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Il 'Marchese Di Caporetto'

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Il 'Marchese Di Caporetto' Il ‘marchese di Caporetto’ Claudio Treves e l'interventismo di sinistra di Antonio Casali Figura centrale del movimento socialista e tra i A prominent leader of the socialist movement protagonisti, per oltre trent’anni, della vita po­ and outstanding figure of the Italian political litica italiana, Claudio Treves ha conosciuto un scenery for over thirty years, Claudio Treves singolare destino. L’ostracismo decretatogli du­ has experienced a remarkable destiny. The rante il ventennio fascista è sembrato infatti ostracism he suffered during the fascist era has trasmettersi, quasi senza soluzione di continui­ seemed to continue, almost unchanged, tà, all’Italia repubblicana e postresistenziale. through the post-resistance and republican Ignorato dalla cultura liberalsocialista; oggetto years. Disdained by the liberal-socialist culture, di una imbarazzata oleografia d’occasione da awkwardly commemorated every now and then parte della socialdemocrazia saragattiana; tenu­ by the right-wing socialdemocrats, kept aside to ai margini financo dal recente riaccendersi di even in the recent revival of the social-reformist interesse sull’esperienza del socialismo riformi­ tradition, Treves has so far met with a curious sta: Treves ha attirato su di sé, fino ai nostri political and historical ‘misfortune’. giorni, una insistita ‘sfortuna’ politica e storio­ This essay unearths the roots of that ‘misfor­ grafica. tune’, scrupulously revisiting the origins and Il presente articolo va alle radici di questa motives of the myth of the ‘marchese di Capo- ‘sfortuna’, ricostruendo analiticamente motiva­ retto’. Taking into account the years 1915- zioni ed origini del mito del ‘Marchese di Capo- 1917, it shows how Treves’ neutralism and paci­ retto’. Prendendo in esame gli anni 1915-1917 fism were harshly and unanimously opposed by dimostra come le posizioni neutraliste e pacifiste the so-called left-wing interventists, who are to di Treves abbiano incontrato l’insistita, virulen­ be regarded as the true inventors of the sarca­ ta ed unanime opposizione delle forze del cosid­ stic nickname imposed to Treves immediately detto interventismo di sinistra, il quale deve esse­ after the events of October-November 1917. As re considerato il vero e proprio responsabile del­ a matter of fact, both revolutionary and demo­ la definizione ‘marchese di Caporetto’ attribuita cratic interventists did not only fall in with al socialista torinese all’indomani dell’ottobre- Mussolini and the nationalists in their cam­ novembre 1917. Interventisti rivoluzionari e in­ paign against the “inner enemy” and the “de­ terventisti democratici infatti non solo si allinea­ featist”, but adopted a perfectly identical style rono a Benito Mussolini e ai nazionalisti nella of ideological intolerance and verbal violence. campagna contro il “nemico interno” e il “di­ Based on a large and careful examination of sfattista”, ma di Mussolini e dei nazionalisti press sources, the essay throws a clear light on giunsero a precorrere intolleranza ideologica e both the vicious character and the unsuspected parossismo verbale. Attraverso un vasto spoglio capillarity of the campaign waged against Clau­ di fonti a stampa il presente saggio evidenzia allo dio Treves in those crucial years. stesso tempo la pretestuosità e l’insospettabile capillarità della campagna intentata contro Claudio Treves fra il 1915 e il 1917. Italia contemporanea”, settembre 1990, n. 180 482 Antonio Casali Dalla neutralità all’intervento ziativa”, “L’Internazionale”, “Il Fronte in­ terno”, “Il Secolo”, “Lacerba”, “L’Unità”, Quando, nel dicembre 1917, Benito Musso­ “La Voce”: insomma tutta l’ampia costella­ lini coniava per Claudio Treves l’appellativo zione politica ed intellettuale che si è soliti “marchese di Caporetto”1 — il riferimento comprendere nelle espressioni interventismo polemico era al discorso parlamentare del 12 rivoluzionario e interventismo democratico2. luglio precedente con la celebre invocazione Divisi su alcune importanti questioni di poli­ finale: “il prossimo inverno non più in trin­ tica estera, ‘mussoliniani’ e ‘democratici’ cea” — esprimeva un giudizio che sarebbe erano stati infatti convergenti (allineandosi limitativo ricondurre e circoscrivere a mere spesso e volentieri alle tesi del più vieto na­ ragioni di avversione personale. Il durissimo zionalismo) su quelle di politica interna: in attacco del direttore del “Popolo d’Italia” primis nell’insistita campagna contro i neu­ s’inseriva infatti perfettamente (costituendo­ tralisti, visti alla stregua di “austriacanti”, ne una sorta di suggello finale) in quell’in- di “nemici interni” e di “disfattisti”. Sebbe­ tensa campagna di diffamazione lanciata da ne in sede storiografica si sia tentato a vario più parti, circa tre anni prima, all’indirizzo titolo — anche in questo secondo dopoguer­ del socialista torinese. Ad essa, oltre allo ra — di operare una netta distinzione fra de­ stesso Mussolini, avevano preso parte uomi­ mocratici e rivoluzionari3, cercando di giu­ ni come Leonida Bissolati, Ivanoe Bonomi, stificare le posizioni dei primi e di sottrarli Napoleone Colajanni, Roberto Farinacci, al giudizio di riprovazione che ha coinvolto i Pietro Nenni, Sergio Panunzio, Gaetano secondi4, l’operazione appare francamente Salvemini, Oliviero Zuccarini; giornali e ri­ poco plausibile. Chi operi un attento esame viste come “Azione socialista”, “L’Avan­ dell’operato e del linguaggio degli interven­ guardia”, il “Giornale del Mattino”, “L’Ini­ tisti (soffermandosi in particolar modo sui 1 Cfr. Ed ora ai fatti, “Il Popolo d’Italia”, 24 dicembre 1917, p. 1; poi in Benito Mussolini, Opera Omnia, Firenze, La Fenice, 1951, vol. X, p. 342. Ma già due mesi e mezzo prima l’invito di Treves era apparso a Mussolini un “vero e proprio appello alla diserzione” (Governo e nazione, “Il Popolo d’Italia”, 7 settembre 1917, p. 1; poi in Opera Omnia, cit., vol. IX, p. 166). 2 In assenza di studi complessivi sull’interventismo si vedano intanto le importanti rassegne di Paolo Alatri, La pri­ ma guerra mondiale nella storiografia italiana dell’ultimo ventennio, “Belfagor”, 1972, n. 5, pp. 559-95 e 1973, n. 1, pp. 53-96; Nicola Tranfaglia, Dalla neutralità italiana alle origini del fascismo: tendenze attuali della storiogra­ fia, in Dallo Stato liberale al regime fascista. Problemi e ricerche, Milano, Feltrinelli, 19763, pp. 53-98; Giorgio Ro- chat, L ’Italia nella prima guerra mondiale. Problemi di interpretazione e prospettive di ricerca, Milano, Feltrinelli, 1976; Mario Isnenghi, Interventismo, in II mondo contemporaneo. Storia d ’Italia, vol. II, Firenze, La Nuova Ita­ lia, 1978, pp. 563-571. Sull’interventismo democratico cfr. i riferimenti contenuti nei lavori di Raffaele Colapietra, Leonida Bissolati, Milano, Feltrinelli, 1959, pp. 250-252; Gaspare De Caro, Salvemini, Torino, Utet, 1970, pp. 262-267 e 288-292; Fernando Manzotti, Il socialismo riformista in Italia, Firenze, Le Monnier, 1965, pp. 112-115 e 122-132. Fonda- mentale lo studio di M. Isnenghi, Il mito della grande guerra, Bologna, Il Mulino, 19892. Sull’interventismo di sini­ stra cfr. il discutibile saggio di Renzo De Felice, L ’interventismo rivoluzionario, in Aa.Vv., Il trauma dell’interven­ to 1914-1919, Firenze, Vallecchi, 1968, pp. 273-291; e più recentemente l’informato contributo di Giovanna Pro­ cacci, Gli interventisti di sinistra, la rivoluzione di febbraio e la politica interna italiana nel 1917, “Italia contempo­ ranea”, 1980, n. 138, pp. 49-83. 3 Cfr. soprattutto R. De Felice, Mussolini il rivoluzionario, Torino, Einaudi, 1965, pp. 334-400. 4 Cfr. Roberto Vivarelli, Il dopoguerra in Italia e l’avvento del fascismo, I, (1918-1922), Napoli, Istituto italiano per gli studi storici, 1967, pp. 84-114, che pur riconoscendo la carica antiparlamentare presente nell’interventismo democratico ne avalla la bontà dell’ispirazione originaria: “nei democratici il richiamo alla piazza contro un Parla­ mento che si riteneva corrotto era ispirato dall’istanza di attribuire più largo potere al popolo” (p. 92) e tende a li­ mitarne la corresponsabilità nelle scelte reazionarie compiute durante la guerra (pp. 104-105). Il ‘marchese di Caporetto’ 483 loro organi di stampa) difficilmente sfuggirà cratico’, arrecò un contributo difficilmente all’impressione che nel clima di union sacrée e sopravvalutabile, operando da vero e proprio di esaltazione patriottica aleggiante in Italia battistrada della provocazione antisocialista e frail 1915 e il 1918 i ‘democratici’ abbiano as­ antipopolare. sunto una collocazione sostanzialmente con­ servatrice, se non reazionaria, subordinata di Al momento in cui, il 28 luglio 1914, l’Au- fatto alle forze nazional-liberali. Spinti da un stria-Ungheria dichiarava guerra alla Serbia vero e proprio furore persecutorio ed ossessi­ innescando la miccia della prima guerra mon­ vo i fogli interventisti di sinistra (da quelli ra­ diale, Claudio Treves aveva quarantacinque dicali a quelli repubblicani, da quelli bissola- anni ed era unanimemente considerato in Ita­ tiani a quelli mussoliniani, da quelli salvemi- lia e all’estero quale uno degli esponenti più niani a quelli sindacalisti ed anarchici) si mos­ rappresentativi del Psi. Appena qualche setti­ sero fin dai primi mesi di guerra all’insegna di mana prima il rivoluzionario russo Ananin, al una serie ben precisa di coordinate comuni. suo primo viaggio in Europa occidentale, ave­ Esse comprendevano: una evidente rescissio­ va non a caso riconosciuto in lui “l’uomo più ne dei vecchi legami con le classi lavoratrici; erudito e di
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