Research Report
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Load more
Recommended publications
-
Countering Violent Extremism in Indonesia: Need for a Rethink
No Need for Panic: Planned and Unplanned Releases of Convicted Extremists in Indonesia ©2013 IPAC 1 COUNTERING VIOLENT EXTREMISM IN INDONESIA: NEED FOR A RETHINK 30 June 2014 IPAC Report No.11 contents I. Overview ..............................................................................................1 II. Background to the Government Program .......................................2 III. Terrorism Prevention Coordination Forums (FKPT) ....................3 IV. Deradicalisation and Counter-radicalisation 2013-2014 ...............6 A. The Deradicalisation Blueprint and the PNPT ........................6 B. The Sentul Deradicalisation Centre ...........................................7 C. Visits of Middle Eastern Ulama..................................................8 V. Mosques ................................................................................................9 A. The Takeover of the Muhammad Ramadhan Mosque ............9 B. The Case of Mesjid Jami, Krapyak, Klaten ..............................12 C. Lessons for BNPT .......................................................................13 VI. Prisons ...............................................................................................13 A. “Self-Deradicalisation”...............................................................14 1. Organisational Disengagement ..........................................14 2. Individual Disengagement .................................................15 B. Assessment of High-Risk Prisoners .........................................16 -
The Populism of Islamist Preachers in Indonesia's 2019 Presidential
The Populism of Islamist Preachers in Indonesia’s 2019 Presidential Election Yuka Kayane University of Tsukuba Populism without leadership? he literature on populism in Asian countries over the past two decades has generally featured charismatic and often autocratic leaders, as notably demonstrated elsewhere by the rise (and fall) of Thaksin Shinawatra due to his vehement rhetoric that antago- Tnized political elites in Bangkok, Rodrigo Duterte’s brutal and lawless war on drugs, and the continuous electoral success of Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist government, which prop- agates a divisive rhetoric that alienates Muslim minorities.1 Those analyses and media com- mentaries have highlighted personalistic leaders’ political strategies for seeking or exercising governmental power based on direct, unmediated, un-institutionalized support from large numbers of mostly unorganized followers.2 While the aforementioned top-down populism with powerful leadership has often attracted significant attention, recent studies have shown that there are varieties of other forms of populist mobilization; some take bottom-up forms of social movement, while others have both personalist leadership and social movement.3 In addition, its characteristics substantially depend on local context, such as the ideological bases that are most appealing to the specific society, the figures best positioned to succeed in gaining acceptance as a representative of the people, and how antagonistic oppositions are constructed. The term ‘populism’ was widely used during the 2014 Indonesian presidential election, in which both candidates––Joko Widodo (Jokowi) and Prabowo Subianto––leveraged the 1 Joshua Kurlantzick,“Southeast Asia’s Populism is Different but Also Dangerous,” Council on Foreign Relations, November 1, 2018, https://www.cfr.org/in-brief/southeast-asias-populism-different-also-dange rous, accessed December 12, 2019. -
Pengaruh Propaganda Melalui Media Sosial Terhadap Peningkatan Popularitas Ahok by Revy Majiza Putra
Pengaruh Propaganda Melalui Media Sosial Terhadap Peningkatan Popularitas Ahok by Revy Majiza Putra PENGARUH PROPAGANDA MELALUI MEDIA SOSIAL TERHADAP PENINGKATAN POPULARITAS AHOK SEBAGAI KANDIDAT CALON GUBERNUR DKI JAKARTA 2017 Revi Majiza Putra Program Studi Komunikasi Politik Magister Ilmu Komunikasi Universitas Paramadina *** Abstrak Pengaruh kekuatan media massa di Amerika Serikat pada awalnya dimulai saat debat calon kandidat presiden antara John F. Kennedy dan Richard Nixon tahun 1960 yang memberikan dampak besar pada elektabilitas calon kandidat saat itu. Kekuatan media massa yang besar ditambah dengan perkembangan teknologi internet yang kemudian memunculkan new media berupa twitter telah menjadi sarana bagi partai politik/pendukung kandidat calon gubernur di Indonesia untuk mendapatkan popularitas. Ahok sebagai calon gubernur dalam pilkada DKI Jakarta 2017 menyadari peran new media ini sebagai sarana untuk meningkatkan popularitasnya. Strategi yang digunakan oleh Ahok dalam new media ini adalah dengan menggunakan teknik propaganda dan buzzer untuk meningkatkan popularitasnya sehingga elektabilitas di pilkada DKI Jakarta semakin meningkat. Penelitian ini focus pada pengaruh propaganda media social dalam popularitas Ahok di pilkada DKI Jakarta 2017. Metode penelitian menggunakan metode deskriptif dan unit Analisa berupa tweet pendukung Ahok dalam twitter. Berdasarkan penelitian ini, teknik propaganda dan buzzer yang digunakan oleh Ahok di twitter tidak sepenuhnya berhasil karena popularitas ternyata tidak berbanding lurus dengan elektabilitas sehingga Ahok yang populer pada saat itu di media sosial kalah dalam pemilukada DKI Jakarta. Kata Kunci: new media, Twitter, Propaganda, Buzzer *** Awal Kebangkitan Peran Media Massa : Pendahuluan Berdasarkan sejarah media massa terdapat peristiwa politik yang berpengaruh besar pada sebuah pemilihan Presiden 54 tahun silam. Peristiwa itu berlangsung 26 September 1960, dimana terjadi debat kandidat presiden antara John F. -
Friend - Wahid
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001. -
Capturing Anti‑Jokowi Sentiment and Islamic Conservative Masses : PKS 2019 Strategy
This document is downloaded from DR‑NTU (https://dr.ntu.edu.sg) Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. Capturing anti‑Jokowi sentiment and Islamic conservative masses : PKS 2019 strategy Priamarizki, Adhi; Dinarto, Dedi 2019 Priamarizki, A., & Dinarto, D. (2019). Capturing anti‑Jokowi sentiment and Islamic conservative masses : PKS 2019 strategy. (RSIS Working Paper, No. 324). Singapore: Nanyang Technological University. https://hdl.handle.net/10356/136709 Nanyang Technological University Downloaded on 25 Sep 2021 13:25:00 SGT NO. 324 CAPTURING ANTI-JOKOWI SENTIMENT AND ISLAMIC CONSERVATIVE MASSES PKS 2019 STRATEGY ADHI PRIAMARIZKI AND DEDI DINARTO S. RAJARATNAM SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL STUDIES SINGAPORE 21 NOVEMBER 2019 Abstract This paper examines the Prosperous and Justice Party (PKS)’s strategy in the 2019 Indonesian general elections. Among the Islamic-based political parties, PKS gained the most significant increase in votes. We aspire to understand the breakthrough by looking at the party’s strategy. On the one hand, our findings confirm the existing studies that correctly noted the moving of Indonesian political parties towards a “catch-all” direction by which they aim to garner wider support beyond a specific type of voter base. On the other hand, our research notes that PKS has started to exploit the phenomenon of rising Islamic conservatism in Indonesia. Despite solely maintaining an inclusive electoral strategy, this research asserts that the party has adjusted its campaign strategy to fit in with the trend of rising Islamic conservatism while concurrently exploiting the anti-incumbent president (Joko Widodo) sentiment. This paper aims to enhance discussion on Indonesian politics as well as Indonesia’s political parties, particularly the PKS. -
Islamist Buzzers: Message Flooding, Offline Outreach, and Astroturfing Seto, Ario
www.ssoar.info Islamist Buzzers: Message Flooding, Offline Outreach, and Astroturfing Seto, Ario Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Seto, A. (2019). Islamist Buzzers: Message Flooding, Offline Outreach, and Astroturfing. ASEAS - Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, 12(2), 187-208. https://doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-0021 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/deed.de Aktuelle Südostasienforschung Current Research on Southeast Asia Islamist Buzzers: Message Flooding, Offline Outreach, and Astroturfing Ario Seto ► Seto, A. (2019). Islamist buzzers: Message flooding, offline outreach, and astroturfing.Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, 12(2), 187-208. Based on ethnographic research on Islamist buzzers – social media political operators tasked with making particular online conversation subjects trend – in Indonesia, this article details the process of how the proliferation of insensitive message in both the online and offline realms plays a role in mobilizing those sympathetic to religious fundamental- ism. As this research shows, the interviewed buzzers were one of the driving forces behind the massive success of the fundamentalist Islamic Defenders Front (Front Pembela Islam, FPI) as they mobilized people to participate in the organization’s political rallies between 2016 and 2017. Driven by altruistic volunteerism and sense of community, these actors go beyond their duty as click-farmers. -
Freedom of Religion and Belief in the Southeast Asia
FREEDOM OF RELIGION AND BELIEF IN THE SOUTHEAST ASIA: LEGAL FRAMEWORK, PRACTICES AND INTERNATIONAL CONCERN FREEDOM OF RELIGION AND BELIEF IN THE SOUTHEAST ASIA: LEGAL FRAMEWORK, PRACTICES AND INTERNATIONAL CONCERN Alamsyah Djafar Herlambang Perdana Wiratman Muhammad Hafiz Published by Human Rights Working Group (HRWG): Indonesia’s NGO Coalition for International Human Rights Advocacy 2012 1 Freedom of Religion and Belief in the Southeast Asia: ResearchLegal Framework, team Practices and International Concern : Alamsyah Djafar Herlambang Perdana Wiratman EditorMuhammad Hafiz Expert: readerMuhammad Hafiz : Ahmad Suaedy SupervisorYuyun Wahyuningrum : Rafendi Djamin FirstMuhammad edition Choirul Anam : Desember 2012 Published by: Human Rights Working Group (HRWG): Indonesia’s NGO Coalition for International Human Rights Advocacy Jiwasraya Building Lobby Floor Jl. R.P. Soeroso No. 41 Gondangdia, Jakarta Pusat, Indonesia Website: www.hrwg.org / email: [email protected] ISBN 2 CONTENTS FOREWORD INTRODUCTION BY EDITOR Chapter I Diversities in Southeast Asia and Religious Freedom A. Preface ChapterB.IIHumanASEAN Rights and and Guarantee Freedom for of ReligionFreedom of Religion A. ASEAN B. ASEAN Inter-governmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR) C. Constitutionalism, Constitutions and Religious Freedom ChapterD.IIIInternationalThe Portrait Human of Freedom Rights Instruments of Religion in in ASEAN Southeast StatesAsia A. Brunei Darussalam B. Indonesia C. Cambodia D. Lao PDR E. Malaysia F. Myanmar G. Philippines H. Singapore I. Thailand ChapterJ. IVVietnamThe Attention of the United Nations Concerning Religious Freedom in ASEAN: Review of Charter and Treaty Bodies A. Brunei Darussalam B. Indonesia C. Cambodia D. Lao PDR E. Malaysia F. Myanmar G. Philippines H. Singapore I. Thailand J. Vietnam 3 Chapter IV The Crucial Points of the Guarantee of Freedom of Religion in Southeast Asia A. -
Humanistic Education in Abdurrahman Wahid's Perspective
EDUGAMA: Jurnal Kependidikan dan Sosial Keagamaan Vol. 4 No. 2 Desember 2018 ISSN: 2598-8115 (print), 2614-0217 (electronic) Humanistic Education in Abdurrahman Wahid’s Perspective Supriyanto Pascasarjana Institut Agama Islam Negeri (IAIN) Surakarta Surakarta, Indonesia [email protected] Abstract Human values are one of the main components of concern in the education field. One of the Muslim scholars who had very high concern for issues related to humanity was Abdurrahman Wahid or who was familiarly called Gus Dur. For Gus Dur, appreciation of human values is at the core of the teachings of Islam. The emphasis on understanding humanity provides a basis for the humanistic attitude that Gus Dur wanted to build. Humanistic education in the concept of Gus Dur is a discussion of human values voiced by Gus Dur which includes universal humanity, human rights and justice. Therefore, this paper intends to discuss humanistic education in Gus Dur's perspective. Keywords: humanistic education, human right, justice, Abdurrahman Wahid Abstrak Nilai-nilai kemanusiaan adalah salah satu komponen utama yang menjadi perhatian di bidang pendidikan. Salah satu cendekiawan Muslim yang memiliki kepedulian yang sangat tinggi terhadap masalah yang berkaitan dengan kemanusiaan adalah Abdurrahman Wahid atau yang akrab disapa Gus Dur. Bagi Gus Dur, penghargaan terhadap nilai-nilai kemanusiaan adalah inti dari ajaran Islam. Penekanan pada memahami kemanusiaan memberikan dasar bagi sikap humanistik yang ingin dibangun oleh Gus Dur. Pendidikan humanistik dalam konsep Gus Dur adalah diskusi tentang nilai-nilai kemanusiaan yang disuarakan oleh Gus Dur yang mencakup kemanusiaan universal, hak asasi manusia dan keadilan. Oleh karena itu, makalah ini bermaksud membahas pendidikan humanistik dalam perspektif Gus Dur. -
The Rise of Islamism and the Future of Indonesian Islam
Journal of International Studies Vol. 16, 105-128 (2020) How to cite this article: Al Qurtuby, S. (2020). The rise of Islamism and the future of Indonesian Islam. Journal of International Studies, 16, 105-128. https://doi.org/10.32890/jis2020.16.7 The Rise of Islamism and the Future of Indonesian Islam Sumanto Al Qurtuby Department of Global & Social Studies College of General Studies King Fahd University of Petroleum & Minerals [email protected] Received: 6/4/2020 Revised: 28/6/2020 Accepted: 12/7/2020 Published: 30/12/2020 Abstract Since the downfall of Suharto’s dictatorial regime in 1998, Indonesia has witnessed a surge of various Islamist groups that have potentially threatened the country’s religious tolerance, civil Islam, and civic pluralism. Moreover, it is suggested that the rise of Islamist groups could likely transform Indonesia into an intolerant Islamist country. However, this article asserts that the Islamist groups are unlikely to reform Indonesia into an Islamic State or Sharia–based government and society, and are unable to receive the support and approval of the Indonesian Muslim majority due to the following fundamental reasons: the groups’ internal and inherent weaknesses, ruptured alliance among the groups, lack of Islamist political parties, limited intellectual grounds of the movement, the accommodation of some influential Muslim clerics and figures into the central government body, and public opposition toward the Islamist groups. Keywords: Islamism, Islamist movement, civil Islam, Muslim society, Islamist radicalism, peaceful Islamist mobilization, religious pluralism. Introduction One of the consequences observed in Indonesia after the downfall of Suharto in May, 1998 was the surge in Islamism. -
About the Contributors
About the Contributors Ahmad Suaedy is currently an Ombudsman of the Republic of Indonesia 2016–21 and Dean of the Faculty of Islamic Archipelago (Islam Nusantara Faculty) for undergraduate, master’s and doctoral programmes at Nahdlatul Ulama University of Indonesia (UNUSIA), Jakarta. He received his doctoral degree on Islamic Studies from the State Islamic University Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta. Suaedy is a Founder and former Executive Director (2003–12) of the Wahid Institute; Founder and former Director (2013–16) of the Abdurrahman Wahid Center at the University of Indonesia; and Founder and Director (2014–present) of the Institute of Southeast Asian Islam (ISAIs) UIN Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta. He is interested in several research themes, including minority rights, Islamic politics, social inclusion, conflict and reconciliation, social movements, and separatism movements. Suaedy has written and edited several books, including Gus Dur, Islamic Archipelago and Multicultural Citizenship/Gus Dur, Islam Nusantara dan Kewarganegaraan Bineka (2018); Islam, Minorities and Identity in Southeast Asia (2018); and Intolerance, Revitalization of Traditions and Challenges of Indonesian Diversity/Intoleransi, Revitalisasi Tradisi dan Tantangan Kebinekaan Indonesia (2017). Together with Ota Atsushi and Okamoto Masaaki, he edited Islam in Contention: Rethinking Islam and the State in Indonesia (2010). He also writes for various national and international journals. He is a member of the International Editorial Board of Walisongo Journal, issued by Universitas Islam Indonesia (UIN) Walisongo, Semarang, Jawa Tengah, and is a reviewer for Jurnal Masyarakat, of Departemen Sosiologi Universitas Indonesia (UI). Private library: www.suaedy-library.net. xi 00 AlternativeVoices_PrelimIT-3P.indd 11 13/11/19 5:17 pm xii About the Contributors Ahmad Najib Burhani is Senior Researcher at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), Jakarta. -
Chap. 12 to Reader
Andree Feillard and Remy Madinier. The End of Innocence? Indonesian Islam and the Temptations of Radicalism. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press, 2011. 336 pp. Robert W. Hefner Two years into the uncertain transitions of the "Arab Spring," it is remarkable just how few Middle Eastern analysts have thought to look to post-Soeharto Indonesia for clues as to how Islam and Muslims may be accommodated in passages from authoritarian rule. In part the oversight reflects Indonesia's continuing perceived marginality in the global Muslim scene, and the mistaken conviction that Indonesia is somehow less authentically Islamic than the Arab, Turkish, and Persian heartlands. However, as anyone who has traveled in academic or political circles in the Middle East can testify, the neglect has also to do with uncertainty as to the quality of Indonesian democracy, not least in the face of reports of continuing militia assaults on Christians, Ahmadiyah Muslims, and other religious minorities. To my ear, the opinion recently expressed by Andreas Harsono (an Indonesian human rights observer) in an op-ed column in The New York Times1 is now widely shared among Middle Eastern Muslim intellectuals and analysts: Indonesia offers few clear lessons on Muslim democracy, not because it is insufficiently Muslim, but because the quality of its democracy as regards religious freedom remains so precariously uncertain. Andree Feillard and Remy Madinier's new book on Muslim politics and the "temptations of radicalism" in modern Indonesia provides an eminently welcome point of entry into just this issue. The book is a translation and updating of the authors' 2006 work of a similar title in French.2 Skillfully rendered, the translation by Wong Wee preserves the easy readability and understated intelligence of the French original. -
Democratic Decline in Indonesia: the Role of Religious Authorities Saskia Schäfer
Democratic Decline in Indonesia: The Role of Religious Authorities Saskia Schäfer Abstract The Council of Indonesian Islamic Scholars (MUI) has exerted increased political influence in Indonesian politics since the fall of Suharto. Constituted by representatives from various Muslim civil society organizations, the council was originally intended by Suharto to serve as a political representative for Indonesia’s two largest civil society organizations, the Muhammadiyah and the Nahdlatul Ulama. This article argues that in addition to its own non-democratic structures and its fatwas opposing democratic values, the MUI has contributed to Indonesia’s democratic stagnation and decline in two ways: by undermining the authority of elected state representatives through its anti-pluralist stance and its epistocratic claims, and by imperiling the fragile but functioning balance of religion and the state through its undermining of long-established religious civil society organizations. Keywords: Islam, democracy, religious authorities, Indonesia, authoritarianization DOI: 10.5509/2019922235 Introduction wenty years after the fall of the military dictator Suharto in 1998, Indonesia has not fallen into the hands of Islamist extremists via Telections, nor did the country’s oligarchs succeed in passing the presidency from one former military officer (Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono) to another (Prabowo Subianto) in the 2014 election. The former furniture entrepreneur Joko Widodo, called Jokowi, who became Indonesia’s first ____________________ Saskia Schäfer works on politics and religion in Southeast Asia at Humboldt University of Berlin. Email: [email protected]. Acknowledgements: Earlier versions of this article were presented at the workshop “Conceptualizing the Bureaucratization of Islam and its Socio-Legal Dimensions in Southeast Asia” at the Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology in Halle in September 2017 and at the workshop “Post-Democratizing Politics in East Asia” at the National University of Singapore in March 2019.