ;incl the whole continent. It proh;ihlv clerive\ from the I.;~tin rrpric(r (st~nny)or the (ircck erl~hriAc.(witliottt coltll. tlcriv;ilionc Ihitt arc conpcni;tl to ;tl le:tsl cert:tin cilrrcnl intellcc- lllitl pcr~pectivc'i. I'he (:let th;tl "Al'ric:~ri" is not ;In inclipcncr~~rterm is no clifferenl tli:ln for tilost other ethnic groups in Anicrir;~.In most c;tses. their protlp nilme ill Anicr~c:~ is the l

"Afro-Anicrici~n." and other hyphcnittccl forms ;IS too cumhersome preferred "African American. " wcre not raiscd (Hennett 1970: Millcr 1937). 13ul concern was voicetl Whites. on the other hand. have heen more likely than Blacks to that "Africitn An1cric;tn" hits the clit~~ic"hyphenated A11icric;rn" favor the established term than the emergent contender. In the 1970s prohlcm." 'l'hc hvphcn in such cthnic compounds ;I.; "(;crni;ln- that meant thcy wcre less likely to switch to "Black" and now they Anicricitri" tt.;ttlitioti;~lly hi^.; hccri "rcg;trtlctl ;IS synitloliirinp tlivitlctl arc morc likely to st:ty with "l3l;tck" (d;ttit avitilahle from author). 1oy;iltics" (.l'hernstrom 1980). Such groups wcrc consirlcrctl itt best ;IS The shift is also secn in how Blacks identify themselves. The <;SS less than I00 pcrccnt Amcrici~nsand itt worst ;IS lrititors to thcir cthnicity question asks people "from what country or part of the world" their ancestors came. Thc percentage of Blacks naming Africa incre;\setl from 48 percent in the 1970s to 50 percent in 1982-88 ancf 59 pcrccnt in 1989-91. (Other responses in 1989-91 were "Some specific country besides Africit" I I3 pcrccntJ, "America" 15 pcrccnt), "C;tn't choose" 13 percent 1. and "Can't name where" 120 percent].) The con- nection hctwccn choice of raci;tl Iitbcls and :tncestr;tl itlcn(ification iz 5 10 Tom W. Smith Changing Racial Labels

Table 4. t )cc~~r.r.cncc\of "Afric;~n AIIIC~IC;II~(\)" \ho\rn it1 tl~c*!OX7 (;SS. \\l~crcXI pcrc.(.~lt 01 1%1;1c1\\ ~~I(.~(~IIIII)!1/11, ill II1c \~',l.,/l;ll,~/,,lt /'O.\f ;111tl /,,I.\ A tt.qf~lf~.\'I illlc9.\. n;lnlc "A1.1.o AIIICI-IC~III" It\t(~l~IK.II ;IIIL.~\II.~ ;I\ A~'II[.;I.\\IIII(. OIII\ 51 1')X.s-9 I pcrcctlt 01' tllo\c u-~tlioll~cr ~>rcl;'~ccicc\ ~i~c~il~o~~ctl AI'I ic;~. So f;~r .;i~~-\.cv.;II;IVC not ;~tloptctltI,c nrw ICI.III.I~c~n.cvc~ . 111 p;~rl thi\ rcflccts thc file1 tli;~t "AI~~-ic;~liAIII(*~I~;III" li:~.;not p;~inecl llic 111>pe1. Number of Articles h;~nd;tmong citl~c~.I%l;~ck\ or White\. In ;~tltlition.tllc I;~ckof' f'rcctt~ctit Wtrshirtpro~rPo.rt 1,os Anprk~sTimes ncp;ttivc cl~;~r;~ctc~.i/.;rti~~~i.;of' "ljl;~ck" II;IVV;~llowcd it\ conti~i~~ctlII.;~ ;I\ ;in ;~cccpt;~l~lctcr'ti~. I:vctl the srri;~llinro;ltl of' "Al'ric;~ti Arncric;tn" into stlrvcy qr~c\tionssince 1985 is only tcchnic;~l.uiticc ;\I1the occtlr- rcrices have hecn in qtlcstionr; itsking ;~houtwhat r;rci;~l Icrrlic sJlo~~l(lhe uscd (t;lhlc 3). No r;tce rcl;ttion.; qtlcstions h;tvc yet ;~tloptctl"African American" ;IS the st;tncl;~rd r;lci;tl tlcscripto~.. Ih11 "Afric;in Anic~-ic;~n"li;~.; ~ii;~tlc Ircriicntlo~~.; gains in the mass rnctli;~. Wllilc \otnc ctlitors and pcriotlic;tls initi;llly ~.c\islctltlrc rlcw tcrm. most q~licklv;~cccptctl it on p;~rwith "I%l;~ck,";tntI sollie h;~vc dcciclcd to use it cxcl~~sivcly(I.;~c;tyo 1989: Ncwswcck IYXY)."'.l';~hlc 4 shows thc rn;~gnitit~lcof the ch;~tigc ;rt two m;~iorncwsp;rpcrs, thc Wir.~/ti~t,qfo~~1'0.sf ;111tl 1,o.v Att,q(~/(-,\-/YIII(*.\. "Africati A~ncric;tn" W;IS rarely user! hcfi~rcthc ('hicitgo pronorlnccnlcnt In I)cccrnhc~.IOXX. 111 filct. many of the prc-IOXY usages were rckrcnccs to org;tniza~ion.; with "Af'rir;tn Atncr'ic;~n" in thcir tiflcs r;tfhcr fh;tn gcncric uses. Within the next 0 ~nontli.; ~tscincrci~sctl itllout I'OII~to livc timrs fro~n Sor~uc.~.-Compitterirecl IPat;~Timessearch conducted hy I';~trickHova, NOHC. its I~lscr;itc. iind ll.;;lec h;is contin~lcdto clir~ih.;incc then. " Searchcz are from J:~nll:try I lo J~lne30 and Jt~lyI lo Ik- While "Al'ric;tn A~nc~.ic.;~ti"clc;lrly 11;rs not s~~pplilnleti"I3l;tck" ;IS ccmhcr 3 1. tllc prc(Iomiri;tnt Icrrn. it II;I~over 1l1c p;trt 3 yc;~rr;cst;~l~lisl~ctl ;\I) csscn- ti;~lly cocqu;~lpositic>n with it. Whether " l3litck" will cvc~itr~;rllyhc- ic:ino(a)" (Allen 1990, pp. 86-89). Similarly. over time prefcrcnces cornc ;IS p;~s\i. ;t\ "Ncgr'o" ;tnil "('cil~~rcci";Iw;~its lo he sccn. have shifted among "Jew." "Jewish American." "American Jew." "Jewry." "Hebrew," and "lsr:telitc" (1,ipset IM: Thcrnstrom 19110). Yet the nomenclature issue docs seem more contcntio~lsand more ('h:rnges in Racial 1,:lbels enduring for Hlacks than for other cthno-racial groups. For 13l;lcks their Ii~bclwirs both more important and less certain than that of mo.;t The ch;lngiltp of ethnic ;tnrl r:tci;~l I;~hclsis [lot pitrtic~lliirto 1JI:lcks. other imn1igr;tnt groups bec;rrrsc (I) their ensl;ivcmcnt hiid slripprtl Within the p;\\I tlcc;~clc"l1isp;tnic" has rcpl;lcctl "Sp:~~iish-spc;~king" them of their indigenous itlcntities. (2) the enslaved Blacks I;rckcd ;I ;I\ tile p~.efc~-~.c~Iterm ill \~rrvcyq~~c\tion.;. wliilc "l.;~tino" h;~scst;th- collcc(ive sclf-designation that correspontled to how Whites saw them li.;lictl ;I tocl~oltl." Si~nil;trlv. "Oricnl;~l" h;ts hccn s~~ppli~~ltctl1)" (as a homogenous race) rather than as members of differcnt coltures, "A.;i:tna' (tl;lt;~;~\~;lil;lldc from ;tulhorI. Nor ic Ihc in\t;~hility only ilmong tribes. ;~ntlI;lnpu;~pe groups-they lacked a common indigenolls term t>ro;ttl r;~ci;tlI;~l~cl\. ('tlrrcrlll~. Icrmc for Anierici~n.; of Mcuic;~~~descent that con-cspondetl to thcir socii~ldefinition in America. and (3) as inclt~(lc"('IIIL~;II~o~;I~." "hlcuic;~~~," "Mcxic;~~~ At~lcric;~~~." ;~ti(l "Mcx- sl;rves hl;~ckswere long prcvcntctl from developing their own instittl- lions and community org;\ni/.ations to ;ldvancc thcir grotlp irlcntit y .I'

10. The new.; metli:~h;r~ \t;~lctl 1u.o c~ilrri;~ftlr tlrritling lo xwilch fr-on1 "lll;~ck" lo "Af~ic;~nA~ncri~.;rrl". (1) Ill:lck\ hcing of'frrltlctl hg ltir Icrnl ;lntI I?)consct~.;~r\ Ihlorlph 12. The ;~rglrnientis th;~t the iltack proup itlcnlity was uprooted ;rnd ft~ntI;~rncnl;~llv II\;I~~(l.;~c;~vc~ IOU'). Nc\s\wech tt4X0). i~l~erctthv cnsl;~vcn~cnt,not ~h;~t;III Afric;~nties :~ndinfluence.; were dc~trovc

M~lchInorc \o (1i;11i nios1 itiiniigt-;it~tgl.orlp\. Ill;rck\ I,o1Ii Ir;ltl to I01g~ ~.e\'ol~~tion;~rics;tnd counlerrevolutioni~rieschange plitce names ;IS ;I ~icwi~lcntilv ;III~ ;idopt ;I tcrni to clt*\c~~ilwtlic~ii~clvc\ t.:rtI~ct I(\ IC~;III~ thci~powel. w;I?tes i~ndw;incs. itntl women have strttggletl lo control ;~ntlitiI;~pt ;I well-csl;thlislictl. prccxistir~gitlcn~ilv ;11i(I II;IIII~. their s~~rnittiics. A sccond cupl;\n;ttion for- tlic grei~tcrIllitck st1-11gg1covcr rtotilc.rtcli~- And so it i.; for elhno-racial groups. 1,ahels tlefine the groups and t11re is thitt its long :I\ l3l;tck\ t.c~ii;ri~i~li~c~~i~iii~ii~lc(l ;I~;IIII\~ :in(I op- help to dctcrmine how both "in" ant1 "out" group memhers respond prcssctl. iinv niltlic c~vcrilt~i~llvhccotitcs tiriritccl by Ilic r.i~~.i;~lp~c.it~tiicc. to thc group. As Simpson and Yingcr indicated, "Words prefigr~rc;inti As I*;v;tn Kernp of tlic I)is;~hility liiglits ('cntcr ol)scrvctl. "A\ long ;I\ control experience to some degree; they are not simply innocent la- it group is ostritci~ctlor otherwise clcn~cittictl,wh;ttcvcr 11;1nic is used hel.;" (1972. p. 32). Blacks have successively changed their preferred to tlcsigni~tcth;tt grorlp will cvcntu:tlly take on the tlcnic;rning fl;~vor term of address from "Colored" to "Negro" to "Black" and now, and hitve to hc rcplitccd. 'l'hc tlcsigni~tionswill keep c1i;tnging every perhaps. to "African American" in order to assert their group standing gcr~er;ttiorior \o l~ntiltlie group is ititcgr;ttcd into socictv" (Ki~sphcrry and aid in thcir struggle for racial equality. While symbolic. these 1989). changes have not heen inconsequential. For symbols are part and par- A rclittcd itt-g~lntcntcontends !hilt I3litck serisitivity ovcr thcir raci:~l cel of reality itself. Ii~helrcflccts itn "inferiority complex" (Millel. 1937). As I)t1l3ois notcd. '"l'lic feeling of itifcrior~lyis in yoc~.not it1 ;I nitnic. .fhc nitmc merely cvokcs wh;~t is ;tlrc;~tly thcrc. l'xorcisc the li;ttcf~~lcomplex itnil no References ri;tnic cirri cvrr mirke ~OII11;11ig yo~~rhciltl" (Ilennctt 1970). l~lke.I.vnnc. 1991. "l,:~hets Mask '1,;llino' I)iversily." Ford Ftictnd(iri~~itLrrrrr. spark hopes 1'01. \clciitl rccogriition ;tntl ;ttlvi~ncc~nc~i~. Winter. pp. 10-1 I. I'honv. I9XV. "African-American or Black: What's in a Name?" t:'hony 44 (Jl~ly): i<~pt.ittc~ll~.;I\ ti:~tii~ ch:t~tpc.; h;tvc bct~ipt-op~.;ctl. 401nc II;IVCits- 76-80, .;crtc(I tli;tl tIrcs II:IIIIC\ (10 1101 ni:~It~r;~ti(l lli:~t :~rgt~i~ik:over llic~iiis ;I (;rnclvcse, l;~~genc1). 1974. Roll. Irrrtlort. Roll: Tlre World flrc Sl(rvrc Mn(lc. New Y~IIk. Ic ,illst ;IS hl;~ckrtntl ,jr~st J.,\I .tell. . Vernon. IOHX. "Redefine 'Hl;lck' ;IS ;I Positive Term." ('lticn~erSltn-Tirrtrr. its whitc: jttst ;I% ;~sIii~nictlof himsclf;tntl ,jtlst its shi~nictlby others. ;IS I)cceniher 22. p. 39. todiiy. It is not the nitnic-it's the Thing that counts. C'omc on, Kid, Jet. IVHV. "Rro:ld C'o:llilion Seeks 'Afric;~nAmerican' Name." Jrr 75 (Januarv 16): 53. Icl's go gel the 'l'liing!" (I3cnnctt 1070). Siniililrly. ('i11.1 '1'. Kowitn ( 1989) I.;rc;~yo. Hich;~rtl. 1989. "In Se:lrch of ;I (iocd Name." 'fimr I13 (March 61: 32. ohscrvcil. "1 citn s;tv with ccrt;titity thitt ;I n;rnic c1i;tngc to 'Afric;tn 1.ipscl. Scymorlr Mi~rtin,ecl. IVVO. Arircriro~rPlrtrtrlis~tr trncl rltr .Ic~~is11('r~mtnrtrtirv. American' is not where it i4 ill. . . . Whiil's in it name'! Nothing." New Rrllnswick. NJ: Tr;tnsaclion. Yet n;tmcs do milttcr. When (;ntl gitvc Adam tlotninion ovcr the I.i~wack.[.eon 1;. 1979. Brrn in rht. Sre~rfnSo 1,ong: Tltr A.firrmtrr11 r~fSltr~.rn..New Ynrk: KnopT. citrth. Atl;tni's lirst t;t.;k wit\ to nitme ;]I1 of tiis cre:rtions. 1';irents Miller. Kelly. 1937. "Negroes or Colored People?" f~ppor~rrrtirv:Jrirtrnnl of Nrurrr c:treli~llyconsider llic proper nittiicr li~thcir chiltlrcn. ~iiitnr~l~itct~~rcrs I.ili.I5 lM:~v):142-46. hirc market itntl itdvcrti.;itlg I.CSC~I~C~CI-.; to pick optimal nithcs for Negro I4islory 1311lletin.1971. "Whi~l'sin a Name-Negro. Afric;ln. I\l;~ck. Afro-Anicric;~n.African-American. Coloretl. Black-American. or thcir new proclttclc (;tritl incrc;tsinglv for the compitnics thcmsclves). Negro-American'!'' Nrgro Ilist(m. Rttllrrin 24 (February): 28-29, 514 Tom W. Smith

Nc\r\\vcck luf>X "N;~lnc. (';IIIIII~" Nt.tt.\~~.t.,'h71 tM;lt(.l~?O X4

.. .. IO(>O "Itlc~~tlt\( 'I l\i\ " Nt,~t,~~t.t,t*L77 I IIIII~ \I)) 0:

-...... -. . I')XQ "I.I~IIII'Ill:~ck' tc, 'Al'rlc;~n.Al~~cltc.;~n"'"IV,,II \II ,.,.A I I 1 I.);IIII~;II \. ?I: ?X I'crrt/. M;lrt~n.I'#HO "ltlcr~t~tv.I li\l~~tv. NO\I;I~CI;I." Nt.31 /Ir./ri~l~li(?(I0 II'~I~III;I~v11). 4 l I'~o\l~;~r~\kv.lI;~rolcI. ;IIIGI I'eg~y N~\VIOII IVflX. " ll~cN;IIII~C ;In11 MC;IIIIII~ (11' Negro Self Iclcntitv." 111 ,So( ;I{/ ( /,is\. 11'11, c. tiri,/ /*,v, /I,~/,I~;~111 I),~I~~~/~J~~~II~~III,t*cl. M;llttn I)r~lt\cl~.Irwin K;IIT. ;~ntlArt1111l K. Icl~rcn.New Yc~rk:II(,It. Krt~cl~:~rlR( WIII\~~II. K;~\phel-rv.Willi;~nl. IOXO. "Whrl~'Hl;lck' I3ccot11c* 'Afric;~nAn~e~ic;~l~'." W~r.\ltr~tcforr /',IS!. 1:1n11;1rv4. p. 1') Korcnherg. Morl~\IV7'J. ('r~rrr ,.i~.irrcflrr, .Yr~l/.New 'r't~rk:H;~.;ic. Ro\vitn. (.;~rl .I.,IOXO '.S:~ving.:\SI~C;III AIII~~IC~III' A~II'I Where It'\ At." (.It11 (iqo .Siiti-7ifllt~.I,I;11111;1rv IN. p 2 I S~nipson.(icorpc I:;lt(~n. ;tntl MII~OII I. YIII~CI 1'872. I

'Thrl.n\lron~.Stel~l~;~t~. 108') "III\IS;I~ Al'tt~ " N,.I~.K~.l*rtl>li, ?IH) I.l;ln~l;~rv31: 10 11 T11crn\tio111.Stt-lil~;~~~. ctl l~#Xi). ll,ir~~tirtl F.rt( vc /,~/)t,,li,i 01 A irtt.rit cirt 1:1/111it. (;rt~tt/l\. (';~n~hriclec.MA Il;~rv;lrtl I lnivcr\ilv I'rcs.;.

W;~\hili$?ton.I;IITIC\ Mt-lvtn. c-d lqtXf) A lr\ftir~i~~~~f11I I\ l')'>l)"AIII~IIC;III\ 111' Al'ric,;~~~lclcnlilv '' .Sof.irfv 27 IM~I~IJIIIICI: 14-IX. Willi;~ms. John E. IOhh "('onl~ol;~lionof R;~ci;~lC'onccpt.; ilntl ('olor N;~rne\." Jt~ttrf~iil(I/ l't~r\~~riiilifv111tt1 .\,I( it11 l'vvt I~CII~I~Y\.5 3 I- 40. W1lli;tms. John I:..Uich;lrcl I).'I clckc~. :~nel I'r;lncc\ Y. I)unh;lrn 1971. "('h;lngc\ in the ('onnctl;~tion.cof ('olor N;tnlc.; ;1111onc Neeroe\ ;lntl (';~~lc;~ri;ln\.IVOl 1913'3." Jotdrrr111 ti/ /'t.r\,~~~ti/ifvtit1,1 .S,I( it11 /'\vt 1~~11~1~s10 I AII~ZII\!): 222 -3 Willi;1111.;. l.ill~;~n.IOXX;I. "lll;~ck (';~ll11.; A111c;ln AIIICII~;I~.'' ( Itit~i~0,SI~I~P/J~I~I~I, I)ccemhcr 20. p. I. -. IVXXh. "NAAC'I' Won't ('h;~nge N;~mc." ('lric rrpo Slrtr-7it1tr*\. I)eccn~hcr2 1. p. 4. Williams. W;~lter 1.1. I9'H). "Mvtl~Milking ;in11 Kc;~lity'l'c.;tinp." .\'o~.ir.rs27 (M;~vl June): 4-7. S RESEARCH

PUBLIC OPINION QUARTERLY

g (1989-93) 1991-95) VOLiJME 56 / WINTER 1992 / NUMBER 4

Articles fitor Ideological Thinking among Mass Publics and Political Elites ?ing M. KEBT JENNINGS Large Monetary Incentives and Their Effect on Mail Survey an Response Rates JEANNINE M. JAMES and RICHARD BOLSTEIN Probing "Don't Know" Answers: Effects on Survey ~rdL. Rodgers Estimates and Variable Relationships 1 Cate Schaeffer MARIA ELENA SANCHEZ and GIOVANNA MORCHIO .en Schwarz ueline Scott Understanding the Decision to Participate in a Survey Sigelman W. Smith ROBERT M. GROVES, ROBERT B. CIALDINI,and MICK P. COL~PER I Sullivan ?lee C. Taylor Changing Racial Labels: From "Colored" to "Negro" to cr Tourangeau "Black" to "African American" nael W. Traugott TOM W. SMITH m Welch I Zaller Research Notes 5 (1992) Context Effects on Responses to Questions about AIDS xd quanerly: Spring. Wdlawn Ave.. Chi- DIANE COLASANTO,ELEANOR SINGER,and THERESA F. ROGERS - s. U.S.A.: institutions of AAPOR. Student Polling, under the Gun: Political Attitudes in Estonia, XI. In Canada. add 7% subscription to cover Surveyed at the Height of the Soviet Coup Attempt, August 1991 ~anerly.University of ANDRUS SAAR and LIIVI JOE

artment. University of The Impact of Spousal Characteristics on Political Attitudes in Australia Iexed by Public Affairs Documents. Combined BERNADETTE C. HAYES and CLIVE S. BEAN iilable from University The Behavior of Respondents, Nonrespondents, and Refusers across Mail Surveys MIKE BRENNAN and JANET HOEK

I Press,

kcas won as possible

im National Standard ANSI Z39.4&19&4. @

.%y i

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