Workers' Demonstrations and Liberals
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Chapter One: Introduction
CHANGING PERCEPTIONS OF IL DUCE TRACING POLITICAL TRENDS IN THE ITALIAN-AMERICAN MEDIA DURING THE EARLY YEARS OF FASCISM by Ryan J. Antonucci Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the History Program YOUNGSTOWN STATE UNIVERSITY August, 2013 Changing Perceptions of il Duce Tracing Political Trends in the Italian-American Media during the Early Years of Fascism Ryan J. Antonucci I hereby release this thesis to the public. I understand that this thesis will be made available from the OhioLINK ETD Center and the Maag Library Circulation Desk for public access. I also authorize the University or other individuals to make copies of this thesis as needed for scholarly research. Signature: Ryan J. Antonucci, Student Date Approvals: Dr. David Simonelli, Thesis Advisor Date Dr. Brian Bonhomme, Committee Member Date Dr. Martha Pallante, Committee Member Date Dr. Carla Simonini, Committee Member Date Dr. Salvatore A. Sanders, Associate Dean of Graduate Studies Date Ryan J. Antonucci © 2013 iii ABSTRACT Scholars of Italian-American history have traditionally asserted that the ethnic community’s media during the 1920s and 1930s was pro-Fascist leaning. This thesis challenges that narrative by proving that moderate, and often ambivalent, opinions existed at one time, and the shift to a philo-Fascist position was an active process. Using a survey of six Italian-language sources from diverse cities during the inauguration of Benito Mussolini’s regime, research shows that interpretations varied significantly. One of the newspapers, Il Cittadino Italo-Americano (Youngstown, Ohio) is then used as a case study to better understand why events in Italy were interpreted in certain ways. -
Tra Fascismo Ed Antifascismo Nel Salernitano
TRA FASCISMO E ANTIFASCISMO NEL SALERNITANO di Ubaldo Baldi Dopo la “grande paura” della borghesia italiana del biennio rosso e la “grande speranza” per il proletariato della occupazione delle fabbriche del settembre 1920 , gli anni che vanno dal 1920 al 1923 , sono caratterizzati in Italia dalle aggressioni squadristiche fasciste. Queste hanno l’obiettivo di smantellare militarmente le sedi dei partiti e delle organizzazioni sindacali della sinistra e con una strategia del terrore eliminare fisicamente e moralmente le opposizioni. Una essenziale , ma non meno drammatica, esposizione di cifre e fatti di questo clima terroristico si ricava da quanto scritto in forma di denunzia da A. Gramsci nell’ “Ordine Nuovo” del 23.7.21 . Nel salernitano il fascismo si afferma, sia politicamente che militarmente, relativamente più tardi, sicuramente dopo la marcia su Roma. Questo fu solo in parte dovuto alla forza e al consistente radicamento all’interno del proletariato operaio delle sue rappresentanze sindacali e politiche. Di contro gli agrari e il padronato industriale ma anche la piccola borghesia , in linea con il classico trasformismo meridionale, prima di schierarsi apertamente , attesero il consolidamento del fascismo e il delinearsi preciso della sua natura per poi adeguarsi conformisticamente alla realtà politico-istituzionale che andava rappresentandosi come vincente. Anche perché ebbero ampiamente modo di verificare e valutare concretamente i privilegi e i vantaggi economici che il fascismo permetteva loro. Il quadro economico provinciale -
Gli Emigrati Antifascisti Italiani a Parigi, Tra Lotta Di Liberazione E Memoria Della Resistenza
DOTTORATO DI RICERCA IN Ventesimo secolo: politica, economia e istituzioni CICLO XXV COORDINATORE Prof. Mannori Luca Gli emigrati antifascisti italiani a Parigi, tra lotta di Liberazione e memoria della Resistenza. (M-STO/04) Dottorando: Tutore Dott.ssa Pavone Eva Prof. Rogari Sandro Coordinatore Prof. Mannori Luca Anni 2010/2013 1 Acronimi e Sigle AICVAS, Associazione Italiana Combattenti Volontari Antifascisti di Spagna APP, Archives de la Préfecture de Police de Paris ACS, Archivio Centrale dello Stato, Roma ACS, CPC, Archivio Centrale dello Stato, Fondo del Ministero dell'Interno, serie Casellario Politico Centrale ACS, G1, Archivio Centrale dello Stato, Fondo del Ministero dell'Interno, Pubblica sicurezza, serie G1: Associazioni ACS, K1B, Archivio Centrale dello Stato, Fondo del Ministero dell'Interno, Pubblica sicurezza, serie K1B: Comunisti estero, Francia ACS, DGPS, PP, C, Archivio Centrale dello Stato, Fondo del Ministero dell'Interno Divisione Generale Pubblica Sicurezza, Polizia Politica, fascicoli per materia, categoria C: estero ANARC, Association Nationale des Anciens Combattants et Amis de la Résistance, ANPI, Associazione Nazionale Partigiani d'Italia MAE, Ministero degli Affari Esteri, Archivio Storico Diplomatico, Roma ARAC, Association républicaine des anciens combattants BDIC, Bibliothèque de Documentation International Contemporaine CADI, Comité d'action et de défense des immigrés CEDEI, Centre d'etudes et de documentation de l'émigration italienne CGT, Confederation générale du Travail CGTU, Confederation générale -
Italy's Atlanticism Between Foreign and Internal
UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 25 (January / Enero 2011) ISSN 1696-2206 ITALY’S ATLANTICISM BETWEEN FOREIGN AND INTERNAL POLITICS Massimo de Leonardis 1 Catholic University of the Sacred Heart Abstract: In spite of being a defeated country in the Second World War, Italy was a founding member of the Atlantic Alliance, because the USA highly valued her strategic importance and wished to assure her political stability. After 1955, Italy tried to advocate the Alliance’s role in the Near East and in Mediterranean Africa. The Suez crisis offered Italy the opportunity to forge closer ties with Washington at the same time appearing progressive and friendly to the Arabs in the Mediterranean, where she tried to be a protagonist vis a vis the so called neo- Atlanticism. This link with Washington was also instrumental to neutralize General De Gaulle’s ambitions of an Anglo-French-American directorate. The main issues of Italy’s Atlantic policy in the first years of “centre-left” coalitions, between 1962 and 1968, were the removal of the Jupiter missiles from Italy as a result of the Cuban missile crisis, French policy towards NATO and the EEC, Multilateral [nuclear] Force [MLF] and the revision of the Alliance’ strategy from “massive retaliation” to “flexible response”. On all these issues the Italian government was consonant with the United States. After the period of the late Sixties and Seventies when political instability, terrorism and high inflation undermined the Italian role in international relations, the decision in 1979 to accept the Euromissiles was a landmark in the history of Italian participation to NATO. -
Mao : a Great Leader of the International Proletariat and Of
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Anti-revisionism in Italy Giovanni Scuderi Mao: a great leader of the international proletariat and of oppressed nations and peoples Published: First present 22nd June 1993. This essay was presented to the International Seminar on Mao's Thought that took place in Gelsenkirchen (Germany) on the 6th and 7th November 1993 to celebrate the centenary of Mao's birthday. Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. The internationalist proletarian initiative on the part of the Center for Social Studies, directed by comrade Jose Maria Sison, is very important, providing a platform for representatives of Parties, Organizations and Marxist-Leninist Groups from different countries, on the occasion of the centenary of Mao Zedong's birth. It is a useful and militant way of paying our collective respects to a great leader of the revolution, and at the same time of reflecting on how his universal teachings may be applied to the realities of the respective countries. The exchange of opinions is a Marxist-Leninist approach; it is not simply a question of intellectual or structural information, but of learning from one another, checking the validity of one's own opinions, and correcting them if they turn out to be wrong. -
Once Again on Red Guards Austin: Lackeyism and U.S
Once Again on Red Guards Austin: Lackeyism and U.S. Empire 2018-02-20 00:42:22 -0400 Red Guards Austin’s (RGA) recent reply to our polemic RGA Is Not an MLM Organization provides us with more negative examples of the anti-people orienta- tion and practice that revolutionaries in the U.S. need to combat and overcome. In their reply, RGA claims that we don’t have “credentials” to talk about revo- lutionary politics, distorts quotes from our document, and obscures basic geopo- litical realities to justify their pro-imperialist and revisionist stands. RGA’s document itself is not actually written to refute our document, but rather to reassure their followers—most of whom seem not to have read our document— that RGA is correct, and that by extension they are correct for following RGA’s so-called leadership. The title itself, One More Time for Those in the Back, po- sitions RGA as a teacher, leading a class, with their facebook lackeys as the “good students” and those who disagree with RGA as students in the back who are not “listening up.”1 This relative positioning reveals a lot about how RGA imagines themselves, namely as bourgeois figures of authority. This idea is reinforced throughout their document at every level, and this practice further exposes their fundamentally anti-people outlook and politics. It’s worth restating that in our last document we concluded that RGA is not a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist (MLM) organization, and that they lack clarity on the most fundamental and basic lessons of MLM. -
Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943)
UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL OF HISTORY AND CULTURES Department of History PhD in Modern History Consensus for Mussolini? Popular opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943) Supervisor: Prof. Sabine Lee Student: Marco Tiozzo Fasiolo ACADEMIC YEAR 2016-2017 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the University of Birmingham is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of my words. 3 Abstract The thesis focuses on the response of Venice province population to the rise of Fascism and to the regime’s attempts to fascistise Italian society. -
Tigr V Zgodovini in Zgodovinopisju
TIGR V ZGODOVINI IN ZGODOVINOPISJU TIGR V ZGODOVINI IN ZGODOVINOPISJU UREDIL ALEŠ GABRIČ Ljubljana 2017 TIGR v zgodovini in zgodovinopisju ZALOŽBA INZ Odgovorni urednik dr. Aleš Gabrič ZBIRKA VPOGLEDI 17 ISSN 2350-5656 Aleš Gabrič (ur.) TIGR V ZGODOVINI IN ZGODOVINOPISJU Recenzenta dr. Žarko Lazarević dr. Egon Pelikan Jezikovni pregled Ajda Gabrič Oblikovanje Barbara Bogataj Kokalj Založnik Inštitut za novejšo zgodovino Tisk Medium d.o.o. Naklada 400 izvodov Izid knjige je podprla Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije Društvo TIGR Primorske CIP - Kataložni zapis o publikaciji Narodna in univerzitetna knjižnica, Ljubljana 94(497.4-15) TIGR v zgodovini in zgodovinopisju / uredil Aleš Gabrič. - Ljubljana : Inštitut za novejšo zgodovino, 2017. - (Zbirka Vpogledi, ISSN 2350-5656 ; 17) ISBN 978-961-6386-77-7 1. Gabrič, Aleš, 1963- 290693120 © 2017, Inštitut za novejšo zgodovino. Vse pravice so pridržane. Brez predhodnega pisnega dovoljenja izdajatelja je prepovedano reproduciranje, distribuiranje, dajanje v najem, javna priobčitev, objavljanje, predelava ali katera koli druga oblika uporabe tega dela ali njegovih delov, bodisi s fotokopiranjem, tiskanjem, snemanje ali shranitvijo in objavo v elektronski obliki. Predgovor VSEBINA Aleš Gabrič, Predgovor ........................................................................................................ 5 1 TIGR in primorski antifašizem.............................................................................7 Bojan Godeša, O primorskem antifašizmu ......................................................................... -
Download File
Translating Revolution in Twentieth-Century China and France Diana King Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2017 © 2017 Diana King All rights reserved ABSTRACT Translating Revolution in Twentieth-Century China and France Diana King In “Translating Revolution in Twentieth-Century China and France,” I examine how the two countries translated each other’s revolutions during critical moments of political and cultural crisis (the 1911 Revolution, the May Fourth Movement (1919), the Cultural Revolution (1966-76), and May 1968 in France), and subsequently (or simultaneously), how that knowledge was mobilized in practice and shaped the historical contexts in which it was produced. Drawing upon a broad range of discourses including political journals, travel narratives, films and novels in French, English and Chinese, I argue that translation served as a key site of knowledge production, shaping the formulation of various political and cultural projects from constructing a Chinese national identity to articulating women’s rights to thinking about radical emancipation in an era of decolonization. While there have been isolated studies on the influence of the French Revolution in early twentieth-century China, and the impact of the Chinese Cultural Revolution on the development of French Maoism and French theory in the sixties, there have been few studies that examine the circulation of revolutionary ideas and practices across multiple historical moments and cultural contexts. In addition, the tendency of much current scholarship to focus exclusively on the texts of prominent French or Chinese intellectuals overlooks the vital role played by translation, and by non-elite thinkers, writers, students and migrant workers in the cross-fertilization of revolutionary discourses and practices. -
Extreme Right Transnationalism: International Networking and Cross-Border Exchanges
Gale Primary Sources Start at the source. Extreme Right Transnationalism: International Networking and Cross-Border Exchanges Paul Jackson Senior Lecturer in History, University of Northampton Various source media, Political Extremism and Radicalism in the Twentieth Century EMPOWER™ RESEARCH While many historians have devoted themselves to forms of anti-fascism: divisions within the left. The examining the dynamics of fascist movements and Italian Communist Party was also formed at this time, regimes, the topic of ‘anti-fascism’ has traditionally and while initially supportive of the Arditi del Popolo, been neglected. However, historians and other later it instructed its members to withdraw their academics are now starting to take greater interest in engagement. The Arditi del Popolo was shut down by the study of those who opposed nationalist and racist the Italian state by 1924, while the Italian Communist extremists, and are developing new approaches to Party was itself banned from 1926. Splits within the understanding these complex cultures. Some, such as left have often been a characteristic of anti-fascist Nigel Copsey, have been concerned with developing politics, and in Italy during the 1920s such anti- sober, empirical accounts, exploring left-wing, centre fascists were driven by competing ideas on how to and even right-wing forms of anti-fascism, presenting develop an anti-capitalist revolution. In this case, the it as a heterogeneous politicised identity. Others, such issue helped to foster discord between a more as Mark Bray, have been more concerned with eclectic and anarchist variant of anti-fascism and a developing unapologetically partisan readings of the more centralised Communist version. -
PSI 1919-1922 Crisi Dello Stato Liberale
Dipartimento di Scienze Politiche Cattedra: Teoria e storia dei movimenti e dei partiti politici PSI 1919-1922 Crisi dello stato liberale Relatore Candidato Prof. Andrea Ungari Augusto Crestani 072782 ANNO ACCADEMICO 2016/2017 1 INDICE INTRODUZIONE…………………………………………………………………………p.2 CAPITOLO 1: IL SOCIALISMO ITALIANO o Un partito diviso in correnti…………………………………………………....….p.12 o Le contraddizioni del movimento socialista diviso………………………………..p.19 CAPITOLO 2: IL BIENNIO ROSSO o Cause della nevrastenia del dopoguerra italiano…………………………………..p.23 o Lo scontento popolare…………………………………………………………......p.33 o L’azione socialista………………………………………………………………...p.39 CAPITOLO 3: IL DECLINO DEL MASSIMALISMO o Italia Rivoluzionaria?...............................................................................................p.50 o Il fascismo come strumento della reazione………………………………………..p.57 o Il crollo socialista e l’epilogo dello stato liberale…………………………………p.62 CONCLUSIONI…………………………………………………………………………..p.71 BIBLIOGRAFIA………………………………………………………………………….p.78 ENGLISH SUMMARY…………………………………………………………………...p.81 2 INTRODUZIONE Il socialismo da quando prese piede in Italia nel 1882, con il primo deputato eletto, sperimentò una crescita vertiginosa che lo portò ad essere una delle ideologie dominanti degli italiani1. Questo viene testimoniato dalla crescita impetuosa dei voti del PSI nelle varie elezioni della fine dell’800 e di inizio ‘900. Alle prime elezioni politiche del dopoguerra, novembre 1919, il PSI raggiunge il 32,4% e 156 deputati, affermandosi come primo -
Socialismo E Combattentismo: La Lega Proletaria. 1918-1922
« Italia contemporanea » dicembre 1980, fase. 141 Socialismo e combattentismo: la Lega proletaria. 1918-1922 La storiografia italiana di questo secondo dopoguerra ha in più di una occasione fatto giustizia delle interpretazioni agiografiche e propagandistiche del regime fascista sul movimento combattentistico, senza tuttavia riuscire a liberarsi com pletamente dall’ipoteca di una visione riduttiva, concentrata sull’analisi della componente « nazionale » dell’organizzazione dei reduci *. L’indubbio progresso registrato dagli studi con la pubblicazione del ricco volume di G. Sabbatucci1 2 ha giustamente rivalutato la presenza all’interno delle organizzazioni nazionali di una forte ma minoritaria componente democratica di contro all’appiattimento delle analisi tradizionali tutte tese a riscontrare nel « movimento » un serbatoio di for ze proto e filo-fasciste. Tutti questi studi hanno comunque rivolto la propria analisi alle vicende politi co-istituzionali dei gruppi dirigenti, alla loro scarsa coesione politica ed ideologi ca e alla conseguente rapida caduta della parabola organizzativa; limitata atten zione è stata invece dedicata alla massa degli iscritti, alla composizione sociale, al rapporto con la società civile in generale e con i diversi partiti politici in partico lare, ai rapporti tra base e gruppi dirigenti e tra le varie organizzazioni di ispira zione combattentistica. Pur sottolineando l’accentuato antisocialismo dei pro grammi e dell’attività in generale, non se ne è mai, a mio modo di vedere, tenta to di ricollegare