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Socioeconomic Changes Among Beca Drivers in Jakarta, 1988 98 east asia LLabour andmd Management in Development JourJournalnal Volume 1, Number 6 Socioeconomic changes among Ebeca drivers in Jakarta, 1988–98 Yosh Azuma 99-2 Asia Pacific Press at the AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY http://ncdsnet.anu.edu.au Socioeconomic changes among beca drivers in Jakarta, 1988–98 Yosh Azuma © Asia Pacific Press 2000 This work is copyright. Apart from those uses which may be permitted under the Copyright Act 1968 as amended, no part may be reproduced by any process without written permission from the publisher. ISSN 1443–6698 ISBN 0 7315 3644 4 Yosh Azuma is currently Senior Researcher in the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET). Abbreviations BPS Biro Pusat Statistik DBB Daerah Bebas Beca (Beca Free Zone) DKI Daerah Khusus Ibukota (Special region of the capital) JPS Jaring Pengaman Sosial (social security net funds) KB Keluarga Berencana (family planning program) KTP Kartu Tanda Penduduk (identification cards) KUD Korperasi Unit Desa (village cooperative unit) NGO non governmental organisation YTKI Yayasan Tenaga Kerja Indonesia Labour and Management in Development Journal, Volume 1, Number 6 2 © Asia Pacific Press 2000 Socioeconomic changes among beca drivers in Jakarta, 1988–98 Yosh Azuma The sudden economic crisis which began in encouraged industrialisation by Western Thailand in July 1997 has brought about development strategies, a large number of fundamental change throughout Southeast small landholders and landless peasants in Asia. In Indonesia, monetary crisis (Krisis rural Java were attracted to Jakarta. Moniter or Krismon in Indonesia) and overall Capitalist development, due mainly to economic stagnation contributed to the foreign investment, official development ousting of long-serving President Soeharto. assistance, and oil revenue, has provided In Jakarta, the number of unemployed has roads and various forms of transport soared, and the shortage of basic (Hardjono and Hill 1989:257; Hugo commodities caused by the collapse of the 1981b:357; Jones 1985:157). However, the distribution system is bringing about a rapid shortage of formal sector jobs in the city has increase in urban informal sector jobs led to the majority of migrants becoming (Kompas, 29 January 1999). At the same time, involved in the urban informal sector. In beca, a human powered transport system addition, as Fuke (1986), Hetler (1986), Hugo which was banned from Jakarta in 1990, (1981a) and Kartini-Sjahrir (1990) found, the have reappeared. This paper shows how type of informal sector occupation Krismon and related external influences undertaken depends in part on the home determine socio-economic aspects of the villages. Beca riders tend to come from lives of beca drivers in Jakarta, some of the certain villages. most vulnerable people in Indonesia. This The beca has not only been a feature of paper analyses the cause and consequences Jakarta’s tourist fabric but also a popular of changes in socio-economic aspects of the form of public transport for the lower and lives of beca drivers in Jakarta between 1988 lower-middle class population of Jakarta. and 1998. Tour guide books on Indonesia tend to contain illustrations of beca and directions Context on how to use them. Yet operating a trishaw The social phenomenon of circular has come to be regarded as a dead-end migration between rural areas and urban occupation for males, in the same way as centres in Java has been widely prostitution is viewed for females in acknowledged (see Hetler 1986; Hugo 1981a; Indonesia (Jellinek 1987:184; Murai 1982:139; Saefullah 1994 for work on rural Java; and Tempo, 3 January 1990).2 For example, former Castles 1967; Critchfield 1970a; 1970b; President Sukarno once commented ‘[d]o Jellinek 1977, 1978, 1991; Kartini-Sjahrir 1990; not be a beca driver (tukang beca); if anything, Koentjaraningrat 1974; Leuwol 1988; be a coolie, because beca driving is Papanek 1975; and Temple 1974 for humiliating work’. Over the last two Jakarta-centred research). People are pulled decades, during the New Order, the image by the ‘bright lights’ of the capital city and of the tukang beca has not changed. If the attraction of a cash income. In particular, anything the government has projected under the New Order regime, which tukang beca as a symbol of Indonesian Labour and Management in Development Journal, Volume 1, Number 6 3 © Asia Pacific Press 2000 Socioeconomic changes among beca drivers in Jakarta, 1988–98 Yosh Azuma backwardness. Since 1970, policy with Since the almost complete disappearance regard to beca operation has been under the of beca in the early 1990s, Jakarta has control of the Governor (Dick 1981; Forbes changed substantially. The population has 1990:117; Kompas, 25 June 1998). The destiny grown from 8,227,000 in 1990 to 9,704,000 in of beca drivers has been largely determined 1998 (Kantor Statistik DKI 1997:52–53). In the by the city authorities whose aim has been same period, Indonesia enjoyed remarkable to eliminate them. The adoption of such a economic growth; an average of 7.7 per cent policy in DKI (Daerah Khusus Ibukota (Special for the years 1991–94, reaching 8 per cent in region of the capital)) has greatly influenced 1996 (Lindblad 1997:14). In Jakarta economic the job opportunities of rural–urban growth was reflected in the building of a migrants. large number of multi-storey buildings as Ali Sadikin, the Governor of DKI from shopping centres, luxury apartments and 1966 to 1977, pursued a severe campaign hotels. Most people were optimistic about against the beca drivers (DBB (Daerah Bebas the future of the Indonesian economy (Hill Beca or Beca Free Zone), seeking to push 1998:93). There was little criticism of Suharto them out of Jakarta (Abeyasekere 1987:242). and his family regarding the expansion of Wiyogo Atmodarminto, the Governor from corruption. 1988 to 1992, considered the tukang beca The riot in Jakarta in May 1998 signified population the useless people of Jakarta substantial diminishing of government (DKI 1988). Since January 1990, Governor authority. A small number of beca drivers Wiyogo has accelerated the elimination dared to move across the border into 3 operation (garokan). Special elimination Botabek (Bogor, Tangerang, and Bekasi) teams were organised to confiscate beca and (Media Indonesia, 25 June 1998), but their then dump them into Jakarta Bay to make operations were limited to the peripheral artificial reefs. By 1991, beca had virtually areas. On 24 June, Governor Sutiyoso4 gave disappeared from the streets of Jakarta permission for beca to operate for the time (Kompas, 17 March 1990; Tempo, 26 May being in the back-alleys of Jakarta. 1990). Estimated at about 300,000 before 1990, the number of beca only amounted to The reappearance of beca drivers about 5,000 in 1998 (Kompas, 25 June 1998). prompted fervent criticism of Sutiyoso’s An important effect of garokan is that the decision from local administrations. On 26 number of beca has been controlled by the June, several mayors (walikota) expressed government authorities regardless of the fact concern that the cost of banning beca from that the original aim was elimination. This Jakarta after the economic crisis would be means that the number of beca driving jobs enormous and that security problems would has effectively been under government increase in the meantime. Sutiyoso control. Owing to structural factors, the capitulated to the pressure of the city relatively high ratio of people to beca was councillors and revoked his decision on 30 sustained, resulting in higher fees and a June—only six days after his initial relatively secure livelihood for the announcement. Beca operation was banned remaining beca drivers. once again in accordance with the Perda Labour and Management in Development Journal, Volume 1, Number 6 4 © Asia Pacific Press 2000 Socioeconomic changes among beca drivers in Jakarta, 1988–98 Yosh Azuma (Peraturan Daerah (Local by-laws)) a dwellers, moreover, used beca drivers to reflection of concerns over the heavy chaperone their children to and from school. financial burden of re-eliminating beca in the Traders used beca to transport their raw future (Jakarta Post; Kompas, 1 July 1998). ingredients to and from the market. Housewives used beca to ferry them to and Operation system of beca from the market each day. Office workers used beca to take them to work (Jellinek There are similarities in the operation of 1991:60; see also Forbes 1979:165). trishaws (beca) across the cities of Southeast Asia. The trishaw provides door-to-door Beca drivers tend to cultivate regular services for middle and lower-class people, customers (langganan), who would be served effectively extending the formal public by a friend should the normal beca driver transportation system. Therefore, beca be unavailable (if they were to visit their operate primarily in the side streets. home village briefly, for example). However, beca operation in Jakarta During the eight year absence of beca differs from other Southeast Asian cities. from the streets of Jakarta, the public sector After the establishment of the DBB in 1971, gradually met the demand for low-cost authorities forced beca out of the city centre. transport in the back alleys. Evidence shows Growth of the middle-class, partly resulting that the number of Mikrolet increased from from increased oil revenue in the mid 1970s, 8,751 in 1990 to 10,498 in 1996 (Kantor precipitated rapid motorisation and growth Statistik DKI 1997:282). Although the in the number of private cars. Consequently, statistics do not present the exact figure, the beca were no longer needed in many middle number of bicycle taxis (ojek sepeda) and ojek class suburbs. motor in Jakarta back alleys soared (Bisnis Beca drivers tend to congregate at certain Indonesia, 4 March 1998; Suara Karya, 18 ‘strategic’ locations where the chances of February 1998).
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