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Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943)

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Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943) UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL OF HISTORY AND CULTURES Department of History PhD in Modern History Consensus for Mussolini? Popular opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943) Supervisor: Prof. Sabine Lee Student: Marco Tiozzo Fasiolo ACADEMIC YEAR 2016-2017 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the University of Birmingham is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of my words. 3 Abstract The thesis focuses on the response of Venice province population to the rise of Fascism and to the regime’s attempts to fascistise Italian society. Key concepts discussed in this thesis include local identity, forms of individual and group loyalty, passive resistance, and social mobilisation – all factors that have been mentioned by historians in the past when discussing the Venice case but that have not yet been subject of a methodical study. Contributing to the ongoing historiographical debate on the nature of the Fascist dictatorship, the thesis argues that the regime did not manage to fulfil its totalitarian aspirations. This argument is developed around analysis of popular opinion and the way in which limited local consensus for the Fascist regime contributed to Fascism’s downfall. In order to offer a discussion of the extent to which Venetian society was fascistised, this thesis looks at numerous local social groups, at their attitudes towards the regime, and at how the rise of Fascism changed their internal dynamics. The thesis begins with a discussion of the Party, and to provides a clear picture of how ‘national’ and ‘local’ interacted alongside the establishment of the structures. The focus then shifts to the working class and the way it came to terms with the Fascist regime. The third chapter deals with two groups that provided a particular challenge to the regime’s totalitarian aspirations: Venetian Youth and the Catholic Church with its attempts to resist and to jeopardize the regime’s intention to monopolise every aspect of social life. The fourth chapter is a case-study of the Venetian Jewish community, of how the Race Laws affected the life of Venetian Jews. Lastly, the fifth chapter, by way of a conclusion, studies the ‘Fascist War’ (1940-1943) as a microcosm that explains for the local Venetian context how the lack of popular consent enhanced the regime’s inability to survive war-induced challenges. 4 Acknowledgements I owe much credit to my two supervisors Prof. Sabine Lee and Dr. Daniel Whittingham who have been both extremely encouraging in the most crucial and difficult moments and had the patience to support the development of the draft. They have supported me through the hardest times and responded promptly to my questions and spotted my major language mistakes of the chapters. I am grateful to the University of Birmingham for having given me the opportunity to attend the course and conclude my work. This thesis would not have been finished without the precious aid of Dr. Steffen Prauser who has helped me to select the subject of my thesis and supported me throughout. I thank all the institutions which have supported my research and a special thank goes to the men and women working at the Biblioteca Comunale di Chioggia who have always given me invaluable assistance in my bibliographical research. Above all, I want to thank my family who have encouraged me in all my projects, supporting me through the good and the bad times, understanding my frequent change of mood at times of particular pressure. I could not have done this without them. 5 Table of contents Introduction 1. Fascism and ‘Divided Memory’: politicians, historians and the 8 post-war discourse on Fascism 2. Totalitarianism and ‘Generic Fascism’: the Historiographical 18 Debate 3. Totalitarianism in Italian Fascism 22 4. The Debate on Fascist ‘Consent’ 26 5. Local Fascism: Themes and Debates 33 6. Veneto and Venezianità 37 7. Thesis Outline 42 8. Methodology and Sources 47 1. The Fascist Party in Venice Province (1919-1943) Introduction 55 1.1 The Rise of Fascism: Periphery and Centre before 1924 58 1.2 The Elections of 1924 86 1.3 The Establishment of Fascism during the Secretariats of Farinacci and Turati 91 1.4 Party and State: the Organisation of Power in the Province (1926) 106 1.5 ‘Poor Personnel’: the Inadequacies of the Ruling Elite 110 1.6 Provincial Battle for Power 119 1.7 The Secretariat of Giuriati (1930-1931) 125 1.8 Starace and the Party During the 1930s 132 2. Protest and repression: the Regime and the Workers during the Period of Country’s Changing Economic Fortunes (1925-1939) Introduction 142 2.1 Breaking the anti-Fascist Network: Towards the Fascist State (1925–1931) 143 2.2 The Destruction of the Anti-Fascist Communities 150 6 2.3 The Effectiveness of Fascist Policy from the Great Depression to the End of the Abyssinian War (1929-1937) 160 3. Challenges to the Regime: Venetian Catholics and Youth under the Regime (1922-1942) Introduction 184 3.1 The Origin of the Dispute between Church and State 186 3.2 Church and State Relations after the Signing of the Concordat (1929-1936) 203 3.3 Sustainable Fascism? the Fascist University Groups (1927- 1942) 214 4. The Venetian Jewish Community under Fascism (1922-1944) Introduction 229 4.1 From the Ethiopian Campaign to the Publication of the 233 Racial ‘Manifesto’ in 1938 4.2 The Proclamation of the Race Laws (1938-1939) 23 5 5. The Fascist War (1939-1943) Introduction 262 5.1 Venetians and Italy’s Entry into the War (1939-1941) 266 5.2 Rationing: the Failure of Mussolini’s Communication Strategy and Propaganda (1941-1942) 275 5.3 Popular Disaffection with the Regime (Late 1941-1942) 285 5.4 The Rapid Collapse of the Regime in Venice (Mid-1942-1943) 290 6. Conclusions 297 List of abbreviations in the footnotes 304 Bibliography 305 Maps 338 Appendices 341 Chronology of Italian Fascism 350 7 Introduction 1. Fascism and ‘Divided Memory’: politicians, historians and the post-war discourse on Fascism Post-war Italy was characterised by divided memory. 1 Contested and contrasting interpretations of the country’s recent past made it extremely difficult for the political institutions to build a ‘shared memory’ relating to Fascism. The formation of the Republic in 1946 was only a brief moment of unity when the contrasts and the factions were concealed. The creation of a dominant anti-Fascist culture and the exclusion of the narrative of the defeated created a discursive hegemony. Italian public opinion after the Second World War was completely immersed in the victors’ vulgata and the issue of the divided memory among Italians remained unsolved. 2 This narrative already started developing in the course of the war with the complicity of the monarchy, the Committee of National Liberation and the Allies. The aim of this national discourse was to blame Mussolini for having brought Italians into the war through an unnatural alliance with Germany and counter the repubblichini’s accusations that anti-Fascists were traitors of the country. This narrative was further reinforced by two main events: firstly, Gen. Dwight 1 F. Focardi, La guerra della memoria (Roma-Bari: Laterza, 2005), 6. The war produced different experiences and multiple memories: the Italian African campaign veterans, those of Albania, Greece and Yugoslavia (D. Conti, L’occupazione italiana dei Balcani. Crimini di guerra e mito della ‘brava gente’ (1940-1943) (Rome: Odradek, 2008), the partisans of different parties, the fascists of Salò (R. Chiarini, L’ultimo fascismo. Storia e memoria della Repubblica di Salò (Venice: Marsilio, 2009), the deported in the Nazi camps (L. Klinkhammer, Stragi naziste in Italia (Rome: Donzelli, 1977), the exiles from Istria and Dalmatia and those killed and put into the foibe (R. Pupo, Il lungo esodo. Istria: le persecuzioni, le foibe, l’esilio (Milan: Rizzoli, 2005). 2 J. Foot, Italy’s Divided Memory (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), 12. 8 Eisenhower’s public announcement of the surrender of Italy to the Allies and Italy’s signature of an unconditional Armistice on the 8 September 1943; secondly, the deposition of Mussolini from power in favour of Gen. Pietro Badoglio, the man who had assumed power in Mussolini’s stead by request of King Victor Emanuel.3 According to this narrative, Italians had no need to feel guilty about their Fascist past, the blame was only on Mussolini and his fellow Fascists. The scope of Fascism’s demonisation was to establish an implicit distinction between ‘good Italians’ and ‘bad Fascists’.4 The resistance against Germany was portrayed as a new popular Risorgimento in which Italians, innocent victims of the fanatic Fascist regime, were revolting against Mussolini.
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