A Political Exile ‘Relived’
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The Origins of the European Integration: Staunch Italians, Cautious British Actors and the Intelligence Dimension (1942-1946) Di Claudia Nasini
Eurostudium3w gennaio-marzo 2014 The Origins of the European Integration: Staunch Italians, Cautious British Actors and the Intelligence Dimension (1942-1946) di Claudia Nasini The idea of unity in Europe is a concept stretching back to the Middle Ages to the exponents of the Respublica Christiana. Meanwhile the Enlightenment philosophers and political thinkers recurrently advocated it as a way of embracing all the countries of the Continent in some kind of pacific order1. Yet, until the second half of the twentieth century the nationalist ethos of Europeans prevented any limitation of national sovereignty. The First World War, the millions of casualties and economic ruin in Europe made the surrendering of sovereignty a conceivable way of overcoming the causes of recurring conflicts by bringing justice and prosperity to the Old World. During the inter-war years, it became evident that the European countries were too small to solve by their own efforts the problem of a modern economy2. As a result of the misery caused by world economic crisis and the European countries’ retreating in economic isolationism, various forms of Fascism emerged in almost half of the countries of Europe3. The League of Nations failed to prevent international unrest because it had neither the political power nor the material strength to enable itself to carry 1 Cfr. Andrea Bosco, Federal Idea, vol. I, The History of Federalism from Enlightenment to 1945, London and New York, Lothian foundation, 1991, p. 99 and fll.; and J.B. Duroselle, “Europe as an historical concept”, in C. Grove Haines (ed.by) European Integration, Baltimore, 1958, pp. -
Joyce Lussu's 'Africa, out of Portugal': Translating José
JOYCE LUSSU’S ‘AFRICA, OUT OF PORTUGAL’: TRANSLATING JOSÉ CRAVEIRINHA, KAOBERDIANO DAMBARÀ, MARCELINO DOS SANTOS, AGOSTINHO NETO, AND ALEXANDER O’NEILL IN ITALIAN CLAUDIA CAPANCIONI Abstract: Joyce Lussu (1912–1998) was Resumo: Joyce Lussu (1912–1998) foi a prolific writer and translator whose uma escritora e tradutora prolífica cujas publications include poetic, literary, au- publicações incluem textos poéticos, lite- tobiographical, political and historical rários, autobiográficos, políticos e histó- texts. This essay aims to establish the ricos. Este ensaio busca estabelecer a significance of studying Joyce Lussu in significância de se estudar Joyce Lussu, Translation Studies as a “cultural media- no contexto dos Estudos da Tradução, tor” of what she defines as “effective po- enquanto “mediadora cultural” do que etry”, that is, poetry which bears witness ela denomina “poesia efetiva”, ou seja, to ethnic identities that “exist in [peo- de uma poesia que dá testemunho de ple’s] conscience but not on a map” identidades étnicas que “existem na (Lussu 1988: 106), to situations in which consciência [das pessoas] mas não em people are subjected to poverty, igno- um mapa” (Lussu 1988: 106), de situa- rance, or colonialism. From the 1960s, ções em que seres humanos são sujeita- she rendered, for the first time into Ital- dos à pobreza, à ignorância, ou ao colo- ian, African, Albanian, African- nialismo. A partir dos anos 60, verteu pe- American, Inuit, Kurdish and Vietnam- la primeira vez ao italiano poetas africa- ese poets, such as Agostinho Neto, José nos, albaneses, afro-americanos, inuítes, Craveirinha, Nazim Hikmet and Ho Chi curdos e vietnamitas, tais como Agosti- Minh. -
Emilio Lussu La Brigata Sassari
EMILIO LUSSU Armungia (Cagliari) 4 dicembre 1890 - Roma 5 marzo 1975. Allo scoppio della Grande Guerra si schierò con gli interventisti democratici. Ufficiale di complemento della Brigata Sassari, nel 1916 si trovava sulle montagne intorno ad Asiago, dove si creò un fronte per resistere alla discesa degli austriaci. Fu una lotta sanguinosa, a seguito della quale Lussu scrisse Un anno sull’Altipiano, 1938 (dal quale è tratto il film di Francesco Rosi Uomini contro, 1970), un prezioso documento sulla vita dei soldati in trincea che descrive l’irrazionalità e il non-senso della guerra e dell’esasperata disciplina militare. La vicenda bellica lo portò ad avvicinarsi alle tesi di Filippo Turati, che condannava la guerra come strumento per raggiungere la pace. Finita la guerra e tornato in Sardegna, nel 1919 fu tra i fondatori Partito Sardo d’Azione a Cagliari. Fu eletto deputato nel 1921 e nel 1924. Tra i più fermi accusatori di Mussolini, subì nel 1926 un assalto di squadristi nella sua casa di Cagliari. Si difese a colpi di pistola e un fascista fu ucciso. Lussu venne arrestato e incarcerato per 13 mesi. Assolto per legittima difesa, fu confinato per 5 anni a Lipari. Riuscì a evadere nel 1929, rifugiandosi a Parigi dove, con altri rifugiati politici italiani, diede vita a Giustizia e Libertà. Ritornò in Italia e nel 1945 entrò a far parte del governo Parri. Nel 1946 fu eletto all’Assemblea Costituente e in seguito fece parte del primo governo De Gasperi. Con lo scioglimento del Partito d’Azione aderì, ne1947, al Partito Socialista e nel 1964 fu tra i fondatori del Partito Socialista di Unità Proletaria. -
Il 'Marchese Di Caporetto'
Il ‘marchese di Caporetto’ Claudio Treves e l'interventismo di sinistra di Antonio Casali Figura centrale del movimento socialista e tra i A prominent leader of the socialist movement protagonisti, per oltre trent’anni, della vita po and outstanding figure of the Italian political litica italiana, Claudio Treves ha conosciuto un scenery for over thirty years, Claudio Treves singolare destino. L’ostracismo decretatogli du has experienced a remarkable destiny. The rante il ventennio fascista è sembrato infatti ostracism he suffered during the fascist era has trasmettersi, quasi senza soluzione di continui seemed to continue, almost unchanged, tà, all’Italia repubblicana e postresistenziale. through the post-resistance and republican Ignorato dalla cultura liberalsocialista; oggetto years. Disdained by the liberal-socialist culture, di una imbarazzata oleografia d’occasione da awkwardly commemorated every now and then parte della socialdemocrazia saragattiana; tenu by the right-wing socialdemocrats, kept aside to ai margini financo dal recente riaccendersi di even in the recent revival of the social-reformist interesse sull’esperienza del socialismo riformi tradition, Treves has so far met with a curious sta: Treves ha attirato su di sé, fino ai nostri political and historical ‘misfortune’. giorni, una insistita ‘sfortuna’ politica e storio This essay unearths the roots of that ‘misfor grafica. tune’, scrupulously revisiting the origins and Il presente articolo va alle radici di questa motives of the myth of the ‘marchese di Capo- -
Il Fuoruscitismo Italiano Dal 1922 Al 1943 (*)
IL FUORUSCITISMO ITALIANO DAL 1922 AL 1943 (*) Possiamo organicamente dividere l’emigrazione politica, uno de gli aspetti più rilevanti della storia italiana durante i primi anni del regime fascista, in tre grandi periodi (1). Durante il primo, che va dal 1922 al 1924, tale esodo può apparire motivato da considerazioni economiche, proprio come era avvenuto per molti decenni; tuttavia, anche in questo periodo iniziale, in cui il fascismo non aveva ancora assunto il suo carattere dittatoriale, vi erano motivi politici che face vano capolino nella emigrazione. A migliaia di italiani che, senza un particolare interesse politico, avevano cercato lavoro sui mercati di Francia, Svizzera e Belgio, presto si aggiunsero numerosi altri la voratori, di idee socialiste od anarchiche, che avevano preso parte (1) Le seguenti statistiche possono dare un’idea delle variazioni nell’emigra zione. E’ impossibile, naturalmente, stabilire quanti emigrati fossero spinti prin cipalmente da motivi politici e quanti da considerazioni economiche. Le cifre sono prese dall’« Annuario Statistico italiano », Istituto centrale di Statistica, 1944-48, Serie V (Roma, 1949), I, 49. Anno Emigrazione verso Emigrazione verso Emigraz. ve la Francia l’Europa (Francia compr.) Paesi non Euro 1921 44.782 84.328 116.963 1922 99.464 155.554 125.716 1923 167.982 205.273 184.684 1924 201.715 239.088 125.282 1925 145.529 177.558 101.873 1926 111.252 139.900 122.496 1927 52.784 86.247 132.687 1928 49.351 79.173 70.794 1929 51.001 88.054 61.777 1930 167.209 220.985 59.112 1931 74.115 125.079 40.781 1932 33.516 58.545 24.803 1933 35.745 60.736 22.328 1934 20.725 42.296 26.165 1935 11.666 30.579 26.829 1936 9.614 21.682 19.828 1937 14.717 29.670 30.275 1938 10.551 71.848 27.99-* 1939 2.015 56.625 16.198 L’articolo è qui pubblicato per cortese concessione del « Journal of Central European Affairs » (University of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado) che l’ha pubbli cato il 1 aprile 1952 (voi. -
Repression of Homosexuals Under Italian Fascism
ªSore on the nation©s bodyº: Repression of homosexuals under Italian Fascism by Eszter Andits Submitted to Central European University History Department In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Constantin Iordachi Second Reader: Professor Miklós Lojkó CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2010 Statement of Copyright Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may be not made with the written permission of the Author. CEU eTD Collection ii Abstract This thesis is written about Italian Fascism and its repression of homosexuality, drawing on primary sources of Italian legislation, archival data, and on the few existent (and in most of the cases fragmentary) secondary literatures on this puzzling and relatively under- represented topic. Despite the absence of proper criminal laws against homosexuality, the Fascist regime provided its authorities with the powers to realize their prejudices against homosexuals in action, which resulted in sending more hundreds of ªpederastsº to political or common confinement. Homosexuality which, during the Ventennio shifted from being ªonlyº immoral to being a real danger to the grandness of the race, was incompatible with the totalitarian Fascist plans of executing an ªanthropological revolutionºof the Italian population. Even if the homosexual repression grew simultaneously with the growing Italian sympathy towards Nazi Germany, this increased intolerance can not attributed only to the German influence. -
Structural Reforms and Macro-Economic Policy
Structural reforms and macro-economic policy European Trade Union Confederation Structural reforms and macro-economic policy avec le soutien de la Commission Européenne with the support of the European Commission European Trade Union Confederation overview Introduction – Reiner Hoffmann 5 Part I : Structural reforms: What has been done so far? 9 ■ Lack of structural reform and low growth performance in the euro area – Ronald Janssen 11 ■ Labour markets in transition: Combining flexibility and security 15 in Central and Eastern Europe - Sandrine Cazes and Nesprovova Alena. ■ The trade union’s view on labour market policies: 21 the case of the Czech Republic – Pavel Janicko ■ Labour market reforms in Italy – Claudio Treves 23 Part II : Structural reforms : The way ahead 25 ■ A trade union agenda for structural reform – Ronald Janssen 27 ■ The Open Method of Coordination six years on: 37 From flamboyant promises to unrealistic expectations – Niklas Noaksson ■ Labour market reform: A perspective from Sweden – Åke Zettermark 48 ■ Getting trapped in low wage jobs: The experience from France – Emmanuel Mermet 51 Part III : Structural reforms and the European macro-economic 53 policy regime ■ Monetary policy and structural reforms in the euro area –Ad Van Riet 55 ■ Potential output: A questionable concept – Gustav Horn 62 ■ The Stability and Growth Pact: 69 Stability without growth? – Cathérine Mahieu and Henri Sterdyniak ■ The euro area drifting apart – Jörg Bibow 76 ■ Labour market re-regulation in the UK – Richard Exell 87 Order form 93 / 3 PART I: introduction Reiner Hoffmann ‘Reforms, reforms, reforms’, that is the conven- tion of the different interventions that were made at tional wisdom of many European policy makers this conference. -
Consensus for Mussolini? Popular Opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943)
UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM SCHOOL OF HISTORY AND CULTURES Department of History PhD in Modern History Consensus for Mussolini? Popular opinion in the Province of Venice (1922-1943) Supervisor: Prof. Sabine Lee Student: Marco Tiozzo Fasiolo ACADEMIC YEAR 2016-2017 2 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the PhD degree of the University of Birmingham is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of my words. 3 Abstract The thesis focuses on the response of Venice province population to the rise of Fascism and to the regime’s attempts to fascistise Italian society. -
Neverland: Sardinia and the Independence Project of Progres
Neverland: Sardinia and the independence project of ProgReS Antonella Seddone (University of Turin) Arianna Giovannini (Leeds Metropolitan University) Paper presented at the PSA 64th Annual International Conference Manchester, 14-16 April 2014 (this paper is a work in progress as the research on which it is based is still on-going — please do not quote without the authors’ permission) Authors’ contact details: [email protected]; [email protected] Introduction Among the Italian regions, Sardinia certainly stands out as one with very a distinctive identity, cultural and historical traits. Since the post-war period, a wide number of ethno- regionalist parties have attempted to exploit such distinctiveness, seeking some for of autonomy from the Italian Republic – drawing in particular on the experience of the Partito Sardo d’Azione. However, none of these political forces has managed to gain much public support or political clout either at regional or national level, especially due to the intrinsically divisive and exclusionary nature of their political message and organisation. Within this context, the attention of this paper is focussed on ProgReS (Progetu Repùblica de Sardigna) – one of the ‘youngest’ ERPs in Sardinia. Although born only in 2011, ProgReS has immediately stood out in the Sardinian political context, especially for its ambition to open a new way for independentism based on a new rhetoric of ‘sardismo’, which finds its strength in the grassroots, rather than in the political elite (as in the experience of PSd’Az, for example). Hence, the aim of this article is shed light on this new political actor, in order to understand its structures and organisation, and the way in which it seeks to politicise Sardinian identity. -
Interventionism (Italy) | International Encyclopedia of the First World War
Version 1.0 | Last updated 08 January 2017 Interventionism (Italy) By Stéfanie Prezioso Italy entered the First World War in May 1915, roughly ten months after it began. During those ten months, the battle of opinions for and against intervention raged on. Public meetings, demonstrations, and street clashes that occasionally left partisans of neutrality (socialists, Catholics and liberals close to Giovanni Giolitti) wounded put the debate in the public eye. Table of Contents 1 The Various Interventionist Currents 2 Benito Mussolini and “Revolutionary” Interventionism 3 Interventionism and Anti-fascism 4 Conclusion Selected Bibliography Citation 1. The Various Interventionist Currents The complex constellation in favor of intervention linked radical cultural currents with a range of political movements. Its nationalist element connected the idea of Italian expansionism into the Balkans and the Adriatic Sea with opposition to representative democracy and socialism. But there was also a significant democratic/revolutionary interventionist configuration on the left. Republicans, revolutionary trade-unionists, and anarcho-syndicalists saw war as a means to an end, a way to fight the Central European empires, free the oppressed, radically transform Italian society, and end the monarchy. Some also wanted power to pass into the hands of the working class. 2. Benito Mussolini and “Revolutionary” Interventionism Alongside the founder of futurism, Filippo Tommaso Marinetti (1876-1944), and the poet Gabriele Interventionism (Italy) - 1914-1918-Online 1/3 D’Annunzio (1863-1938), both key purveyors of nationalist myths, it was Benito Mussolini (1883- 1945) – expelled from the Italian Socialist Party in October 1914 over his pro-war positions – who became the most important spokesman for the forces that coalesced in November 1914 under the name Fasci di azione rivoluzionaria, with confused slogans that both opposed and championed revolution. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science
The London School of Economics and Political Science «Les Belles Années du Plan»? Hendrik de Man and the Reinvention of Western European Socialism, 1914-36 ca. Tommaso Milani A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2017. 1 DECLARATION I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgment is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 99,843 words. 2 ABSTRACT The thesis discusses the trajectory of the Belgian socialist thinker and activist Hendrik de Man (1885-1953) between 1914 and 1936 ca, with particular attention to his endeavours to renew Western European social democracy after the Great War. The first half of the thesis deals with de Man’s theoretical evolution. Having become convinced of the inadequacy of orthodox Marxism as a conceptual framework for the Left while serving as soldier and diplomat during WWI, de Man sought to overcome the split between reformism and revolutionary socialism by developing an ethical conception of socialism outlined in the book Zur Psychologie des Sozialismus (1926) and, subsequently, by elaborating planism, a democratic socialist ideology supposedly more in tune with the socio-economic conditions of the 1930s. -
Consciousness and Revolution: the Marxism of Antonio Gramsci, 1911-1921
Consciousness and Revolution: The Marxism of Antonio Gramsci, 1911-1921 STEVEN FINN WHITE* J "The only philosophy is history in action, that is, life itself." • - Antonio Gramsci The ideology which Karl Marx bequeathed to his followers in the international socialist movement proved to be a compound as unstable as it was explosive. The rich variety of interpretations which Marxist socialism generated, while reflecting the scope and power of the ideology, also splintered the movement in every major European country. In Italy, the socialist party was sharply divided by 1902 between moderate positivists 1 like Filippo Turati, founder of the party, and insurrectionary intransigents, many of whom were influenced by the revolutionary syndicalism of Georges Sorel. While the moderates believed, like Friedrich Engels, in an inevitable but unhurried coming of socialism, the intransigents emphasized Marx's unshakeable faith in revolutionary change; they developed a doctrine which stressed spontaneity and the power of both will and ideas to transform reality. After years of factional struggle, the party ousted Turati permanently from its leadership in 1912. Yet his successors were unable to dethrone his complacent positivism. In the decade and a half which preceded and encompassed the First World War, the fundamental philosophical disagreement between apostles of evolutionary determinism and revolutionary voluntarism remained unresolved. In the last year of the war a young Turinese socialist, Antonio Gramsci, transcended the terms of this disagreement and began to draw together the elements for a new Italian Marxism. As a student at the University of Turin between 1911 and 1916, Gramsci had been impressed with the German idealist tradition.