Humanistic Education in Abdurrahman Wahid's Perspective
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Friend - Wahid
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001. -
Islamist Buzzers: Message Flooding, Offline Outreach, and Astroturfing Seto, Ario
www.ssoar.info Islamist Buzzers: Message Flooding, Offline Outreach, and Astroturfing Seto, Ario Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Seto, A. (2019). Islamist Buzzers: Message Flooding, Offline Outreach, and Astroturfing. ASEAS - Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, 12(2), 187-208. https://doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-0021 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/deed.de Aktuelle Südostasienforschung Current Research on Southeast Asia Islamist Buzzers: Message Flooding, Offline Outreach, and Astroturfing Ario Seto ► Seto, A. (2019). Islamist buzzers: Message flooding, offline outreach, and astroturfing.Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, 12(2), 187-208. Based on ethnographic research on Islamist buzzers – social media political operators tasked with making particular online conversation subjects trend – in Indonesia, this article details the process of how the proliferation of insensitive message in both the online and offline realms plays a role in mobilizing those sympathetic to religious fundamental- ism. As this research shows, the interviewed buzzers were one of the driving forces behind the massive success of the fundamentalist Islamic Defenders Front (Front Pembela Islam, FPI) as they mobilized people to participate in the organization’s political rallies between 2016 and 2017. Driven by altruistic volunteerism and sense of community, these actors go beyond their duty as click-farmers. -
Freedom of Religion and Belief in the Southeast Asia
FREEDOM OF RELIGION AND BELIEF IN THE SOUTHEAST ASIA: LEGAL FRAMEWORK, PRACTICES AND INTERNATIONAL CONCERN FREEDOM OF RELIGION AND BELIEF IN THE SOUTHEAST ASIA: LEGAL FRAMEWORK, PRACTICES AND INTERNATIONAL CONCERN Alamsyah Djafar Herlambang Perdana Wiratman Muhammad Hafiz Published by Human Rights Working Group (HRWG): Indonesia’s NGO Coalition for International Human Rights Advocacy 2012 1 Freedom of Religion and Belief in the Southeast Asia: ResearchLegal Framework, team Practices and International Concern : Alamsyah Djafar Herlambang Perdana Wiratman EditorMuhammad Hafiz Expert: readerMuhammad Hafiz : Ahmad Suaedy SupervisorYuyun Wahyuningrum : Rafendi Djamin FirstMuhammad edition Choirul Anam : Desember 2012 Published by: Human Rights Working Group (HRWG): Indonesia’s NGO Coalition for International Human Rights Advocacy Jiwasraya Building Lobby Floor Jl. R.P. Soeroso No. 41 Gondangdia, Jakarta Pusat, Indonesia Website: www.hrwg.org / email: [email protected] ISBN 2 CONTENTS FOREWORD INTRODUCTION BY EDITOR Chapter I Diversities in Southeast Asia and Religious Freedom A. Preface ChapterB.IIHumanASEAN Rights and and Guarantee Freedom for of ReligionFreedom of Religion A. ASEAN B. ASEAN Inter-governmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR) C. Constitutionalism, Constitutions and Religious Freedom ChapterD.IIIInternationalThe Portrait Human of Freedom Rights Instruments of Religion in in ASEAN Southeast StatesAsia A. Brunei Darussalam B. Indonesia C. Cambodia D. Lao PDR E. Malaysia F. Myanmar G. Philippines H. Singapore I. Thailand ChapterJ. IVVietnamThe Attention of the United Nations Concerning Religious Freedom in ASEAN: Review of Charter and Treaty Bodies A. Brunei Darussalam B. Indonesia C. Cambodia D. Lao PDR E. Malaysia F. Myanmar G. Philippines H. Singapore I. Thailand J. Vietnam 3 Chapter IV The Crucial Points of the Guarantee of Freedom of Religion in Southeast Asia A. -
About the Contributors
About the Contributors Ahmad Suaedy is currently an Ombudsman of the Republic of Indonesia 2016–21 and Dean of the Faculty of Islamic Archipelago (Islam Nusantara Faculty) for undergraduate, master’s and doctoral programmes at Nahdlatul Ulama University of Indonesia (UNUSIA), Jakarta. He received his doctoral degree on Islamic Studies from the State Islamic University Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta. Suaedy is a Founder and former Executive Director (2003–12) of the Wahid Institute; Founder and former Director (2013–16) of the Abdurrahman Wahid Center at the University of Indonesia; and Founder and Director (2014–present) of the Institute of Southeast Asian Islam (ISAIs) UIN Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta. He is interested in several research themes, including minority rights, Islamic politics, social inclusion, conflict and reconciliation, social movements, and separatism movements. Suaedy has written and edited several books, including Gus Dur, Islamic Archipelago and Multicultural Citizenship/Gus Dur, Islam Nusantara dan Kewarganegaraan Bineka (2018); Islam, Minorities and Identity in Southeast Asia (2018); and Intolerance, Revitalization of Traditions and Challenges of Indonesian Diversity/Intoleransi, Revitalisasi Tradisi dan Tantangan Kebinekaan Indonesia (2017). Together with Ota Atsushi and Okamoto Masaaki, he edited Islam in Contention: Rethinking Islam and the State in Indonesia (2010). He also writes for various national and international journals. He is a member of the International Editorial Board of Walisongo Journal, issued by Universitas Islam Indonesia (UIN) Walisongo, Semarang, Jawa Tengah, and is a reviewer for Jurnal Masyarakat, of Departemen Sosiologi Universitas Indonesia (UI). Private library: www.suaedy-library.net. xi 00 AlternativeVoices_PrelimIT-3P.indd 11 13/11/19 5:17 pm xii About the Contributors Ahmad Najib Burhani is Senior Researcher at the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), Jakarta. -
Chap. 12 to Reader
Andree Feillard and Remy Madinier. The End of Innocence? Indonesian Islam and the Temptations of Radicalism. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press, 2011. 336 pp. Robert W. Hefner Two years into the uncertain transitions of the "Arab Spring," it is remarkable just how few Middle Eastern analysts have thought to look to post-Soeharto Indonesia for clues as to how Islam and Muslims may be accommodated in passages from authoritarian rule. In part the oversight reflects Indonesia's continuing perceived marginality in the global Muslim scene, and the mistaken conviction that Indonesia is somehow less authentically Islamic than the Arab, Turkish, and Persian heartlands. However, as anyone who has traveled in academic or political circles in the Middle East can testify, the neglect has also to do with uncertainty as to the quality of Indonesian democracy, not least in the face of reports of continuing militia assaults on Christians, Ahmadiyah Muslims, and other religious minorities. To my ear, the opinion recently expressed by Andreas Harsono (an Indonesian human rights observer) in an op-ed column in The New York Times1 is now widely shared among Middle Eastern Muslim intellectuals and analysts: Indonesia offers few clear lessons on Muslim democracy, not because it is insufficiently Muslim, but because the quality of its democracy as regards religious freedom remains so precariously uncertain. Andree Feillard and Remy Madinier's new book on Muslim politics and the "temptations of radicalism" in modern Indonesia provides an eminently welcome point of entry into just this issue. The book is a translation and updating of the authors' 2006 work of a similar title in French.2 Skillfully rendered, the translation by Wong Wee preserves the easy readability and understated intelligence of the French original. -
Seeding Peace on the Earth Abdurrahman Wahid’S Movements on Peace and Nonviolence
Seeding Peace on the Earth Abdurrahman Wahid’s Movements on Peace and Nonviolence By Sumanto Al Qurtuby, Peneliti independent, tinggal di Harrisonburg, USA “We must employ effective strategies to counter each of these fundamentalist strengths. This can be accomplished only by bringing the combined weight of the vast majority of peace-loving Muslims, and the non-Muslim world, to bear in a coordinated global campaign whose goal is to resolve the crisis of misunderstanding that threatens to engulf our entire world” (Gus Dur, “Right Islam v Wrong Islam,” The Wall Street Journal, 30/12/2005). “Fighting terrorism with violence is counterproductive and is bound to fail. Terrorism cannot be defeated by militaristic approaches like those carried by the US but, instead, can only be defeated through peaceful measures.” (http://www.gusdur.net/english/ news/index.php?option) Abdurrahman Wahid (known Gus Dur) is a rare phenomenon in the modern history of Indonesia. Gus Dur, a former President of Indonesia, is a unique, complete and controversial figure. He is a combination of lots of profession: intellectual, author, columnist, public speaker, cleric, politician, activist, peacebuilder, artist, and soccer’s commentator. He is also a charismatic leader of the largest Indonesian Islamic organization Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), whose membership is of more than 45 million. Despite coming from a “traditional” community, a strict Islamic tradition, and an isolated place, he goes beyond traditional boundaries. He has related to many people from different backgrounds, ethnicities, religions, and tribes. Gus Dur also is well known as a “defender” of minorities’ rights in Indonesia either religious minorities, such as non-Islam (especially Christianity), minority Islamic sects (e.g. -
Journal of Islamic Civilization
Journal of Islamic Civilization Journal homepage: http://journal2.unusa.ac.id/index.php/JIC The Worldview Of Social Harmony Bulding In The Pluralisme A Phenomenology Study in Balun Village, Turi District, Lamongan Regency Elvi Widayati Universitas Negeri Surabaya [email protected] Keywords: Abstract Worldview, social Social harmony phenomenon is interesting because in the midst of religious harmony, differences whose build a peaceful and harmonious socio-cultural life system. While in pluralism other areas differences in religion or belief become the legitimacy or trigger of conflicts and violence between groups in society. The impact of religious conflict or violence is the occurrence of inequality, insecurity, especially for minority groups, which in turn will affect national integration and unity. From this phenomenon, it is interesting to study how Balun people can process differences in religion, so they can foster and build a culture of tolerance in society. This study aims to uncover the paradigm, factors and models or forms of tolerance in Balun Village, Turi Subdistrict, Lamongan Regency, using research methods with qualitative approaches to informant units, namely Christian (Hindu) and Muslim (figures) and Balun Village Devices. Data collection methods using the method of observation (observation), in-depth interviews (depth interviews) with the Snowball model and literature review and FGD (Focus Group Discusion). Analysis of data using multidisciplinary science, meaning that depends on the data obtained, if the data obtained by religious data analysis uses religious studies and so on. The results of the study, the first Balun community paradigm in understanding its religious teachings (Islam, Hinduism, Christianity) is a substantive inclusive paradigm. -
A Pseudo-Secular Space, Religious Minority and Reasons for Exclusion: the Ahmadiyya Minority Group in Contemporary Indonesia
© 2019 Authors. Center for Study of Religion and Religious Tolerance, Belgrade, Serbia.This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License Max Regus1 Review article STKIP ST. Paulus Ruteng UDC 321.7:28.284.5(594) Indonesia A PSEUDO-SECULAR SPACE, RELIGIOUS MINORITY AND REASONS FOR EXCLUSION: THE AHMADIYYA MINORITY GROUP IN CONTEMPORARY INDONESIA Abstract This paper examines the intersection of religion and politics and its conse- quences on religious minorities in Indonesia. This paper is based on a case study of the current position of the Ahmadiyya minority group in the Indonesian Is- lamic majority. The tension arises from a specific circumstance: This large Muslim country uses democracy as a political system, but the involvement of religious politics is evident. This situation directly endangers the presence of the Ahmadi- yya group. Keywords: Indonesia, Democracy, Islam, Ahmadiyya, Pseudo-Secular, Mi- norities, Exclusion Introduction This article—by considering the intersection of social-political spaces and the exclusion of religious minorities in Indonesia based on the current situation of the Ahmadiyya—aims to spread and emerge the discipline of ‘the politology of religion’.2 It is important first to introduce the profile of the Ahmadiyya mi- nority group. The group itself was founded in 1889 by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad (1835-1908) in the village of Qadian, Punjab, India. Several key factors encour- aged Mirza Ghulam Ahmad to initiate a new Islamic movement and therefore to build the Ahmadiyya. These include British colonialism in the South Asia region, degradation of Muslim culture in many areas, and the Christianization process undertaken by the western missionaries. -
The Wahid Institute Dan Gerakan Kebebasan Beragama Di Indonesia: Perspektif Gerakan Sosial
The Wahid Institute dan Gerakan Kebebasan Beragama di Indonesia: Perspektif Gerakan Sosial Skripsi Diajukan untuk Memenuhi Persyaratan Memperoleh Gelar Sarjana Sosial Saepul Agna NIM. 207032200624 PROGRAM STUDI SOSIOLOGI FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK UNIVERSITAS ISLAM NEGERI SYARIF HIDAYATULLAH JAKARTA 1433 H./2012 M. The Wahid Institute dan Gerakan Kebebasan Beragama di Indonesia: Perspektif Gerakan Sosial Untuk nenek dari ibu–yang selalu terjaga dan berdoa pada sepertiga malam terakhir. Untuk bapak–yang bekerja sangat keras. Untuk ibu–yang lugu dan murah hati. i ii iii Ucapan Terima Kasih Demi langit yang mempunyai gugusan bintang. Demi malam apabila menutupi cahaya siang. Dan siang apabila terang benderang. Dan Kami telah menghilangkan daripadamu bebanmu. Katakanlah, "Dialah Allah, Yang Maha Esa." Alquran 85:1. 92:1-2. 94:2. 112:1 Skripsi The Wahid Institute dan Gerakan Kebebasan Beragama di Indonesia: Perspektif Gerakan Sosial telah diterima sebagai salah satu syarat memperoleh gelar Sarjana Sosial pada Program Studi Sosiologi Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta. Penyelesaian studi penulis–yang semula Program Studi Sosiologi Agama Fakultas Ushuluddin dan Filsafat kemudian menjadi Program Studi Sosiologi Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik–menjadi mungkin karena kebaikan- kebaikan dari banyak pihak. Untuk keperluan akademik dan administratif–dengan cara yang berbeda– mereka telah mengajarkan pengetahuan Sosiologi dan memberikan kenyamanan ketika menjalaninya. Untuk bimbingan, dorongan, pengertian, dan bantuan untuk kesulitan yang dihadapi penulis sampaikan ucapan terima kasih. Dekan Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Profesor Bahtiar Effendi. Ketua dan Sekretaris Program Non-Reguler Fakultas Ushuluddin dan Filsafat, Harun Rasyid M.A dan Ahmad Rifqi Muchtar M.A. -
Laporan Kbb 2013 Wi.Pdf
TIM PENYUSUN Pelindung Yenny Zannuba Wahid Supervisor Anita Wahid Koordinator M. Subhi Azhari Anggota Alamsyah M Djafar Nurun Nisa Gamal Ferdhi Badrus Samsul Fatta Desain Sampul Imron Rosadi Alamat Redaksi The WAHID Institute Jl. Taman Amir Hamzan No. 8 Jakarta 10320 Telp. 021-3928233 / 3145671 Fax. 021-3928250 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.wahidinstitute.org – www.gusdur.net Facebook.com/wahid institute Gus Dur Twitter: @WAHIDInst - 1 - Sambutan Direktur The Wahid Institute Konstitusi Indonesia menjamin hak-hak beragama dan berkeyakinan: “Negara menjamin kemerdekaan tiap-tiap penduduk untuk memeluk agamanya masing-masing dan untuk beribadat menurut agamanya dan kepercayaannya itu”. Jaminan ini bahkan dibuat tiga tahun sebelum Majlis Umum Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa mengumumkan Deklarasi Universal Hak Asasi Manusia, 10 Desember 1948. Sejauh ini Indonesia juga memperkuat jaminan tersebut melalui sejumlah peraturan perundang-undangan. Indonesia juga dikenal sebagai negara muslim moderat di dunia dan “The Best Functioning Democracy”. Tapi dalam lima tahun terakhir, Indonesia masih menghadapi tantangan serius. Kasus-kasus pelanggaran kebebasan beragama terus meluas. Tindakan-tindakan intoleransi juga meningkat. Untuk mengetahui posisi dan situasi keagamaan Indonesia, sejak 2008 the Wahid Institute mulai mentradisikan pemantauan kebebasan beragama dan melaporkannya hasilnya kepada publik. Kami bekerja bersama jaringan masyarakat dan NGO di sejumlah daerah. Kali ini adalah laporan kami yang keenam. Kami berharap laporan itu memberi kontribusi bagi negara dan publik luas. Paling tidak data penting dalam melakukan kerja-kerja advokasi dan penguatan masyarakat. Jika merujuk “angka”, kita mungkin gembira lantaran kasus-kasus pelanggaran tahun 2013 menyusut. Sepanjang Januari – Desember 2013, jumlah pelanggaran sebanyak 245 kasus atau peristiwa dengan 278 tindakan. Dari intimidiasi, pelarangan, hingga serangan fisik. -
Religion's Name: Abuses Against Religious Minorities in Indonesia
H U M A N R I G H T S IN RELIGION’S NAME Abuses against Religious Minorities in Indonesia WATCH In Religion’s Name Abuses against Religious Minorities in Indonesia Copyright © 2013 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-992-5 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world. We stand with victims and activists to prevent discrimination, to uphold political freedom, to protect people from inhumane conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to justice. We investigate and expose human rights violations and hold abusers accountable. We challenge governments and those who hold power to end abusive practices and respect international human rights law. We enlist the public and the international community to support the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org FEBRUARY 2013 1-56432-992-5 In Religion’s Name Abuses against Religious Minorities in Indonesia Map .................................................................................................................................... i Glossary ............................................................................................................................ -
Human Rights and Peacebuilding
IOSR Journal of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 21, Issue 10, Ver. 7 (October.2016) PP 32-46 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org Religious Violence, Islamic Militancy, and Conflict Transformation in Contemporary Indonesia Chusnunia1 1(Fakulti Sastra dan Sain Sosial, University of Malaya, Malaysia) University of Malaya, 50603 Kuala Lumpur, Wilayah Persekutuan Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia ___________________________________________________________________________ Abstract : This piece discusses acts of religious-based violence committed by radical Muslim groups in the post-Soeharto Indonesia and how to deal with it by applying models and approaches of conflict transformation and peacebuilding relevant for local context of the country. Since reformation in 1998, acts of ethno-religious- political violence broke out across the country scattered from the western areas to the eastern part of Indonesia. Each violent act in the nation has no doubt different roots, objectives, and histories from one to another. However, the focus of this paper will be limited only on religious-based violence committed by militant Muslim groups, and then try to apply approaches and methods of conflict transformation and peacebuilding by emphasizing legal-justice aspects, utilizing local potential powers, and the role of religion, local tradition, culture, and wisdom as focal resources for building peace and resolving violent conflicts in the country. Keywords : muslim, violence, transformation, wahabism, indonesia __________________________________________________________________________________ I. RELIGIOUS VIOLENCE: A BRIEF OVERVIEW Indonesia, the largest Muslim-majority country in the world with some 88.7% of its 240 million professing Islam, witnessed “the formation of a movement for democratic Muslim politics that was second only to post-Khomeini Iran in scale and intellectual vigor” (Hefner, 2005, 272) in the final years of the authoritarian Soeharto regime.