DOCSLIB.ORG

I Within the Party

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
I Within the Party J'he fuse .\ Rule oi Sinsle P:rrtr- St:rtcs King-retained his o The statuto remained ltaly's constihrtion and the ' Mussolini was p"riti,ons as Head of stat'e and Commander-in-Chief. hesignated Head of Government and Duce of the Fascist Party. were still dominated o The civil service, including the prefects, and police " Bocchini, a tt;";eer-offici-aLs, rather tXan by Fascists; for ixample, Arturo l|rr nbn-Fascist, was Chief of Police (1926-40). (from 783,000 in 1923 to o The PNF',s membership expanded massively GT-I I,85i.,000 by 1934) and'mosl of those joining were careerists ancl public of officials. Consequently, the PNF became increasingly an organisation bureaucrats and'proie-ssionals,rather than militant activists. ;! over the Mussolini now created a personal dictatorship, extending his control Party bY: Fascist EI:I o Appointing Roberto Farinacci,one of the Ras,in 1925 as PNF SecretarY with instructions to impose greater discipline on the unrulY elements .I within the PartY. lEI o sacking Farinacci as PNF Secretary(April 1926) when Farinacci proved :I too independent-minded. t:qll:: o Appointing the compliant-Augusto Turati as PNF Secretary!o Farinacci.furati then set about, over the next three years,purging 60,000 :I FI members of the PNF. Most of those expelled were radicals or militant Mussolini loyalist, Achille squad members. During th9 l!3^0s unolh"r Starace,occupied the post of PNF Secretary' ;! were to be appointed o- A Party statuteof 7926laiddown that all.party posts from u'bo,u"(PNF headquartersin Rome),rather than electedfrom below or appointed by local Fascistbosses. c! Mussolini now dominated the FascistParty. Furthermore Mussolini was not -I entirely dependent on the PNF's suPPort b".urrt" he had close relations with tu,-\Ft non-Fascistcentres of power such as ihe Church, the King, the armed forcesand big; business.From t6zs a personality cult of the 'Duce' developed 1"+.thtt further elevated MussoliniS position above that of any other individual, whether a govemment or Party member. Soby 7929the FascistParty had been zubordinated to the state and centralised :i ,tnJdt the personal control of Mussolini. Its role now had effectively been limited to oiganisingpropaganda and rallies,overseeing mass organisations like Dopolavoro"(in chirge bf-recreation and sport) and supervising the youth :G fi,* organisations. I'I-J FASCIST RULE :r }= The CorporateState F-:T Fascistpropaganda suggested that what distinguishedlvlussolini's regime from the rest of the *orlf," was Corporatism. Indeed, there is no doubt that, In t internationally,the 'CorporateState'established in Italy had m91y adllers. theory, Corporatism wai a third way between Communism and Capitalism and Corporatismwas an influential *oufi'Uring aboutharmonious labour relations. '_aE,i t32 w -fhc Risc cetRule of Singlc Ptrtv Statcs idea in pre-war ltaly, particularly associated with Filippo Corrodoni, an anarcho-syndicalist. Some leading Fascists had for a_long time been passionate advocates of Corporatism, including Michele Bianchi and Edmondo Rossoni, Secretary of the Cbnfederation of Fascist Syndical Corporations (the Fascist trade unions). Syndicalists wanted to- transform society by reorganising it on the basis of ciifferent economic spheres of activity. In each sPhere, synclicates would represent both workeis .rnd employers and these joint-representatives would reiolve issues concerning both working conditions and economic management. Syndicalists envisaged ih" cotpotutions having a- major_ say in clirecting the eiono-y and, ultimately, Corporations replacing the trac-litional parliamentary system; instead representatives from different corporations would wield political power. In the early to mid-1920s, opinion within the Fascist movement was- strongly divided about how far a Corporate state should be established. This reflected the wider debate about the nature of Fascism and the Pressures being placed on Mussolini by the various factions among his supporters. Mussolini needed the support of industrialists and landowners but sections of the PNF demancled a fascist revolution. ln 7925, Rossoni organised a strike by 100,000 workers in Lombardy, which alarmed employers and Mussolini. In contrast to the syndicalists, many other Fascists were decidedly hostile to Corporatism as it riised the prospect of much greater power for the working classes.Conservatives like Alfredo Rocco sought to use Corporatism simply as a way of keeping the workers in order and supporting the interests of the big employers. Ultimately, although the structures of a corporate state were erected, Mussoiini came down decisivEly in favour of a neutered version of corporatism that chimed in with Rocco's views. The establishment of the 'Corporate state' was a rather haphazard Process a1d_it took until 1939 before the corporate edifice was complete. However, beneath the structures, the Corporate state was essentially a sham: the-tribunals set uP 9y t\q Syndical Law (1926) favoured the industrialists and the Charter of Labour (7927) was mere window dressing in terms of safeguarding workers' rights' The Creation of the'Corporate State' 1925 Vidoni Palace Pact . The Fascist Labour Confederation (Fascist trade unions) and Confindustria (Confederation of Industry), agreed to recognise only each other as representatives of workers and employers in negotiations. Fascist unions were delighted that this excluded the free trade unions (Catholic, Socialist and Communist) from labour relations. Employers were pleased that elected factory councils were abolished. However, they were unhappy at the Drospectof bindins arbitration in labour disputes. 1926 Alfredo Rocco's Labour and Anti-Strike Law . Confirmed that only syndicates could engage in labour negotiations. Divided the economy into 7 branches of activity (agriculture, transport etc) and created separate syndicates to represent the workers and the employers. Radical Fascistshad wanted mixed or'integrated' syndicates to include employers and workers. Set up special tribunals to provide compulsory arbitration in industriai disputes. But, in practice, the tribunals favoured the 133 The Rise .t Rule trf Sinsle Pertv Stetes employersand dealt with very few cases. Bannedstrikes and lockouts (employerslocking out workers). This advantaged the employers as they were not subiect to state or PNF supervision. In disputes, officials represented the workers, whereas employers represented themselves. A Ministry of Corporationswas established,with Mussolini as Minister. However, only 1 corporationreally functioned at this stage,the corporation for artistsand intellectuals. Ir 1927 Charter of Labour t Affirmed private enterprise. a Reaffirmedthat strikesand factory councilswere illegal. lr.:. I . Set out guarantees of workers' rights, but these were not k. I honoured. 1928 Rossoni was sacked as Secretary of the Confederation of Fascist I Syndicates. The Confederation was broken up into 6 confederations x; I of syndicates, thereby weakening their bargaining power. Radicals within the PNF were disappointed. I I 1.930 The National Council of Corporahons was set up € . In theory it established representatives of workers, the PNF and employers to regulate the economy. The National Council I appeared to have the power to fix wages, settle disputes and €, I advise on the economy. However, in practice the Council did verv little. 1934 The 'Corporate State' was finally established (on paper) I I . 22 'mixed' corporations were set up - each consisting of s; employers and employees. However, the system continued to favour the employers. I . The corporations lacked any real power. State institutions and I big business interests made all the major decisions conceming the economv. *t I 1939 The Chamber of Fascesand Corporationsreplaced the Chamber, the tr I lower house of parliament. It had no real power and was purely a propagandaexercise on Mussolini's part. I € The Economv under the Fascists I- e - Q. Wt were Mussolini's aims? "t I t Mussolini had little understanding or knowledge of economics when he came to e power. Although the original Fascist programme had an anti-capitalist character, by the time Mussolini was appointed Prime Minister, this had been I dropped by him and Fascism from then on was committed to the capitalist € - system. In theory, the Fascists pursued'Corporativism' as a third way between capitalism and socialism but in practice this was mere window-dressing. t Fascism was supported by, and in tum, protected big business and the agrari € I (large landowners). I Under Fascism, economic poliry was inconsistent and erratic; broadly speaking, G" it was laissez-faire (minimum of state intervention) during the period 1922-25 - and then was increasingly marked by state intervention thereafter. The pursuit I of 'autarky' (economic self-sufficiency) characterized the mid to late 1930s as € J Mussolini's foreign policy became more aggressive. Mussolini sought to build up Italy's industry to support foreign wars of conquest. However, in that respect I ni faitea miserabiy as eionomically Italy was far from ready to go to war at the C a end of the 1930s. I € 134 - aT €, a ) 'l'he Rise& Rulc of Sinsle panv Stetes 3 Much of Fascist 'Policy' was posturing, with little substance.Mussolini asserted ) that what mattered in,economics, ,will-po*"., as in ail spheres of life, were *a 'struggle', so he launched ,battles, a series of economic -.o.np"uigr,,- e.g, the g"tti" ro, ci;i" ancl the Battle for the Lira. These grandiose were largely 3 misconceived and tended to damage the economy. 1922-25: Laissez - fai re 9 The period leading up to the establishment of the Fascist dictatorship saw Italv depression.This.was largely the resutt of an upturn rnef:tY::j,TT_:1:.g_*uryor world ii economyfrom 1923.Mussolini's Finance Minister, De 'stefani, 9 followed the same etonomic policies as previous liberal go,n".r,-"rts: batancing the.bucl-get, cutting taxes and governrirent spending urra .."Ju.i.,g ;;;;;;';fi trade' He also privatised severaTnationalised'i.,a.rstiies s,r.t, u, tnE t*l.ph";; ? company. t Protectionism and increasing state intervention rn 1925, the Italian economy was suffering a balance of payments imports,particularry.of crisis as grairyincreased.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943)
    UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL OF HISTORY AND CULTURES Department of History PhD in Modern History Consensus for Mussolini? Popular opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943) Supervisor: Prof. Sabine Lee Student: Marco Tiozzo Fasiolo ACADEMIC YEAR 2016-2017 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the University of Birmingham is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of my words. 3 Abstract The thesis focuses on the response of Venice province population to the rise of Fascism and to the regime’s attempts to fascistise Italian society.
    [Show full text]
  • «Fu Turati a Trasformare Mussolini in Mito Vivente»
    GIORNALE DI BRESCIA · Martedì 26 novembre 2019 37 CULTURA&SPETTACOLI [email protected] «Storie bresciane» L’uomo del Partito fascista Boochani: «Le Sabato 30 al Sociale parole sono con letture di Cabra più potenti BRESCIA. «Augusto Turati, il Fascista» è il terzo appuntamento della rassegna «Storie bresciane», promossa da Ctb e delle sbarre» Centro studi Rsi. Sabato 30 novembre, alle 10.30, sul palco del Sociale in via Cavallotti 20 in città, interverrà Emilio Gentile, storico del fascismo, professore emerito dell’Università di Roma La Lo scrittore curdo, da poco uscito Sapienza. Letture a cura di Fausto Cabra. Biglietti (5 euro) in vendita alla dalla detenzione a Manus Island, il biglietteria del teatro, al punto vendita Ctb in piazza Loggia 6 e su vivaticket.it. 28 si racconterà a Brescia via Skype L’ultimo incontro, sabato 7 dicembre alle 10.30 con lo storico Roberto Chiarini, coordinatore scientifico dell’iniziativa, così imprigionato nell’isola di sarà dedicato a Giuseppe Zanardelli. Festival della Pace Manus, dove centinaia di pro- fughi affollano il centro di de- tenzione costruito nella fore- travagliato da una grave crisi dopo Sarà una delle prime appari- sta, costretti a vivere in condi- l’ascesa al potere e soprattutto dopo zioni pubbliche da uomo libe- zioni umilianti, afflitti dalla fa- l’assassinio di Giacomo Matteotti. ro,quella che attende a Brescia me, in una situazione igienica Farinacci aveva costruito un partito Behrouz Boochani, lo scrittore degradata, disidratati dal cal- totalitario il cui segretario, nella sua curdocheda pochi giorni hala- do umido, perseguitati dal sole concezione, avrebbe dovuto essere una sciato il centro di detenzione tropicale «più spietato del figura parallela rispetto al capo del di Manus Island,in Papua Nuo- mondo».
    [Show full text]
  • L'inizio Del Regime Fascista 1925-1929
    2 Capitolo 1 L’inizio del regime fascista 1925-1929 3 1. L’antifascismo nel 1925 Agli inizi del gennaio 1925, il prefetto sciolse la sezione parmense di Italia Libera, il movimento che, fondato alla fine del 1923, aveva coagulato un antifascismo di matrice combattentistica, collegandosi alle idealità dell’interventismo democratico; da mesi, gli aderenti al movimento subivano i provvedimenti repressivi del prefetto1. Italia Libera, che fu in un primo momento un’associazione pubblica e divenne poi clandestina, aveva in particolare reclutato aderenti, su scala parmense, fra gli iscritti dell’Associazione Nazionale Combattenti (ANC) e aveva raccolto soprattutto repubblicani e sindacalisti rivoluzionari, ma anche socialisti riformisti, socialisti ufficiali e comunisti. Movimento di piccola e media borghesia, a Parma tale formazione antifascista rivelava anche l’apporto di strati operai provenienti dal sindacalismo rivoluzionario e dal repubblicanesimo. Dopo il delitto Matteotti, Italia Libera si era sviluppata sensibilmente su scala nazionale e locale; inoltre, nell’estate del 1924, si era formata l’Unione Goliardica della 1 Su Italia Libera in generale, v. Luciano Zani, Italia Libera. Il primo movimento antifascista clandestino (1923-1925), Roma-Bari, Laterza, 1975, da integrarsi con L. Zani, L’Italia Libera, in Il partito politico dalla grande guerra al fascismo. Crisi della rappresentanza e riforma dello Stato nell’età dei sistemi politici di massa (1918-1925), a cura di Fabio Grassi Orsini e Gaetano Quagliariello, Bologna, Il Mulino, 1996. Nel primo saggio, Zani fornisce anche informazioni sulla sezione di Parma da cui, nella nostra ricostruzione, in parte ci discostiamo. Sulla fondazione di Italia Libera a Parma, «Il Piccolo», 1° gennaio 1924, “La costituzione del gruppo ‘Italia Libera’ ”.
    [Show full text]
  • American Sympathizers with Italian Fascism A
    The Machine Has a Soul: American Sympathizers with Italian Fascism A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History By Catherine Susan Mary Hull, M.A. Washington, DC December 12, 2017 Copyright 2018 by Catherine Susan Mary Hull All Rights Reserved ii THE MACHINE HAS A SOUL: AMERICAN SYMPATHIZERS WITH ITALIAN FASCISM Catherine Susan Mary Hull, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Michael Kazin, Ph.D. ABSTRACT Americans across the political and cultural spectrum sympathized with Italian fascism in the interwar years. This dissertation demonstrates that American fascist sympathizers believed that Italy was coping better with the challenges of modernity than the United States. Fascist sympathizers argued that fascist squads revived older values of service and honor, even as Mussolini kept pace with a fast-moving society. They claimed that the corporate state was an up-to-date form of government, which protected Italians from the worst effects of the global depression. And, as the fascist state became increasingly totalitarian, they represented Italy as a place where men and women could transcend the grit and grind of modern life to find inner peace. American fascist sympathizers had various goals when they invoked Italy’s apparent successes in managing the challenges of modernity. First, they aimed to expose faults in their own society: the numbing effects of standardization; the erosion of higher ideals; the failure of government to protect Americans from the ravages of industrialization. Second, they suggested solutions to the United States’ problems: the reform of government to promote expertise in policymaking; and measures to create jobs and support the return to a simpler life.
    [Show full text]
  • The Biographies of All Loc-Members
    HJ'.' coil 43 The Biographies of all lOC-Members Part VIII No. 142 | Miguel Moises SAENZ | Mexico IOC member: No. 142 Replacing Gomez de Paranda Born: 13 Ferbuary 1888, Monterrey/Mexico Died: 24 October 1941, Lima/Peru Co-opted: 25 July 1928 Resigned: 7 June 1933 Attendance at Session Present: 0 Absent: 4 As a distinguished student at local schools and Colleges he was given a government graut to continue his studies abroad. He attended Washington & Jefferson and Columbia University in America and the Sorbonne in Paris. He obtained a Bachelor of Science degree at Washington & Jefferson and a Bachelor of Arts degree at Columbia. On his return to Mexico, he held va­ rious g overnment posts in the field of education which led to his being appointed the Minister of Education. He spent time studying the habits of the indigenous Indians in Canada and later in South America where he visited Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia. He wrote books an his ex­ periences in both locations. In 1934 he was appointed Ambassador to Ecuador, the following year he became Ambassador to Denmark and in 1937 he was made Ambassador to Peru. This proved to be his final diplomatic post as he died in Lima four years after his appointment. He was the organiser of Mexico's first Olympic c participation in 1924 and of the Central American Games in 1926. Although he was unable to attend any of the four IOC Sessions held during his mandate he was the first Mexican IOC member who truly embraced the Spirit of Olym­ pism.
    [Show full text]
  • Curriculum Vitae
    CURRICULUM VITAE August 2019 PERSONAL INFORMATION Spencer M. Di Scala Professor Emeritus History Department University of Massachusetts Boston 100 Morrissey Blvd. Boston, MA 02125 Tel.: (617) 287-6860; Fax: (617) 287-6899; e-mail: [email protected]; Website: www.spencerdiscala.com EDUCATION B.A. History Queens College, CUNY 1962 M.A. History Columbia University 1963 Ph.D. History Columbia University 1969 TEACHING EXPERIENCE Full Professor University of Massachusetts, Boston 1986-2018 Research Professor University of Massachusetts, Boston 1997 Associate Professor University of Massachusetts, Boston 1975-86 Assistant Professor University of Massachusetts, Boston 1970-75 Instructor and Assistant Professor University of Kentucky 1967-70 VISITING PROFESSORSHIPS LUISS (Free International University of the Social Science), Rome, Italy, Spring 2011 University of Rome “Tor Vergata,” Fall 2011 Teaching Areas Italian history, Renaissance to present; Nineteenth and Twentieth Century Europe; World War I; World War II; Contemporary Europe; European Political Thought, 1815-Present; Italian American; Fascism; Socialism 1 Courses Taught History of Italy; Italian-American; Nineteenth Century Europe; Twentieth Century Europe (Europe 1900-1945; Europe Since 1945); Marxism; European Political Thought; Contemporary Europe; Mussolini and Fascism; World War I; World War II; Fascism; Socialism; The Atomic Bomb; Revolutions in the Modern World; Europe Between the Wars; Italian-American; Foundations of Western Civilization; Contemporary Western Civilization. Online Teaching I have won awards for my teaching, my development and of online courses, and innovative pedagogy (UCEA Excellence in Teaching National Award, 2007; UCEA New England Region Award, 2006). Since 2003 I have taught upper division online courses on Modern Italy, Mussolini and Fascism, nineteenth century Europe, twentieth century Europe, 1900-1945, and twentieth century Europe since 1945.
    [Show full text]
  • Italian Fascism, 1915–1945, Second Edition
    Italian Fascism, 1915–1945 Second Edition Philip Morgan Italian Fascism, 1915–1945 The Making of the 20th Century David Armstrong, Lorna From Versailles to Maastricht: International Lloyd and John Redmond Organisation in the Twentieth Century V.R. Berghahn Germany and the Approach of War in 1914, 2nd edition Raymond F. Betts France and Decolonisation, 1900–1960 John Darwin Britain and Decolonisation: The Retreat from Empire in the Post-War World Ann Lane Yugoslavia: When Ideals Collide Robert Mallett Mussolini and the Origins of the Second World War, 1933–1940 Sally Marks The Illusion of Peace: International Relations in Europe, 1918–1933, 2nd edition Philip Morgan Italian Fascism, 1915–1945, 2nd edition A.J. Nicholls Weimar and the Rise of Hitler, 4th edition R.A.C. Parker Chamberlain and Appeasement: British Policy and the Coming of the Second World War Anita J. Prazmowska Eastern Europe and the Origins of the Second World War G. Roberts The Soviet Union and the Origins of the Second World War Alan Sharp The Versailles Settlement: Peacemaking in Paris, 1919 Zara S. Steiner and Britain and the Origins of the First World War, Keith Neilson 2nd edition Samuel R. Williamson Austria–Hungary and the Origins of the First World War R. Young France and the Origins of the Second World War Italian Fascism, 1915–1945 Second Edition Philip Morgan © Philip Morgan 2004 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP.
    [Show full text]
  • Us Military Intelligence Reports: Italy, 1918-1941
    U.S. MILITARY INTELLIGENCE REPORTS: ITALY 1918-1941 A Guide to U.S. MILITARY INTELLIGENCE REPORTS: ITALY, 1918-1941 Edited by Dale Reynolds A microfilm project of UNIVERSITY PUBLICATIONS OF AMERICA, INC. 44 North Market Street • Frederick, MD 21701 NOTE ON SOURCES The documents in this collection can be found at the National Archives, Washington, D.C., Record Group #165, Military Intelligence Division Files: Italy. Copyright © 1985 by University Publications of America All rights reserved. ISNB 0-89093-663-3. TABLE OF CONTENTS Reel Index Reel I Military Affairs 1 Reel II Military Affairs cont 7 Reel III Military Affairs cont 11 Reel IV M ilitary Affairs cont 15 Reel V Military Affairs cont 19 Reel VI Military-Political Affairs 25 Reel VII Military-Political Affairs cont 32 Reel VIII Military-Political Affairs cont 35 Reel IX Military-Aviation 37 Subject Index 41 REEL INDEX Reel I Military Affairs 0001 Report: Order of Battle, Italian Front. February 2, 1918. 14pp. 0015 Report: Czechoslovakian Movement and Army. May 14, 1918. 6pp. 0021 Report: Situation on the Italian Front. May 1, 1918. 4pp. 0025 Report: Czechoslovakian Army Organization. June I, 1918. 2pp. 0027 Report: Military Situation, Italian Front. June 11, 1918. 4pp. 0031 Report: Enemy Prisoners of War. June 18, 1918. Ip. 0032 Report: Italian-Czechoslovak Convention. July 2, 1918. 5pp. 0037 Report: Army Organization. August 6, 1918. 4pp. 0041 Report: Occupation of Albania. August 6, 1918. 7pp. 0048 Report: Aid to Families of Soldiers Killed. September 18, 1918. 2pp. 0050 Report: Military Manpower. October 18, 1918. 6pp. 0056 Report: The Battle of Vittorio.
    [Show full text]
  • Architecture As Propaganda in Twentieth-Century Totalitarian Regimes
    Architecture as propaganda in twentieth-century totalitarian regimes History and heritage Edited by Håkan Hökerberg Published with the aid of grants from Fondazione Famiglia Rausing Magnus Bergvalls Stiftelse Åke Wibergs Stiftelse Translations by Penelope Eades, Francesco Gagliardi, Neele Reimann-Philipp, Anke Timmermann. All articles (except the introduction chapter) were submitted to a double-blind peer review. The English text was revised by Rebecca Montague. www.polistampa.com © 2018 EDIZIONI POLISTAMPA Via Livorno, 8/32 - 50142 Firenze Tel. 055 737871 (15 linee) [email protected] - www.leonardolibri.com ISBN 978-88-596-1835-5 Contents 7 Introduction Håkan Hökerberg 19 National tradition! What national tradition? - Historiographical debates on fascism in Italy and Germany from 1945 to the post-Cold War period Stefan Berger 35 Giuseppe Pagano and Casabella. In defence of modern Italian architecture Antonello Alici 59 Marcello Piacentini: A case of controversial heritage Hannah Malone 81 The fascist memory of the war and its legacy. Two cases: The Redipuglia War Memorial and the Ara Pacis of Medea Paolo Nicoloso 107 Fascism/Urbanism: Town, New-Town, Non-Town Raffaele Giannantonio 133 The Italian, Soviet Union and German pavilions in International Exhibitions 1925-1939 Giorgio Ciucci 167 Berlin Mitte: The product of two dictatorships Harald Bodenschatz 185 The reconstruction of Spain in the post-war period. The Dirección General de Regiones Devastadas Manuel Blanco 6CONTENTS 219 Slovenia in a Yugoslavian context – practising architecture
    [Show full text]
  • Tabellen Und Übersichten
    Anhang Tabellen und Übersichten Ergebnisse der Parlaments wählen 1921 (Prozentzahlen) Blocco Liberali ι PPI PRI PSI PCd'I nazionale dissidenti Prov. Massa-Carrara 22,2 8,1 21,1 18,1 22,7 7,6 Carrara 25,3 0,3 1,7 50,5 16,6 5,6 Massa 8,4 5,7 22,3 30,5 20,7 12,4 Pietrasanta 29,1 2,7 23,4 6,2 18,3 20,3 Seravezza 7,2 0,5 41,7 3,1 33,3 14,9 Sarzana 27,0 - 6,2 5,0 47,1 13,3 Pontremoli 10,3 0,6 40,3 3,6 40,5 4,7 Quelle: Bianchi, Lotte sociali, S. 154 -156. Ergebnisse der Parlaments wählen 1921 im Gemeindegebiet von 1 Carrara nach Stimmbezirken Blocco Liberali nazionale dissidenti PPI PRI PSI PCd'I Carrara città absolut 919 4 55 942 626 107 Prozent 34,6 0,2 2,1 35,5 23,6 4,0 Gragnana, absolut 17 _ 1 188 15 51 Castelpoggio Prozent 6,3 - 0,4 69,1 5,5 18,8 Torano, absolut 72 _ 4 39 33 77 Miseglia Prozent 32,0 - 1,8 17,3 14,7 34,2 Bedizzano, absolut 52 11 22 77 103 18 Colonnata Prozent 18,4 3,9 7,8 27,2 36,4 6,4 Montia, absolut 75 1 4 91 26 24 Sorgnano Prozent 33,9 0,5 1,8 41,2 11,8 10,9 Codena, absolut 62 _ 1 91 7 17 Bergiola Prozent 34,8 - 0,6 51,1 3,9 9,6 Fossola, Fontia, absolut 78 _ 14 394 95 14 Pontecimato Prozent 13,1 - 2,4 66,2 16,0 2,4 Fabbrica, Mela- absolut 46 _ 4 91 25 14 ra, S.
    [Show full text]
  • Queering European Sexualities Through Italy's Fascist Past
    Queering European Sexualities Through Italy’s Fascist Past What's Queer about Europe?: Productive Encounters and Re-enchanting Paradigms Mireille Rosello and Sudeep Dasgupta Print publication date: 2014 Print ISBN-13: 9780823255351 Published to Fordham Scholarship Online: September 2014 DOI: 10.5422/fordham/9780823255351.001.0001 Queering European Sexualities Through Italy’s Fascist Past Colonialism, Homosexuality, and Masculinities Sandra Ponzanesi DOI:10.5422/fordham/9780823255351.003.0005 Abstract and Keywords The promise of exotic and sensuous experiences lured European men away to the colonies. The colonies were also seen as a space of sexual liberation for people who did not fit European sexual norms. Within Europe, the responses to sexual dissidence have been far more diverse than acknowledged till now. In the case of Italy, the belated colonial experience in Eastern Africa coincided with fascist propaganda that cultivated a model of masculine virility. Yet the cult of the exposed healthy and athletic body harboured some contradictions. The chapter analyses the colonial response to same-sex relationships in the colonies, including the question of racial difference. A consideration of the racial and sexual politics in colonial East Africa will also be linked to contemporary theorizations of sex tourism, before the essay closes with an evaluation of how the above analyses might help reshape Queer Theory and an imaginary of Europe. Keywords: Italy, Colonialism, East Africa, Fascism, Masculinity In Italy, Ettore Scola’s film A Special Day (Italy, 1977) left an indelible mark and continues to be acknowledged as a masterpiece that transcends national cultures and cinematographic traditions. Set at the time of Italian fascism during the 1930s, the film takes radical positions on love and politics.
    [Show full text]
  • The Republic of Parties: from Singular to Plural in the 1948 Italian Constitution
    The Republic of Parties: From Singular to Plural in the 1948 Italian Constitution benedetta barbisan 1. When Political Parties and the Constitution the Resistance. The national flag might have Met: How To Make a Form of Government sufficed against the Germans, but, against Deliberately Inefficient and Unstable Mussolini’s puppet Fascist Social Republic in the North and the royal dictatorship in To understand what occurred in the the South, Italians needed a new banner of proceedings of the Constituent Assembly1 democracy that only the committees could and how the new form of government was champion. Symbolising the democratic engineered, we need to start our story political unity of the country, the CLN was «the most important political innovation of before, in fact from the so called svolta di 2 Salerno (turning point of Salerno) in April the Resistance» . The CLN was composed of the Commu- 1944, when the leader of the Communist nist Party (PCI), the Socialist Party (PSI- Party, Palmiro Togliatti, put forward the idea UP), the Action Party (Pd’A), the Christian of a compromise between antifascist parties Democratic Party (DC), the Labor Dem- gathered in the CLN, the House of Savoy ocrats (LD) and the Liberal Party (PLI), and the Prime Minister, Marshal Pietro each accorded an equal voice. During the Badoglio, to create the first government of years of the exile in France, the antifascist national unity since Mussolini’s deposition. groups had attempted to stay together, but In the late summer 1943 – after the fall in 1933 the effort had definitively failed. It of the fascist regime caused by the Grand was immediately after the armistice, then, Council of Fascism passing a vote of no that the CLN self-attributed a true constit- confidence against Mussolini –, a network uent power in the guise of an original public of committees mushroomed in several cit- institution3.
    [Show full text]