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Aiello Calabro (CS) Italy
Dr. Francesco Gallo OUTSTANDING FAMILIES of Aiello Calabro (CS) Italy from the XVI to the XX centuries EMIGRATION to USA and Canada from 1880 to 1930 Padua, Italy August 2014 1 Photo on front cover: Graphic drawing of Aiello of the XVII century by Pietro Angius 2014, an readaptation of Giovan Battista Pacichelli's drawing of 1693 (see page 6) Photo on page 1: Oil painting of Aiello Calabro by Rosario Bernardo (1993) Photo on back cover: George Benjamin Luks, In the Steerage, 1900 Oil on canvas 77.8 x 48.9 cm North Carolina Museum of Art, Raleigh. Purchased with funds from the Elizabeth Gibson Taylor and Walter Frank Taylor Fund and the North Carolina State Art Society (Robert F. Phifer Bequest), 98.12 2 With deep felt gratitude and humility I dedicate this publication to Prof. Rocco Liberti a pioneer in studying Aiello's local history and author of the books: "Ajello Calabro: note storiche " published in 1969 and "Storia dello Stato di Aiello in Calabria " published in 1978 The author is Francesco Gallo, a Medical Doctor, a Psychiatrist, a Professor at the University of Maryland (European Division) and a local history researcher. He is a member of various historical societies: Historical Association of Calabria, Academy of Cosenza and Historic Salida Inc. 3 Coat of arms of some Aiellese noble families (from the book by Cesare Orlandi (1734-1779): "Delle città d'Italia e sue isole adjacenti compendiose notizie", Printer "Augusta" in Perugia, 1770) 4 SUMMARY of the book Introduction 7 Presentation 9 Brief History of the town of Aiello Calabro -
Chapter One: Introduction
CHANGING PERCEPTIONS OF IL DUCE TRACING POLITICAL TRENDS IN THE ITALIAN-AMERICAN MEDIA DURING THE EARLY YEARS OF FASCISM by Ryan J. Antonucci Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the History Program YOUNGSTOWN STATE UNIVERSITY August, 2013 Changing Perceptions of il Duce Tracing Political Trends in the Italian-American Media during the Early Years of Fascism Ryan J. Antonucci I hereby release this thesis to the public. I understand that this thesis will be made available from the OhioLINK ETD Center and the Maag Library Circulation Desk for public access. I also authorize the University or other individuals to make copies of this thesis as needed for scholarly research. Signature: Ryan J. Antonucci, Student Date Approvals: Dr. David Simonelli, Thesis Advisor Date Dr. Brian Bonhomme, Committee Member Date Dr. Martha Pallante, Committee Member Date Dr. Carla Simonini, Committee Member Date Dr. Salvatore A. Sanders, Associate Dean of Graduate Studies Date Ryan J. Antonucci © 2013 iii ABSTRACT Scholars of Italian-American history have traditionally asserted that the ethnic community’s media during the 1920s and 1930s was pro-Fascist leaning. This thesis challenges that narrative by proving that moderate, and often ambivalent, opinions existed at one time, and the shift to a philo-Fascist position was an active process. Using a survey of six Italian-language sources from diverse cities during the inauguration of Benito Mussolini’s regime, research shows that interpretations varied significantly. One of the newspapers, Il Cittadino Italo-Americano (Youngstown, Ohio) is then used as a case study to better understand why events in Italy were interpreted in certain ways. -
Pietro Gori's Anarchism: Politics and Spectacle (1895–1900)*
IRSH 62 (2017), pp. 425–450 doi:10.1017/S0020859017000359 © 2017 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis Pietro Gori’s Anarchism: Politics and Spectacle (1895–1900)* E MANUELA M INUTO Department of Political Science, University of Pisa Via Serafini 3, 56126 Pisa, Italy E-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT: This paper discusses Pietro Gori’s charismatic leadership of the Italian anarchist movement at the turn of the nineteenth century and, in particular, the characteristics of his political communication. After a discussion of the literature on the topic, the first section examines Gramsci’s derogatory observations on the characteristics and success of the communicative style adopted by anarchist activists such as Gori. The second investigates the political project underpinning the kind of “organized anarchism” that Gori championed together with Malatesta. The third section unveils Gori’s communication strategy when promoting this project through those platforms considered by Gramsci as being primary schools of political alphabetization in liberal Italy: trials, funerals, commemorations, and celebrations. Particular attention is devoted to the trials, which effectively demonstrated Gori’s modern political skills. The analysis of Gori’s performance at the trials demonstrates Gramsci’s mistake in identifying Gori simply as one of the champions of political sentimentalism. He spoke very well, but he spoke the language of the people. And the people flocked in when his name was announced for a rally or for a conference.1 INTRODUCTION In the twenty years between 1890–1911, Pietro Gori was one of the most famous anarchists in Italy and abroad and, long after his death, he continued to be a key figure in the socialist and labour movement of his native country. -
The Purpose of the First World War War Aims and Military Strategies Schriften Des Historischen Kollegs
The Purpose of the First World War War Aims and Military Strategies Schriften des Historischen Kollegs Herausgegeben von Andreas Wirsching Kolloquien 91 The Purpose of the First World War War Aims and Military Strategies Herausgegeben von Holger Afflerbach An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libra- ries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access. More information about the initiative can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org Schriften des Historischen Kollegs herausgegeben von Andreas Wirsching in Verbindung mit Georg Brun, Peter Funke, Karl-Heinz Hoffmann, Martin Jehne, Susanne Lepsius, Helmut Neuhaus, Frank Rexroth, Martin Schulze Wessel, Willibald Steinmetz und Gerrit Walther Das Historische Kolleg fördert im Bereich der historisch orientierten Wissenschaften Gelehrte, die sich durch herausragende Leistungen in Forschung und Lehre ausgewiesen haben. Es vergibt zu diesem Zweck jährlich bis zu drei Forschungsstipendien und zwei Förderstipendien sowie alle drei Jahre den „Preis des Historischen Kollegs“. Die Forschungsstipendien, deren Verleihung zugleich eine Auszeichnung für die bisherigen Leis- tungen darstellt, sollen den berufenen Wissenschaftlern während eines Kollegjahres die Möglich- keit bieten, frei von anderen Verpflichtungen eine größere Arbeit abzuschließen. Professor Dr. Hol- ger Afflerbach (Leeds/UK) war – zusammen mit Professor Dr. Paul Nolte (Berlin), Dr. Martina Steber (London/UK) und Juniorprofessor Simon Wendt (Frankfurt am Main) – Stipendiat des Historischen Kollegs im Kollegjahr 2012/2013. Den Obliegenheiten der Stipendiaten gemäß hat Holger Afflerbach aus seinem Arbeitsbereich ein Kolloquium zum Thema „Der Sinn des Krieges. Politische Ziele und militärische Instrumente der kriegführenden Parteien von 1914–1918“ vom 21. -
Elenco Di Consistenza Del
ISTITUTO STORICO DELLA RESISTENZA IN TOSCANA ELENCO DI CONSISTENZA DEL FONDO MICHELE CANTARELLA Censimento delle carte al maggio 2010 a cura di Eleonora Giaquinto Nota preliminare La documentazione, divisa in ventuno buste, si presenta tuttora priva di ordinamento organico e numerazione delle carte. Le buste indicate nell’elenco con i numeri provvisori 1-16 contengono carteggio, fotografie e stralci di periodici, manoscritti e inviti, in prevalenza attinenti all’archivio di Michele Cantarella. Parte della documentazione, in alcuni casi non facilmente separabile dal complesso principale, è stata prodotta invece dalla moglie Helene Paquin Cantarella, traduttrice, e si configura come un archivio aggregato. Molto materiale riguarda Gaetano Salvemini, del quale Michele Cantarella curò la bibliografia. Di questa opera si conserva nelle carte di Cantarella grandissima parte del lavoro preparatorio. Sempre di Gaetano Salvemini si conservano qui manoscritti autografi e dattiloscritti delle traduzioni in lingua inglese realizzate per lui da H. Cantarella. Nelle buste provvisoriamente indicate coi numeri 17-21 si conservano invece alcuni periodici e opuscoli a stampa, donati dal produttore all’Istituto e in parte usati per la bibliografia. A causa del poco tempo a disposizione per il presente intervento, non si è potuto procedere al riordino, ma solo alla realizzazione di un censimento del contenuto del fondo. In conseguenza di ciò non è stato possibile naturalmente né spostare alcuna carta, né procedere alla numerazione delle stesse. Quindi i numeri indicati nella descrizione, sia quelli delle buste che quelli dei fascicoli provvisori, già esistenti o formati nel corso dell’intervento, hanno il solo scopo di dare un’idea sommaria della consistenza del fondo nel suo complesso. -
Marxism and Bourgeois Democracy. Reflections on a Debate After the Second World War in Italy
53 WSCHODNI ROCZNIK HUMANISTYCZNY TOM XVI (2019), No 1 s. 53-65 doi: 10.36121/dstasi.16.2019.1.053 Daniele Stasi (University of Rzeszów, University of Foggia) ORCID 0000-0002-4730-5958 Marxism and bourgeois democracy. Reflections on a debate after the Second World War in Italy Annotation: In this paper is illustrated a debate about the form of State and democracy be- tween N.Bobbio, some Italian Marxist philosophers and intellectuals. The debate took place in 1970s, that is in a period of intense philosophical confrontation, hosted by cultural reviews like „Mondoperaio” and marked by a strong ideological opposition linked to the world bipo- lar system. The paper presents the general lines of that debate, which highlighted the inad- equacies of the Marxist doctrine of State, consistently determining the end of any hegemonic ambitions in the Italian culture of those intellectuals linked to international communism. Keywords: Marxism, democracy, State, Italian philosophy, hegemony, Norberto Bobbio. Marksizm i burżuazyjna demokracja. Refleksje na temat debaty po drugiej wojnie świa- towej we Włoszech Streszczenie: W artykule przedstawiono debatę o kształcie państwa i demokracji, która toczyła się pomiędzy N. Bobbio i niektórymi marksistowskimi filozofami włoskimi w la- tach siedemdziesiątych XX wieku. Okres ten cechuje intensywna konfrontacja filozoficznа we Włoszech związana z sytuacją polityczną na świecie. Debata miała miejsce na łamach czasopisma „Mondoperaio”. W artykule zostały zilustrowane podstawowe tezy owej deba- ty, które podkreślają niedostatki marksistowskiej doktryny o państwie, konsekwentnie wy- znaczając koniec wszelkich hegemonicznych ambicji włoskich intelektualistów związanych z międzynarodowym komunizmem. Słowa kluczowe: marksizm, demokracja, państwo, filozofia włoska, hegemonia, Norberto Bobbio. Марксизм и буржуазная демократия. -
Book Reviews
italian culture, Vol. xxxii No. 2, September 2014, 138–60 Book Reviews Fictions of Appetite: Alimentary Discourses in Italian Modernist Literature. By Enrico Cesaretti. Pp. vii + 272. Oxford: Peter Lang. 2013. Aside from a few, notable examples, such as Gian-Paolo Biasin’s I sapori della modernità (1991), gastro-criticism is a fairly new multi-disciplinary approach to literature that incorpo- rates literary studies, anthropology, sociology, semiotics and history to explore cultural production. Enrico Cesaretti’s gastro-critical approach to Italian Modernism brings together articles previously published; but here they are revised in order to read early twentieth century Italian writers and texts from a new perspective. The four chapters explore both well-known and nearly forgotten texts by authors such as F. T. Marinetti, Aldo Palazzeschi, Paola Masino, Massimo Bontempelli, and Luigi Pirandello through the common thematic of food, eating, depravation and hunger. Cesaretti notes that “virtually every major twentieth-century Western intellectual from Freud onward, has refl ected on the multiple cultural roles and implications of food and eating” (3). Modernism brought renewed focus on the body, so the trope of food, or lack thereof, becomes an important semiotic concern for writers of the period. Cesaretti’s selection of authors and texts stems from a chronological closeness more so than a great stylistic affi nity, and he is conscious of trying to unite his authors under the umbrella of the term Modernism, which, as he notes, has been problematic in Italian literary critical circles. For Cesaretti, these fi ve authors all emphasize food, hunger, and related tropes in their works because of historical reality (food shortages in Italy during the interwar years among others) and because of Modernism’s emphasis on the body and its functions. -
“Critica Sociale” E La Rivoluzione Russa (1917-1926)
SPES – Rivista della Società di Politica, Educazione e Storia, Suppl. di “Ricerche Pedagogiche” ISSN 2533-1663 (online) Anno X, n. 10, Luglio – Dicembre 2019, pp. 105-132 “Critica Sociale” e la rivoluzione russa (1917-1926) Giovanna Savant La rivoluzione di febbraio è accolta con favore dall’ala moderata del PSI, che ha in “Critica Sociale” il principale organo di espressione. La caduta dello zar sembra aprire una fase democratica il cui scopo è di trasformare l’autocrazia russa in un moderno regime rappresentativo. La rivista turatiana segue prima con simpatia e poi con preoccupazione crescente le vicende russe, fino a quando l’avvento al pote- re dei bolscevichi cancella ogni speranza di uno sviluppo democratico. Da questo momento, il giudizio sulla Russia dividerà le due anime del PSI in modo irrimedia- bile: mentre i massimalisti guarderanno alla dittatura bolscevica come a un model- lo, per i moderati costituirà un’aberrazione dei canoni del materialismo storico. The Revolution of February is welcomed by the moderate wing of the Italian Social- ist Party, which has in “Critica Sociale” the main media outlet. The Czar's fall seems to open a democratic phase that aims to get Russian autocracy into a modern representative system. The review of Turati, at first, is pleased about the Russian events, but later it shows a rising concern until the Bolsheviks come to power de- stroying all hope for democratic development. Since this moment, the judgment on Russia will separate irreparably the two souls of the Italian Socialist Party: the maximalists see the Bolshevik dictatorship as a model, while the moderates consider it an aberration of the principles of the historical materialism. -
Hegemony and Democracy in Gramsci's Prison Notebooks
Hegemony and Democracy in Gramsci’s Prison Notebooks Dylan Riley Antonio Gramsci is once again moving to the center of debates in contemporary social theory. Sociologists have taken up the concepts of hegemony and civil society to analyze regimes and social movements (Riley 2010; Tugal 2009). Political theorists have used Gramsci as an inspiration for developing the idea of radical democracy (Laclau and Mouffe 1985). Scholars of international relations have found Gramsci’s focus on global processes useful for analyzing neo-liberalism (Morton 2004, 125-127). Gramsci’s work has also been central in the attempt to elaborate a “sociological Marxism” that moves beyond both the statist and economistic biases of more traditional forms of Second and Third International historical materialism (Burawoy 2003; Wright 2010). But despite this outpouring of recent interest, many of the key elements of Gramsci’s political theory remain obscure. In this context, this essay returns to the Prison Notebooks1 to ask a specific question: “How did Gramsci conceive of the connection between democracy and hegemony?” This question has already generated a substantial body of scholarship. But most of it can be placed into one of two positions. One interpretation views hegemony as a theory of revolutionary dictatorship: a “Leninism” for the West (Galli della Loggia 1977, 69; Salvadori 1977, 40-41). These writers tend to be highly critical of the various attempts by the Partito Comunista Italiano (Italian Communist Party, PCI) to use Gramsci as a symbolic justification -
Delpaese E Le Forze Armate
L’ITALIA 1945-1955 LA RICOSTRUZIONE DEL PAESE STATO MAGGIORE DELLA DIFESA UFFICIO STORICO E LE Commissione E LE FORZE ARMATE Italiana Storia Militare MINISTERO DELLA DIFESA CONGRESSOCONGRESSO DIDI STUDISTUDI STORICISTORICI INTERNAZIONALIINTERNAZIONALI CISM - Sapienza Università di Roma ROMA, 20-21 NOVEMBRE 2012 Centro Alti Studi per la Difesa (CASD) Palazzo Salviati ATTI DEL CONGRESSO PROPRIETÀ LETTERARIA tutti i diritti riservati: Vietata anche la riproduzione parziale senza autorizzazione © 2014 • Ministero della Difesa Ufficio Storico dello SMD Salita S. Nicola da Tolentino, 1/B - Roma [email protected] A cura di: Dott. Piero Crociani Dott.ssa Ada Fichera Dott. Paolo Formiconi Hanno contribuito alla realizzazione del Congresso di studi storici internazionali CISM Ten. Col. Cosimo SCHINAIA Capo Sezione Documentazione Storica e Coordinamento dell’Ufficio Storico dello SMD Ten. Col. Fabrizio RIZZI Capo Sezione Archivio Storico dell’Ufficio Storico dello SMD CF. Fabio SERRA Addetto alla Sezione Documentazione Storica e Coordinamento dell’Ufficio Storico dello SMD 1° Mar. Giuseppe TRINCHESE Capo Segreteria dell’Ufficio Storico dello SMD Mar. Ca. Francesco D’AURIA Addetto alla Sezione Archivio Storico dell’Ufficio Storico dello SMD Mar. Ca. Giovanni BOMBA Addetto alla Sezione Documentazione Storica e Coordinamento dell’Ufficio Storico dello SMD ISBN: 978-88-98185-09-2 3 Presentazione Col. Matteo PAESANO1 Italia 1945-1955 la ricostruzione del Paese el 1945 il Paese è un cumulo di macerie con una bassissima produzione industriale -
Capitolo Primo La Formazione Di Bettino Craxi
CAPITOLO PRIMO LA FORMAZIONE DI BETTINO CRAXI 1. LA FAMIGLIA Bettino, all’anagrafe Benedetto Craxi nasce a Milano, alle 5 di mattina, il 24 febbraio 1934, presso la clinica ostetrica Macedonio Melloni; primo di tre figli del padre Vittorio Craxi, avvocato siciliano trasferitosi nel capoluogo lombardo e di Maria Ferrari, originaria di Sant’Angelo Lodigiano. 1 L’avvocato Vittorio è una persona preparata nell’ambito professionale ed ispirato a forti ideali antifascisti. Vittorio Craxi è emigrato da San Fratello in provincia di Messina a causa delle sue convinzioni socialiste. Trasferitosi nella città settentrionale, lascia nella sua terra una lunga tradizione genealogica, cui anche Bettino Craxi farà riferimento. La madre, Maria Ferrari, figlia di fittavoli del paese lodigiano è una persona sensibile, altruista, ma parimenti ferma, autorevole e determinata nei principi.2 Compiuti sei anni, Bettino Craxi è iscritto al collegio arcivescovile “De Amicis” di Cantù presso Como. Il biografo Giancarlo Galli narra di un episodio in cui Bettino Craxi è designato come capo classe, in qualità di lettore, per augurare il benvenuto all’arcivescovo di Milano, cardinal Ildefonso Schuster, in visita pastorale. 3 La presenza come allievo al De Amicis è certificata da un documento custodito presso la Fondazione Craxi. Gli ex alunni di quella scuola, il 31 ottobre 1975 elaborano uno statuto valido come apertura di cooperativa. Il resoconto sarà a lui indirizzato ed ufficialmente consegnato il 10 ottobre 1986, allor quando ritornerà all’istituto in veste di Presidente del Consiglio; in quell’occasione ricorderà la sua esperienza durante gli anni scolastici e commemorerà l’educatore laico e socialista a cui la scuola è dedicata. -
I Within the Party
J'he fuse .\ Rule oi Sinsle P:rrtr- St:rtcs King-retained his o The statuto remained ltaly's constihrtion and the ' Mussolini was p"riti,ons as Head of stat'e and Commander-in-Chief. hesignated Head of Government and Duce of the Fascist Party. were still dominated o The civil service, including the prefects, and police " Bocchini, a tt;";eer-offici-aLs, rather tXan by Fascists; for ixample, Arturo l|rr nbn-Fascist, was Chief of Police (1926-40). (from 783,000 in 1923 to o The PNF',s membership expanded massively GT-I I,85i.,000 by 1934) and'mosl of those joining were careerists ancl public of officials. Consequently, the PNF became increasingly an organisation bureaucrats and'proie-ssionals,rather than militant activists. ;! over the Mussolini now created a personal dictatorship, extending his control Party bY: Fascist EI:I o Appointing Roberto Farinacci,one of the Ras,in 1925 as PNF SecretarY with instructions to impose greater discipline on the unrulY elements .I within the PartY. lEI o sacking Farinacci as PNF Secretary(April 1926) when Farinacci proved :I too independent-minded. t:qll:: o Appointing the compliant-Augusto Turati as PNF Secretary!o Farinacci.furati then set about, over the next three years,purging 60,000 :I FI members of the PNF. Most of those expelled were radicals or militant Mussolini loyalist, Achille squad members. During th9 l!3^0s unolh"r Starace,occupied the post of PNF Secretary' ;! were to be appointed o- A Party statuteof 7926laiddown that all.party posts from u'bo,u"(PNF headquartersin Rome),rather than electedfrom below or appointed by local Fascistbosses.