ACTA HISTRIAE 24, 2016, 4, Pp
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Libertarian Marxism Mao-Spontex Open Marxism Popular Assembly Sovereign Citizen Movement Spontaneism Sui Iuris
Autonomist Marxist Theory and Practice in the Current Crisis Brian Marks1 University of Arizona School of Geography and Development [email protected] Abstract Autonomist Marxism is a political tendency premised on the autonomy of the proletariat. Working class autonomy is manifested in the self-activity of the working class independent of formal organizations and representations, the multiplicity of forms that struggles take, and the role of class composition in shaping the overall balance of power in capitalist societies, not least in the relationship of class struggles to the character of capitalist crises. Class composition analysis is applied here to narrate the recent history of capitalism leading up to the current crisis, giving particular attention to China and the United States. A global wave of struggles in the mid-2000s was constituitive of the kinds of working class responses to the crisis that unfolded in 2008-10. The circulation of those struggles and resultant trends of recomposition and/or decomposition are argued to be important factors in the balance of political forces across the varied geography of the present crisis. The whirlwind of crises and the autonomist perspective The whirlwind of crises (Marks, 2010) that swept the world in 2008, financial panic upon food crisis upon energy shock upon inflationary spiral, receded temporarily only to surge forward again, leaving us in a turbulent world, full of possibility and peril. Is this the end of Neoliberalism or its retrenchment? A new 1 Published under the Creative Commons licence: Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works Autonomist Marxist Theory and Practice in the Current Crisis 468 New Deal or a new Great Depression? The end of American hegemony or the rise of an “imperialism with Chinese characteristics?” Or all of those at once? This paper brings the political tendency known as autonomist Marxism (H. -
Tra Fascismo Ed Antifascismo Nel Salernitano
TRA FASCISMO E ANTIFASCISMO NEL SALERNITANO di Ubaldo Baldi Dopo la “grande paura” della borghesia italiana del biennio rosso e la “grande speranza” per il proletariato della occupazione delle fabbriche del settembre 1920 , gli anni che vanno dal 1920 al 1923 , sono caratterizzati in Italia dalle aggressioni squadristiche fasciste. Queste hanno l’obiettivo di smantellare militarmente le sedi dei partiti e delle organizzazioni sindacali della sinistra e con una strategia del terrore eliminare fisicamente e moralmente le opposizioni. Una essenziale , ma non meno drammatica, esposizione di cifre e fatti di questo clima terroristico si ricava da quanto scritto in forma di denunzia da A. Gramsci nell’ “Ordine Nuovo” del 23.7.21 . Nel salernitano il fascismo si afferma, sia politicamente che militarmente, relativamente più tardi, sicuramente dopo la marcia su Roma. Questo fu solo in parte dovuto alla forza e al consistente radicamento all’interno del proletariato operaio delle sue rappresentanze sindacali e politiche. Di contro gli agrari e il padronato industriale ma anche la piccola borghesia , in linea con il classico trasformismo meridionale, prima di schierarsi apertamente , attesero il consolidamento del fascismo e il delinearsi preciso della sua natura per poi adeguarsi conformisticamente alla realtà politico-istituzionale che andava rappresentandosi come vincente. Anche perché ebbero ampiamente modo di verificare e valutare concretamente i privilegi e i vantaggi economici che il fascismo permetteva loro. Il quadro economico provinciale -
Workers' Demonstrations and Liberals
Workers’ Demonstrations and Liberals’ Condemnations: the Italian Liberal Press’s Coverage of General Strikes, Factory Occupations, and Workers’ Self-Defense Groups during the Rise of Fascism, 1919-1922 By Ararat Gocmen, Princeton University Workers occupying a Turin factory in September 1920. “Torino - Comizio festivo in una officina metallurgica occupata.” L’Illustrazione italiana, 26 September 1920, p. 393 This paper outlines the evolution of the Italian liberal press’s in the liberal press in this way, it illustrates how working-class coverage of workers’ demonstrations from 1919 to 1922. The goal radicalism contributed to the rise of fascism in Italy.1 is to show that the Italian liberal middle classes became increas- ingly philofascistic in response to the persistency of workers’ dem- onstrations during this period. The paper analyzes articles from 1 I would like to thank Professor Joseph Fronczak for his guidance the Italian newspapers La Stampa and L’Illustrazione italiana, in writing this paper, especially for his recommended selections treating their coverage of general strikes, factory occupations, and from the existing historiography of Italian fascism that I cite workers’ self-defense groups as proxies for middle-class liberals’ throughout. I am also grateful to Professors Pietro Frassica and interpretations of workers’ demonstrations. By tracking changes Fiorenza Weinapple for instructing me in the Italian language 29 Historians of Italian fascism often divide the years lead- workers’ demonstrations took place during the working-class ing up to the fascists’ rise to power—from the immediate mobilization of 1919-1920, strikes—sometimes even large aftermath of the First World War at the beginning of 1919 to ones—remained a persistent phenomenon in the two years Benito Mussolini’s March on Rome in October 1922—into of violent fascist reaction that followed.7 Additionally, while two periods. -
Between the Local and the National: the Free Territory of Trieste, "Italianita," and the Politics of Identity from the Second World War to the Osimo Treaty
Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2014 Between the Local and the National: The Free Territory of Trieste, "Italianita," and the Politics of Identity from the Second World War to the Osimo Treaty Fabio Capano Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Recommended Citation Capano, Fabio, "Between the Local and the National: The Free Territory of Trieste, "Italianita," and the Politics of Identity from the Second World War to the Osimo Treaty" (2014). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 5312. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/5312 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Between the Local and the National: the Free Territory of Trieste, "Italianità," and the Politics of Identity from the Second World War to the Osimo Treaty Fabio Capano Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Sciences at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Modern Europe Joshua Arthurs, Ph.D., Co-Chair Robert Blobaum, Ph.D., Co-Chair Katherine Aaslestad, Ph.D. -
Nazionalismo E Localismo a Gorizia by Chiara Sartori MA, Università Di
Identità Forti: Nazionalismo e Localismo a Gorizia By Chiara Sartori M.A., Università di Trieste, 2000 A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Italian Studies at Brown University Providence, Rhode Island May, 2010 iv © Copyright 2010 by Chiara Sartori v This dissertation by Chiara Sartori is accepted in its present form by the Department of Italian Studies as satisfying the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Date_____________ _________________________________ (Prof. David Kertzer), Advisor Recommended to the Graduate Council Date_____________ _________________________________ (Prof. Massimo Riva), Reader Date_____________ _________________________________ (Prof. Claudio Magris), Reader Approved by the Graduate Council Date_____________ _________________________________ (Sheila Bonde), Dean of the Graduate School vi CURRICULUM VITAE Chiara Sartori was born in Gorizia (Italy) on May 11, 1973. While in high school and in college, she worked as freelance journalist for various local media sources (newspapers, radio, private television channels). After she earned the Laurea in Philosophy from the University of Trieste in 2000, she started a career as teacher. She was hired and worked for two years as an elementary teacher in the public school. Contemporarily, she was attending a Master in Philosophical Counseling in Turin. After her wedding in 2002 she followed her husband in Providence. She attended different English classes at Brown University and Drawing classes at RISD. She was then hired as visiting lecturer at Brown University. For one semester she taught three undergraduate-level Italian language courses. In 2003 she started the graduate program in the Department of Italian Studies at Brown University. -
Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943)
UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL OF HISTORY AND CULTURES Department of History PhD in Modern History Consensus for Mussolini? Popular opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943) Supervisor: Prof. Sabine Lee Student: Marco Tiozzo Fasiolo ACADEMIC YEAR 2016-2017 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the University of Birmingham is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of my words. 3 Abstract The thesis focuses on the response of Venice province population to the rise of Fascism and to the regime’s attempts to fascistise Italian society. -
Tigr V Zgodovini in Zgodovinopisju
TIGR V ZGODOVINI IN ZGODOVINOPISJU TIGR V ZGODOVINI IN ZGODOVINOPISJU UREDIL ALEŠ GABRIČ Ljubljana 2017 TIGR v zgodovini in zgodovinopisju ZALOŽBA INZ Odgovorni urednik dr. Aleš Gabrič ZBIRKA VPOGLEDI 17 ISSN 2350-5656 Aleš Gabrič (ur.) TIGR V ZGODOVINI IN ZGODOVINOPISJU Recenzenta dr. Žarko Lazarević dr. Egon Pelikan Jezikovni pregled Ajda Gabrič Oblikovanje Barbara Bogataj Kokalj Založnik Inštitut za novejšo zgodovino Tisk Medium d.o.o. Naklada 400 izvodov Izid knjige je podprla Javna agencija za raziskovalno dejavnost Republike Slovenije Društvo TIGR Primorske CIP - Kataložni zapis o publikaciji Narodna in univerzitetna knjižnica, Ljubljana 94(497.4-15) TIGR v zgodovini in zgodovinopisju / uredil Aleš Gabrič. - Ljubljana : Inštitut za novejšo zgodovino, 2017. - (Zbirka Vpogledi, ISSN 2350-5656 ; 17) ISBN 978-961-6386-77-7 1. Gabrič, Aleš, 1963- 290693120 © 2017, Inštitut za novejšo zgodovino. Vse pravice so pridržane. Brez predhodnega pisnega dovoljenja izdajatelja je prepovedano reproduciranje, distribuiranje, dajanje v najem, javna priobčitev, objavljanje, predelava ali katera koli druga oblika uporabe tega dela ali njegovih delov, bodisi s fotokopiranjem, tiskanjem, snemanje ali shranitvijo in objavo v elektronski obliki. Predgovor VSEBINA Aleš Gabrič, Predgovor ........................................................................................................ 5 1 TIGR in primorski antifašizem.............................................................................7 Bojan Godeša, O primorskem antifašizmu ......................................................................... -
Extreme Right Transnationalism: International Networking and Cross-Border Exchanges
Gale Primary Sources Start at the source. Extreme Right Transnationalism: International Networking and Cross-Border Exchanges Paul Jackson Senior Lecturer in History, University of Northampton Various source media, Political Extremism and Radicalism in the Twentieth Century EMPOWER™ RESEARCH While many historians have devoted themselves to forms of anti-fascism: divisions within the left. The examining the dynamics of fascist movements and Italian Communist Party was also formed at this time, regimes, the topic of ‘anti-fascism’ has traditionally and while initially supportive of the Arditi del Popolo, been neglected. However, historians and other later it instructed its members to withdraw their academics are now starting to take greater interest in engagement. The Arditi del Popolo was shut down by the study of those who opposed nationalist and racist the Italian state by 1924, while the Italian Communist extremists, and are developing new approaches to Party was itself banned from 1926. Splits within the understanding these complex cultures. Some, such as left have often been a characteristic of anti-fascist Nigel Copsey, have been concerned with developing politics, and in Italy during the 1920s such anti- sober, empirical accounts, exploring left-wing, centre fascists were driven by competing ideas on how to and even right-wing forms of anti-fascism, presenting develop an anti-capitalist revolution. In this case, the it as a heterogeneous politicised identity. Others, such issue helped to foster discord between a more as Mark Bray, have been more concerned with eclectic and anarchist variant of anti-fascism and a developing unapologetically partisan readings of the more centralised Communist version. -
Socialismo E Combattentismo: La Lega Proletaria. 1918-1922
« Italia contemporanea » dicembre 1980, fase. 141 Socialismo e combattentismo: la Lega proletaria. 1918-1922 La storiografia italiana di questo secondo dopoguerra ha in più di una occasione fatto giustizia delle interpretazioni agiografiche e propagandistiche del regime fascista sul movimento combattentistico, senza tuttavia riuscire a liberarsi com pletamente dall’ipoteca di una visione riduttiva, concentrata sull’analisi della componente « nazionale » dell’organizzazione dei reduci *. L’indubbio progresso registrato dagli studi con la pubblicazione del ricco volume di G. Sabbatucci1 2 ha giustamente rivalutato la presenza all’interno delle organizzazioni nazionali di una forte ma minoritaria componente democratica di contro all’appiattimento delle analisi tradizionali tutte tese a riscontrare nel « movimento » un serbatoio di for ze proto e filo-fasciste. Tutti questi studi hanno comunque rivolto la propria analisi alle vicende politi co-istituzionali dei gruppi dirigenti, alla loro scarsa coesione politica ed ideologi ca e alla conseguente rapida caduta della parabola organizzativa; limitata atten zione è stata invece dedicata alla massa degli iscritti, alla composizione sociale, al rapporto con la società civile in generale e con i diversi partiti politici in partico lare, ai rapporti tra base e gruppi dirigenti e tra le varie organizzazioni di ispira zione combattentistica. Pur sottolineando l’accentuato antisocialismo dei pro grammi e dell’attività in generale, non se ne è mai, a mio modo di vedere, tenta to di ricollegare -
Transnational Anarchism Against Fascisms: Subaltern Geopolitics and Spaces of Exile in Camillo Berneri’S Work Federico Ferretti
Transnational Anarchism Against Fascisms: subaltern geopolitics and spaces of exile in Camillo Berneri’s work Federico Ferretti To cite this version: Federico Ferretti. Transnational Anarchism Against Fascisms: subaltern geopolitics and spaces of exile in Camillo Berneri’s work. eds. D. Featherstone, N. Copsey and K. Brasken. Anti-Fascism in a Global Perspective, Routledge, pp.176-196, 2020, 10.4324/9780429058356-9. hal-03030097 HAL Id: hal-03030097 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-03030097 Submitted on 29 Nov 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Transnational anarchism against fascisms: Subaltern geopolitics and spaces of exile in Camillo Berneri’s work Federico Ferretti UCD School of Geography [email protected] This paper addresses the life and works of transnational anarchist and antifascist Camillo Berneri (1897–1937) drawing upon Berneri’s writings, never translated into English with few exceptions, and on the abundant documentation available in his archives, especially the Archivio Berneri-Chessa in Reggio Emilia (mostly published in Italy now). Berneri is an author relatively well-known in Italian scholarship, and these archives were explored by many Italian historians: in this paper, I extend this literature by discussing for the first time Berneri’s works and trajectories through spatial lenses, together with their possible contributions to international scholarship in the fields of critical, radical and subaltern geopolitics. -
Political Rituals and Discourses: the Case of Carinthia
doi:10.7592/FEJF2015.60.fikfak POLITICAL RITUALS AND DISCOURSES: THE CASE OF CARINTHIA Jurij Fikfak Abstract: This article discusses selected ritual practices in Klagenfurt (Sln. Celovec), the capital of the southernmost Austrian state of Carinthia (Germ. Kärnten). The first ritual is connected with October 10, when the 1920 plebiscite is commemorated on the streets of Klagenfurt. In this plebiscite, the majority of people voted for remaining a part of Austria, the successor state to Austria-Hun- gary. The second ritual is a more recent one, known as the Memorial Walk (Germ. Gedenkgehen, Sln. Spominska hoja). Various cultural practices are analysed, as well as the use of symbols and space, media, state, and national discourses. Keywords: alternative practice, memorial walk, Nazism, plebiscite, ritual prac- tices, use of discourse Political rituals are practices set in concrete chronotopes. They express and materialise a sense of belonging, the formation of identities, and the establishment of local, regional, ethnic, national, or state entities. They also represent an area of social cohesion, self-identification, the marking of social affiliation and the exclusion of the Other. Political rituals are unavoidable in social integration (Lukes 1975), socialisation of hierarchies, relations, and the use of power. They are used repeatedly, year after year, to define, embody, and materialise ethnic, language, and other barriers which do not allow a single person, socialised in any community, to remain unaffected or undecided. As Steven Lukes has put it, political rituals mobilise bias, but they also raise questions about the relationships between different discourses, for example, between the official political discourse of the ruling parties, media discourses, the so-called common sense discourse, and the subcultural discourse present mainly among various extremist groups. -
Thepartisans.Pdf
THE PARTISANS: The Underground Society Catalogue edited by Daša Pahor and Alexander Johnson antiquariat Design by Ivone Chao (ivonechao.com) Daša Pahor Cover: item 6 All items are subject to prior sale and are at the discretion of the vendor. Possession of the Antiquariat Daša Pahor GbR item(s) does not pass to the client until the invoice has been paid in full. Prices are in Euros. All Dasa Pahor & Alexander Johnson items are subject to return within 1 month of date or invoice, provided the item is returned in Jakob-Klar-Str. 12 the same condition as which it was sold. The vendor offers free worldwide shipping. 80796 München Germany Alle Festbestellungen werden in der Reihenfolge des Bestelleingangs ausgeführt. Das Angebot ist freibleibend. Unsere Rechnungen sind zahlbar netto nach Empfang. Bei neuen und uns +49 89 27372352 unbekannten Kunden behalten wir und das Recht vor, gegen Vorausrechnung zu liefern. Preise [email protected] verstehen sich in Euro. Rückgaberecht: 1 Monat. Zusendung Weltweit ist kostenlos. www.pahor.de Introduction is catalogue presents the largest and nest collection of printed works made by the “no other press in the world has paid such a high price” Yugoslav Partisans ever to be showcased internationally. e Yugoslav Partisans were the most successful resistance movement against the Axis occupation of Europe during World War II. During the four years of their existence they formed a complete underground society, with their own distinct propaganda, social customs, visual culture, literature, performing arts, schools, legal and governmental systems, communication networks and methods of conducting guerrilla and conventional warfare.